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AUTHOR: 
 
 NAPIER, HENRY 
 EDWARD 
 
 TITLE: 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY, 
 FROM THE EARLIEST ... 
 
 PLACE: 
 
 LONDON 
 
 DA TE : 
 
 1 846-47 
 
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 945F66 
 N162 
 
 Napier, Henry Edward, 1789-1853. 
 
 Florentine history, from the earliest authentic records to the 
 accession of Ferdinand the Third, grand duke of Tuscany. By 
 Henry Edward Napier ... London, E. Moxon, 1846-47. 
 
 6 T. plates, maps, plan. 18". 
 
 1. Tuscany— Hist. 
 
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FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 \ 
 
FLORENTINE HISTORY, 
 
 1 KOM THE EARLIEST AUTHENTIC RECORDS 
 
 TO THE ACCESSION OF 
 
 FERDINAND THE THIRD, 
 
 Ma quell' ingnto popolo maligno 
 Che discese di Fiesole ab antico, 
 E tiene ancor del monte e del macigno. 
 
 Dantk. I 'I f'enw. Canto \v. 
 
 E come '1 volger del ciel della Uina 
 Cuopre ed iscuopre i liti sanza posa, 
 €o«i far di Fiorenza la fortuna : 
 
 Pferche non dee parer mirabil cosa 
 Ci6 ch* io diro degli alti Fiorentini. 
 Onde la fama nel tempo ^ nascosa. 
 
 Da.vtb, Paradito, Canto xvi 
 
 GRAND DUKE OF TUSCANY. 
 
 BY 
 
 HENEY EDWARD NAPIER, 
 
 Captain in the Royal Navy, FR S. 
 
 « 
 
 IN SIX VOLUMES 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 i 
 
 LONDON: 
 EDWARD MOXON, DOVER STREET. 
 
 MDCCCXLVI. 
 
TO 
 
 MAJOR-CENERAL SIR CHARLES JAMES NAPIER, C.C.B. 
 
 Governor of Scinde. &c. 
 
 LOKDON -. 
 «BADBU»T ASD BVAS8. FIll?iT«RS, Waif«f»l*«». 
 
 There are some men who create matter for History, others 
 who only write it ; you now belong to the former and may here- 
 after to both : I, in the following pages have tried although 
 at a most humble distance, to approach the latter. Such as they 
 are I dedicate them to you without whose aid 1 never could 
 have prudently ventured to place them before the world. For 
 ten years of sickness and sorrow they have been my constant 
 companions and whatever may be their fate my obligation to you 
 remains unaltered. 
 
 London, 
 
 October, 184(5. 
 
 Your affectionate Brother, 
 
 HENRY EDWARD NAPIER. 
 
 Jl i. JL <J tJ ^ 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Objections maybe made to the length and details 
 of this work, and they are generally grievous faults; 
 but can a nation's story be well told \iithout them ? 
 Can the character manners and customs of a people, 
 their laws social state, physical comforts, and moral 
 condition, be fairly or usefuUy displayed in brief 
 descriptions of political facts or nulitary enterprises 
 however agreeably related? Are not the former 
 essential parts of history, and the latter rather the 
 memoirs of a few leading individuals or paiticular 
 faxitions, of vast importance to be known, but still 
 only a part, and to the philosopher and philanthro- 
 pist perhaps not the most instructive or affecting 
 part of national history ? No people can be known 
 by riding post through their country against time : 
 a few striking features, many interesting objects, 
 may catch the eye and pass like shadows, but 
 scarcely come home to the understanding or leave 
 
 '\ 
 
VI 11 
 
 PREFxVCE. 
 
 any lasting impression on the mind. Long resi- 
 dence is absolutely necessary to become familiar 
 with the inhabitants; we must study their mode 
 of living, enter theii- societ}^ obser\e their daily 
 occupations, join in their amusements, and mix 
 ourselves up with them in all the little incidents of 
 every-day existence, to acquire a thorough know- 
 ledge of their real condition and complexion ; and 
 but few even in our own countiy arc thus intimate 
 with the classes either above or below their own. 
 In like manner short sketchy histories, whetlkM- pro- 
 found or superficial, give a general notion of their 
 subject but bar our entrance into the common spirit 
 and characteristics of the people*: we are not identi- 
 fied ^-ith them ; their annals are like water sprinkled 
 in our face; they refresh without quenching the 
 thirst. A stranger unacquainted with national cus- 
 toms feels this both in travel and history; and it 
 often happens that the very depth, cleurness, and 
 general excellence of Macchiavelli only make us the 
 more regret his brevity. Past ages are as foreign 
 countries to the present, wherefore the frequent 
 exhibition of those trifling incidents, whether of 
 manners or character, of the individual or com- 
 
 • «* As for the corruptions and moths all men of sound judjrment hasc ton 
 of history which arc epitomes, the use fessed;'&r.-( Vidthixcon,Advanre- 
 of them dcservcth to be banished as ment of Leanunfjy Book ii., p. /». 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 IX 
 
 munity, which combine to effect important results 
 and weave the web of history ; all tend to produce 
 that intimate acquaintance with the nation which 
 must necessarily be omitted in shorter narratives. 
 To those who may be is^norant of Italian manners 
 and history and who read for such information, the 
 Icngtli and minuteness of this work would need no 
 apology if its style and general character could 
 hope to escape reproach. But Avhy write so long a 
 story al)out so small a country? Because history 
 like learning '^ convcyeth medicine into men^s minds 
 by the quickness and penetration of examples :'* 
 Because her lessons, which are the records of expe- 
 rience and the beacons of human error, may, as in 
 the Grecian republics, be taught with equal benefit 
 from the acts of a small as a great community: 
 because Florence performed as conspicuous a part 
 in Italy as Athens did in Greece : because she was 
 one of the head nurses of modern art and science ; 
 of literature, liberty, and song ; of all that improves 
 and adorns society; and because she probably 
 influenced the free political destiny of many existing 
 nations : besides her history for a long period in- 
 cludes that of Italy itself, and was intimately con- 
 nected with the annals of transalpine nations whose 
 industry she awakened, whose taste she formed, and 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 whose manners she contributed to refine. No 
 modem community of equal size has been more 
 celebrated than Florence : she moved alone^ was 
 peculiar in her character, and rose amidst the ruins 
 of more powerful neighbours: the sound of her 
 name still impresses our mind with a mingled feel- 
 ing of admiration and respect, for she also was the 
 last to bend under the gusts of despo^^sm when 
 foreign potentates and native princes combined 
 against her; when abandoned by her oldest ally, 
 and left to fall unaided in her last and most glorious 
 struggle for liberty. 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 Inteoductory Chapter 
 
 Page 1 to 7 
 
 CIL\rTER I. 
 
 Origin of Florence-Conjectures on it-Opinions of VUlani, Malespini, MacchiavellL 
 Varchi, Borghini, Dante, Richa, Leonardino Aretino, the Volterrano and Poli- 
 /mno-supposcl to have been a Miinicipium-Passage in Floras doubted by 
 Coluccio balutati-Error of Ptolemy-Origin of the name-Arms and Emblems- 
 Sigmfication of the word Florentia-Other opmions-Similarity of Latin and 
 Etruscan Words -Eastern derivation of the name Firenze - Borghini's opi- 
 nion . "1 
 Page 7 to 15 
 
 ,,t 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 
 (from A.D. 17 TO A.D. 650.) 
 
 Tascany-Ancient names of it-Boundaries, extent and celebrity of Etruria-Its poUtical 
 power-source of Tiber and Amo-Course of Arno-Horence-Situation-EarUel 
 Ph ? t, c"". '"^"'^-^''^^-^■^^"--Colmate-Maremma-Introduction of 
 def^tTVr' ^^^^-«- Zanobi-Radagasius besieges Plorence-His 
 defeat-Santa R^parata-Games instituted-DecUne of Roman power-Migration 
 of nations-Govermnent of Italy under the Romans-Division of the empire- 
 Removal of the seat of goverrnnent-Barbarian inroads-Reign of Odoacer-Fall 
 
 .C "JT,, ^'''~^'''°^''' ^°^ ^*^°°^ Saxony-Change ofEmpire to King, 
 dom, and the contrary-State of Italy-Theodoric defeats Odoacer-ffis long reign 
 
 ^d character-Boethius-Symmachus-Cassiodorus-Dominion of the Ostfogo^s 
 broken by BeUsanus and Narses-Rule of the latter-RecaUed by intrigue-ffi. 
 
 ^r^TST""'."'^'^^'^'^''-'^''' P°"^^ ^d oppressions-Sate the 
 Romans-Character of both nations by Salviani and Luitprand-Roman games 
 
 ^^t .if Barbarians-Theodoric's opinion of them-^ergy vainly attempt to 
 check them-Public misery terminates them . . . Page 16 to 24 
 
Xll 
 
 rONTKNTS. 
 
 CONTEXTS. 
 
 XUl 
 
 aiAITER III. 
 (from a.v. 6.i0 TO A.l). 80.>.) 
 Obscuritv of bL^torv-Charlcmagnc^Orijfin of the word " aarfafan "-Rmlification 
 of Florence-Confusion of early writers between Attila and TotUa-Tlie latter besicpes 
 Florence-His deetls, death luid chanieter-Horence not destroyed by him-lYoots 
 -Attempt to reconcile the 8tory of ita reCditication with truth -Saracens and 
 Hunsrarians-Leslie-s account -Switch and Irish encourajretl by Charlemagne 
 Learning revived in Italy by ;m Irish Monk-Charlemajme's invasion of Italy-Its 
 am9e»-\stoli)ho, king of the LombanLs invades the Imperial states— The Poik 
 dains aid from Pepin, king of Fnince-Cro^-ns him-Other favours-Pcpin van- 
 qmshes Astolpho-Gronts peace-Second cxpetUtion ni Pepin-Astolphus again 
 vanqul^hed-Donation of Pepin to the Chnrch-'nie extent of it-The Pentapohs 
 -\malphi-The mariner's Compas*-J^t insumce of temporal domimon formaUy 
 granted to the bbhopof Rome-Astolphas die^Desiderius succectls-Pope Stephen 
 II. dies-Pepin dies-IILn kingdom divided-Charles keep« 1-Yance-Scnds twch. 
 taiAhop^ to Rome-Tun>in-Charles marries the daughter of Desiderius-Carloman 
 dies-IIis states usurpctl bv Charles-IIis widow and children tly to Desidenus 
 Pope Stephen III. dies-Adrian I. quarrels >vith Desiderius, who marches toward^ 
 Rome-Adrian calls C*harU-s to his aid, who dethrones Desiderius, and becomes 
 king of Italv - Is crowned Kmperor by Pope Ixo III. - Possible repeoplinj: 
 of Florence -Conjecture about the walls in conjunction ^rith the state ot 
 
 , , . Page 25 to 37 
 
 Italv ...••**• ^* 
 
 aiAPTER IV. 
 
 (raoM A.iK 801 TO v.i'. inio.) 
 
 Political institutions of Germany connected with Italy-Farcs-Farones-Barons--6au 
 
 -Graf-Scabini-Centenarii - SchiOze-Decani— Vassab- Benefice - FHef-Count> 
 
 -Marquisw -Dukes of provinces, or rectors, abolished by N arses - Exarch ot 
 
 Ravennu-DukeofRome-Tuscanvand its cities governed by dukes-Succeede<l 
 
 by counts-Probuble encouragement given to Horence-Senate and consuLs- 
 
 Carlovignan n»ce in Italr-Dcpwdtion and death of Charles the Fat-Contest d 
 
 Guido and Berenger-Society dliOCganise<l-Otho I.-State of Italy-He give^ 
 
 aome libertv to the dties^-Commeneement of the repubUcs-PoUtical result* ot 
 
 Otho's coronation-Uttle knoWH"6Tnorence at thw period-Encouraged by thi 
 
 Otho»-Eariv notice of its prosperity- Death of Otho III.-Disputed succession f. 
 
 the Italian throne-.\rdoiiio and Ilenr^- of l^ivaria -Henry invades Italy-Crownc.l 
 
 at Pavia-Buins it-Tuscany submits to him-llas no marquis- How divided by 
 
 the Romans-Dukes of Tuscany- Ik)nif ace not the ancestor of Matilda-Hugo th( 
 
 Great-Ranieri-Matilda's character and poUUcs-Frecdom in Lombardy-Spread> 
 
 into Tuscany-Form of the free commimities- Authority of counts— Their instruc- 
 
 tioi»-yo exact account of the birth of free government in norence-Free citi(- 
 
 of Tuscanv-Privileges eede<l, sold, or tolerated- -Beatrice seUs Porcari-Tuscar, 
 
 citie8-^^^lefl' fiw-Wars of Pisa and Lucca-Mutual war tolerated-Otho ( 
 
 FVerfngen Page 38 to -.. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 (from A.D. 1010 TO A.I). 1085.) 
 
 ''TestftW ;:?'''' .'' it-Malespini-rnion of the two pooples-Some Fieso- 
 bnes settle a Pistoia-scnate and Consuls of Florence-New arms-City enlarged 
 and pahsaded-second walls erected -Observations on the Ficsoline Expedition- 
 Muraton s opmion-Letter of the Abbot of Vallombrosa-Second attack of Fiesole 
 -Florence a town of note in the Eleventh Century-General Council there-The 
 
 and tumiU 8-Bishop degraded -Pietro I^neo-Ordeal by fire-Endence of Flo 
 rentuie independence -Gregory Vll.-Council at Rome-BuUs ^aH L^ 
 and Priests marnages-Consequent tumults in Germany-Severity of the Pone- 
 
 ZTZ'^f'''~^''T ^'"- ^^-^— H-y IV. reto'rts-Rolarof 
 larma-n . boldness-The Emperor Henry IV. excommunicated and deposed- 
 Gregory rehes on Matilda and others-German I>rinces fall off from Henrv-ffis 
 abject submission at Cannosa-Pride and rigour of Gregorv-Begimiinfr of nuar 
 
 -Fea^ r ""xhTcr f Xr -^'^^-^ attached to Matildfand the cCb 
 Fears war -The eity fortihcd - Second circuit of walls _ Rodolph of Suabii 
 acknowleclged by (Gregory as Emperor-Henry a^ oxcommunicate<l'and d e^td 
 -Holds a Diet and deposes Gregory in return-Elects .m .intipope-Defeats and 
 kins Rodolph-I^ats Matilda-Enters Italy-Besieges Florence-Unsute iT^ 
 B^ieges liome three times successively-Is crowned bv Clement the Antipope- 
 Dnven from Rome by Guiscard, who bums tlie ancient city-Modem to^- 
 Rctreat and death of Gref:ory VII. -Commencement of dissensions at Horence 
 between Churchists and Imperialists .... Page 57 to 78 
 
 CHAPTER M. 
 
 (from A.I). 1085 TOA.D. 1170.) 
 
 NoAuthorityfornorentine Independence beforethcTwelfthCenturr-Relations between 
 the Empire and Italian States-Royal Prerogatives- Feudal Prix-ileges-Otho I - 
 f^ ' ^^P'-^^^tatives - Dignitaries - Popular Governors-Consuls - Podesta- 
 Otho of I-resmgen- Tributes-Foderum-Parata-Mansionaticum-Frederic I - 
 Diet of Roncaglia-Crcatcs Podestiis - His Reason -Consequences-Otho I en 
 coiu^gesthe Italians to serve kirn -His re wards-Titles- Vavasours- Vavasins- 
 Meaning of these lltles-I'ri^ileges-King's Captuns-N%w nobUity-Feudatories 
 -\as.sals-lommi-FedeU-Soivices due-Three sorts of Dominion-Hereditary 
 succession dimiiashes Royal power- Cities intemaU y free in theEle vPnfhr..H,.:. 
 -Comage in Florence early-Xattae^Fihilc^Hi^Sr^T-r^^^ 
 and Free Cities-Like Great Britain and her Colonics-MatUda's last Acts in Flo 
 rence-IVst Act of Indei>endence -Close of Regal power-Davm of Libert)--Sie8e 
 of I'mcK-Matiida's Power-Probably gave Florence its II^mf-D^ction of 
 f^.!!f~.^' of Florentine Government- Consuls-Uncertain-Podesta and 
 Council-TScSyv^ntn lYebbio-Hectors or Priors of the Arts-Called afterwards 
 Consuls-Form a Chamber of Commerce, &c.-Goveniment in 1204- Uncertainty 
 about it-Podcsta-WTien first intro<luced-Established with gieat power in P07 
 
 'T" 
 
\1V 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 -Reaaom for it-PagancUo dc' Porcari Podcsti-Natiirc of his Authority-Much 
 Ltecuritv thereon-Supprwsecl a whilc-Capitano del Popolo substituted-Podesta 
 re^tabiished- Absorbs aU State Aulhority-Anziani-Suspension of the Constitu- 
 tion in times of danfjer-Office of Podeata supprensed-The lluota- Ambition of 
 Florence-Conquests-Oripin of Prato-lts Siej?e-Much obscurity-Defeat, death, 
 and mLseryof Henry rV.-Henr>' V. inltaly-At Horencc-Crowned at Rome- 
 Quarrels with the Pope-norence adheres to the Uittor-More Aggres»lons-^\ ar 
 with the Imperial Vicar-Monte Cassole-Death of Matilda, and obser^-atlons on 
 her Character-Indistinct accoimts of those times-Fires in Florence-Corruption 
 of Manners-Hcresv-Reliffious tunuUts - Dominicans and Franci^ans- Their 
 dispute on the Immaculate Conception - Epicureans - Florentines respected- 
 Guard Pwa-Porphyry Columns-Rocca of Fiesole ruined-Disputes between its 
 Bishop and Florence^The latter feared by her Neighbours-More Conquests- Death 
 of the Emperor Henry V.- Lothario of Saxony succeeds him -Sides with the 
 Guelphs-Conrad of Franconia in Italy-Crowneii at Monza-ExcommuBicated- 
 Retires-Lothario crowned at Rome-Origin of Guelphs and GhibeUnes-Guelphs 
 of Este and Bnmswick-GhibeUnes once AUies of the Church - Buondehnonte 
 reduced-Alliance with Pisa- War in Tuscany- l^tween Siena and Florence^ 
 Counts Guido^Senese Army captured-Lucca and Pisa-Agitated Condition ol 
 Italy-Cause of hate between Siena and Horencc-- Attack on Monte diCroce-taiis 
 -Ai«ao-8econd Crusade-Cacciaguido-Lothario dicft-Omrad III. succeeils- 
 Affidrsof Germany-Death of Conrad-Frederic Barbarossa-lnion of Guelphs and 
 Ghiheline^Monte di Croce destroyetl - Enmity between Horencc and Counts 
 Guidi-Account of that Family-War between Prato and Hstoia-Attack of Car- 
 nagnano- VnsucceKsful-norence and Prato defeated by Pistoia and Siena- 
 Trwpsof Fiesol<-I>eath of Pope Adrian IV. -Alexander III. and Victor l\. elected 
 -lYederic supports the latter- Inx-ades Italy- His ><n. rity - Destroys Milan - 
 League of Lombardv-Succession of Antipopes-Universal discord-Guelph and 
 Ghibeline Factions spread m Italy-State of Honmce . . Page -9 to 11 4 
 
 CILVPTER VII. 
 (fbom a.d. 1170 TO A.». 1200.) 
 ReTcngeful Customs^Arezzo humbled-The Emi^^ror prepares to enter Italy-Peace iii 
 Tuscany and Leagues against him-Lucca and Pistoia enemies of Pisa-The latter 
 closely aUied ^ith Horence-Boldness of the two latter-Archbishop of Mentz 
 War between Siena andilorence-Defeat of the Senese-Origin of Poggibonzi-And 
 CoUe-Peacc with Siena-Poggibonzi dirided-Fires and Floods-CiN-U Discord- 
 Bitterness of Party-Guolphs and Ghibelines-Popc and Emperor reconcUed- 
 Death of Alexander HI.- Peace m Florence-Capture of Pogna-Peace between 
 Lucca and Pisa-Treaty between Horence and Lueca-Treaty with Count Albert 
 of Prato-Florentine policy and succes*^ Discontent of their Neighbours-Barba- 
 raiBa deprives Florence of her territory- Forbids the purchase of Semifontc-Siena 
 shuts her gates against the Imperial Army-Death of Pope Lucius m.-Urban III.- 
 QnarreLs with the Emperor-Marriage of Henry King of the Rom.ms and Con- 
 stance of Sicily-Death of Urban III.-Gregory \Tn.- Accession of dement HI. 
 He preaches a third Crusade-Its general effect on general superstition-Zeal ot 
 norence-Territory restored -Frederic I. assumes the Cross-Dies m the East- 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 XV 
 
 press a prisoner-Released by T^-r^"! 1*^? '° °'™™^-'^« Em- 
 Death of Tancred-Sicilv rJnnrT k J°<''*'* "" Horence-Then Comuls- 
 ftederic Il.-PhSp the kC^S ^'^"^-^^"-^ evcryb«ly_Birth of 
 Henry n.-,.hilip',l^tl^^°"^^''" """'l"'*" "' Tuscany-Death of 
 under Innocent Ill.-ixature o t^l^T^ "^ affairs-League of Tuscan cities 
 
 Chasing conquered V^^Xt^'^.ZZ^^: T' 1^ """""^ "" -"■ 
 Semifonte-San Miniato mrl <ar. r ^ Florentines-Failure before 
 
 CILiPTER yjU. 
 (from A.D. 1200 to A.D. 1203.) 
 
 amh,.ion-in^"^:;r:rof'^zrt ^°r "'-'^ ■=^-'^'- -' 
 
 -supports Tn.^y^lJ^s^L^T'^T''' '""''"'' ^"^- 
 Counts-Duties of the old^a»;,e ""-^°™"™'™« "' Tuscany by Vicars and 
 •Semifonte-SituaUoL and ^oZ'^Z^ aaiUrs-Pr.parations for .ar ^,h 
 Sene«intrigue-Declai;i3Tf "^',^™-" '<'™»-, Tom the Alberti by 
 -Its simpUdtr-cTuLTI^Trt , --ePUbUc-Accorso Pitti-Govermncnt setUei 
 
 who ,«rsuades the iSTo sub^r A^ T f™"^ "^ '"^ '"*°'' ''""°»'™. 
 toe army against-stn.n«b „f ^ ? ''""-"-Chiarito Kgli leads a Floren- 
 
 suburb-siol^L^r . u , l"=«<^I^ription of it-Florentines take a 
 
 cone-His dete^^ttL^'^^'^^l'I^'^i^"'^^^ "olds out-Dainello Jacl 
 
 of capitulation iXTtru^^n'o^^^'^'^-'S"^ 
 
 uu aestruction of the place-Treaty with San Gimignano 
 
 Page 1-H to 169 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 (fhom a.d. 1203 to A.I). 1215.) 
 
 ehasi ^Z •"""-'"""^ Murlo-Oounts Guidi and Pistoia-Montc Murlo pur 
 ^^Z, "f «™;«'»"«™-J-Ionsy Of Florence-<^nseq„ent quZ, S 
 o^e^f!^ rogpbonn-Discontent and troubles at Siena-^unte of Canrafa 
 
 SenescTM J w « Montepulciano-Horence succours it and beats the 
 
 ^^d^«M ^."^ """' ■•"■■i^a"''- War continued successfully by Rorcl 
 
 Su^^f^^rZ 'r V Z'^'' f "^ '>«'™=«°-Affairs of Germanv- 
 
 KomanslSeVof^l^ntrp "' "'T *"* '"^ ''"P^*"' '^^ "' *^ 
 
 at Rome-O^, ;. , "^f "-""'o Emperor-Joy of the Italian Guelphs-Cro«-ned 
 
 Rom^uarrels with Pope Innocent ni.-Attacks the KingdL of Sicily- 
 
^^j CONTENTS. 
 
 and Ghibelinc chanRC ,id<^rte<lcnc rcimirs to Rome, ^'^^ J ^ 
 
 cro^.e.1 .t Ai..U.XhapeIl^Km. of the I^-^^-^," ;^^^^^^ ,„ 
 
 the Frenoh-Dic, at Uartybur^-ftdoric cro.iiod Kmg "f '«™^ ^ ^ J„^. 
 
 Albigeota-Paubcuuu, and ''"'^""'rj^l'; '"■,rZo,fca6. and decUnc of thta «ct 
 Italy-ln Roroncc-San P.ero Martiro-Tumuto Dcloatt ^ ^.^^j^arrcU 
 
 in norcnc<^I>cath of San I'icro MaiO«-S,pmt of '■«"»"'" j!" rt^«lr.*l »< 
 of Churoh and Empitc no. indifferent to the ".7""-«y^; ,'„^^_^Xn oH 
 C«cpi-Buon..ohnom^rronu^ T^^fthrt^i- ^^and its <on^- 
 for a dan.^1 of the Don=>ti-In.bgnat.on of the .^.d ^l^. "^"^ ^^„,i„„ „, 
 q«n<«-Cuelph5 and ObibeUne, m Horenco-Tbc c,t> diudcd wn^ ^_^ ^^ ^, , 
 these troubles ..•••"* 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 (raOM A.D. 1215 TO A.IJ. U'«'l-) 
 
 Reflections-^tato of non.ncc-Cn.sad.^Chamctor and ""»«<" "°'^^*f j^^. 
 Pie™ della Vip.a-.luarrel of Horentine and P..m ^'"^f^;' "^^ ™X- 
 <,„cnec-numihtyofHoren«. and pride of P«a-Battle »' ^'^ '^J'^riH„„ 
 Lines ™toriou..-Other mUiurr opemion^lmnp.e. of E«n.e and opp^mo 
 of Frederic and the M«a.^Fir,t h..tle of Melona and -'''•J "' *;;;;^'^ ,,, 
 Death of Oregon- IX. and Celctmc lV.-Accei»ion of Innoeent I\ . ■••"'J'^'"!^ 
 ^rldTon-Call, a CouneU to dep<^ Fr«lerie-^^■ho ^'--^^'"'^^l 
 Cr t>oeeiallT in Horence-Civil »ar there l;.ul^ by the expulsion of th< 
 G^e'r^Xft^^o M^-m'» oh^ules-External eonflict, ^tb theGuelpb. 
 rrXc eomes to TnTany- Capture of Capraia-Cruel n>e.t.ure5-Barban^. o 
 1 he GMbeC:iDi^ntent'«f the "o-tine,-Revo,«tton-Ne.org3n.^^n 
 ; p,vemn>ent-PodStV;fepS^d-Tbir.y^L. P-"™""-^" .•'"'^^"°,", 
 Tcaptain of the l>«,pl.^MiUt;.ry „rpu>i^tion-€ine ""'I""''^*"'"*^"^™ 
 liLue-^ionf:donieri-New pubUe Palace -DemoUtion of tower^^^ all> be,on.l 
 Ar^Moderation of the p.H,pl,^-I)i»tribuUon of the nuhtary """^J'-^^^^'J;; 
 i^Weapon,-Carroecio-It. u.*. invention, xe.-Martmella ,.hat--forn> ..„ 
 jarms- '"Po Frederic-ReeonciUation of parties and recall ..t 
 
 ^:^« "u^cTwar I^Hstoia-Opp.-. by Ghihelines^Their e.puU 
 • S^*s;^Jrdof Horenee altered by Guclphs-Kxtema. war of the ob>^hr.e,,. 
 ^t,« with Lucea, tienoa, »x.-Vig„rous war- Deleat ot the Lueehes^-Ke- 
 UevTbv the norentines-Victory over the victors a. Po-^f "-':^,^'''" T,. 
 Wareontinued-Volterra taKen-Pcoce with Pi^-Year of -to^-^n,uwuo 
 bcftun-Conrad arrives in Italy-War between kirn ;ind the Poix^-Conrad s dMl 
 ^^Guelpb-Peace with Slena-Brunetto Latini-Prospenty and qmei -i 
 norence-lncrease of territory-Revolution atArezzo-Hne <«'«"|" «' ™'™" 
 Z^ of Naples-spreiuls a report of hi, nepheW. death and » elected lun. 
 S^«hens his inlluence in Tuseany-Pi«. makes war-Is soon rcdueed-Ald- 
 S^Tttl^o-^^hibeUne spirit revHves-IX.fen«s of Po.^W. rumed-- 
 \ success of the democratic govemment-Uiseontent o. th. I ^'"-T^™ "l"'^" 
 
 ' with Manfred-InsurreeUon and expulsion- Abbot of Vallombrosa behead..! 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 xvu 
 
 ZflZl^^ i^terdict-^toaeterof the g»vemme»t-De,tntcti„n of GWbe- 
 q^L r^~^f walls-Mena receives the e-xfles-Remonstrances-War with 
 
 ^ous.. ... .ena-T.e ^^:^^^:::^^::^^^ 
 
 l^rti-German prowess-Consequences-Sally of the besieged-ReTement of 
 Florentxnes^perations of Senese-Intrigues of Farinata and leG^^ZZl^ 
 bTv ofX r T:'' n''""' ^" consequence-An expedition detemiLT-lSm- 
 Guelphic ami) -Consternation at Horcnce . . . Page 194 to 253 
 
 CILVPTER XI. 
 
 (from A.I). 12C0 TO A.D. 1282.) 
 
 Consequenees of the battle of Montenperto-Flight of the Guelphie families to Lucca- 
 ^or^iee^cupied by t,ie GhiboUne aiw-Measures of gov'enuuent-^Sto 
 
 ^tt^::;^!?" "^T^-^'^ ''^^'^'^ ^' ^^^-^«- proposed-F^ata's 
 ^^aof Tu' T ""' "ty-GuidoNoveUo Vicar-General ]n Tuscany-The 
 LTZ? T'Tr T'''"""^''^'' Guelphs-Ghibelines paramount in iiseany 
 al^T Z% /^^^^-^^^"^ «f P°P« Alexander IV.-Aecession of Urban iT- 
 
 GueloL S 7^ 7 °' ''' ''"'' '' Conradine-Its ill-success-FlorenL 
 GuelnWc^r '^°"^^^^^^-I'^^^^« ^tween it and Florence-Adventures of the 
 Gudph^c gentlemen-Arezzo reduced-Intrigues of Pope Urban IV.-Offers Naples 
 
 t^^2.. 'i'l '''"'" '' ^^^"' "^° ^^^^P^ it^haraeter of the 
 
 ThT, r T'" "' ^«°^^I>^ath of Urban-Accession of Qement IV.- 
 
 ^^e iL To' .""'^n^J^^^^^^^ ''' war-Florentine Guelphs volunteer to 
 Z7n^~^ J^"^""'"^' ^^''""'^ ^^^'^^ ^^"^^ ^' Rome-Guelphic gentle- 
 
 Gnmdella- Manfred's character-IncUgnities offered to his corpse-Alarm of the 
 Ghibehnes-State of Tuscany-Of Florence-Changed significTtion of the part^ 
 names-Agitation in Horence-PYati Gaudenti-CouncU of Thirty-six-Reforms- 
 supenor Arts-Mibtary organisiition-Timidity of Guido XovcUo-Nobles prepare 
 formsurreetion-Attack the people-Are repulsed-Guido's panic-Retires from 
 norence to Prato-Attempts to retuin-UnsuceessM-Ghibelines disperse-Re- 
 r hTr r ^"""""7 ^"^**^^^ °f the Anziani-General amnesty-Guelphs and 
 GhibeUBesrehuTi-Satisfaction of the people-New agitation and alarm-bharles 
 of Anjou s pohcy-Com^dine's preparations-Pope Clement appoints Charles Vicar 
 of Tuscany-Troops sent there-The Ghibelines retke-Eight hundred French 
 bnghts mnoronco-Bitter war against the Ghibelines-St. EUerc^Sierof^^gt 
 bonzi by Charles- War continued-Indemnification to the Guelphs-Tribunal of 
 the party Guelph-Guelphic League organised-Lordship of Florence offered to 
 Charles for ten years-Accepts it in part-Reform of the Constitution-Buoniuomini 
 -^ «ious legislative councils-Constitution of the party Guelph-Charles's power 
 --Affairs of Rome-Don Ilemr of CastUe-His revenge against Charles-Revolts - 
 Coaradme amves at Pisa-French detachment defeated-<:onradine arrives at 
 Rome-Invades Naples-Is beaten at TagUacozzo^Taken prisoner-Beheaded at 
 Naples-Death of Clement IV.-Senc«e beaten near Colle-Restoration of Senesc 
 ^OL. I. ^ 
 
 I 
 
 \ ^ 
 
 / 
 
 II 
 
XVlll 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CONTEXTS. 
 
 / 
 
 Guelphs— .Several of the XJberti taken and executed— Murder of an English prince 
 at Viterbo — Ghibclines still unquiet — Poggibonzi destroyed — Charles's great 
 power— The House of Suabia extinct — Gregory X. Pope — Opposes Charles— Tries 
 to paci^ Italy, especially Florence — Arrives there with Charles — Assembly — Paci- 
 fication— Arts of Charles— Ghibelines retire — Pope retires in anger— Council of 
 Lyon — Rodolph of Hapsburg emperor— ^Vffairs of Bologna — Of Pisa — Count Ugo- 
 lino — Gregory passes through Florence — His death— Accession of Innocent V.— His 
 death— Adrian V. — John XXI.— Nicholas III.— His able conduct — State of Flo- 
 rence— XIardinal Latino sent to pacify the city— Endeavours to fulfil his mission- 
 Reforms in consequence— Tranquillity — Fears of the Emperor — PoUcy of Florence- 
 Death of Nicholas — Charles recovers power — Menaces the Conclave — Martin IV. 
 elected- His subservience to Charles— Power and ambition of the latter — Discon- 
 tent of Sicily— Cruelly oppressed by Charles— John of Procida— Organises a revolt- 
 Peter of Aragon — Sicilian vespers — Their consequences — The French lose Sicily— 
 Aftaurs of Romagna— Guido of Montcfeltro— Conduct of Florence — Internal re- 
 forms-Measures for preserving the i)eace of the city— Ci^ic Guard of one thousand 
 men— New Guelphic League— New form of Government— Nobles comi)eUed to 
 bdong to a trade— Endeavours to estabUsh equality— Institution of Priors of the 
 Arts— Their state, dignity, and duties— Effects of this reform . Page 254 to 307 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 (FMM A.D. 1282 TO A.D. 1292.) 
 
 Tranquillity of Florence— Charles arrives there— Gaiety of the place— Piaa— Her power - 
 Connexion with Florence, Genoa, and Venice— War between Genoa and Pisa- 
 Second battle of Meloria— Disastrous to Pisa— War with Florence and Lucca— Count 
 I'golino^s peace with Florence— Prince Charles of Naples made prisoner by Loria- 
 Charles's effort** to retrieve his affairj^— Death of Charles— Death of Martin TV.— Ac- 
 cession of Uonorius IV.— Tranquillity of Horcncc— Reforms— Nobles further curbtd 
 —Third and last circuit of wall»— Architectural improvements— Pisan affairs— Im- 
 phjionHicnt and death of Count Ugolino and his sons— Justice and mode of exe- 
 cuting it at Horence— Domestic laws — Arezzo agitated— Bishop Guglielmino— 
 Guelphic League renewed— Revolutions at Areazo— War between Florence and 
 Arezzo— Prospects of each party— Great power of the Bishop— Florentines invade 
 Arezzo and insult the city— Senese defeated at Picve del Toppo by the Aretines— 
 Conjunction of Pisa and Arezzo discomposes Horence — War with Pisa — Active 
 war&re in the Arezzo territory- Invasion of the Florentine states in return— Dis- 
 aftction in Horence — Count Guido of Montcfeltro commands the Pisans — Prince 
 Charles liberated — Conditions — Consequences — Charles arrives at Horence — Joiib 
 the Pope— His afCiirs settled— War continued with Arezzo— Negotiations with the 
 Bhhop— Fail— The army advances into the Casentino— Battle of Campaldino and 
 defeat of the Aretines— Its effect*— Arezjso invested— Is well defended— Florentine I 
 army retire*— Enters Florence in triumph— War still carried on against Pisa— 
 DOHiMtic affairs— Discontent of the Citizens about the cost of the war-Arti 
 Minori— Prosperous and joyous state of Florence— Two foreign events dis- 
 turb it Page 308 to 341 
 
 \LY 
 
 CHAPTER Xin. 
 
 State Of norene^lnsolencf :;V;;::;: IT ''''' 
 
 -ciety-Giano della Bella resolves to e^~^^^^^ necessary-Different ranks of 
 the peopl^rdinances of Just cZ^^^'ni ' rT'^r'^ -^-ures-Assembles 
 Giano excites the jealousy of lll^^^ft^"^:^ ^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 honest and faiLs-Cabals against Wm-l^^rS '"T^'^ ''^'' '''^"^'^ i« too 
 quiet the peopl^i^ deseited by hHieSTld^;'^ Bonati-^iano attempts to 
 famdy persecuted-state of the cu/dmS'.Thl ^"^^"^^''^ ""^ ^"' ^^ ^^^ 
 mercial relations-Increase of terrfto " T ^^^nts-Affait^ of Pisa-^^om- 
 
 Death of Rodolph of IIapsburg-GrrmST^^''T'''*'~^'^ ^^^^ ^on^^n- 
 <^e V.-Accessionof BoUce vill-^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^«^« IV.-Of Celes- 
 
 The nobles discontented-Assembled t^'/l"^!;' '^"^^^^^^ 
 established-Preventive measZatti^^tZ^r war threatened-Peace re- 
 of the people-The towns of srcTv^^ ^^^C .TJ'^ ^^^^^^^ ^^ ^he rank. 
 Pazzi and t-balcUni-.^sistancrsemt^Z^. ''''' franco founded to curb the 
 built-State of the RepubUe . ^^' "^^^ Ferrara-Palazzo Vecchio 
 
 Page 342 to 3C4 
 
 CILIPTER XI\'. 
 
 ■ana attacks Cor« Donati-fi^^tal^Z , "^'""'''^■' '""■n-Guido Cava). 
 
 and Neri-Anarchy at Pi.uS^^^^f"'^ P«.ciaticW-Origi„ of Bia.,chi 
 Chiefe 0, raotion «ilcd to «otn "efvM b^TT '^"^ '""'^ ^^■■— 
 
 •put m St Trinita-The Pope in^fcri^™; *"'"'"■ '^"^'^''-Ptet bl«Kl 
 peac-CMcfe Of both factL baSwltZ^r^ ''"""^'^ '» ""^•' 
 
 Com Donati and the Ncri at Rome-Bim^S i„ ,>, Cavalcanti-lntrigues of 
 L«cca-Ca«.,ucci„ Ca«tracani-Xrl^Tf Vall '' "'™'^' " Pfetoia-Neri a, 
 resolved on at Iloreneo-Dino^C^^a'r ""^'^ « «^-^-H« reeeption 
 PubUc agitation-Wea)me« ofZ^^^'''^ ""^'^ ^"'""^Sis coT,i^,t^ 
 
 deeds-Curious appearance u, il^Z^CmZ^X'' "'"™ "'"™-"'' 
 oeedmgsofValois-Acquaspartaagai^ ar^tlZf T"''^'^'"^ ""- 
 Leaves the citj- mterdiCed-Valoi,' extorfZ ? '*!«='^-"^er-Partly succeeds- 
 «f Niccolo de- archi and Simone I^natSw' t"' '^'""^ "' ""^ """"es-DeatU 
 ■nent of the Bianchi-Dante-Pe^^^-lr'Tf' '"'^ '^''^ ^ •«>U»h. 
 Faa-H,«,ffitie, u, other p.rJZ^^t '' '*'" "' "^^ '*"' '"-«'-- 
 the Bianehi u. Mugello-^^„r^^J„'^„^«"'*-t'nBuccessfuI expedition of 
 
 Ghibeline of the white factta^-virat"™^'!^^ T" '*"'<*■"='«'""' »" 
 DonaUdissatisfled-Disturbsthecit,^^'"? °'*^^™ » Mcgna-a,„«, 
 Lncchese arrive and restore orderI(^T/'™ ^* 'be Bishop-Anarchv- 
 PartlysuccessM-BaiBodbvtheNcri-RM^, ^ """^ "^ Peace-maker- 
 Horence-IIis refonn^i^™ nt^en^'^L^,^!!;^'"'"""*-'^'-™' •» 
 
 ^ ^"iieroicted-Civilwar recommences- 
 
 ►i 
 
 
X3L CONTENTS. 
 
 Chiefs of &ctk»— Battles— Bianchi at ftnit succeed- Ncri Abati fires the town— 
 ImmeiMe destruction- Artificial fire- The Cavalcanti driven away— Alarms of the 
 citizens— The Pope's anger— Neri chiefs summoned to Perugia— Arts of the car- 
 dinal of Prato -Assembly of Ghibelincs at Lastra— They attack Horencc, fail, and 
 retreat with loss— Impotence of the government— PodcstA quits norccce in disgust 
 —Provisional magistrates- Stinche etptured-IMsons— Robert, duke of Calabria, 
 commands the FtorentiBes— Siege of Hstoia- Robert retires, but leaves his troops 
 before Pistoia— Horenline cruelty -Luccheee and Horentines excommunicated— 
 iiii%i8im. of the I»istoians -They surrender— Its defences destroyed— Oppressions 
 —New tax at Horena^Cardinal Orsini— Assembles a Gliibeline army at Arezzo— 
 Florentines march— Their retreat — Dbpersion of the Gliibeline forces— The 
 legate retires - Refbrms — Companies re-establi«hetl - Reguktions — Executor 
 of the ordinances of justice created — New appellation of the people — The 
 clergy taxed — Consequent commotion — Power of the Badia lowered — Other 
 ngulationa Page 365 to 404 
 
 OIAPTER XV. 
 
 (PBOM A.l>. 1308 TO A.D. 1317.) 
 
 Rain, obstinate resistance, and death of Corso Donati— His character by ^Tllani- 
 Macchiavelliand IMno Compagni— Arezzo— Vguecione dello Faggiok)and the green 
 party— Peace with Florence— Tarlati return— War recommenced— Disturbance at 
 Prato— vSuppressed— W« lad dtrastation in the Arezzo territory— Oppression of 
 Pistoia— Brave and sneeeeaM reristancc of the citizens favoured by Florence- 
 Death of Azzoof Este, and quarrel between Rome and Venice— Florence aids the 
 Pope, and is abaolred— Robert of Calabria succeeds to the crown of Naples— Death 
 of Albert of Anatria, and its eontHqaencea— Intrigues of the Pope and French 
 King for the imperial throne— Ilenry of Luxembourg elected emperor by the Pope's 
 advice-— Ilis high pretensions and arriviU in Italy— Conduct of the Italian states— 
 Guelphic league— Visconti and Torriani of MiUm— Henry's conduct— Reforms every 
 gtate— Vindicates the imperial authority— Is crowned at Milan— Endeavours to be 
 impartial— Tumult at Milan— Treachery of the \wconti— Defeat and exile of the 
 Torriani— Other cities revolt— All suppressed but Brescia— Siege of that place- 
 Gallant defence — Noble conduct of Teobaldo Bru^ati - Cruelty of Ilenry— 
 Retaliation- The city capitulates— Discord at Genoa— Ilenry made sovereign of 
 that city for twenty years— Negotiations with Naples— Broken off— War, and Rome 
 occupied by Prince John — The Guelphic league active — Henry's messenger 
 assaulted at Lastn and Bologna— They retire U) the counts Guido— Establish an 
 imperial court at Civetella, and summon aeveral cities— Florence and other placc^ 
 dMregard it— Are citetl before it with severe penalties— The Emperor arrives at 
 Pii«— Confidence of the Pisaas- Marches to Rome— Is partly unsuccessful there, 
 and crowned in the Lateran instead of the Vatican— Retires to Tivoli— Marches to 
 Tnacany— Florentines march to oppose him— Stopped at Incisa— Manoeuvres and 
 cuts them off from Ilorence— That city invested— Terror and determination oi 
 the citizens— R<enforcement«« arrive from every part— Failure of the cnterprL'«t 
 Imperial army retires to Casciano—Poggibonzi— Florentine policy and intrigues 
 Heavy taxes— State of parties in Florence— Death of Rosso della Tosa- Betto 
 Bnmeldchi and Fazzino Pazzi— Tumults— Condemnations— The Cavalcanti exilctl 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 XXI 
 
 — Ftineral of Corso Donati— Dino Compagni's Invective against his countrymen- 
 Emperor removes to Pisa — His proceedings there - Condemns Florence and 
 Robert of Naples— Marches southward, and suddenly dies at Buoueonvento— His 
 character — Remarks on the conduct of Florence dui-ing these transactions- 
 Mercenary soldiers— Catalans-Incipient decay of military ardour in Rorence— 
 Henry's death alarms Pisa-Uguccione della Faggiola made tbeir general-His rapid 
 success-Overtures of peace from Ilobcrt-Acceptcd-Great iwwcr of Robert-Uguc 
 clone's intrigues and ambition— Some account of him— Prosecutes the war with 
 vigour-Peace with Lucca, and rccal of the GUibeline exiles, with Castruccio 
 Castracani at their head-Gets i)os8ession of Lucca-Immense booty-Florence 
 alarmed-Picro, count of Gravina, arrives from Naples-His great popularity— 
 Uguccione's progress-Prince of Taranto arrives at Horence with rcenforcements- 
 Siege and battle of Montecatini— Defeat of the Florentines— Their firm conduct— 
 FacUons in Horence-Pino and Simone della Tosa-Dismissal of the royal vicar- 
 Landod'AgobbioBargello-Uis cruelty and power- Deplorable condition of the 
 citizens— Guido of BattifoUe appointed vicar- Paralysed by the adverse party- 
 Robert made acquainted with the state of the town-SandJ dismissed-Lordship 
 of Florence extended for throe years to Robert— Constitutional changes— Walls of 
 Florence eompleted-Familios reconciled-Taxation- Affairs of Pisa— Uguccioni's 
 tyranny- Discontent of the people-Secret negotiations for peace— Treaty concluded 
 against I'guccione's wiU-His conduct in conseiiuence-Banducci Buonconte and 
 his son put to death-Reforms to court popularity-DLscontent-Plots T\-ith Lucca 
 -Castruccio Castracani-IIis power-Conduct-Imprisonment-Ugxiccione goes to 
 Lucca to execute him-Insurrection at Pisa-At Lucca the same day-Castruccio 
 liberated, and Uguccione and his son driven from Lucca and Pisa— Castracani 
 made Lord of Lucca Page 405 to 451 
 
 CIL\PTER X\l. 
 
 (from A.D. 1317 TO A.D. 1326.) 
 
 Peace of Tuscany- State of Genoa-Lombard GhibeUnes-Ferrara-Florence— Adminis- 
 tration of Count Ciuido- G. Villani — One of the Priors— Public improvements- 
 King Robert's authority renewed -He goes to Genoa-Siege of Genoa— Discon- 
 tinued by the GhibeUnes -Robert goes to France— Siege recommenced— State of 
 Italy— Guelphs and Ghibelincs.— Their various views— Policy of Florence— Inter- 
 feres in I^mbard wars— Met by Matteo Visconti— Castruccio Castracani— Power 
 and views of the GhibeUnes-Guclphsof Tuscany-Castruccio's progress at Lucca- 
 Listens to VLsconti— Breaks the i>cace with Rorence— His inroads— Genoa— Second 
 siege— Castruccio marches towards Genoa— Is forced to return by the Horentines 
 — Malespmi assisted— Florentines retire before Castruccio, who ravages their terri- 
 tory—Discontent and reforms in Horence— The College of Buoniomini created 
 —Lordship of Robert ceases— Observations on it— Death of Dante— VUlani's cha- 
 racter of him— Walls of Florence-Affairs of Pistoia— The dread of Castruccio's 
 power increases — Revolutions at Pisa and Castruccio's intrigues— Constructs a 
 fortified palace at Lucca - Horence sends troops to Lombardy-Preparations to 
 crush Castruccio-Defection of Jacopo Fontabuona-Its effect on Horence -Cas- 
 truccio renews his inroads-Invests Prato-Florence arms in its defence-Decree 
 m favour of the exiles-March to Prato-Castruccio retires-Contention in camp 
 
 ^1 
 
 i 
 
xxu 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 XXlll 
 
 and city— Discontent of the nobles— Tumixlts at Florenco— The army advances to 
 Fucecchio — The exiles attempt to enter Florence, but fail— Their just complaints- 
 Aided by the noble«i— Plot and second attempt of the exiles baffled — Result — 
 New method of accusation— Great power of the nobles— Reforms of companies— 
 Citti di Castello lost — State of Florence— Change in the mode of appointing the 
 Seignory from election to lot — Imhorsozione — Squittino — Remarks on the change — 
 Siamondi quoted— Castruccio's intrigues at Pisa— He attacks Fucecchio, but is at 
 last repulsed— Florence makes levies in France — New Gudphic League— Affairs 
 of Lombardy— Defeat of Cardona there— Pisan fleet beaten— They lose Sardinia— 
 Carmignano taken by Count Novello — Revision of the Borse — All the magistracies 
 made subject to the new mode of appointment— French cavalry arrive— Castruccia 
 about Pistoia— Filippo de' Tedici's intrigues— Gives Pistoia to Castruccio for 10,0(K> 
 florins — Consternation of the Horentines — Ramondo di Cardona arrives and is 
 made Generalissimo of the Florentine army— Fine army equipped— Its strength 
 —Marches to Pistoia and insults Castruccio there— Invests Tizzano— Passes the 
 Gusciano— Takes Cappiano, Monte Falcone, and Altopascio — Castruccio quits Pis- 
 toia to oppose Cardona— Reenforces his army and position — Dissensions in the 
 army and Florence— Cardona's views and deceit— The army advances— Castruccio 
 demands aid from Visconti— Cardona attempts the hills— Is opposed and repulse<l 
 by Castruccio, who deceives him— Azzo Visconti arrives at Lucca — Cardona retreats 
 to Altopascio— Castruccio repairs to Lucca— Rejoins the army— Skirmishes with 
 Cardona until Visconti joins— Battle of Altopascio and defeat of the Florentines- 
 Its effects— Castruccio ovemms the Florentine territory— Insults the city— Coins 
 money at Signa— Lamentable state of Florence— Its exertions for defence— Castruc- 
 cio's triumph— He returns to Signa— Besieges Montemurlo— Ravages the countr)- 
 —Insults Horence — Helpless state of the Republic— The lordship of the state 
 given to the Duke of Calabria— Comlitions . . . Page 452 to 491 
 
 CIL\PTER XVII. 
 
 (from A.D. 1326 TO A.D. 1329.) 
 
 Pierre de Narsi, General of Florence, attempts the life of Castruccio— Detected— French 
 troops dismissed— Castruccio ravages Pesa and Greve— Insults Florence — Destroys 
 Signa— Proposes to swamp the plain of Florence— Devastations— Pierre de Narsi's 
 intrigues— Made prisoner— Executeil byCastruccio— Despair of Florence— The Duke 
 of Athens arrives with troops as Vicar of the Duke of Calabria— Claims great power 
 —Pope's Legal.— Castruccio's letter to him— Offers of peace — Charles Duke ot 
 Calabria at Siena— His intrigues there— Demands on Florence — Arrival at Florenct 
 with a large army— Her great resources — The troops inactive — Charles assumc< 
 the whole authority— Favoured by the nobles— But holds to the people— Signi 
 fortified— Malespini enters Lunipiana— Florentines co-operate — Mamignano an(' 
 Gavignano revolt— Castruccio bafties all— Disappointment of Florence — Castruccio'- 
 acts— New demands on Florence— Their discontent— Fear of Lombard Ghibelines- 
 They invite the Emperor to Italy— His affairs— Assembly of Ghibelines at Trent 
 The Pope condemned— Affairs at Florence— Estimo tax— Florentine cheerfulne? 
 —Affairs of Pisa— Of Lucca— Conspiracy fostered by Florence— Discovered by Cas- 
 truccio — Pimishment of the Quartigiani — Siege of Santa Maria a Monte — Capturt 
 of .\rtimino— Army recalled to Florence— Emperor's progress in Italy— Affairs c 
 
 Lucca and Pisa-Disgust of the Bishop of Arezzo-Siege of Pisa-Capitulation- 
 Influence of Castruccio-Made Duke of Lucca-Departure of the Emperor Louis for 
 Rome-Of the Duke of Calabria from Florence-Of Castruccio from Lucca-Em- 
 peror at \^terbo-His coronation-Fall of Hstoia-Castruccio's anger and quick 
 retum-His grandeur at Rome-ffis absence felt by the Emperor who tyrannises 
 there— Castruccio takes possession of Hsa— Reduces Pistoia— His great power- 
 Death of Galeaxzo Visconte— Death and character of Castruccio — His death fore- 
 told-Joy at Florence— Affairs of the Emperor— Meditated siege of Horence-Her 
 Energy-Louis at Pisa-At Lucca-Mutiny of eight hundred of his troops-Death 
 of Charles of Calabria-Sentiments of the Florentines-Reform of their Consti- 
 tution-The ancient Councils abolished-CouncU of the People-Common Council 
 —Popularity of this reform— Reflections . . . Page 492 to 530 
 
 CIIAI'TER XVIIL 
 (from a.i>. 1329 TO 13.36.) 
 War vigorously pursved against Pisa and the Emperor— His plot in norence— Fails- 
 Cruel punishments— New laws— Exasperation of Florence— Affairs of Louis and 
 Lucca-Azzo Visconte at Milan-The emperor loses ground— Lucca offered for sale 
 to Florence-Rcjccted-Confirms her supremacy over Pistoia, and the league of 
 Val-de-Nievole-Pisa recovers her libcrt^'-Marco Visconte at Florence-Lucca 
 again offered to Florence-Again rejected by faction-Marco proceeds to Milan- 
 His murder-Pisa buys Lucca-Cheatcd-War continued-Peace-Lucca a third 
 time offered to Florenc<--Ref used-Patriotic acts of certain private citizens- 
 Lucca sold to Gherordino Spinola—Villani's opinion of these ti-ansactions-«eraveUe 
 occupied by Florence-Siege of Montecatini-Louis attempts to get Bologna-Is 
 baffled by Florence-Siege of Lucca by the Horcntines-Mutiny-Siege raised- 
 Spinola seUs Lucca to John, king of Bohemia-Horentine territoi^ ravaged by his 
 troops-Spinola retires in disgust from Lucca-King Jokn's arrival and rapid pre- 
 gress in Italy— Requests Florence not to molest Lucca— Refused— The Pope, his 
 Legate, and King John, in concert— Their secret views— The Legate's quarrel 
 with Florence— His power augments— Pistoia completely subjected-Pisa demands 
 her aid and is succoured— The Ubaldini submit to her-Firenzuola founded— 
 Affairs of Lombardy-Successors of Cane della Scala-King of Bohemia returns to 
 Germany-League of both Guelph and Ghibeline against him and the legate 
 Bertram de Poiet— Objects of the league-John at Turin with a French army- 
 Legate defeated at FeiTara-Romagna revolts— John of Bohemia's movements, 
 and final retreat from Italy-The Legate tries to detach Florence from the league-^ 
 His ambition-ProGperity of Florence— State of Tuacany-Amusements at Florence 
 —Terrible flood— Opinions of astrologers— Villani's reflections on it— Nobles 
 unquiet— Defenceless state of the city-State of Lombardy— Decline of PoIet'L 
 power-Revolution at Bologna— PoYet in danger— Saved by Florence— Return? to 
 Angnon-Seven Bargellini created-Death of Pope John XXH.-His enormous 
 wealth-His principal acts-Benedict XH. electee-Robert of Naples loses Genoa 
 -Decline of the Tarlati-Affairs of Arezzo and Perugia-The latter assisted by 
 Florence-AUiance with Siena renewed-Unsettled state of Tuscany and Lombardy 
 —Conduct of the Rossi of Parma— Azzo Visconte and Mastino deUa Scala— Alarm of 
 Florence— Conference at Lerici and on the OgUo— ReconciUation of the confede- 
 
 ff< 
 
XXIV 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 rates — Their several acquisitions — Florence and Mastino — Pisa and Florence- 
 Coolness about Massa— Aifairs of Arezzo— Viscounty of VaUi'-Ambra— Submits to 
 Florence— Domestic affairs— Bargellini abolisbcd— Captain of the guard— Its conse- 
 quences— Mastino's ambition — Occupies Lucca— Hopes of Florence — Fail— Mastino's 
 views on Pisa — Fail— Revolution there — Nobles banisheti— Embas.<y from Florence 
 to Mastino— Deceit of the latter- His demands— Acquiescence of Florence— Mas- 
 tino throws off the mask— His ambition— Quarrels with Florence — War com- 
 menced in the Val-di-Nievole ..... Page 531 to 566 
 
 t 
 
 MISCELLVNEOUS CHAPTI-:R 
 
 FOR THE 13th CENTt RY. 
 
 Review of Florentine government— Public and private architecture— Hospitals— Santa 
 Maria Nuova—Scala—MLserecordia— Manners and customs in 13th century- 
 Frugality— Florence less rctined than other states— Despisetl by the PLsans — 
 Luxury increaseti after the beginning of the 14th centurj'— Dante — Morality- 
 Concubinage — Frequent marriages— Numerous offspring— Pier degli Albizzi— 
 Florentines' gaiety of character— Their manner of living— Houses— Loggia- 
 Towers— Marriage ceremony— Orders of knighthood— Corti Bandite— Their mag- 
 nificence — Accoimt of Senese manners in the Sonnets of Folgore da San Gimignano 
 —Weekly occupations— Anneggicrie— Dances— Fxmerals—I'rirate feuds— Insecu- 
 rity in tumults— Supposed condition of the Italian middle classes according to 
 
 / Ricobaldo di Ferrara— Luxury of the clergy— San Diimiimo's rebuke to them— 
 Luxury comparative — Food— Monks of Saint Ambrose — Luxury of the Romans — 
 Saba Malespini— The French admired and imitated in Italy— Charles of /Vnjou's 
 entrance into Naples— Siunptuary laws by Gregory X.— By Florence — Commerce- 
 Early attention to it by Florence — Treaties- Liberality of mind— Industry— Floren- 
 tines resembled the Dutch in their ideas — Early trade corporations — Their institu- 
 tions favoured commerce — .Vmbition subservient to it— Their enterprise — Activity- 
 Knowledge — Travels— Important effects — High rank of a Florentine merchant- 
 Municipal regulations — Bankrupts — Early organisation of trade — Silk trade — 
 Wool trade — Frati Umiliati— Account of them as improvers of cloth manufacture — 
 Regulations and extent of wool trade— Ilorentine manufactories in England, &c.— 
 Pernicious to themselTes— Early trade with England— Memoirs of Balducci and 
 Uoano — Great depot of Florence at Bruges— Its mischief— Silk manufacture— Its 
 introduction into Italy— Incorporateil at Florence as early as 1204— Regulations — 
 Its slow progress until 16th century— Bankers — Bills of exchange — Origin— Rapid 
 progress of banking— Pojie's agents— Vast establishments and extent of business- 
 Character of Italian money-<lealers amongst foreigners— I*robably imdeserved- 
 Minute attention to business— Early laws of the trade — Customs— Rate of interest 
 — Other trades — Energy of the Florentines in establishing an overland trade with 
 China— Paper currency there— Did not affect purchases there — Florentine mint — 
 The golden florin and other coins— Fiorini di Suggello — Di *^'alea— Explanation of 
 them — Imagrinary Ura — Learning — Its rise — Jurisprudence — Various kinds of law 
 in Italy — Codes — Justinian— Theodosian — The Edict of Lombardy — The Salique— 
 The Ripuarian, &c.— Two kinds of laws in Italy — General and Particular— Free 
 choice of law — Reasons for the exclusive self-jurisdiction of the priesthood — 
 JJuziicipal statutes — Their origin— Confusion by so many laws— Florentine statute 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 XXV 
 
 — Accorso— His great celebrity as a lawyer— Cipriani— Accorso's sons— One in 
 England with Edward I.— Physicians— Taddeo Alderotti and his successors— Anec- 
 dote— Mathematicians— Cecco d' Ascole— Fibonacci of Pisa— Introduces algebra into 
 Italy— Italian tongue— Encouraged by Frederic II. and his sons— Various poets— 
 liologna took the lead- Brunctto Latini, a philosopher, poet, lawj'cr, statesman, 
 rhetorician — His 3V*oro— Historians— Malespini— Jacchetto Malespini— Love and 
 romance— Painting— Its rise— Progress— Greek manner— Guido of Siena— Giimlo 
 of Pisa— Biu-tolommco of norcncc— Cimabue— Giotto— Sculptors— Amolfo— Mosaic 
 work — Tufi—Gaddi— Influence of rcUgion on the arts— The priesthood— Early 
 power of bishops—First Bishop of Horencc— Their primitive title — Gradual 
 aggrandisement of tlic elorgj-— Power of Florentine bishops— Their early mode of 
 election abolished— The Cattaiii--:Masnadi— Slavery— Its state and gradual aboUtion 
 — MiUtary state of Italy— Walled towns— Castles— Towers — Various sorts of 
 defences— Militarj' engines— Knighthood— Sachetti's account of it— Armorial 
 bearings— Men-at-amis— Their Equipment— Mode of combat— Offensive and de- 
 fensive arms— Armies— Mcrcenarirs-^Morul feeling of unpaid citizens as soldiers— 
 The Carroccio — Riuisom of prisoners— Spirit of the citizens— Various corps of 
 troops- Great miUtiry power of Florence— Camp equipage— National pride im- 
 parted a i)eculiar bitterness to war— Insults made conflicts more personal 
 
 Page 567 to 63I> 
 
 I 
 

 LINE 
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 
 PAOE 
 
 FOR 
 
 READ 
 
 14 . 
 
 5, 
 
 Note della Chiese . 
 
 . delle Chiese. 
 
 15 . 
 
 5, 
 
 Note Lezione . 
 
 Lezioni. 
 
 30 . 
 
 3, 
 
 
 G. Ammirato . 
 
 Scip. Ammirato. 
 
 39 . 
 
 1, 
 
 
 Politico . 
 
 Politica. 
 
 40 . 
 
 2, 
 
 
 de Pittori 
 
 . de' Pittori. 
 
 40 . 
 
 5, 
 
 
 della . . 
 
 . delle. 
 
 63 . 
 
 16, 
 
 
 Antichita 
 
 Antichitii. 
 
 63 . 
 
 17, 
 
 
 Richia 
 
 Rich a. 
 
 75 . 
 
 17, 
 
 
 Serragle . 
 
 Serrao^li. 
 
 85 . 
 
 % 
 
 
 Contini . 
 
 Cantini. 
 
 115 . 
 
 7, 
 
 
 Ved". . 
 
 . V. Ed". 
 
 jj 
 
 8, 
 
 
 i" and Parte ii" 
 
 . i*' Parte 2*. 
 
 117 . 
 
 9 
 
 
 Tuscana . 
 
 Toscana. 
 
 132 . 
 
 4, 
 
 
 Parte i" . 
 
 Parte i*. 
 
 136 . 
 
 1, 
 
 
 Cirle 
 
 . Civile 
 
 148 . 
 
 149 . 
 
 ^9, 
 
 
 Gcmignano 
 Do. 
 
 Gimignano. 
 Do. 
 
 151 . 
 
 18, 
 
 
 Do. 
 
 . Do. 
 
 173 . 
 184 . 
 
 Note M. del' Stefani 
 1, Note Parte i» . 
 
 M. di Coppo Stefani. 
 Parte i*. 
 
 215 . 
 
 5, 
 
 » 
 
 Parte i" . 
 
 Parte i\ 
 
 217 . 
 
 5, 
 
 ,j 
 
 Antichita 
 
 Antichita. 
 
 229 . 
 
 4, 
 
 ,» 
 
 Fazione . 
 
 Fazioni. 
 
 255 . 
 
 2, 
 
 j> 
 
 Parte 2« . 
 
 Parte 2*. 
 
 268 . 
 
 7, 
 
 »j 
 
 Costanza . 
 
 Costanzo. 
 
 280 , 
 
 
 J, 
 
 Do. . . . 
 
 Do. 
 
 296 . 
 
 2, 
 
 ,» 
 
 Fiorenta . 
 
 Fiorentina. 
 
 418 . 
 
 3, 
 
 »» 
 
 Parte ii" . 
 
 Parte ii*. 
 
 435 . 
 
 o 
 
 14 
 
 Pistolese . 
 
 Pistolesi. 
 
 441 . 
 
 Last line Do. 
 
 Do. 
 
 449 . 
 
 3, 
 
 „ 
 
 Do. 
 
 Do. 
 
 450 . 
 
 2, 
 
 „ 
 
 Do. 
 
 Do. 
 
 475 . 
 
 2, 
 
 »} 
 
 Roncione . 
 
 Roncioni. 
 
 610 . 
 
 1, 
 
 »» 
 
 Pistolese . 
 
 Pistolesi. 
 
 576 . 
 
 5, 
 
 j> 
 
 Genirdini . 
 
 Ghcrardini. 
 
 580 . 
 
 9, 
 
 », 
 
 Ghiaccivaiani 
 
 Ghiacci vaiani. 
 
 598 . 
 
 599 . 
 
 3, 
 I, 
 
 J, 
 
 Sugella Col Segna Suo 
 Nove i** . 
 
 sngella Col segna suo. 
 Novel i*. 
 
 614 . 
 
 Last line 
 
 Raccommandato. 
 
 raccomandato. 
 
 IIb I 
 
FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 HisTOBv should be studied with somewhat of the same 
 feelmg that superior spirits are supposed U> regai-d the endless 
 progress of man : before them, the present, past, and future are 
 simultaneously displayed; they at once perceive the motives, 
 ambition, and final views of humanity; they calmly behold 
 those deeds that fill the earth with wonder, contemplate with 
 stedfest eye the birth, progress, and death of mtions, and at a 
 smgle glance penetrate the chaos of human passions, while 
 successive generations rise, flourish, and decay. They see new 
 actors perform the same parts with little variation ; before 
 them the world fades and lives again, and its high and bois- 
 terous spirits sink as if they had never been. They perceive 
 like causes working like effects, only modified by circum- 
 stances ; everything in action, nothing permanent ; happiness 
 blindly sought and rarely found ; ambition craving and un- 
 satisfied ; good often contemplated but seldom lasting; evil 
 idways flourishing, and religion the consolation or the cloak 
 ot all. These things and their misty shadows on the page 
 of history may often tempt us to e.xclaim. "For what purpose 
 are we here?" a question more easily asked than answered 
 
 VOL. I. £ 
 
li 
 
 2 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 But history is chiefly useful as a record of cause and effect, 
 when it traces past events to their real source and con- 
 sequences ; when it follows them through everj^ turning, points 
 to the wisdom or folly that engendered them, and finally, 
 offers them as a beacon or example for posterity in similar 
 times and circumstances. And as the great moving principles 
 of our nature are unchangeable, he >vill read histoiy with most 
 profit who compares the coui-se of other ages with the living 
 current of his own, who will bear in mind the character and 
 peculiar habits of times and countries, who \rill judge of indi- 
 vidual actions by this standard, and be neither too easily startled 
 at its conclusions nor too heedless of the lesson it conveys. 
 But however striking may be this analogy, it is nevertheless 
 rare, in times of public excitement, that the passions and 
 prejudice of men will admit of a just comparison between the 
 drama in which they themselves are actors, and those most 
 analogous in the history of the world. If the historian hath 
 shadowed out dark and calamitous conclusions, their effect is 
 likely to be repelled by ambition or magnified by fear, and 
 some slight variation of circumstances vnW always be seized a> 
 an excuse for neglecting the past, while the keen edge of 
 history is unscrupulously applied to rival politics, and becomes 
 alternately the mote or beam of the Evangehst. 
 
 Histoiy, if it be not thus written and thus read, and if it 
 serve not as an incentive to wise actions, is merely a graver 
 kind of novel, a production of slight labour, which can give it> 
 author no just claim to the title of historian. 
 
 Amongst those sparks of liberty that burst from the smoul 
 dering ruins of Rome few ascended more brightly or mor.^ 
 rapidly than the Florentine Republic : it shone in arts and arms, 
 in literature and science ; and had internal union been main 
 tained, scarcely a state in Italy could have long withstood the 
 genius of its citizens. A fierce and insolent nobility was in 
 the beginning as justly dragged from power as it was afterwards 
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 3 
 
 unjustly punished; yet the people fought not as in Rome 
 for equa rights, but absolute uncompromising power • the^ 
 
 and the tyrannical and once formidable aristocracy became a 
 
 degraded caste : its power terminated ; its insolence stood 
 
 rebuked ; but much of its military spirit was also crushed, a. d 
 
 mally ceased to .mnnate the general mass of citizens Xo 
 
 longer trustmg to native valour, licentious bands of strangers 
 
 were lured to defend the commonwealth, and less as servL J 
 
 than as masters : the moral effect was pernicious, and assisted 
 
 by other causes produced an indifference to military virtue 
 
 which without entirely destroying, depreciated personal spirit 
 
 and often exposed the comitiy to humiliating exactions. 
 
 Nevertheless we have an example in Florence of the power 
 which even a petty state may attain by the innate force of free 
 institutions acting on a manly energ^^ of character : the first 
 bomids of her authority were but a walk beyond the walls, and 
 the republican territoiy, even in its most ,)almy days, did not 
 exceed a third of the present dukedom; vet fL 'that smdl 
 centre the power of Florence gradually spread over all tlie 
 neighbourmg states until the sea and the Apennines became 
 Its limits. 
 
 We have in Florence also the example of a ^•ictorious 
 people enlarging their territory by war without any real 
 augmentation of national force, for it is impossible that any 
 state should gain strength when more exhausted by the effort 
 to conquer than enriched by the conquest : both Venice and 
 Florence were comparatively more formidable in their concen- 
 trated vigour, when the former was a simple naval power and 
 the latter confined to a smaller circle, than when half Lombardy 
 and Tuscany were under their control. 
 
 By a steady advance and multiplication of her commercial 
 relations, the natural effect of unfettered intercourse, wealth 
 Howed into Florence from tlie distant capital of China ; from 
 
 n 2 
 
4 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 the nearer provinces of Asia ; the shores of Africa, and the 
 ruder countries of Europe. Half the world paid tribute to her 
 skill : her alliance was sought and the weight of her chaxaxiter 
 felt by the leading powers of Christendom, and her citizen- 
 ship, neither lightly given nor yet an unexpensive honour, wai* 
 accepted with pride by some of the noblest families in Italy. 
 The mdustr}^ of her citizens created luxuries wliich their private 
 frugality forbade them to consume, while the wealth thus 
 acq^red not only embelhshed their city but enabled them 
 cheerfully to sustain long and expensive wars for the mainte- 
 nance of Italian equality and their own political independence. 
 Their mental activity and subtle intellect penetrated every- 
 where, and they became so universally necessary that in 1294 
 the Ambassadors of twelve different States and Kingdoms, from 
 England to Constantinople, all Florentines, met at Rome to 
 congratulate Boniface VIII. on his election, and occasioned his 
 well-known saying; ''that in worldUj matters the Florentines 
 
 seemed to he a fifth element '^'.^' 
 
 Their republic was in truth a goodly fabric, but ambition 
 undermined it ; for those fiery spirits that scarcely shake 
 the mass of greater states often burst through the lighter 
 pressure of small communities and destroy the social edifice. 
 Large societies are commonly less open to personal influence ; 
 the *pop^^ation though divided, acts in vast bodies; its voice 
 however loud, is seldom the voice of faction, and its leaders 
 are bonie on the opinion of millions. Pride, anger, enmity, 
 ambition ; all are there ; but with only a partial influence, 
 and permanently confined to the few ; dispersed through a 
 multitude their effects are comparatively trifling ; for though 
 great masses follow popular chiefs it is not as vassals or clans 
 men ; their leaders may a while deceive, but they ultimately 
 work themselves free. Neither do such struggles mate 
 
 ♦ « Earth, air, fire, water, and Florentines, were to be found everywhere." 
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. $ 
 
 rially affect the administration of private justice, nor are 
 they likely to be made a cause of persecution by the winning 
 faction ; for this their antagonists are too strong, too numerous, 
 and would never suffer themselves to be thinned out by banish- 
 ment and confiscation. In petty communities the chiefs are chiefs 
 of faction, and their success the success of a sect in which each 
 individual follower relies for safetv and stakes his life and for- 
 tune on the cast. Modem states have the press and impeach- 
 ment ; Rome had the tribunitial power as an outlet for public 
 dissatisfaction ; Florence neither : no efficient means were there 
 provided to punish a powerfiil offender or obtain justice for a 
 friendless man : a culprit in authority feared no accusation, no 
 sentence, no judgment unsupported by physical force ; and his 
 means of defence were precisely of the same nature : faction 
 was necessarily opposed to faction, the punishment of leaders 
 brought misfortune on numbers, the city was thinned and 
 public good impaired : in Rome the single transgressor 
 suffered, and few exiles and fewer deaths disgraced that stormy 
 commonwealth until its liberty fell in the struggles between 
 Sylla and Caius Marius. 
 
 In Florence the party-leaders were not followed by 
 numerous public bodies, for there was no republic without 
 the walls; a few powerful families led the van, and the 
 contest was confined to the citizens, themselves only a 
 portion of the general urban population. A faction once in 
 power soon became formidable: death, exile, confiscation, 
 and imprisonment diminished the adverse ranks, and oppo- 
 sition was put down by the destruction of hostile property: 
 what with us would be a mere change of administration 
 was there the cause of a sudden revolution that trampled 
 indiscriminately on mercy, justice, and patriotism. No great 
 course of policy really divided the factions : they struggled for 
 no political principle but unmitigated power; yet always 
 under the standard of some popular grievance ; a cause noble 
 
6 
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 
 
 
 in Itself, but imstable as their own sincerity, seized on for 
 the hour and crushed in tlie tumult of victory. In great 
 communities, if leadei-s prove false, their followers moved 
 by a real or mistaken sense of injustice and a commu 
 nity of interest, are gencniUy ti*ue to the cause, and their 
 desire is rarely destmctive of liberty ; though ignorant, they are 
 naturally just ; and have, moreover, a quick perception of truth 
 when unfolded by an honest and friendly hand. The result 
 is that we have a species of public principle continually 
 tloating in the p)litical atmosphere, a mere speck perhaps, 
 like a balloon, which all regard but in which few are tempted 
 to ascend : hence the public conduct of party in great com- 
 munities, though as full of evil passions as in smaller states 
 is not so exclusively directed by them ; nor does vengeance 
 follow success where reason is not ovei*whelmed by general 
 frenzy. The history of Florence is an example of one, that 
 of Great Britain not a bad illustration of the other ; while 
 the administration of Ireland has hitherto combined the most 
 noxious qualities of both *. 
 
 In Florence we shall see national politics pursued with all 
 the subtilty of ambition and personal hatred ; we shall set 
 treacher}% injustice, persecution and tyranny attend on the 
 ascendant faction, with fear and suspicion for its safeguards, 
 and a rival's destruction the only means of self-preservation 
 The junction of such materials could seldom be for public good. 
 a question never discussed by Florentine leaders except when 
 external danger or foreign conquest for a season imited them. 
 Yet beneath this stormy surface the stream of national wealth 
 rolled powerfully though irregularly and measures of general 
 interest were promulgated even in the most unquiet times ; 
 industry was \igilantly, sometimes perhaps unwisely managed, 
 and the great corporate power of the trades brought commerce 
 
 safely through those tempests that seemed to threaten the 
 ver}^ existence of society. People of all ranks and factions 
 were legally compelled to enrol themselves in these pro- 
 fessional associations if they wished for political power, and 
 consequently a strong corporate spirit or commercial advan- 
 tages formed the real bond of public union in Florence : more- 
 over riches and industry were widely spread ; a busy trade 
 gave life and vigour to the national mass, which though roughly 
 shaken by the jar of factions, was never completely ruined 
 until the strong spirit of independence had entirely evaporated. 
 This spirit was first awakened by the struggles of Ardoino and 
 Henry of Bavaria for the Italian throne ; it gathered latent 
 strength through the troubled reign of Matilda, and assumed a 
 definite form in the beginnmg of the twelfth centur}^ : severely 
 checked by the long contiimed power of the Albizzi and en- 
 feebled by the subtle policy of the elder Medici, it ultimately 
 sunk under the despotism of the younger. Leopold would have 
 revived it, but was prematurely called to fill a higher throne ; 
 Ferdinand, with a free and honest spirit, had neither the 
 energy, talents nor experience of his fiither, and was swept 
 away by the great wave of western revolution ere he had time 
 to begin what his o\\ti natural bias would have finally prompted. 
 Free principles have therefore not taken deep root in Tuscany ; 
 and Florence still remains with much dormant talent, much of 
 the acuteness, but, excepting a few distinguished names, none 
 of the spirit, enterprise, or untiring industry of the ancient 
 republic. Ruled by a Prince, who will gain more credit and do 
 more real service by restoring life and population to the 
 Tuscan marshes, than amongst the thorns of constitutional 
 politics, she still exhibits the most thriving and contented 
 portion of the Italian peninsula. 
 
 it 
 
 V 
 
 * This was written in 1835, since which things have changed in that country. 
 
BOOK THE FIRST. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 ) 
 
 f HE origin of Florence, like that of most Italian cities, is 
 very uncertain, and its investigation has employed more 
 time and talent than the subject deserves ; her general fame and 
 acknowledged ancientness may dispense with a blind plunge 
 into the depths of time for an illustrious origin, a labour 
 belonging rather to the antiquary than the historian : four 
 centuries of her own eventful histoiy afford examples for her 
 living children to shun or imitate, and with sufficient bright- 
 ness to ennoble her, independent of the doubtful light of 
 remote antiquity. Like other ancient races, she has suffered 
 much in fame and fortune, and no longer supports as a nation 
 the energetic character of her republican lineage: great 
 crimes and great virtues disfigure and adoni her liistory, but 
 coupled with that taste, talent, and high adventurous spirit 
 which excites the imagination and commands respect. 
 
 Some writers assert that Florence was built by the Libyan 
 Hercules, after having drained the surroundingplain by removing 
 the Golfolina, a rock which tradition says impeded the Amo's 
 course near Signa, and about which there are many conjectures 
 and no certainty. Borghini, rejecting this tradition, admits the 
 probability of a Hercules having anciently visited Tuscany, yet 
 doubts the desiccation of the lake, because a marsh still existed 
 
 II 
 
10 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. I.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 11 
 
 V 
 
 there in the time of Hannibal, whose route by this plain is 
 however a disputed point*. But a partial swamp might have 
 remained for ages after the deeper watei-s had subsided ; and 
 the long course of time between the advents of these heroes, 
 with the marks of human labour said to be still visible about 
 the Golfolma as they are in the rocks near Arezzo, may be 
 sufficient answers to his objection. The circumstance of the 
 seal of Florence having been from time immemorial the figure 
 of Hercules, at least shows that, although Mars was the tutelar 
 deity, the notion of that hero being its original founder is 
 extremelv old+. 
 
 Without presuming to enter the misty regions of Etrurian 
 aborigines, or pretending to decide on their being Pelasgians 
 or Phoenicians (if these be not indeed identical ^j, or a mix- 
 ture of several races ; or whether they sprang perfect from 
 the soil, as Micali and Borghini seem disposed to believe ; wc 
 can reasonably suppose that the ancient trading nations may 
 have pushed their small craft up the Arno to the present site 
 of Florence, and thus have gained a more immediate commu- 
 nication with the flourishing city of Fiesole, than they could 
 through other poits of Etruria, from whatever race its people 
 might have sprung §. Admitting the high antiquity of Fiesole, 
 the imagined work of Atlas, and the tomb of his celestial 
 daughter, we may easily believe that a market was from verj- 
 early times established in the plain, where both by land and 
 water the rural produce could be brought for sale without 
 ascending the steep on which that city stood ||. Such arrange- 
 ments would naturally result from the common com-se of events, 
 and a more convenient spot could scarcely be found than the 
 
 * Borghini, Discorsi deir Origine delta § Micali, vol. vi.— Borghini, Discor. 
 
 citta di Firenze, Parte i% p. 15. delta Toscana e sua citta, Parte i% 
 
 + Toscano Illustrata, p. 286. p. 342. 
 
 t The Greeks called the tatter Pe- || Lami, Lezioni d' Antichita Toscano, 
 
 lasgii, quasi Pelagi, from their mari- Lez. i*, p. 25, 
 
 time habits. 
 
 present site of Florence, to which the Amo is still navigable 
 by boats from its mouth, and at that time perhaps by two 
 branches. 
 
 This suburb was likely to become a depository of national 
 produce, as well as foreign commodities from Pisa, Elba and 
 especially Populonia, which, after the supposed colonisation 
 of Elba by Volterra, became the seaport of this last city and 
 the great foundery of native iron ; hence a lower town^ may 
 be miagined to have quickly extended towards the parent 
 citV':=. 
 
 Population would thus augment by mere public convenience 
 as well as from local fertility, milder air and greater abundance 
 of water, and an extensive town arise long before the Etruscan 
 confederation sank under the steadier march of Romef. This 
 seems also to be the opinion of Villani, Macchiavelli, Varchi 
 and Borglnni ; partially supported by ]\Ialespini Dante, and 
 others ; but all depending on the ancient chronicles consulted 
 by the last historian both at Rome and Florence, the value of 
 which cannot now be appreciated, for the fables that he so 
 gravely relates must not be received as a criterion either of 
 them or him, in more credible events of subsequent occurrence : 
 '* There were," says Villani, - inhabitants round San Giovanni 
 because the people of Fiesole held their market there one day 
 m the week, and it was called the Field of Mars, the ancient 
 name : honever it ims always Jrom the first, the market of the 
 Ftesolines, ami thus it was called before Florence existed " 
 And again, " The Praetor Florinus, with a Roman army, en- 
 camped beyond the Arno towards Fiesole and had two small 
 
 Nin^i'si' ^Vv^J' ^-i^-^'"^W tine. Lib. ii.-Malespini, Storia, cap. 
 
 Nine, Stona d Elba, p. 2. xxviii.-Gio. Villani, Storia, cap. xxi , 
 
 t Richa Notizie Istonche cklle Lib. ii«.- Benedetto Varchi, Storia 
 
 thiese Toscane, vol. iv., Parte ii^, Fiorentina, Lib. ix., p. 67.- Borghini. 
 
 VxTfl^i M ^.^ 1,- T .... I^ist^orsi. Parte Prima, p. 47.— Dante, 
 
 + Miccolo Macchiavetli, Istorie Fioren- lufenio, Canto xv. 
 
13 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 fsooK I. 
 
 villages there, one called Arnina, the other Camarte, or 
 Campo, or Domus Martis, where the people of Fiesole 
 one day in the week held a general market with the neighbour- 
 ing towns and villages. And it was decreed by the Consul, in 
 concert with Florinus, that neither bread, nor wine, nor warlike 
 stores should be bought or sold in any place except his camp." 
 On the site of this camp, as we are also assured by Villani, was 
 erected the city of Florence, after the capture of Fiesole 
 by Pompey, Caesar, and Martins; but Leonardo Aretino, 
 following Malespini, asserts that it was the work of Syllas 
 legions, who were already in possession of Fiesole '^. Poliziano 
 imagines it to have been a colony of the Triumvirate, and 
 is supported by Raffaello Maffei sumamed II Volterrano. 
 But the variety of opinions almost equals the number of 
 authors, wherefore accuracy is here impossible and of little 
 consequence in the subsequent history f. 
 
 There are reasons nevertheless for belie\ing that Florence 
 had obtained the rank and privileges of a Municipium long 
 before these last conjectured epochs of its foundation, for 
 Lucius Florus, in his abridgment of Livy, as cited by Varchi 
 and Borghini, while describing Sylla's conduct after the civil 
 war, says that four splendid Municipia, namely Spoletum, 
 Spoleto ; Interamnium, Temi ; Pnenestcey and Florentia were 
 sold by public auction. Now if Florence were really one of 
 these '* Municipin Italia splendidissima ,'' or a city enjopng 
 the rights and privileges of Rome in addition to its own, 
 it must necessarily have flourished long before the time of 
 Sylla; wherefore the above statements are of small value, 
 and Lami's opinion of its Etruscan source and the con 
 
 ♦ Leon. Aretino, Stor.Fiorentina, Vol- + Poliziano, 2n(l Epistle to Piero 
 
 garizzato da Donato Acciaioli, Lib. i", de' MedicL — II Volterrano, Commen- 
 
 (Edition 1494). — Gio. Villani, Storia, tari Urbani. Both cited by Varchi and 
 
 Lib. i°, cap. xxxv.; Lib. ii"', cap. others, Lib. ix., p. 60. — Lami, Lezionc 
 
 xxi viii. 
 
 I 
 
 CHAP. I.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 13 
 
 This passage of Florus has, however, been shaken by the 
 iamous Coluccio Saluteti, who saw a ye.7 ancient manuscript 
 of that author, m which the name was written Florentina, 
 supposed by h„„ to be Ferentiru>, but not so much from 
 their similanty of sound as from the situation of the latter 
 near the other three cities, all of which having committed the 
 same cnme were involved in the same condemnation!. 
 
 Malespini, and Villani who copies him, amuse us with many 
 fables about the origin of Florence, and all in that simple 
 unaffected tongue, ^ 
 
 " Che pria li Padri e le Madri trastulla J," 
 but we have no reason to suspect their accumcy in describing 
 local particulanties, or any events that occurred within their 
 own age and obser,'ation. Yet, notwithstanding their minute 
 descnptions of Florence and the remains which then existed 
 and that even now axe not entirely effaced, the very site of 
 this ancient city has been doubted, merely because Ptolemy, or 
 more hkely some careless scribe, has made an error of seven 
 and twenty miles in the difference of latitude between that 
 town and Fiesole §. 
 
 From all, therefore, that has been written, it may be reasonably 
 «>nc uded that Florence, springing originally from Fiesole. 
 finally rose to the ra^k of a Roman colony, and the seat of 
 provincial government; a miniature of Rome, with its Campus 
 Martius. its Capitol, Foi-um, temple of Mars, aqueducts, baths 
 
 • Lib. ill., last part, cited by Borghini. 
 Origine di Firenze, p. 34— Varchi^ 
 Stor. Fioren. Lib. ix., p. 64. 
 t Lami, Lezione viii.— Paulo Mini, 
 Avvertimenti e digressioni gopra 
 u Discorso della Nobilita di Firenze 
 Avvert. 2«. Digress. 1°.- Coluccio' 
 Salutati, as cited by Borghini. 
 
 (Origine di Firenze,) and others. 
 X Dante, Paradiso, Canto xv. 
 § Borghini, Discors. Parte i«,* p. 107. 
 — " You had better move Fiesole, it 
 will give you much less trouble;' said 
 a friend of Borghini's to one who was 
 wai-mly insisting on Florence not being 
 in its ancient place. 
 
)4 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 (book 
 
 CHAP. 1.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 r 
 
 I 
 
 theatre aiid amphitheatre, all erected in imitation of the 
 "Eternal City ;" for vestiges of all these are still existing either 
 in name or substance*. 
 
 The name of Florence is as dai'k as its origin, and a thousand 
 derivations have confused the brains of antiquarians and their 
 readers without much enlightening them, while the beautiful 
 Giaf/iolo or Iris, the city's emblem, still clings to her old grey 
 walls, as if to assert its right to be considered as the genuine 
 source of her poetic appellation. From the profusion of 
 those flowers that formerly decorated the meads between the 
 rivers Mugnone and Anio, has sprung one of the most 
 popular opinions on this subject; for a white plant of the 
 same species ha\nng shown itself amongst the rising fabrics 
 the incident was poetically seized upon and the Lily then first 
 assumed its station in the crimson banner of Florence f. 
 
 Stefiino Menochio, as quoted by Francesco Vettori, explains 
 the word Florentia as '' Flores liliontm in candelabrisl,'' 
 and it appears from other quotations in tlie same work that the 
 Lily was more especially designated by the word Florentia : 
 hence the meaning of Malespini and Mllani in deriving 
 Florenza from lilies; because when the foraier wrote, the 
 connection of these names must have been universally familiar 
 from the comparatively recent decay of Latin as a spoken 
 language and its then continued use in all written documents. 
 The site of Florence at the confluence of two rivers, coupled 
 with an expression of Pliny in the eighth chapter and third 
 book of his Natural HistoiT, where he speaks of the Fluentini 
 being placed on the Amo, have made some imaghie that the 
 
 15 
 
 • Dom. Manni, Notizie Istoriche 
 intomo al Paragio &c. di. Firenzo. 
 — Pietro Giannone, Storia Civile di 
 Napoli, vol. i", p. 210. — Padre Richa, 
 Notizie Istoriche della Chiese Flo- 
 rentine, vol. iv., Parte ii", p. 44. 
 ■f Marchionne di Coppo Stefani, Is- 
 toria Fiorentina, Lib. \'\ Rubrica 20. 
 
 — The Mugnone then flowed across 
 the Piazza di San Marco and that 
 of Madonna^ falling into the Amo, 
 near the Ponte alia Carraia ; and the 
 Amo is supposed to have originally 
 swept in a curve towards Fiesole at 
 that part outside the Porta alia Croce. 
 X Fiorino d' Oro, lllustrato, p. 20. 
 
 onginal na^e ^ssFI,.e,nia; other, derive it from Florinus, 
 the Roman general already mentioned, who was killed by the 
 Fiesohnes m a skirmish near the camp; and others a^ain 
 because it y.ns the general Mart or Forum, have calle^d i; 
 Forenm*. It has also been suggested tljat there was an 
 equivalent Etruscan name, the termination "e„tla" bein-r con- 
 sidered ss much Etruscan as Roman ; and, .^ a proof of^this 
 the names of several Etruscan places have been cited, such 
 as the nvers Arentia and Anh-mia and the goddess Valentia ■ 
 which last was also conjectured to be one of the names of 
 Rome, onginally an Etniscan cityf. 
 
 Lastly, there were those who maintained that the modem 
 name should be divided into three syllables, as Fir-en-ze 
 the fii-st, signifying a y?o,f,r i„ some remote eastern dialect- 
 the second graceful, and the third this; or a graceful flo„e:- 
 thts; and again from the word Fhza which we are told means 
 a town without walls. But, exclaims Borghini, what is the use 
 of breaking our language to pieces only to pick out a Fir a 
 i'lrza, or some such nonsense, and then flying oft' to Mesopo- 
 tamia to hmit for a meaning, when we have our neighbours the 
 Romans, close at hand, who called it in their language Florentia 
 which, as IS usual in Italy, has since been coi-rupted into 
 ftrenze. The somewhat poetical derivation of the name from 
 a i.ily, or field of flowers, may therefore remain until a better 
 be produced, and that of the city's origin be fairly referred to 
 i'lesolme commerce and Roman soldierej. 
 
 • Rastrelli, Firenze Antica c Mo- J Borghini, Parte Prima, d ■><{ ■ 
 + iL: I • " ,i' . . '^f^nionis nimm omniiorum aenere 
 
16 
 
 FLOBENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. II.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY- 
 
 17 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 FROM A.D. 17 TO A.D. 650. 
 
 Etruria, Tuscia, and Tyrrhenia, were ancient names of 
 Tuscany ; and its boundaries the Magra, the Tiber, the 
 Apennines and the Tyrrhenian or Etruscan Sea. The first 
 river divided it from Liguria, now for the most part comprised 
 in the Genoese state, and the second from Latium and Umbria, 
 which are a portion of the ecclesiastical dominions : this was 
 central Etruria ; but the Etruscans' territor}-, says Li\7, 
 extended from the Alps to the Sicilian Sea and filled all Italy 
 with their renown. The political power of Etruria was based 
 on a confederation of twelve principal cities and their territories, 
 each governed by its own Liicumo or king ; and, though various 
 associations existed amongst them, it does not appear that the 
 nation was ever stedfastly united by any supreme government, 
 like that of the United States of America*. 
 
 The chief Tuscan river is the Amo, which, like the Tiber, has 
 its source in the mountain of Falterona : flowing through the 
 Casentine valleys, and passing within three miles of Arezzo, it 
 descends rapidly into the upper Val d'Amo, bathes the town 
 and fields of Florence ; winds between Monte Lupo and 
 
 * By the Etruscan Sea was under- the Chief Tyrrenus or Tyrsenus, 
 
 stood all the waters from the Amo's who by some is supposed to have led 
 
 mouth to Sicilv, and sometimes even the first colonists westwartF from Lvdia. 
 
 all those that encircled Italy. Tho (Giuseppe Ninci, Storia d'Elba, Libro 
 
 Tyrrhenian Sea took its name from i*>, p. 4, Note A.) 
 
 Capraia ; and after refreshing and fertilising the plains of Pisa 
 Llhfsea't ""■""'"' '^'* ""^"^^ ""^ ''^'' '^ ''^'^«» ^''^'^^ 
 Florence is placed in the centre of Tuscany hetween the 
 h.l s of Montugh,. Monte Morello and Fiesole to the north • 
 T^S ""JZ^^ ^^- «-8- -d Bellosgualt 
 
 .1 ome vlnte and rocky mass had been dashed violently do™ 
 and brealang through olive groves and vineyards had promit 
 euously scattered its fragments on the soil; so thick areX 
 villas and hamlets that stud the coimtry round 
 
 To the north-east is the treble-peaked Fiesole ^^ith its 
 frownmg convent and huge Etruscan walls : the valley of 
 Mugnone a p aoe made classical by Boccaccio, divides it from 
 Monte Morello and the neighbouring heights, once wooded 
 now brown and bare, the resort of herds ami herdsml T 
 he north-west, under the skirts of Monte Morello, lurks the 
 cUyofPrato one of the earliest Florentine conquest: further 
 westward P.stoia, the " Clt, of Fact,o„. ' and suppled 
 memonal of Catihnes defeat, is seen in dim pe3 - 
 
 Beti T n f '"''""'' '''''^'' ">' "^ «- renin, eh Ik 
 Appuan Alps break on the western sky, while to the south- 
 west the eye ranges over a succession of villa-studded heights 
 
 Except the quotation from Floms. the earliest notice of 
 Florence .s by Tacitus who at the end of his fi.t book tel 
 us that durtng the re.gn of Tiberi.ts, in order to control ^ 
 he frequent floods of the Tiber, a question arose in tTo 
 senate about the expediency of directing its tributary streams 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 * " Un fiumicel che nasce in Falterona 
 *- cento miglia di corso nol sazia."— Dante, 
 C 
 
IS 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. II.J 
 
 A.D. 56. 
 
 into new channels ; and tliat in an audience given to the 
 Ambassadors of the various Municipia and Colonies, those of 
 Florence entreated that the river Chiana might not be turned 
 into the Arno, as it would assuredly ruin their city by the 
 increased volume of water which might thus be rolled down on 
 them in rainy seasons. This vain though natural apprehension 
 was first shaken by the scientific spirit of the Medici and 
 afterwards dispelled by the lights of modem science, which 
 besides arresting those devastating floods has metamorphosed 
 tlie Chiana swamps into rich farms with a healthy population ; 
 and the poisonous wastes of the Maremma now promise similar 
 and equally beneficitU consequences *. 
 
 It is believed that Christianity was first secretly taught in 
 Florence about Nero's reign by Frontinus and Pauli- 
 nus, disciples of Saint Peter ; this was followed by a 
 persecution of the Christians which nearly ceased under Ves- 
 pasian and Titus, and recommenced under Decius in 
 the third centur}'. St. Miniato is supposed to ha\ « 
 then suffered decapitation on the spot where the Church ot 
 Santa Candida alia Croce a Gorgo was afterwards erected, 
 bequeatliing its name to the Present Gate of La Croce, and 
 his body was inten-ed, not without a miracle, on the opposite 
 hill which still bears his name f . 
 
 The first publicly acknowledged bishop seems to have been i 
 «-ertain Felice in J313, but no sure indication of any oth« r 
 appears mitil about the year 400, when St. Zanobi wa^ 
 consecrated ; a man reverenced in life and death fur 
 his exemidarv' conduct and miracles ; that of causing a decayed 
 elm to spring into full leaf by the accidental touch of his body on 
 its way to interment, was early commemorated by the erection 
 of a marble column on the spot, and long afterwards produced 
 
 * Sagvrio su la storia dcUe Colmate his head in Lis hand. — M. di C. Sto- 
 dclla Valle di Chiana. fani, Lib. i«. Rub. 23.— Gio. Villani. 
 
 t lie walked over the Arno with Lib. i ', cap. Ivii. 
 
 A.D. 250. 
 
 .VI). 400. 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 19 
 
 GhttflT" '' ^'""'^ -* ^-- *^ genius of Ridolfo 
 
 bratedat Florence o„l Xhltr T*""^ ^'"'^^ "^" '^'''■ 
 
 festival of St ReDaratrtr^ . °^' '"°"*' '' '^^"g the 
 ui ot. iveparata, to whom the Church of St c!,i j 
 
 which occupied the place of the present T!f. / , "''^ 
 
 dedicated!. Long before the vear M^n, , "■"' ''^ *^» 
 
 wa3 first weakened brCotSnel J ' ""''™ ^""P'^^ 
 
 in preparation all southern P„r„ i , ™^ ^™^ 
 
 effeminacy and corZt .IT. ^'^ ^"•^"'^'^ «"»k into 
 the grand infion"fv! " . '^ '^' "°'^** ™^ '^'^ -hen 
 ward' a. if byTJ^e^Jeln 0/^" "°°' '"''"'' -"*" 
 and physical'equmbri;^: "" ' '" "^*''" '^^ '"°'"' 
 
 From Adrians reign the seventeen provinces of Tt„l 
 rrx ' Consuls. Presidents, and LlT/co' ^^' ^"" 
 
 unued, with the exception perhaps of Odoacers r„lp . 
 Long,nus, who degmded the provincial DntT f I ' ■" '° 
 governors of cities ' n,„ .. ^ """"''' """^^^ "^ Parses to mere 
 cuies ,. liut the Empire still mouldered away, and 
 
 * Jf- di Coppo Stcfani, Lib i<> 
 Rubnca 2G.--Bor,hini, Dis^or. Chiesa' 
 
 Mecatti Stona Crouologica Fioren- 
 •*"-i, (4to ed.) and 406 in the «vo cd 
 
 t Muratori, Annali.-Hceren's Ma- 
 nual of Ancient Historv.-Denh a 
 
 Hevolut.d'ItaL, Lib.iii.,-eap. T"' 
 
 Gibbon, vol. 1., chap, i., p. 6. 
 
 § Giannone, Storia di Napoli vol 
 
 ^^PP.65,201,210,21I,2'l6;22o; 
 — Uibbon, vol. ii., pp. 37^ 42. 
 
 
20 
 
 FLORKNTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAF. II.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 21 
 
 A-U. 409. 
 A.I). 452. 
 A.I). 455. 
 A.D. 475. 
 
 its division by Valentinian the First was of no more avail 
 than a change of the western government, from Home to the 
 stronger positions of Milan and llavenna, by Maximian and 
 Dioclesian in the fourth centurj' * : Italy soon fell a prey to 
 these northern hordes, who pouring in countless numbers from 
 their gloomy forests and icy lakes, revelled in the milder air 
 of the more fertile Ausonia. 
 
 The ravages of the Visigoths under Aluric, of the Huns 
 under Attila, and the Vandals under Genseric, were 
 so many destructive storms that struck the land with 
 death aiid desolation ; but the Hendi of King Odoacer 
 changed the whole mord and political aspect of Italy: 
 they planted a new and a freer spirit in a country which 
 thev had no wish to abandon for the less brilliant skies of their 
 own inclement region. After defeating Augustulus and Orestes 
 on the plains of Pavia, Odoacer remained for seventeen years 
 the master of Italy's fairest provinces, but >vithout the imperial 
 title, because from policy or habitual veneration for the majesty 
 of the Csesars it is even doubted whether he ever assumed 
 that of royalty, being content as it seemed with the simple 
 di^iity of Patrician or imperial Vicar. The sovereignty of 
 Home thus fell into the hands of a barbarian, who never 
 theless governed well and wisely ; who was tolerant although 
 an x\rian; who respected the institutions and prejudices of 
 the vanquished although a conqueror ; and caused Italy to be 
 once more feared, courted and respected l»y the world f. 
 
 Five centuries later the Italian Berenger reigned ; he wa^ 
 deposed, and saw Otho of Saxony seated in his place a> 
 Emperor of the West: and these two revolutions, says 
 Sismondi, *' in one of which the name of Empire was changec* 
 to Monarchy, and in the other that of Monarchy to Empire, 
 
 •Gibbon, vol. i., chap, xiii., p. 457, —Gibbon, vol. iii., p. 498, (4to cd).-^ 
 (4to ed.) Murdtori, Annali, vol. vii., p. '-o.>, 
 
 t Denina, Lib. v., cap. i°, p. 306. (8vo ed.) 
 
 e 
 
 s 
 
 mark the long course of adversity that tho Ttai- 
 compelled to endure for the re ven. of it! ^'*^" ,"«" °" ""^^ 
 and the production of an ener^ h t^^nfrreT'^'^^^^^^^^ 
 freedom*." I„ Odo^oer's daftT.Zel'v '"'^^'''' 
 
 h«- day ; mvaded Italy with the Emperor Zeno s con ^••'- «' 
 currence, defeated Odoacer in several b,ttleT Vnf ^^ , 
 struggle remained master of that SlgS^.h, .t'' " '"^' 
 goven^ed ,„ peace and justice for two-^^.d-th rty ;ea^ -»• -■ 
 He put Odoacer to death, as Odoacer had put OreL „, , • 
 h.s atter ,.ars became gloomy and even fero ousth 1 nl:' 
 ^ate attendants; and the execution of Boethius and Lm-rT dm, 
 wU ever darken his memory in despite of subsequent rli" 
 
 fun.sh ample rn^n^ji^^^^^:^:?:^' 
 tan's pen. Through the LuenL :^C:^2rt^ 
 tar> to both h.m and Odoacer, learning was never sli^btpr^ ^ 
 
 brated philosophers was a just renroach th. i , 
 
 received through l.e will s^ill r:^l t^hi ~ 1 T 
 J-tmian's generuls, Belisarius and Nar.es. ulZ^Zt 
 
 * Sismondi, Rep., vol. ie cin ie j. nvL 
 
 . 5;fr""T'.«.'-'^' Civile Ji N:;^ii.:: !»; Riv'^tr-Lt"- ""^'"-^'- 
 
 * ^'bbon, vol. iii., chap Ivi ' ^^'^ ^'^- ^v e^p. v., vi. 
 
 el 
 
 i! 
 
22 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book f. 
 
 CHAP. II.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 23 
 
 m 
 
 A. I). 553. 
 
 A.D. 568. 
 
 dued the Ostrogoths after a supremacy of sixty years, their final 
 struggles being the battles of Nocera and Tagina, where Teias 
 and Totila successively fell, quelled by the mightier 
 genius of an old neglected general and a mutilated 
 courtier. The able, vigorous, but unpopular and somewhat 
 avaricious rule of Narses lasted sixteen years, until he fell by 
 female intrigues and adverse machinations accom- 
 panied by insults so bitter as, in the opinion of some 
 writers, to cause the subsequent invasion of Alboin and his 
 Lombards by a direct invitation*. The fact is doubtful; but 
 the Lombards, after forty years, abandoned Pannonia to the 
 fiercer Huns, and with numerous Saxon auxiliaries rose in 
 arms and marched to Italy breaking through every barrier 
 and spreading in one broad flood from the Alps to the capital. 
 The Venetians were safe in their Lagoons; Rome and its 
 immediate territor>' remained faithful to the emperor; the 
 southern maritime cities were defended by Greeks ; and Zoton, 
 an adventurous chief of the Lombard race, had established 
 himself from the year 561 in the heart of Italy under the title 
 of Duke of Beneventumf: his independence may perhaps be 
 doubtful; but with these exceptions the realm of Lombardy 
 included all the peninsula, Pavia being then the permanent 
 seat of government. 
 
 This invasion gave fresh energ}' to Italy, and tended to 
 rouse her from that state of drowsy indifference with which 
 she was still oppressed in despite of northern inroads : at first 
 the Lombards' rule was intolerably fierce, and though subse- 
 quently modified by time and intercourse, they never 
 thoroughly mixed with the Italians, who could not forget 
 their pristine ferocity even after that monarchy was destroyed. 
 In conjunction with the bitter feeling between conquerors and 
 conquered, diversity of manners and opinions must have 
 
 ^5 
 
 ♦ Muratori, Annali.— Dcnina, Lib. + Muratori, Anno 571.— Giannone, 
 ▼ii., cap. i., p. 402. vol. ii., p. 266. 
 
 .3, 
 
 occasioned hatred and disgust to both, and the despicable 
 notion that the barbarians entertained of their new subjects is 
 forcibly expressed by Luitprand, Bishop of Cremona; uttered, 
 It IS true, m a moment of anger, but not on that account the 
 less sincere. "In the word Roman," says he, -is included 
 all that IS Ignoble, timid, avaricious, lascivious, and false, and 
 every vice that can debase the dignity of man." This would 
 have astonished Fabricius, yet agrees with the opinions in 
 Salviam s " Govemo di Dio- quoted by Lami, where there is a 
 disgustmg picture of Roman depraWty, especially at public 
 spectacles; while tlie chastity and generally moral, thouah 
 uncivilised conduct of all the northern tribes except the Huns 
 IS acknowledged *. - The Goths" are described as - perfidious 
 but chaste ; the Alani not chaste but less perfidious ; the 
 Franks liars, bat hospitable ; the Saxons cruel and savage 
 but venerating chastity." In fact the Goths and Lombards 
 found all the vices that they most abhorred still flourishing in 
 Italy, but in peculiar rankness about the theatres, amphi- 
 theatres, baths, and all other places of public diversion ; 
 they were therefore destroyed; not from wanton barbarity but 
 honest indignation; and though Theodoric through policy and 
 general love of the arts, repaired the Coliseum and granted 
 public games at the repeated petitions of the Romans, he yet 
 designates them as " exhibitions contrary to the gravity^ of 
 manners, evacuators of modesty, fountains of strife, and the 
 mockery of times to come." The courage of northern spirits, 
 ruthless in battle but not wantonly cruel, revolted from the 
 bloody sports of Rome, and even the Italian clergy endeavoured 
 unsuccessfully to prevent them. Nothing however was gained 
 before the reign of Odoacer except an edict against 
 their being held on the Sabbath, and this was not '''''' '''' 
 long attended to; nor did they entirely cease until the 
 
24 
 
 FLOREXTTNE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 country was ruined by misfortunes that destroyed the power 
 or wish for such amusements, and reduced man almost to 
 the level of those beasts which he was wont to hunt for 
 pastime*. 
 
 CHAP. III.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 Z 1 
 
 Cotemporary Monarebs (hiring the period embraced in this cliapter : — Roman 
 and Greek Emperors, from Tiberius to Constantine, Copnmimus and Ijco 
 IV. — Popes, from St. Peter to Adrian I. — England : The Romans until 448. — 
 Prince Arthur, supposed from 50H to 540. — Heptarchy from 555 to «27. — 
 Fnince : Romans until 481.— Then the Fnvnks from Cluvis to Chilperic 
 III. in 737. 
 
 * Ijami, Leziono v.. p. 124. 
 
 CHAPTER TIL 
 
 FROM A.D. G50 TO A.D. 805. 
 
 « 
 
 Centuries of historical darkness follow the foregoing times, 
 broken only by tlie meteor-like course of Charlemagne whose 
 spirit, apparently destined to rouse up mankind, soon vanished 
 from the scene and left the world in more than pristine 
 obscurity. His exploits were chanted in romantic numbers 
 and adorned with feiry superstitions by groups of itinerants 
 thence called Charlatans, and the deeds of his Paladins still 
 excite the youthful si)irit by their romantic and daring chai'acter. 
 It is only from the reign of this monarch tliat we must take 
 the still slight and uncertain clue of Florentine histoiy, after 
 some inquiry hito the supposed destruction and rebuilding of 
 the city, a theme almost as obscure as her name and origin, and 
 the cause of much learned investigation amongst Tuscan anti- 
 quai-ies. Leonardo Aretino and Scipione Ammirato altogether 
 discard the commonly received notion of its ruin by Totila ; 
 and the labours of Vincenzo Borghini and Giovanni Lami leave 
 no doubt on a subject which anterior writers had handled so 
 clumsily as to confuse this chief witli the barbarian Att'ila, who 
 was almost a century earlier and never crossed the Apennines*. 
 But as in modern Italy the traveller is referred to French 
 domination for the source of all moral and physical evil, 
 so probably in those gloomy times was every national 
 
 * Leon. Aretino, Lib. i".— Scip. p. 251.— Gio. Lami,Lezione vii., vol. 
 Ammirato, Storia Fiorentina, Lib. i", i«, p, 240. 
 J). 17. — Borghini, Discorsi, Parte ii% 
 
26 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOKY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. III.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 27 
 
 t' 
 
 m 
 
 A.D. 541. 
 
 A.D. 642, 
 
 misfortune attrihuted to him whose exploits then most fully 
 occupied the public attention. 
 
 Totila or Baduilla, the supposed destroyer of Florence, was 
 an Italian of royal blood and Gothic race ; who 
 after the death of Erarico, was iinanimouslv chosen 
 king of that nation at a moment when it ( quailed under the 
 energy of lielisarius, and when five thousand warriors were 
 the scanty remnant of all its veteran bands. The absence 
 of that renowned captain and the weakness of his successor 
 Alexander were soon felt by l>oth nations and proved pecu- 
 liarly favourable to Totila ; for more intent on gain and 
 vexatious prosecutions than the charge of war, Alexander soon 
 exhausted the courage and resources of a sutrcring nation-. 
 A defeat of the imperialists near Verona gave Totila complete 
 command of that country bv forcinj:t them back in five 
 separate columns on the fenced cities of Ilomagna and 
 Tuscany: Justin with one of these threw himself into Florence, 
 where he was soon followed by a Gotliic force which, after a 
 second victory near Faenza, was sent to suqirise him ; but at his 
 earnest entreaties a body of troops assemlded at Ravenna, and 
 by forced marches drove Totila s army into the Mugello, leaving 
 Florence free. Although quarrelling amongst themselves the 
 imperial generals resolved to follow up their blow but were 
 totally routed, while the victor's army was augmented by the 
 enlistment of numerous prisoners f. After failing in this 
 attempt on Florence, Totila renewed tlie campaign in 543 by a 
 southward march through Romagna, reducing Beneventum 
 and all the neighbouring provinces ; even Rome fell ; but was 
 subsequently recaptured by Belisarius, who had reassumed the 
 command in Italy: yet thus for ten years did the Lombard 
 march from victory to victory, securing friends and conquer- 
 ing foes almost by the glitter of his arms. 
 
 It was in one of these campaigns that he added Florence to 
 
 • Muratori, Annali, Anno 541, &c f S. Ammirato, Lib. i", p. 15, &c. — 
 — Borghini, Discorsi, Parte ii*, p. 259. Muratori, Anno 542. 
 
 his conquests either by capitulation or the people's will 
 Belisarius was gone ; but his genius reappeared in Xarses • 
 Victory unfaithful to the Gothic standard resumed her ancient 
 post amongst the Roman Eagles, and Totila after a lonrr and 
 bloody resistance died at the battle of Tagina, in 552. ° 
 
 The place is now unknown. His ordei-s were to use neither 
 sword nor shaft in the battle, but trust to pike and lance alone 
 for victoiy ; he was defeated and of course blamed, for the issue 
 was unfortunate ; but we know nothing of the circumstances 
 m which he acted, the nature of the ground, nor the 
 quality or equipment of the adverse legions ; and the fire- 
 side criticism of a great general's actions is as easy as it is 
 presumptuous. 
 
 Totila seems to have been just, clement, and chaste ; as 
 well as prudent, vigilant, and indefatigable; his virtues 
 deserved a happier fate : he took Rome, but spent his anger 
 on the walls, not the people ; and though highly exasperated, 
 spared that city at the remonstrance of Belisarius. He raised 
 an expiring nation to the pride of power, bafHed one of the 
 greatest generals of the age, and dying gloriously though 
 defeated, has been slandered both by religious and national 
 enemies. He was a barbarian, and in that age which of them 
 was not ? But it may be a doubtful question whether the 
 rugged northern virtues were not preferable to the morbid 
 civilisation of polished, but immoral Greeks, even as their 
 own writers have described them *. 
 
 Procopius does not even mention Florence amongst the 
 cities taken by Totila, and his continuator Agathus savs in the 
 first book of the (Gothic war, as cited by Lami and Borghini, 
 that while advancing on Florence, Narses was met by the 
 citizens, who being assured of indemnity in property and 
 person, freely capitulated ; this not only proves their ability 
 to defend themselves, but would also argue that they had 
 
 ♦ Paulo Giovio, Vite d'uomini il- —Dcnina, Lib. vi., cap. iv., v-Gib- 
 lustn.— Muratori, Annali, Anno 552. bon, vol. iv., p. 281, (4to ed.) 
 
2S 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. III.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 r 
 
 voluntarily submitted to Totila, as a pardon from the conqueror 
 afterwards became necessary for their safety. It follows that 
 the Florentine defences must have been then untouched ; that 
 they had not even been affected by Totila s humane and politic 
 custom of destroyhig the walls of towns in order to save the 
 hardships of a siege and hasten the termination of hostilities 
 in the open field. If Florence were ever ruined, it probably 
 was irnder the Lombards, and less from wanton destructive- 
 ness than oppressive government : but of that unhappy age 
 the records are wanting, and we only know that perpetual 
 and unmitigated war raged wildly over the whole Italian 
 peninsula*. 
 
 In a public instrument of the year 774, Florence is 
 mentioned rather as a suburb of Fiesole, than an independent 
 city; and even in 801 a curious document given in Giovan- 
 battista Ubaldini's histor\' of his own family, (l)y which several 
 of them are made Knights of the Golden Spur,) de- 
 scribes it as deserted in consequence of the general misery. 
 This expression probably related to what then remained 
 of the city, as the term is '* derelict,'^ not destroyed f. Neither 
 was it the custom at that epoch to appoint pastors where there 
 was no flock or a mere remnant, insufficient to justify such 
 nominations ; and yet two bishops of Florence seem to have 
 existed during the time of Narses. Moreover, in the acts 
 passed at Rome, confinning those of the sixth general council 
 held at Constantinople in 681, the name of Keparato, Bishop 
 of Florence is, according to Borghini, to be seen. It is true 
 that the episcopal title and functions might have existed after 
 the diocesan capital was ruhied, but this does not seem 
 to be the case, because Borghini mentions as still existing in 
 his day a very ancient deed of gift made by Spezioso, Bishop 
 
 * Gibbon, voL iv., chap, liii., p. 281. made in 1279 ; in consequence of its 
 
 t Historia dcgli UbaMini, p. 8, then state of decay, as we arc told bv 
 
 (Firenze, 1588,) where may be found the author, 
 a translation ofthe original instrument, 
 
 29 
 
 of Florence in 729, of the '« Lands of Cintoia^ to the Canons of 
 the Florentine cathedral. 
 
 All this tends to prove that Florence so far from havincr 
 been mmed, >rith the exception perhaps of her theatre and 
 amphitheatre, was not destroyed at all ; and therefore the 
 credibdity of its reedification by Chariemagne is diminished • 
 nevertheless, an ancient tradition adopted by all the eariy 
 writers and accompanied by various details, can scarcely have 
 sprung from nothing and may not be difficult to explain. 
 
 The Scythians and Germans, according to Tacitus, had a 
 strong aversion to walled towns, which thev considered as a 
 sort of prison, and under this impression razed the defences of 
 every captured city to the ground, as much perhaps from 
 Fhcy as habit; and in the beginning no fortified place existed 
 m Lombardy nor were any afterwai'ds allowed without the 
 royal permissioir:=. Charters thus became necessary and were 
 at first rare, but multiplied about the close of the ninth 
 century^ when the whole country was suffering under Saracenic 
 and Hungarian ravagers f . 
 
 Following their national customs, the Lombards probably 
 levelled the walls of Florence and completed the ruin of all 
 places of public amusement: this would naturally have 
 hastened the depopulation of a place about the welfare of 
 which they may have been less careful from their holding 
 Tuscany more as a tributary state than a national settlement ; 
 and an impatience of their hard dominion would, on the other 
 hand, have induced many Florentine families to seek a life 
 of more independence in the country, as emigration was 
 strictly forbidden by the Lombard law. The re-union of all 
 these families by Chariemagne, coupled with a restoration of 
 the wsills and a new form of civil government, may be fairiv 
 called a reedification of Florence ; and her previously imagined 
 
 l^'^^"";*''''^' '" "^^P- ''''' P* 2^^' + Muratori, Antichiti d'ltalia, vol 
 4to ed.— Montesquieu, Esprit des Lois, ii", pp. 467, 469.-Sismondi, vol. i"' 
 Liv. XVI., chap. xxn. chap, vi., p. 247. 
 
30 
 
 1-XORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 CHAP. 111.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORr. 
 
 If 
 
 fl 
 
 condition would justify the expression of '* derelict" in the 
 Ubaldiui patent, as well as the title of refounder of Florence 
 for that emperor *. 
 
 The Scotch historian, Leslie, amongst other actions of 
 Charlemagne, attributes the restoration and new-born liberty 
 of Florence to the influence of his companion William, the 
 King of Scotland's brother ; and to commemorate it, a decree 
 passed ordering that a certain number of Lions, as emblematic 
 of their patron, should ever after be maintained at the public 
 expense f . Whatever credit may be due to tliis legend, there 
 seems little doubt of Charlemagne's having encouraged the 
 visits of distinguished foreigners and made use of their 
 services : learned men from Ireland, where it would appear 
 that most of the western erudition was then concentrated, 
 were invited to aid in the improvement of France ; and at the 
 beginning of his reign, and when letters had little or no 
 reputation there, two Benedictines, Clement and Alhinus, 
 arrived from the former country, both deeply versed in sacred 
 and profane literature. These monks tmversed all France, 
 calling on the people to listen to the words of wisdom : 
 Charlemagne summoned both to his presence, and being con- 
 vinced of their talents and sincerity, engaged Clement to open 
 a school for people of every rank who should be desirous of 
 literarj' acquirements : a third named Dvufjal followed, who 
 after the year 774 is said to have visited Italy, and in u 
 monastery of Augustine Friars at Pavia under the auspices of 
 this philosopher, learning was also revived in that countrj^ and 
 soon spread to the neighbourmg states of Viceuza, Verona, 
 Ivrea, Turin, and Femio *. 
 
 * Denina, Rivol. d'ltalia, Lib. vii., Denina, Lib. viii., cap. lii. — But for 
 
 chap, vii., p. 454. further notice of these facts ice Moorcs 
 
 + Gio. I^mi, Ijezione. — G. Ammi- Hist, of Ireland, vol. i. ; also 77/t 
 
 rato. Lib. i". — Richa, Notizie Utoriche Moiik of San Gallo's Life of C%xrlt- 
 
 dellc Chiese Toscane, vol. iv., Parte maijne, apud Dusche^tie, Ann. 
 
 3J 
 
 Charlemagne's arrival in Italy is an event too closely allied 
 to the resuscitation of Florence to be passed in silen e wW 
 fore, a rapid view may be taken of thl „ suence, where- 
 
 this expedition. *' occurrences that led to 
 
 About the yeai- 751 Astolfo, Kina of the T nn,l,„. i 
 of annexing thn lt„r " -Lombards, ambitious 
 
 the Roman state, then really .rovemed bv i,» l 7 
 ostensibly i.,ed by an mJ,l7:C ^Tsl'^:i£''''^ 
 tniee was made with Pope Stephen the Seld S fo|^ 3^^ 
 bu observed only for four months, when a new invlionT' 
 turbed the pontiffs tranquillity, and the morJ 1! ? 
 
 from Pepm. as they had from his father Charles MarteT^ 
 
 rrrdrtiutT-'^"?"'^' ''''''"^''-' ^^ 
 
 T^ 1 1 dangerous jouniey through thf^ 
 
 Lombard states Stephen accomplished his objec cwwned 
 - patron •• King of the Franks," made him'p L^ Z"' 
 
 last dignity would probably have been received with "oiuemn! 
 had n come from Constantinople; but emanating ZX 
 ame authority which had placed the diadem on liirhej^ th 
 the solemn and then unusual ceremony of anoin ina ^ 
 accepted as a pledge of amity and a ma;:'of~:L;r 
 
 ^^ZofS: "'"' "' ■■^>°"' ™'- -. rP- 0-3, 67, &c.-Mura.o., 
 
 11' 
 
 4.0. 
 
 * Muratori, Annali, Anno 781. — 
 
 Franc, tomo ii., cited by Murato.*!, 
 
32 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. III.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 33 
 
 the Roman senate and people, because tlie Patrician's jurisdic- 
 tion, now scarcely understood, is supposed to have then com- 
 prehended that of the ancient Exarchate, which embraced all 
 the Italian provinces *. 
 
 Astolfo was now cai-nestly entreated to restore the conquests, 
 and on his refusal Pepin with a powerl'ul army marched to 
 Italy in 754, defeated that monarch and besieged Pavia, 
 which was reduced to extremity ; but by Stephen's intercession 
 Astolfo was afterwards admitted to terms on the resignation 
 of all his recent acquisitions f . 
 
 In the following year this unquiet spirit nv:is ngain active : 
 against all oaths and treaties he ravaged the country' and 
 invested Rome, but was once more vanquished by the 
 Frankish monarch. These events were not unobsened in the 
 East, whence ambassadors soon arrived and found Pepin 
 encamped near Pavia : he was invited by them to restore the 
 Exarchate, (for the pontit^^'s ambition became apparent, and a 
 temporal ecclesiastical power, independent of Constantinople, 
 was known to be its object ;) but they were cUsmissed with few 
 words, — *' the province had already been given to Saint Peter, 
 and all the gold of Christendom would be insufficient to annul 
 
 the decree."' 
 
 The dominions thus bestowed were those formerly under the 
 immediate jurisdiction of the Exarchs, consisting of the province 
 of Emilia, or modem Romagna ; the marches of Ferrara and 
 Commacchio ; five maritime cities, extending from Rimini to 
 Ancona, called the Pentapolis ; and a second inland Pentapolis, 
 between the Adriatic and the Apennines. Besides these, there 
 
 were the three subordinate provinces of Venice, Rome, and 
 Naples, which though separated by hostile lands from the seat 
 of government, still acknowledged the supremacy of Ravenna. 
 
 * Muratori, Anno 742. — Giannone, xlix., p. 120, &c. 
 
 vol. iii", pp. 201, 204.— Denina, Lib. f Muratori, Annali, vol. x., p. 258, 
 
 viii., cap. ^^., p. 259. — Gibbon, chap. (8vo ed.) 
 
 The Roman Dutchy included all Tuscan, Sabine and Latin 
 conquests of the four fi.t centuries of anci;nt Rome bounS 
 by the sea from Civita Vecchia to Terracina. The t 
 to^ of Naples was bathed by the wate.^ of that bay aTd 
 
 Amalfi where first m this hemisphere the virtues of Lt 
 myst^nous key .hich has since unlocked the Jrid w " 
 apphed to European navigation*. So munificent a riftZs 
 formally bestowed by offerin.^ tliP l-o,.<, <• i ^ 
 
 cities on tl,« cv. • T^ ^ ^^^ °^ '*''°"* t^^enty one 
 
 Tonation of pf ! , '""* "'''"• ''""^ ^"^^ '^'^ -^^tten 
 Wesli e:;.^" ' ^"""^''' ''-' ^^-^-- -th the 
 
 eh^: Ir^n T ""^"r °" '''"'^ "^ "''"P-^ dominion 
 bemg formally bestowed on the "Servant of Servants^' an 
 
 hierarchies of succeedmg times. Astolfo's death mised 
 
 tus b.othei Raehis who had once filled it with some reputation 
 
 ne contested the crowi, with Disiderius duke of Istri« 
 and pressed him so hard in 750 as to make the Popes 
 assistance necessary to the latter, which was seeded bf a 
 prom.se to restore all that remained of the impe^XritoXl 
 
 «2. 199, &c.; .ol T'l^'so'. ™S"-''?%''"""S '"S exile a, Paris, 
 
 claim, ordi;u^7,^'^'zz; + rt^r m" '- ''-r-- 
 
 ™ ..ow generally a.Imitte,i, and some Jewo Fano cZ^^T"'^ ,^"°t'"'' 
 
 liink that Mareo Polo first l,rni„-l,t plT *"".°' ^"^f "••'. Smigaglia, Jasi, 
 
 it thenee, towards the eonrl,, J^n f *°''"T'"''' '^"'•''' ^''""'■teltro, Ace- 
 
 the thirteenth eenturv-T,/;, ! '"S^"' *'»»'» -li Lucaro, Serra, Castella 
 
 have been in Xmi ^T. at T ?,' f i™ "'"f" ' <^» »'™"» ^) Bohio, 
 
 vol.. I. ' ^ 
 
34 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. III.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 35 
 
 The Pontiff's influence, seconded by certain Roman and 
 French auxiliaries, insui-ed success ; and the --^l 7"^' ^^ 
 commanding armies, resigning a crown, a^d boldly attemp - 
 in» its recovery, sank the following year into the doubtful 
 ca?m and certain obscurity of a cloister*. Pope Stephen 
 
 II. died in 757, without reaping the fruit of 1- la ours for 
 
 Disiderius, and was replaced ^^ P^V- ^^.Vl'^'s L^n 
 this question and enjoyed a tranqml pontificate. Stephen 
 
 III. succeeded, and Pepin's decease in -0. left Uia les 
 and Carloman joint heirs of his dominions. France fell o 
 Charles, who in 768 sent twelve bishops to a council at 
 Rome, ;nd amongst them Tilpin, Archbishop of Rheims, who 
 after^vards under the name of Turpin acqmred an unfomided 
 celebrity as the supposed author of the ancient romances 
 
 of those times. . . 
 
 ■ Charles, in despite of the Pope, mamed a daugh ei of 
 Disiderius in 771, whom he subsequently repudiated, but 
 Carlonmn dying the same year, he reunited the empire; and 
 in 77-2 his brothers widow and her two children took refuge 
 
 at the court of Lombardy. 
 
 Adrian the First, a stem ambitious man, succeeded 
 Stephen : he was one of those whose proud, intolerant spmt 
 receives the praise of churclmien for its condemnatoiy standard 
 of religion and mischievous bigotiy: disputes soon arose with 
 King Disiderius, who in 773 urged him to declare the righte 
 of Cai-loman's orphan children; but there was more bodi to 
 hope and fear from the uncle's power than the nephews 
 weakness, and the priest refused. Disiderius immediately 
 invaded the Exai-chate, menax:ed Pujme, and demai.ded a 
 pei-sonal interview : Adrian closed his gates, prepared for war. 
 and threatened his adversary with excommunication: the 
 latter succeeded, for spiritual power was even thus early 
 
 . Giannone, Storia, vol. iii , pp. 47-61, 98.-Muratori, vol. x., p. 267. 
 
 80 formidable, that the intimidated prince retired awe-struck 
 from Viterbo*. 
 
 Charles was appealed to by the Pontiff, and unsuccessfully 
 remonstrated^ although offering to make a pecuniary compro 
 m,se mth Disiderius : he then crossed the Alps and laid 
 siege to Pam, where the Lombard had taken refuge, and to 
 Verona, which obeyed his son Adelgiso. Both fell within 
 mght months; the prince escaping to Constantinople while 
 the king remained a captive in France, where he ended his 
 existence. The Lombard states soon yielded, with the 
 exception of Beneventum, an independent dukedom compris- 
 ing most part of modern Naples ; and Charies, by assuming 
 he title of King of Italy, began a new era in her eventfd 
 history f. 
 
 The kingdom thus acquired extended from Pavia. as a centre 
 m radn of vanous lengths on every point of the compass; the 
 
 Terra-firma of Venice; the Tyrol; the Milanese; Pied- 
 mont; the coast or " Biri.ra " of Genoa ; Mantua, Parma, and 
 Modena with their territories ; the present Tuscany, and a 
 great ix>rtion of the ecclesiastical state from Perugia to the 
 Adriatic all acknowledged Chariemagne's supremacy. Beneven- 
 tum subsequently fell, and thus in subdmng a troublesome 
 neighbour the Church was forced to bow to a more powerful 
 though friendly master;. 
 
 It was during the investment of Pavia in April 774 that 
 Charlemagne made his first visit to Rome, and passing through 
 i^lorence was petitioned by the inhabitants to rebuild the 
 walls and reestablish their ancient freedom. 
 
 He was only once at Florence afterwards, when marching 
 to invade Beneventum in 780, followed by several Tuscan 
 Chiefs ; amongst others, as we are told, by sixty mounted 
 
 • Giannone, vol. iii., p. lOS.-Mu- viii., cap. iv., p. .50.3. 
 
 / /-, &c.— Dcmna, Rivol. d'ltal. Lib. + Gibbon, vol. w., p. 445. 
 
 D 3 
 
36 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. III.] 
 
 knights of the Ubaldini family, with five hundred of their 
 vassals from the ]\Iugello province ; so early did that ancient 
 and troublesome race become powerful in Tuscany. Many 
 privileges were probably granted during this visit, and Florence 
 must have greatly prospered to induce the emperor to hold a 
 royal court and spend a Christmas within its walls. 
 
 When Charlemagne \isited Rome for the last time in 800, 
 to be crowned by Leo III., he avoided Florence and took the 
 Romagna road both going and returning ; it is therefore an 
 en'or of the early historians to assert that he founded the 
 church of the Holy Apostles in 801, made many knights, and 
 held the Easter of 805 in that city ; and probably a still greater 
 in supposing that it was repeopled l)y Roman families ; for 
 Rome herself had sufiered too much to spare any of her popu- 
 lation ; nay, wishing about this time to restore Ostia, she was 
 even obliged to imite colonists from Sardinia to inhabit it*. 
 
 It is far more hkelv that during this intei-val the ancient 
 Florentme families reassembled and possibly erected the first 
 modem circuit of walls, if they were not indeed subsequently 
 raised in common with many other places, against the Huns 
 and Saracens, who became the ten-or of Italy for near fifty 
 years of the ninth and tenth centuries f ; and to such an 
 extent did this mania or rather necessity for defences reach 
 in tliat unhappy time, that scarcely a town, village, or convent 
 was wanting in walls and towers ; if not already defended by 
 a connected inclosure of lofty houses pierced towards the 
 country by high and naiTow ^vindows, that secured the public 
 safety. 
 
 These long-continued incursions gradually disciplined the 
 people while they invested the citizen with a new and important 
 
 * Malespini, chap. xlv. — Leon. Arc- ratori,Annali, Anno 889; also Gibbon, 
 
 tino. Lib. i., p. xvi. (Fol. ed.), 1492. vol. v., chap. Iv., p. 548 ; and vol. iii., 
 
 t Between 889 and 938. For the chap, xxx., p. 161. 
 character of these barbarians, see Mu- 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 37 
 
 chai-acter : when towns were open and secure, few people took 
 an active part ui public matters, and were generally of too 
 htt e consequence to become patriots ; being bound together 
 under one general government, and ruled immediately and 
 despotically by its ministers, there was little room for local 
 ambition or high political sentiment; but when forced to 
 stand smgly on the defensive, each man began to feel his own 
 mdividual importance and the necessity of exertion : hence 
 walls arose, militia were embodied, and a freer form of govern- 
 ment began : the peasantry also were compelled to think and 
 act, and a forward movement was soon imparted to the popular 
 mass, the harbinger of still more important changes. 
 
 Now it is more probable that the Florentine mmpaxts were 
 constructed at this ruffling period than at the moment when a 
 young and powerful conqueror had neariv subdued Italy when 
 no external enemy existed, and therefore when both expense 
 and necessity were against them; wherefore Dante was pro- 
 bably correct in all but the destroyer's name when he, without 
 reference to Chariemagne, tells us of 
 
 "Que' cittadini, che poi la rifondamo, 
 Sopra '1 cencr che d' Attila rimase." 
 
 "Those citizens who afterwards re-founded it 
 Upon the ashes that remained from Attila." 
 
 Inferno, Canto XIII. 
 
 IrenrT'''''/^'"«?''! ^-p^"^^^ Emperors, from Leo IV. to the Empress 
 
 nH ^v~^''''^ '•" ^'^y'" "• '" ^^^" "I— England: Heptarchv.-p/ance 
 ■iQd Western Empnc : Pepin and Charlemagne. 
 
3S 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 39 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 FROM 801 TO A.D. lOlO. 
 
 The political institutions of Germany, from whence came 
 the conquerors and high aristocracy of Italy, exhibited a 
 monarch with limited authority in peace but supreme in war : 
 her social division was in distinct confederations of clans called 
 *' Fares " under chiefs named ** Farones: " hence " Varones,'' 
 " Baroncs " and " Baronsr Several of these Farca constituted 
 a " Gau " or community governed by a " Graf' or Count, who 
 with a council of assessors under the name of '' Scahini,"' 
 besides other officers, dispensed public justice. The latter, 
 named " Ceutenarii " or " Schuhe,'' and " Decani " or Deacons, 
 were the heads of a hundred, and of ten families respectively. 
 The community of lands made these official dignities merely 
 personal and migi-atorj^ ; but the Italian conquests gave per- 
 manent property to the victors and permanent authority to the 
 Graja and counsellors : hence their judicial power. These 
 dignities were in thne given by the king to his personal friends 
 and supporters, and gradually assuming the name of vassals 
 were first revokeable at pleasure, then a life-interest became 
 common until Charies the Bald reluctantly acknowledged 
 them hereditary. Vassals were exempt from the provincial 
 Count's jurisdiction, and amenable only to that of the palatial 
 Count ; consequently the authority of the former diminished and 
 an order of rui'al Counts began. Vassals of all kinds imitated 
 
 the crown and granted sub-benefices to their supporters and 
 these agam to theirs with civil and militaiy obligations, so' that 
 a web of feudal subordination overspread the countiy =:=. 
 
 The -Benefice'' was, about the year 1000, called a Fief, 
 and the great officers of government were given possessions 
 mstead of salaries ; Charlemagne is supposed by some to have 
 created the dignity of Count, but for life only, and dependent 
 on the crown ; by others to have merely diminished the power 
 of these officers by multiplying their number f . 
 
 The Counts of frontier places by a gradual extension of 
 authority over several Counts, mounted one step higher and 
 were called Marquises : these became powerful and even for- 
 midable in the ninth centurJ^ mitil the Bishops with increased 
 temporal possessions opposed them, being independent of their 
 power, and governed only by tlie Roman Law :. 
 
 The Exarch Longinus, who succeeded 'xarses, havin^r 
 abolished the ancient Rectors or Dukes of Provinces, substituted 
 Dukes of Cities, which custom was continued by the Lombards • 
 the chief of these was the Exarch of Ravenna, a title assumed in 
 568, by command of the Emperor : even Rome was not spared • 
 her time-honoured Senate and Consuls were supei-seded by 
 new titles, and her once glorious territory, including the 
 ^'Eternal City," was ovei-shadowed by the fresher honours of a 
 modem dukedom §. 
 
 There is also reason to suppose that Tuscany, under the 
 Lombards and Chariemagne, was governed according to the 
 system of Longinus, in departments presided over by a Duke 
 for as late as 780 we read of a Reginald, Duke of Chiusi, and 
 a Guindibrand, Duke of Florence ; but between that epoch and 
 «00, the date of Chariemagne s will, Counts were probably 
 
 *Cibrario, Economia Politico del Parte ii% p. 17 
 Med,o Evo, capo io J Cibrario^ap^ io. 
 
 Marchesi di Toscana, Parte i% p. 5 ; 
 
40 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 substituted and the liigher title resen^d for the general Gover- 
 nor of Tuscany. 
 
 Rejecting therefore the mhmter details of Malespini, Villani, 
 and subsequent writers, the substance of their narratives may 
 still create a reasonable belief that the ancient families of 
 Roman and Fiesoline extraction were encouraged by these Prank- 
 ish goveraors to reunite in Florence, and that various privileges 
 with a certain portion of civil liberty were freely gi'anted'by 
 Charlemagne ^i--. Amongst other regulations it is not im- 
 probable that two Consuls and a Senate were substituted at this 
 epoch for the Lombard Schuhe or " Scahinl " as Malespini 
 asserts, though Ammirato refers them to a much later period f. 
 Neither should Malespini's testimony be lightly rejected, when 
 he enumerates by name the chiefs of many distinguished 
 families who were created Knights by that monai'ch for their 
 military services ; nor should we disbelieve that the church 
 of the Apostles was, not built, but restored by his direction, 
 although perhaps not at the assigned date ; for he kept the 
 Easter of 805 at ALx-la-chapelle and the architectui'e is much 
 too pure for that barbarous period |. 
 
 An exposition of the various troubles that afflicted Italy 
 from Chariemagne's death in 814 until the coronation of Otho 
 the Great in 902 is unnecessary ; Florence shared in the 
 general misery ; yet in this universal darkness the embiy^o 
 republic was gradually but unconsciously forming and preparing 
 itself for coming events. Excepting one bright gleam, the 
 reign of Louis IL, the long melancholy gloom of Cariovmgian 
 misgovemment remained unbroken : all social ties were rent 
 asunder ; nobles fattened on the prodigality and weakness of 
 
 * Giannone, vol. ii., p. 240.— Mura- Chicse Fiorentini, vol. iv., Parte ii», 
 
 ton Annah, vol. xi., pp. 17, 135. p. 49.— Vasjiri, Proemio Vite de Pit- 
 
 t Malespini cap. xlv—Muratori, vol. tori, Parte i% vol. i., p. 224; also 
 
 J'*' PP- ^ \}^^-. , in Vita (li Andrea Tafi, vol. i., p. 292, 
 
 + Kicha, Notizie Istoriche della (Siena cd. 8vo.) 
 
 41 
 
 monarchs, and the vast empire of Charlemagne insensibly 
 slipped from the grasp of his feeble descendants. Provinces 
 became the property of their Dukes ; capitals were mastered 
 by belligerent Prelates ; cities yielded to the power of aspiring 
 Counts, and scarcely a town, castle, or village but what ac- 
 knowledged any master but the Iving. At length Charies le 
 Gros the last of Chariemagne's dynasty was formally deposed 
 in 887, and dying the next year left Italy a prey to the ruth- 
 less ambition of rival princes. The miseries of a long-continued 
 civil war overspread the land ; competitors sprang up like 
 noxious weeds in a ruined garden, and the country was soon 
 bristling with hostUe lances *. Guido, Marquis of Spoleto, and 
 Berenger of Friuli towered far above the rest in reckless 
 struggles for the vacant throne : both of them young, powerM, 
 and aspiiing, both of them aUied to the Cariovingian race ; one 
 a Lombard, the other a Frank; each inflamed by public 
 rivalry^ and hating each other from private persecution; a 
 dreary prospect opened on the people and was fatally realised. 
 
 For sixty years war rolled on in blood with various chance 
 but endless fury : victor and vanquished by turns, each alter- 
 nately bought the support of clergy and nobles by fresh spolia- 
 tions of royal power, the defeated candidate being ever the pre- 
 sent favourite ; for he promised much and inspired no fear, 
 while the victor required a degree of obedience which the nobles 
 were resolved not to accord to either f . 
 
 Berenger enjoyed an intenal of repose by Guido's death 
 in 894; he governed through a wild and stormy reign, of 
 thirty years, and died invested with the imperial dignity, 
 which was then conferred on all the Italian kings who 
 marched in arms to Rome J. 
 
 Although a man of talent and corn-age, and not devoid 
 
 * Gibbon, vol. v., chap, xlix.— Sis- 
 
 mondi, Rep. Italiennes, vol. i. 
 
 t Muratori, Annali, vol. xii.— De- 
 
 nina. Lib. viii., cap. xi., p. 566. 
 t Gibbon, vol. v., p. 148, (4toed.) 
 
42 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 of Virtues, his reign was a period of the greatest disorder 
 and complete disorganisation of society. A constant state 
 of civil war with the everlasting ravages of Hungarian 
 and Saracen freebooters tore the country to i>iecc8, and threw 
 every toNvn, village, and feudal chieftain, nay, almost eveiy 
 individual upon their own resources fur public and private 
 safety, and the maintenance even of a shadow of civil 
 government *. 
 
 The result was, that after the second Berenger's deposition 
 m 961, when Otho the First in the following year became 
 king and emperor, he found no such luxurious effemi- 
 nate race as the corruption of Ilome had left to attract 
 without the power of repelling his northern ancestors; 
 advei-sity had well kneaded, re-moulded, and as it were 
 stamped with pristine energy the gi-eat Italiuu race; a model 
 somewhat mdely blocked perhaps, but with bold feature^ 
 and commanding aspect f. 
 
 He found a wariike, fierce, and independent nobility that 
 would suffer no foreign competitor in civil or military^ em- 
 ploments ; a race of gentlemen inferior in power as in* rank 
 but equally determined ; chiefs who ruled their own domains 
 ^th absolute authority, and were continuallv exercised in arms 
 He found those that sternly demanded a voice in the national 
 assemblies ; men resolved to interfere in the fonnation of those 
 laws which they were required to obey, and who refused all 
 taxation but what they themselves imposed. In the inferior 
 citizens he found similar energy-, congenial spirit, and a stron<r 
 determination to be free, with a union of heart and hand that 
 finaUy accomphshed it. He found also the cities generally 
 governed by Counts who were often prdaies, and being all 
 Italians, not well affected to the empire J. 
 
 43 
 
 * Giannone, vol. iv., p. 103. 
 
 f Sismondi, vol. i., chap, i., p. 4.. 
 
 Giannone, vol. iv., p. UC 
 
 t Muratori, Antirhita Italiane, vol. 
 vii., Dlssertaziowe xlvi., p. 228. 
 
 To their lordly independence he opposed the spirit of civic 
 liberty, and urged the citizens to strengthen their own 
 position and privileges by resisting the power of these 
 ambitious men ; the imperial comitenance made this an easier 
 task, for the Counts had no regular troops, and either 
 popular authority or popular favour became absolutely neces- 
 saiy to the successful issue of their entei-prises. Their 
 revenue, though sometimes increased by land, consisted of a 
 third of all fines on criminals, which in tlie then loose condition 
 of society when punishments were in general pecuniary, must 
 have been considerable, and no doubt proved as fertile a source 
 of injustice as it was a powerful incentive to liberty-. 
 
 The Italian cities worked smoothly with Otho, and by selling 
 every favour for some fresh concession from the Counts, gra- 
 dually moulded their several constitutions ; yet while any of 
 his descendants remained they were tme to the Saxon rule, 
 and content to accumulate materials for the advent of general 
 freedom. 
 
 The House of Saxony finished with the third Otho in 100*2, 
 
 after a nominal mle of forty years over the Italian provinces, 
 
 fifteen only having l)een really passed there and those in short 
 
 interrupted visits ; the general government was consequently 
 
 weakened, in some departments paralysed by the absence of 
 
 its chief, and naturally fell back on the great feudal barons 
 
 and larger communities, which severally absorbed the powers 
 
 of self-legislation and all other functions of royalty. The towns 
 
 chose their own consuls and senates ; each claimed the right 
 
 of government and self-defence, and every citizen necessarily 
 
 became a soldier: the power of arms was not only used against 
 
 foreign intruders but claimed as a privilege in private war, a 
 
 privilege to which tliey thought themselves as much entitled as 
 
 any gi-eat vassal of the empire. 
 
 * L. Cantini, Saggi Istorici d'Antichita Toscane, vol. i., p. 5.— Sismondi. 
 vol. 1., chap, vi. 
 
44 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOBT. 
 
 Ibook I. H CHAP. IV.] 
 
 FLOEEXTIXE HISTORY. 
 
 Magistrates were elected by their pee.^. the t^ixes were im- 
 posed by genend consent, and public expenditure confided t„ 
 a particul,ir council ; thus every municipality as well as each 
 feudal chieftain gradually condensed into a .epai-ate state 
 which insulated and careful only of its own welfare soon 
 lorgot that It ever formed a part and parcel of the common 
 countiy. No universal tie any longer united them, each 
 sought protection in itself, and only within this limit were 
 tound any compatriots; the world wthout was a stran<Tcr 
 often an enemy, and thence one source of those division^ 
 that have and ever will prevent Italy from taking her proper 
 station m Europe, and which still e.xpose her to the most 
 powerful and unscrupulous invader*. 
 
 Except under the binding dominion of Rome, Italv 
 never yet was united ; the repulsion of discord has alwav'. 
 been active and national gravity powerless wtliin her; j^t 
 there was one, whose firm though despotic pressure woulJ 
 have compelled her to unite an,l be powerful : the times were 
 adverse, his means unpopular, and his name is therefore too 
 lightly treated by those whom he would have graduallv 
 moulded mto the form of a solid independent nation f 
 
 By Othos coronation in 062, the western Empire passed tn 
 the kings of Germany, or more correctly speaking returned to 
 the Franks, for Germany was then called orienu.l, as Gaul 
 was occidental France; the name being even now dimlv 
 recognised in that of Francouia. 
 
 Otho was son to Henry the Fowler, and a descendant of 
 VVitikind the Saxon proselyte to Charlemagne's rough no- 
 tions of propagating Christianity ; at the head of a victorious 
 army he promptly replied to the call of It^dv where the 
 second Berenger had become o.Uous; rescued the Pope 
 deposed the tyrant, and placed the empire permanently in the 
 
 • Giannonc, vol. iv pp. U2-130._Sismondi, vol. i., chap. vi. 
 
 T Uounennc, Mcmoirct. 
 
 45 
 
 hands of his cornitnmen. This important event established 
 two pomts of European policy, which, bom of force and con- 
 firmed by time, remained stLU untouched until the course of 
 ages brought a second Charlemagne to begin a new chapter 
 m the history of nations : these were, that the monarch of 
 Rome should be chosen by the German Diet and Italian 
 btates ; but that he could not legally assume the titles of 
 Augustus and Emperor until formally crowned by the Roman 
 Pontiff*. 
 
 The death of Otho the Third, in 1002, left Italy again 
 free ; her engagements and gratitude to his family naturally 
 ceased ; the wars consequent on a disputed succession gave 
 the young communities an occasion of tiying their stren-nh 
 aud they soon proved that, while united, there was little 
 need of the self-interested and ever doubtful protection of 
 strangers. 
 
 During these dark times we have but meagre accounts of 
 Florence : Otho I. is said to have enlarged its territory from 
 three miles to six hi the year ()(;2 ; and his grandson to have 
 appomted Hugo, Marquis of Tuscany, his Vicar in Italy, about 
 .•N3, who established lus court at Florence aud was celebrated 
 for his great talents but extreme licentiousness, until a 
 vision reformed him. This vision benefited the Church 
 by the subsequent erection of several abbeys as the most 
 etfective atonement, amongst others that of Buonsolazzo where 
 It occurred, a fact mentioned in his own letter of thanks to the 
 tbaldini for their grant of that place to build the convent f. 
 His mother Willa, daughter of Boniface, Marquis of Spoleto 
 and wife of Hubert, Marquis of Tuscany, with equal devotion 
 
 I* ^'f.';""' ™'- ■'•; f^'-V^- s'i';- and cere expression of his belief is dated 
 I'.-G,a„„o„e, vol. iv.. pp. 144, 149. from his palace at Sima Mwch 13 
 
 ;:. tch"p,^";"3i""-'"'""'""' r- ""•"n ''"^ ™i„n^s:™'lTo''hi^e 
 t This- c„.?ou/-a!S- evident,, si. li^h ^^ifl Jph^,t Jf;r '" 
 
46 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. H CHAP. IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 47 
 
 in 993 founded Santa Maria de' Benedettini, better known as 
 the " Bad in' of Florence, and the early seat of republican 
 government before either of the public palaces existed*. 
 
 Sigonius affirms that Florence as well as Pisa and Genoa 
 began to make a figure about the year 1003, an assertion that 
 IMuratori, who cites him, is strongly inclined to doubt, though 
 perhaps without sufficient reason f. 
 
 Whether Florence was or was not so distinguished, is un- 
 certain; but that she enjoyed that progressive state of 
 prosperity which justifies the assertion of Sigonius may be 
 inferred from subsequent indications of national independence, 
 ■while improving the opportimity afforded to all the infant 
 States for the achievement of their liberty during the wars 
 of Ardoino of Ivrea and Henr}% Duke of Bavaria. 
 
 No sooner had the last Otho's deatli become public than 
 the Italian nobles and prelates met at Pavia glad at their 
 recovered liberty ; the majority being adverse to foreign rule 
 resolved to elect a native prince, and their choice fell on 
 Ardoino, who was instantly crowned in the cathednxl of that 
 city, A.D. 100-2: being a man of sagacity and enterprise his 
 first act was to confiim every ecclesiastical privilege, for the 
 clergy could not then be safely neglected ; but a formidable 
 rival soon appeared in the person of Henry of Baviiria, who 
 was crowned the same year as king of Germany J. 
 
 Although the Italians considered themselves absolved by 
 Otho s decease from any further allegiance to Saxony, the 
 new king, who was also a descendant of Heniy the Fowler, 
 differed widely from this notion, asserting that obedience was 
 due to the crown, not the man, and moreover resolving to 
 
 • Tronci, Annali PisanL, vol. i., p. X He was Henry II. of German}, 
 
 16. — Storia della Ca8a Ubaldini, p. answering to Henry I. of the Italian-^, 
 
 18. — Galletti, Ragionamcnto dell who only reckon those as Emperors 
 
 orijiine della Badia Fiorentina. who were crowned by the Popes, ami 
 
 + Sigonius, Hist, dc Regno Italic, therefore exclude Henry the Fowler. 
 Lib. viiL,p. 187. — Muratori, An. 1003. 
 
 exact it. The dissensions of Lombardy favoured him, for 
 Milan and Pavia being rivals, whoever was elected in one city 
 was sure to be opposed by the other. 
 
 The absence of Arnolpho, Archbishop of Milan, on an 
 embassy to Constantinople, was another obstacle to Ardoino : 
 this prelate on his return disputed the election altogether, 
 on the authority of a papal decree which he said had made 
 the archbishops of Milan arbiters of the Italian monarchy, and 
 rendered any election invalid where he and his suffragans had 
 not assisted*. A Diet was therefore convoked at Roncaglia, 
 and Arnolpho succeeded in having Henry the Second also 
 chosen as sovereign of Italy ; he crossed the Alps in 1004, 
 with a large army, and baffling Ardoino, whose followers 
 gradually left him, was solemnly crowned by the Archbishop 
 at Pavia, while the rival monarch waited in his own domains 
 for a more propitious moment +. It was not long in coming, 
 for an event occurred on the very evening of Heniy s corona- 
 tion that bound the Pavians more strongly to their own 
 elected monarch, and spread a general horror of Germany 
 throughout the Italian Peninsula. 
 
 Insults offered to the citizens, wiio were perhaps secretly 
 incited by Ardoino's agents, first commenced the agitation; 
 tumults soon followed, weapons began to flash and eyes to 
 lighten. Henry's courtiers reported the disturbance much in 
 the familiar strain we still occasionally hear ; they described 
 it as the " Funj of the jwpulace' — " An explosion of the arro- 
 gance of slaves that must be repelled by force,'' and similar 
 expressions. Force was accordingly used, but the citizens 
 soon got possession of the ramparts ; their anger and numbers 
 augmented, and the monarch was finally besieged in his own 
 
 * Cosimo, della Rena Duchi e Mar- xiv., who does not mention the Diet. 
 fhesi di Toscana, Parte ii*, p. 3. — + Fran. Mario Fiorentini, Memoire 
 Sismondijvol. i., p. 70. — Muratori, vol. di Matilda, Lib. x., p. 8. 
 
48 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. m CHAP. IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 49 
 
 palace. The Archbishop of Cologne appeared at a window 
 and endeavoured to calm them ; he was silenced by showers 
 of missiles and retired in terror; the troops then in the city 
 jomed the conflict, which lasted throughout the night and even 
 until broad daylight glai'ed on the furious combatants. Even 
 street was bamcaded ; stones, arrows, and wooden beams fell 
 thick and fast from roof and window ; fresh forces contmually 
 poured in from the camp, but ineffectually ; at last there issued 
 an imperial order to fire the town ; a thousand brands soon 
 flamed through the air and were tossed from house to house 
 until the ancient Pavia, the venerable seat of Lombard 
 dominion, became a mass of blood and ashes ! Henry retired 
 to a monaster}' beyond the walls and left the miserable in- 
 habitants to be butchered by his barbarian followers whil. 
 he hastened away from a people so cruelly injured: be 
 arrived at ^lilan and soon departed for Gennany followed l.y 
 deep curses from all the Italian nation'^. 
 
 Whether Tuscany acknowledged Ardoino at this period i< 
 somewhat doubtful, but the inhabitants submitted to Henry 
 and were apparently without a governing Marquis, a point ct 
 some historical interest, as it bears on the reputed independenc. 
 of Florence in the subsequent war and capture of Fiesolef. 
 
 Tuscany which, under the Romans, consisted of the two pro 
 vinces of " SnlHrhicoria' and ''Annonaria,'' had from the time 
 of Longinus been mled, as before mentioned, by Dukes and 
 Marquises, although at ceitain periods every trace of them a? 
 general governors is either doubtful or entirely obliterated 
 The first Lombard duke of whom any sure record remains, is 
 a certain *' Alovishw'" who flourished about the year 685 ; anJ 
 the last, though of more doubtful existence, is " Tachiputo,'' in 
 the eighth century, when Lucca was the principal seat of 
 
 * Muratori, Anno 1004.— Sismondi, — Mazzarosa, Storia di Lucca, vol. i- 
 ▼ol. i., p. 71. P- 32. 
 
 + Muratori, Annali, vol. xiv., p. 174. 
 
 government, with the privilege of coining, although her Counts 
 were not always Dukes and Marquises of Tuscany *. 
 
 About the year 800, the title of Duke seems to have changed 
 to that of Count, and although both are afterwards used the 
 latter is most common : Muratori says, that this dignity was 
 in 813 enjoyed by a certain Boniface whom Sismondi believes 
 to be the ancestor of Countess Matilda ; but her father, the son 
 of Tedaldo, belonged to another race : he was the grandson to 
 Attone, Azzo, or Adelberto Count of Cannosa the imcle and 
 deliverer of the Empress Adelaide from captivity in a castle 
 on the lake of Gardaf. The line of Boniface 1. finished in 
 1001 by the deatli of Hugo the Great, already mentioned, 
 whom Dante calls the 
 
 " Gran baronc il cui nome e'l cui pregio, 
 La festa di Tommaso rincomforta J." 
 
 After liim, on account of the civil wai-s between Ardoino and 
 Heur)% there was no peimanent Duke mi til 1014, when the 
 latter appointed lianieri, whom Conrad the Salique deposed in 
 1027, making room for Boniface the father of Countess 
 Matilda §. 
 
 This heroine died in 1115 after a reign of active exertion 
 for herself jmcl the Church agamst the Emperors, which 
 generated the infiint and as yet nameless factions of Guelph 
 and Ghibeline. Matilda endured this contest with all the 
 enthusiasm and constancy of a woman combined with a manly 
 courage that must ever render her name respectable, whether 
 proceeding from the bigotry of the age or to oppose imperial 
 
 * Muratori, Annali, Anno 773. — mondi, vol. i., p. 19, (note). — Fioren- 
 
 Mazzarosa, Storia di Lucca, vol. i., tini. Vita di Matilda, Lib. i., p. 8 ; 
 
 |>. 19, who cites a MS. of the year Lib. iii., p. 45. — Muratori, Annali, 
 
 <>86, in the archives of the archiepis- Anni 951, 1001, 1003, 1004, and 
 
 I f opal palace of that city. 1 027. 
 
 f Her interesting story would make X Parad., Canto xvi. 
 
 1^ good subject for a romance. — Sis- § Mazzarosa, Stpria, vol. i, p. 32. 
 
 VOI,. I. E 
 
so 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 ambition in defence of her own defective title. According to 
 the laws of that time she could not as a female mhent her 
 fathers states, for even male heirs required a royal confirmation : 
 Matilda therefore having no legal right, feared the Emperor 
 and clun« to the Popes, who already claimed among other 
 prerogatives, the supreme disposal of kingdoms * Both rebgion 
 and policy and even natunU feeling were probably combme. 
 with the superstitious detestation of what was generally deemed 
 the impious conduct of Henry IV. and the German pnesthood^ 
 From earliest vouth Matilda had seen nothmg but .mpena 
 persecution in her own family, her father, who w^s botii feared 
 a^d envied for his opulence, hardly escaped the emperors 
 machinaUom ; her mother, made prisoner by treachery, re- 
 mained a hostage until the death of H.nr.- III.; herstep-fath 
 was persecuted by that monarch, hi. brother forced to shie d 
 himself under the monastic habit from similar i...,usUce, and the 
 death of her infant brother and sister was supposed to l.e 
 accelerated by these misfortunes. 
 
 The Church had ever come forward as the fnend of h, r 
 house and from childhood she had breathe,! an atmosphere oi 
 blind and devoted submission to its auth,.rity ; even when 
 only fifteen she had appeared in arms against its enemtes and 
 made two successful expeditions to assist Pope Alexander 11 
 durinff her mothers lifetime +. 
 
 No wonder then that in a superstitious age when .nonarch- 
 trembled at an angrj- voice from the Lateran, the hab.ts ,.1 
 early vouth should have mingled with every action of xMat.b a- 
 life,' and spread an agreeable mirage over the prospect of her 
 eternal salvation : the power ti.at Umed a Henry- s pnde, a 
 Barbarossa's fierceness, and afterwards withstood the va^ 
 ability of a Frederic, might without slmme have been reveren.o i 
 by a girl whose feelings so harmonised witii tiie sacred stnn.- 
 
 * Piirnotti, Storia ilclla Tiwcina. 
 + Fiorentini, Mem. di Mauld..-DeDii«, Ub. x., chap, iv., p. I IB- 
 
 CHAP. IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 51 
 
 of ancient tradition and priestly dignity. But from whatever 
 motive, the result was a continual aggrandisement of eccle- 
 siastics; in prosperity and adversity; during life and after 
 death; from the lowliest priest to the proudest pontiff. 
 
 The fearless assertion of her own independence by successful 
 struggles with the Emperor was an example not overlooked 
 by the young Italian communities under Matilda's rule, who 
 were already accused by imperial legitimacy of political inno- 
 vation and visionai'y notions of government. 
 
 These seeds of liberty began fii-st to germinate amongst the 
 Lombard plains, but quickly spreading over the Apennines 
 were welcomed throughout Tuscany : increasing numbers gave 
 confidence to new opinions ; connnerce and industry were 
 speedily unchained ; a brilliant light broke into the human 
 mind, and the march of independence became inconceivably 
 rapid. The ancient municipal government had never entii'ely 
 ceased, and the already-mentioned magistrates called ''Schidze' 
 or '' SchulthU'SS ,'' '' Ethevins " and "•Scuvini " by the Lombai'ds, 
 Franks, and Italians, still formed the council of the Count : 
 they were a popularly elected representation of the citizens, 
 and under Prankish government judged all common pleas. 
 Under the Othos these northern forms were annulled, and 
 consuls elected by public suffrage after the ancient Roman 
 manner which, in defiance of conquest, seems to have still 
 clung to the Italian lieart. 
 
 The functions of General and Judge had previously been 
 united in the Count, (whose authority, however, ceased in 
 presence of tlie Duke or Marquis,) jmd were transferred to the 
 consuls on the suppression of that office : his powers extended 
 even to the granting of life to condemned criminals, and in 
 the royal Prankish instructions it is ordered, that he should 
 " make himself acquainted with the laws by which the people 
 are to be judged; that he love justice and be quick in 
 administering it ; that he hold ' Malli ' (or public courts) 
 
 
 y 
 
52 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHIP. IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 53 
 
 every mouth, and l)e careful to have a particular regard to the 
 complaints of widows, orphans, minors, and the poor; aiid 
 lastly, that the court should sit before dinnerr He also held 
 •' riaciti " or tribunals for private actions, assisted by the 
 Scavini and minor judges, with whose aid judgment was given . 
 All causes were ordered to be concluded in four days, and 
 in cases of appeal six, or even twelve if the cause were 
 intricate; after which it was carried before the king: m 
 counsel was allowed, as every man was considered competent to 
 speak of what he knew, and truth more likely to be elicited 
 from principals than advocates : half the fines in general 
 went to the sutferer, with an obligation to pardon his enemy, 
 in order to promote peace and good will. 
 
 Their form of process was dear and concise. A calls B 
 into court, and shortly prefers his charge. B denies and 
 justifies. The judge says, " Prove this or lose thy cause. 
 Death was a rare punishment, for the object was to dissolve 
 hatred, and stop contention. The Lombards were also ven 
 humane to their slaves, who were not capiudly punished even 
 for robbery and desertion : torture was unknown : a culpnt 
 deserving death was deUvered up to the injured person, who 
 was allowed to pardon, but forbidden to use any cruelty in 
 executing the sentence f. 
 
 The dignity of Count was very distinguished, and as an Italian 
 prince, he voted amongst Dukes, Marquises, and Prelate. 
 in the election of Italian monarchst. IVIost of his authority 
 afterwards devolved on the Consuls who presided in three 
 different assemblies, namely, the " Credenza' or privy council. 
 the '' Senate;' and the general assembly of the people or 
 ** Parliamentr The first, which in some states was chosen 
 from the " Great Council;' managed the finances and foreign 
 
 ♦ Miimtori, Antichita luliane, Dis- capo vii. . , . . , 
 
 ^rtnxione 32. X Cantini, Saggi htorici, vol. ■• 
 
 f Denina, Rivol. d'lulia, Lib. vii., p. 5. 
 
 affiiirs, and served as a check on the consuls. The second, 
 generally composed of a hundred members, under the various 
 names of ''Senate" ''Great Council" "Special Council" and 
 ''Council of the People" prepared all public acts previous to 
 their being offered for confirmation to the parliament, which 
 however commonly required the sanction of the Credenza. 
 
 The third was the sovereign power of the nation ; the 
 people assembled at the somid of the " Campana " or public 
 bell, and discussed all national questions in the great square 
 of the palace, whence they were usually addressed, and laws 
 thence offered for their sanction. Some communities in 
 addition to their Consuls, elected ministers of war, justice and 
 public economy ; they had no Senate, but only the " Great 
 Council" composed of heads of families, and the Credenza 
 chosen from it*. 
 
 Tliis was the general form of free Italian government in the 
 eleventh centur}-; but there are no accurate accounts of the 
 precise period of its introduction to Florence, although as we 
 have seen, the testimony of her earliest writers refers it, and 
 possibly with truth, to the age of Charlemagne f. If this be 
 correct. Consuls must have been there long subordinate to 
 Counts, and therefore, not an invariable symbol of complete 
 liberty, as Muratori believes, only an approximation to it, 
 which through Charlemagne's favour might have been obtained 
 somewhat earlier in Florence, but was generally acquired in 
 Italy under the Saxon Othos^. 
 
 In their wars with each other the young republics soon 
 threw off every restraint, and with a professed obedience to the 
 emperor's person no longer heeded either prince or minister. 
 
 It seems probable that in Tuscany, towards the commence- 
 
 * Muratori, Antichitk d' Italia, tomo f Maleepini and Villani. — Mar di 
 
 iv., Dissertaz' 45 and 46. — Annali, Coppo Stefani. — Boninsegni and others, 
 
 vol. XV., pp. 362, 365; vol. xvi., pp. J Muratori, Anno 1107.— Sismondi, 
 
 206, 258, 346, 8vo ed. vol. i., p. 249. 
 
S4 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book i. 
 
 CHAP. IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 55 
 
 ment of the twelfth century, the Count's authority had passed 
 entirely into the principal communities, leaving that of th^ 
 Marquis as yet untouched ; but there are reasons for believin^^ 
 that the Countess Matilda in some of her difficulties was 
 induced to sell or cede a portion of her power, and probably all 
 that of the Counts, either to create a war-fund, or to secure a 
 more cordial support from the rising communities. As aii 
 example, we have the authentic account of her mother. 
 Beatrice, having sold in 1005 all jurisdiction over the 
 * Castello di Porcari ' for two hmidred pounds weight of silver 
 when she was pressed for money near Pisa, while an miwilling 
 hostage to the emperor Henry III. * 
 
 Altogether, there appears little reason to doubt the internal 
 
 freedom of most Tuscim cities veiy early in the eleventh 
 
 centur\^ ; when no efficient governor existed, when the countr}' 
 
 was convulsed by civil war, and when each town consulting 
 
 only its own interests, sided with either monarch and extracted 
 
 concessions from both. The war between Pisa and Lucca in 
 
 1002, and the defeat of Lucca at Acqualmiga in 1004, coupled 
 
 with certain expeditions of Pisa against the Saracens about the 
 
 same epoch, all show us how early these cities began to fee^ 
 
 their strength, although not yet bold enough to emancipate 
 
 themselves from the supreme power of the provincial dukes 
 
 Yet the latter seem to have allowed these private wars in the 
 
 heart of their dominions, either says Fiorentini, because it was 
 
 lawful under the Counts to arm in their own defence, saving 
 
 the emperor's authority ; as may be gathered from the laws of | 
 
 those days ; or because the exhaustion of their treasur}, and the 
 
 vent which such dissensions opened for the exhalation ol 
 
 turbulent spirits would make them more tolerant of that yoke 
 
 that they had so frequently attempted to shake off in the 
 
 preceding century, and which the distance of imperial support 
 
 • Fiorentini, Mem. di Matilda, Lib. i., p. 58. 
 
 rendered every day less tenable *. But this anomalous state 
 may be accounted for by what has already been narrated about 
 the need of arming against the Huns and Saracens : men once 
 accustomed to self-government and the use of arms are not 
 easily subdued: that which sprang from a combination of 
 weakness in the governors with strength and necessity in the 
 governed, would naturally stand its ground long after both the 
 necessity and weakness had disappeared : the sweets of liberty 
 overcome its bitters; they are not relinquished without a 
 struggle ; and this neither dukes nor emperors were then in a 
 condition to attempt. 
 
 A free spirit was now widely spread ; nor were the civilisa- 
 tion and industry of these young commonwealths less worthy 
 of praise than their steady pursuit of liberty, if we may trust 
 the account of Otho, Bishop of Frisingen, the uncle of Frederic 
 Barbarossa, who has left a curious and instructive passage on 
 both these points : he manelled that the Italians assembled at 
 Roncaglia in 1 154 retained none of the barbarism of their Lom- 
 bard ancestors, but in manners and language possessed much of 
 the grace and polish of Rome. So much were they attached to 
 liberty, he says, that they would not be governed by a single 
 person, but elected Consuls chosen from the three orders of 
 Captams, Vavassours and Plebeians, to the end that none 
 of these orders should gain the ascendant. They were also 
 accustomed to change their consuls every year ; and in order to 
 increase the civic population all the high nobility and lesser 
 barons of their diocese, although independent chieftains, were 
 compelled to submit to their authority and reside within the 
 city walls : " they admitted," continues the bishop in great 
 admiration ; *' they admitted artisans belonging to the vilest 
 and most mechanic trades into their militia as well as to the 
 
 * Fiorentini, Lib. i., pp. 10, 11, 1001-2-4.— Denina, Lib. ix., chap, 
 fee. — Tronci, Annali di Pisa, vol. i., i., p. 104. 
 p. 18. — Muratori, Annali d'ltaliu, An. 
 
56 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP, v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 57 
 
 highest public offices :" and he then acknowledges that Italian 
 cities far outdid all others in power and riches *. 
 
 Cotemporary Monarchs. — Emperors, from Charlemagne to Henry 11., in- 
 cluding the race of Carlovingian kings, the numerous competitors for the 
 Italian crown, the first and last Berenger, and the three Othos. — Popes, from 
 I^o III. to Sergius IV.— England : The Saxon kings, Egbert, Alfred, Edwar.l 
 the Elder, Athelstane, Edmond, Edrcd, Edwy, Etlgar, Ethelred.— France 
 From Charlemagne and hi« race to Louis the Sluggard in 989. — Then 
 Hugh Capet. 
 
 * Muratori, Annali d'ltalia, Anno 1 154. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1010 TO A. D. 10 8.5. 
 
 We now come to the first great event in early Florentine 
 history, but are not yet sufficiently advanced to see 
 uur way clearly out of the ohscurity that involves it; 
 for amongst many contradictory- accounts of these misty times the 
 choice is difficult, and nothing has been more disputed than the 
 capture of Fiesole. Malespini, who could hardly have been bom 
 later than 1'2'20, is our earliest Florentine guide for the transac- 
 tions in and near his own times ; the recollection of some must 
 have still lingered amongst the aged, and even tradition could 
 not liave been greatly disfigured as to the main fact in its trans- 
 mission through three or four generations. We may fairly 
 suppose that he could not have been very much mistaken in 
 his belief of the tme date and circumstances of this transaction ; 
 for the remembrance of such a conquest was milikely to fade, 
 and some record would assuredly have been preserved in both 
 public and private archives at Florence as well as by oral 
 tradition, of an event so important in her early histoiy. ** I 
 have written," says Malespini, " many things which I saw with 
 mine own eyes in the said city of Florence, and of Fiesole ; and 
 in Rome I dwelt from the second day of August of the year 
 1 "200 * until the eleventh day of April in the year . And 
 
 * This must be erroneous, unless to 1282, and he scarcely could have 
 Malespini lived to above 100 years of begun to write before 18 or 20 years 
 age, because his chronicle is continued of age. 
 
S3 
 
 FLORFNTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP, v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 59 
 
 when I returned to our said city of Florence, I searched out 
 many writings of the past events of this same matter, and I 
 found many writings and chronicles ; and in the manner that 
 I did find them so have I written them and mentioned them ; 
 and for the time to come I will wiite more at laige and of mv 
 own nation*.*' 
 
 The above date is uncertain, most probably erroneous, and the 
 manuscripts vary ; but his nephew, who continued the histor}-, 
 adds: — *'And I Giachetto Malespini continue to WTit€ the 
 chronicle begun by the said Ricordano my micle, of which he 
 had a part from Rome, as already has been told, and a part 
 from the Abbey of Florence : that is to say, jm. it iii writings of 
 those times from the said Abbey that were in the said Abbey, 
 in which are contained many pttst events of the cities of 
 Florence and of Fiesole f. " 
 
 We can hardly refuse credit to this plain statement as re- 
 gards the main fjict, an event comparatively so recent and mo- 
 mentous, and which he so simply relates, although disgraceful 
 to his country, followed too as he is by all the principal Floren- 
 tine historians *. 
 
 We learn from this author that under the Emperor Henrv 
 II. Florence had by favour of the Saxon d\iiiistv been steadilv 
 increasing in power and population, and Fiesole proportion 
 ably decreasing from a constant emigration to the plain ; but 
 that Florence, thinking such a neighbour dangerous and con 
 Tinced of the impossibility of openly reducing the Fiesolines. 
 resolved to do so bv stmta<:rem. 
 
 For this purpose a truce was concluded which by successive 
 renewals inspired reciprocal confidence and apparent fiiendship 
 the gates of either city ceased to be any longer guaided, and 
 
 ♦ Vincen". Follini, Ed", of Malesi.ini, t Viz. G. Vilani.— M. di Coppo 
 
 cap. xli., Firenzc, 4to, 1816. Stefan!.— noin". Boninsogni.— Nic". 
 
 t Ricor. Malespini, Istor. di Firenze, Macchiavelli. — S. Aininirato. 
 cap. xli. and ccxiv. 
 
 the most familiar intercourse existed between them; but 
 whether from previous design or sudden temptation, a plan 
 was finally arranged to get possession of Fiesole on the festival 
 of Saint Romulus. A body of young Florentines was placed in 
 concealment round the town while the remaining force stood 
 ready in the plain tq act at a given signal. Thus posted after 
 nightfall, they continued quiet all the eve of Saint Romulus, 
 and when the Fiesolines hailed the morning festival of their 
 patron Saint a number of the enemy with concealed arms passed 
 through the gates as they had been accustomed, without awaken- 
 ing any suspicion. Groups of treacherous neighbours thus 
 crowded tlie Fiesoline gateways, assembled in various quarters 
 of the town, spread over the walls and towers, and thence made 
 signals to the plain. The citizens were quietly enjoying their 
 forenoon repast when a sudden movement amongst the rocks 
 and thickets without, followed by some noise at the gates 
 began to alann them, although mistaken at first for an acci- 
 dental affray of the peasantry who crowded every street in 
 Fiesole. Ere long the shouts of Florentine soldiers, the quick 
 trampling of steeds and cries of wounded men, told a different 
 tale and at once laid bare the treason and its successful issue : 
 defence was unavailing ; a small body of citizens threw them- 
 selves into the citadel* while the Florentines scoured the 
 streets with shouts and menaces, but committed no outrage nor 
 harmed any who offered no resistance. The citadel made a 
 long and brave defence, but Fiesole was lost : the \dctors 
 spread over all the surrounding district and reduced every 
 stronghold but the " Eocca' or citadel, which still held out 
 when the towTi was evacuated. 
 
 This fortress was afterwards partly destroyed by mutual 
 agreement; and the cathedral, and some other churches, perhaps 
 
 * Now the Franciscan Convent, at the west end of Fiesole. 
 
60 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP, v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 61 
 
 the Bishop 9 Palace with the ecclesiastical residences, alone 
 remained of all the superior buildings : a capitulation followed 
 by which Fiesoline citizens were either admitted to the free- 
 dom of Florence or allowed to retire elsewhere with their 
 property. Numbers in consequence became Florentines ; 
 others withdrew to their countr}- residences ; many probably 
 remained amongst their native ruins ; but multitudes sullenlv 
 retired to Pistoia and were welcomed as a valuable accession 
 to its growing power and population. Nevertheless most of 
 the Fiesolines settled in Florence and, according to Ammirato. 
 a senate and consuls were then tirst created, and chosen indis- 
 criminately from both nations*. Columns, sculptures and 
 other valuables were removed to Florence ; amongst them a 
 celebrated rostrum or pulpit of carved marble called the 
 " Ambona" with the *' Ruota " or Wheel, probably some piece 
 of antique marble sculpture, which was attached to the front of 
 San Piero Scheraggio and remained there until the church 
 itself was demolished by the ducal Medici to make room for 
 the present gallery and public offices. The Ambona served 
 for ages as the pulpit and rostnim of that edifice, which wa.s 
 long used as a place of public assembly both for the vindication 
 of general liberty, and the voice of faction f. 
 
 The union of two nations in such circumstances, althoush 
 it augmented the common population was also a source of 
 discord : cordiality could scarcely exist : the Fiesolines were 
 too numerous for oppression ; too angry to forgive ; and too 
 ambitious to remain inactive spectators of public events. 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Stor. Fior, Lib. Lib. i«.— Bon«. Varchi, Stor. Fior.. 
 
 L, p. 33. — Dom. Boninsegrii, Stor. Lib. ix., p. 75. — G. Sigonius, de Regno 
 
 Fior., Lib. i., p. 2L— M. di C. Ste- Italiae, Lib. viii.(Fol. ed.), Frankfort, 
 
 fiuii. Lib. i., Rubr. 33.— Ric. Ma- 1682. 
 
 lespini, cap. xl. — Gio. Vilani, Lib. iv., + Malespini, cap. liv. — Osservatore, 
 
 cap. ▼. — Mic. Ango. Salvi, Hist, di Fiorentino, vol. v., p. 210. 
 Pistoia e Fazione d' Italia, Parte ii% 
 
 Wherefore the first seeds of Florentine troubles are said to 
 have sprung from this unnatural infusion, and the poet's 
 exclamation may be fairly echoed by history * : 
 
 " Scmpre la confusion dellc persone 
 Principio fu del mal della Citade"+. 
 
 In order more effectually to amalgamate the two races a 
 new national standard was foimed of the united arms of 
 Florence and Fiesole : those of the latter were an azure 
 crescent on an argent field : the former, which the Florentines 
 prided themselves on having borne since the times of ancient 
 Rome, was a white lily on a field of red ; but now both lily 
 and crescent were removed, and the fields alone, divided 
 vertically, remamed as the union standard of the new republic. | 
 This influx of fresh citizens rendered an extension of the city 
 necessaiy, wherefore a stockade was driven round the line of 
 recent dwellings beyond the walls, which sLxty-eight years after- 
 wards was changed into ramparts of solid masonry and called 
 the ''second ci'^cuit^''. A few more words are now necessaiy 
 on the much disputed point of this capture of Fiesole. 
 
 ♦ Benedet«. Varchi, Stor. Fior., Lib. ix., p. 75. — Gio. Villani, Stor. Fior., 
 
 Lib. iv., cap. vi. 
 
 t Dante, Paradiso, Canto xvi, ; and in Canto xv. of the Inferno, he says : — 
 
 " Faccian Ic bestie Fiesolane strame, 
 Di lor semente, e non guastin la pianta, 
 S'alcuna surge ancor nel lor letame, 
 In cui ruina la scmenta santa 
 Di quei Roman, che vi rimaser, quando 
 Fu tatto il nido di malizia taiita." 
 
 " The herd of Fiesole 
 May of themselves make litter, not touch the plant, 
 If any such yet spring ou their rank bed. 
 In which the holy seed revives, transmitted 
 From those tnie Romans, who still there remained, 
 When it was made the nest of so much ill." 
 
 Gary's Dante. 
 
 t Mar. di Coppo Stefani, Istor. Fior., but the line of primitive or Roman 
 Ijib. i.. Rub. 33. Walls is now a mere antiquarian guess, 
 
 § This was really the third Circuit ; which supposes them to have included 
 

 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CHAP, r.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 63 
 
 Muratori is very suspicious of any documents that would 
 exhibit Florence as a free city so early as the eleventh century. 
 
 the Baths The.itre, and Amphitheatre, 
 of which last some tnice« still remain. 
 The first Circuit, or that commonly 
 ascribed to Charlemasnie, was pierced 
 by four principal Gates and several 
 Posterns, the names of five being 
 still preserNcd. The East Gate called 
 Porta San Piero stood at a ]K>int an- 
 ciently named Canto del Papa from 
 a family of that name ; now Canto 
 cfe* Pazzi^ at the end of the present 
 jBorifO degli Albizziy whose former 
 appellation like that of the gate was 
 taken from the Church of San Piero 
 now in ruins. From this point the 
 wall ran along the pre!*ent Via de' Iki- 
 lefttrieri, passing the small Church of 
 Samta Maria in Canipoy the (/mo- 
 dagni Palace^ and the " Opera"* of the 
 Duomo; then continuing to the Via 
 de* Serviy anciently Blstb/mini, where 
 a Postern stood, called by the latter 
 name. Turning towards the Baptistrj' 
 it had a second Postern at the end of 
 Via de* Martelli, anciently degli 
 Spadaty or di BaHa ; and still fur- 
 ther on at the Canto alia Paglia and 
 entrance of Borgo San LortnzOy stood 
 the Porta del I}uonio, or del Vetcovo, 
 which was the second great entrance. 
 From this spot the line continued in 
 the same direction to the Church of 
 Santa Maria Maggiore ; then turn- 
 ing by the Canto de" Camesecchi 
 towards San Michele Bi-rtelde^ or 
 fiegli Antinoriy generally called San 
 Gaetano, it rearhed in a straight line 
 the housesand Loggiade* Tomaf/uinci, 
 now Palazzo Corsi, in Via Tomabuoni 
 (the second and political name of the 
 Tomaquinci family) where the great 
 Western Gate called Porta San 
 Pa)icrazio once stood and probably 
 filled the space between that palace 
 and the Strozzi near the still existing 
 
 Church of San Pancrado, standing 
 in a suburb of that name a little 
 beyond the ancient walls. After pass- 
 ing the end of Via Porta Bossa, so 
 called from a third Postern, the ram- 
 parts took a more easterly course near 
 the present Casa Buondelmont(\ 
 (which anciently belonged to the 
 ScaJi family) and with a slight curve 
 in the sjKice between the Via dc* 
 Termi and Borgo Santi Apostoli 
 reached the lower and houses of the 
 Baldovinetti at the ea*itern extremitv 
 of that suburb then situated bevond 
 
 • 
 
 the city. From this spot called Via 
 Porsanmaria where stood the great 
 South Gate of that name opposite the 
 Ponte Vecchio, the wall continued 
 through the present site of the Church 
 of San Stefano to the Palazzo de' 
 Cofftdlaniy anciently the Castle of 
 A Hafrontej and thence cut sharp away 
 from the river and passing behind the 
 Royal Gallery and through the spare 
 now occupied by the Palazzo Verchio, 
 rejoined the eastern gate of San Piero. 
 It was however broken by two pos- 
 terns; one at the entrance of Via 
 del GarhOy now Via Cf/ndotta, ami 
 another named after the ancient family 
 of Peruzzi whom Dante calls " Qini 
 della Pera** from their armorial bear- 
 ings, and thus mentions them and the 
 entrance. 
 
 " Nel picciol cerrhio s'entrava pi r 
 
 porta 
 Che si nomava da quci della Pera." 
 
 This Postern prob;ibly terminated tlie 
 present Borgo de* Greet next to tin 
 Church of San Firenze. The Chun !i 
 of San Piero Sc/ieraggio, now dis 
 placed by the north end of the Royal 
 Gallery ; the Badiaj and part of the 
 
 and leaving it to his readers to believe what they please of the 
 tale is himself doubtful of such boldness in times when the 
 Italian cities had neither the habit nor the power of making 
 war on their own account or of thus destropng each other *. 
 
 Few authorities on Italian antiquities and history should be 
 received with more deference than Muratori, yet this opinion 
 is in direct opposition to his own account of the Pisan 
 expedition against the Saracens of Calabria in 1006, and the 
 battle of Acqualunga in 1004, which last he cites as the first 
 example of a private war between two Italian cities ; and also 
 to the war between these states in 1002, of which the above 
 battle was a consequence according to most of the ancient 
 chroniclers, supported by such antiquarians as Cosimo della 
 Rena and especially Fiorentini, on whom Muratori himself 
 bestows the epithet of " accuratissimo f ". 
 
 But besides these examples Milan and Pavia were about the 
 same period engaged in hostilities arising from their own local 
 disputes ; though nominally for the rival princes whose cause 
 became an excuse for many republics to exercise their incipient 
 liberty m private war. Both cities and nobles indeed used this 
 
 space now occupied by the Palazzo 
 Vecchio were all within the walls : 
 but the Church of Santa Maria 
 Sopra Porta, after which that gate was 
 named no longer exists, although 
 part of its walls are said to be incor- 
 porated in the present Church of Sail 
 Biagio. Such was the circumference 
 of the primitive City of Florence 
 including a diameter of about eight 
 hundred Florentine ]ym:c8 of three Bra^- 
 cia, or five English feet and three 
 quarters each ; one thousand of which 
 make a Tuscan mile. The present 
 
 Tuscan "Braccio"" is supposed from its 
 coincidence with the measurement of 
 ancient buildings to be exactly two 
 Roman feet : the " Passo"'' or Pace, 
 was afterwards shortened to 2^ Brac- 
 cia. At least this is the measure 
 used by // Triholo in his survey of 
 Florence in the 16th century. {Vide 
 Benedetto Varchi, Stor. Fior.^ Libro 
 ix., pp. 74 and 99 *.) 
 * Muratori, Annali, Anno 1010. 
 + Cosimo, della Rena Duchi e Mar- 
 chesi, Parte ii*, p. 7. 
 
 " Borghini, Discorsi. — Lami, Le- 
 zioni d' Antichita Tosc*. — D. Manni 
 del Parlagio e delle Terme. — Richia, 
 Notiz. Istor., vol. iii., p. 248.— Villani, 
 
 Lib. iii., cap. ii. — Rastrelli, Firenze 
 Antica e Moderna illustrata, vol. i., 
 p. 89. 
 
64 
 
 FLORENTIXE HISTORY. 
 
 [book t. 
 
 CHAP, v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 65 
 
 self-assumed privilege until the Diet of Roncaglia in 1 158, when 
 they were deprived of it by Frederic Barbarossa, who thus 
 aimed a sharp blow at civic independence ; but the many evils 
 that sprang from private war amongst the nobility prevented 
 a single Lombard voice being raised against the ordinance *. 
 With respect to Fiesole it has been urged that no sovereign 
 prince would allow two cities under his dominion to make war 
 for mutual destruction; but it has also been shown in the 
 example of Lucca and Pisa tliat this custom not onlv did exist 
 but was sanctioned, no matter whether from policy, necessity. 
 or law : and if sutfered at Lucca, the ducal residence and pro- 
 bably the proWncial capital, how much more likely in places 
 further removed from the seat of goveniment f . 
 
 It has been already remarked that no notice exists about 
 any permanent Mai-quis or Duke of Tuscany from the death of 
 Hugo the Great in 1001 until the appointment of Ranieri in 
 1014, for during this epoch there was no steady government ; 
 and precisely at this time the al)ove mentioned wars took place 
 The tide of fortune ebbed and flowed ; the province was con- 
 >'ulsed and alteniately possessed by each contending monarcli : 
 the vicissitudes of war were continual ; dukes and marquise- 
 were rapidly appointed and as raj)idly expelled: the peopK 
 avoided both the contending princes, and neither the names of 
 Henry nor Ardoino are mentioned, as we are told, in any act of 
 the time. Hence the young conmiunities, like suckers from a 
 severed trunk, sprouted with freshening vigour and offered 
 peace, war, or obedience, accorduig as their passions or interest 
 dictated : nor were the rival kings much displeased at their 
 tjuarrels or neutrality, for each feared to see them in the hostile 
 ranks, and it was precisely during this disturbed epoch that 
 Florence attacked and captured Fiesole J. Neither could the 
 
 * Sismundi, vol. i., cap. ix., p. 340. 
 f Fiorentini, Mem. di Matilda, Lib. 
 iii., p. 8. — Mazzarosa, Storia di Luccu. 
 
 X Cosimo, della Reiia, Parte ii*, p. 4. 
 — Mazzarosa, vol. i., p. 32. 
 
 city have then been far from independence if, as Borghiui 
 thinks, she had previously exercised the sovereign right of 
 coinage ; but like other Tuscan states her lords paramount 
 were Boniface, Beatrice, Godfrey of Lorraine, and the Countess 
 Matilda : like them too she was internally free and in diunial 
 progress towards complete emancipation^:-. 
 
 It would be useless to enter into a discussion of other trifling 
 antiquarian objections to the authenticity of this expedition; 
 they are fully discussed by Laini ; but Sahi (who cites the 
 historians Paudolfo Arferoli and Giovanni Niccolo Dolleni) 
 asserts that the Florentines having greatly increased hi force 
 did with the aid of Pistoia attack Fiesole in 1004, this 
 was probably what convinced Florence of the impossibility of 
 taking that city by open siege, and occasioned the truce recorded 
 by Malespini. But in the year 1010, he adds, "the city of 
 Pistoia was much augmented in population by the many fugi- 
 tives from Fiesole which the Florentines had nearly destroyed 
 the year before r This slight disagreement of dates does not 
 annul but rather confirms the main fact of Florentme inde- 
 pendence, which is the only real point for decision. 
 
 It is clear that Fiesole was not entirely desolated in the 
 year 1010: the citadel remained uninjured; the 
 walls were partially destroyed ; the greater houses 
 ruined; and their materials removed to Florence; but the 
 inferior classes who were not feared, and to whom the honours 
 of citizenship were probably never offered, were permitted to 
 remain and along with the clergy still preserved that city's 
 ancient denomination. Marchionne di Coppo Stefani says that 
 the belligerents agreed by treaty tO^estroy all but the churches, 
 to remove the materials necessar}' for reconstructing each citi- 
 zen s dwelling in Florence at the public charge, and to give a 
 
 * Borghini, Discor., Parte ii., p. 157, della Moneta Fiorentina.— Frano. Vet- 
 ton, Fiorino d'Oro Illustrato. 
 
 VOL. T. p 
 
 A. D. 1010. 
 
66 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOHY. 
 
 [book r. 
 
 CHAP. V.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 e? 
 
 premium of ten per cent, to all who settled in this city or its 
 suburbs*. 
 
 After such a blow the Fiesoline population would naturally 
 dechne, but it needs many days to tear a whole people from 
 their fathers* graves, their ancient temples, and the earlier 
 scenes of childhood; wherefore we find on record another 
 attack of this city in 11*25; not as would appear by a 
 public decree of the Florentines in which the Fiesoline 
 population must have concurred ; but the private aggression of 
 a part only, and probably the Florentine portion of the republic: 
 for this the citizens were not only reprimanded but punished 
 by Pope Honorius the Second. Atto Abbot of Vallombrosa 
 intercedes for them in a letter quoted by Lami, assuring the 
 pontiff that it was the " sudden, capricious, and inconsiderate 
 resolution of a few,*' who nevertheless (according to an old 
 chronicle cited by the same author) scoured the whole countn 
 and managed to besiege the citadel of Fiesole for three months. 
 It was ultimately taken by famine ; and this long siege proves 
 either secret connivance at the act or extreme weakness in the 
 government f . 
 
 According to Malespini the citadel was occupied by certain 
 Cattani or chiefs of Fiesoline race, who trusting to its strength 
 plundered the whole neighbourhood; they had probably 
 repaired it, for a law was immediately passed to forbid the 
 reestablishment of any ruined fortress without public leave \ 
 After this the town gradually melted away, and the removal 
 of Bishop Hildebrand to Florence in l'2-2.^ left only the 
 name and shadow of a city i^ probably about its present 
 population §. 
 
 The importance of this event may not justify so long a dis- 
 A.D.ioio. cussiou ; yet where an author's account of disputed 
 
 • Storia Fiorcnt*, Lib. i«, Ru- 
 
 brica 33. 
 
 + Giov. Lami, Lezione viii. 
 
 X Malespini, cap. Ixxvii. 
 § Giov. Lami, Lezione viii. 
 
 points can be fairly reconciled with facts his authority 
 is strengthened in other matters, and the value of his nar- 
 ration proportionally increased. Those who doubt have taken 
 no notice of the important circumstance before mentioned, 
 namely that Tuscany was without a general governor and in a state 
 of complete municipal independence for thirteen years : Lami 
 nevertheless asserts that a certain Duke Boniface (not Matilda's 
 father) governed during this period ; but tliere is strong ground 
 for believing that no Boniface regularly or permanently ruled 
 Tuscany from the ninth century until the year 1027 when 
 Countess Matilda's father became Duke *. 
 
 After every research we still find Malespini's details of this 
 expedition sufficiently perplexing ; he may have exaggerated 
 its consequences by confusing them with subsequent events 
 and the wasting influence of time, seen only in its effects ; but 
 modem writers reject the whole without sufficient reason. 
 Many authorities have been here cited to confirm it, not to 
 accumulate evidence ; for except Salvi almost all must have 
 drawn from the same source, namely the chronicle of Malespini ; 
 merely to show how generally the story has been received. 
 
 That Florence was a town of comparative importance in the 
 eleventh centur}^ (about the year 1055) is evident not only from 
 Its having been the favourite place of residence and election of 
 several Pontiffs, but also because a General Council was then 
 held there by Pope Victor the Second and Henry III. of Ger- 
 many ; the latter at the same time exercising some acts of high 
 authority agamst Godfrey of Lorraine and his wife Beatrice, 
 who was a hostage at his court; and the former unfrocking 
 many Bishops for simony and unchastity f . 
 
 In 1063 a quarrel arose between Bishop Pietro supported 
 
 * Lami, Lezione viii.— Cosimo della Papi.— S. Ammirato, Stor. Fior., Lib. 
 
 Kena, Duca Bonifazio, Parte ii», p. 1 1. i., pp. 38— 40.— Muratori, Annali, An- 
 
 T Malespini, cap. Ixiv.— G. Villani, no 1055.— Mecatti, Stor. Cronologica 
 
 l^»b. IV., cap. XV.— Platina, Vita de' di Firenzc, vol. i., p. 29. 
 
 F -2 
 
6h 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP, v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 09 
 
 A.D. 1063. 
 
 by Godfrey and Beatrice ; and the monks of Florence under 
 the auspices of Giovanni Gualberto founder of the Vallam- 
 brosan convent, in which the whole population took a part and 
 filled the city with tumult. This prelate charged with the 
 crime of simony, fell in the public estimation and was finally 
 overcome by a furious adverse faction and more furious monks. 
 Pope Alexander II. then residing at Lucca displeased witli 
 this violence endeavoured to restore tranquillity but 
 in vain ; the citizens became still more disorderly : 
 swarms of turbulent friars poured from the cloisters and by 
 accumulated evidence so cleai'ly proved the crime that they 
 not only accused the Bishop before the Roman Council, but 
 bold in superstition or in cunning, offered to substantiate their 
 charge by the fien^ ordeal. The Pope and Council wisely 
 declined this tribunal, but the Florentines with truer faith 
 instantly accepted the trial and shouted for faggots. Tli< 
 monks unable or unwilling to retreat chose Peter a Vallam 
 brosan of exemplary virtue as their champion : he fearlessly 
 advanced and passed uninjured through the fiames. 
 
 The Pontifi" received immediate notice of this by •' a special 
 letter of the Florentine people,'' and the Bishop thus con- 
 victed was at once deposed ; while the bold and lucky friar 
 (ever afterwards knowTi as Pietro Ljiieo) became successive!} 
 Abbot of Fucecchio, a Bishop, and Cardinal of Albano*. 
 
 Besides this example of priestly arts and influence on super 
 stitious credulitv, the incident strenfrthens our notions of Flo 
 rentine independence lx)th as regards the direct communication 
 with Pope Alexander in free community, and the Duke of 
 Tuscany's feeble power, wliich even witli the Pontiff's aid 
 could neither preserve order amongst the citizens ; protect the 
 faction which he favoured ; nor save the Bishop from persecu- 
 tion. Yet with so early an independence as respected both 
 
 * Denina, Riv. d' Ital., Lib. x., capo tilda, Lib. \'\ p. 76, Anno 1063.— 
 V. — Fran. M. Fiorentini, Mem. di Ma- S. Ammirato, Lib, i", p. 40. 
 
 A.D. 1074. 
 
 external relations and internal government Florence still 
 acknowledged the imperial supremacy and nominally that of 
 the provincial chief as its legitimate representative. 
 
 The crime of simony which bore so dark a character in this 
 age became more hateful from the fact that ecclesias- 
 tical benefices were conferred by temporal sovereigns 
 and thus interfered too much with church patronage to be 
 tamely endured : it was not so much the crime itself as the 
 recipients of its offerings that was condemned, and the practice 
 was accordingly denounced with far more virulence in propor- 
 tion to its distance from the great treasuiy of Christian piety and 
 devotion. When therefore the monk Hildebrand under the 
 name of Gregory VII. assumed the Popedom a council was 
 convened at Rome from whence denunciations issued against 
 all that should be convicted of this sin as well as against 
 maiTied priests, who were degraded without mercy; and this was 
 accompanied by a politic, sagacious, and long-sighted decree 
 forbidding the future admission of any person to Holy Orders that 
 would not make a vow of chastity. These blows were parti- 
 cularly aimed at the Emperor, Henry IV. and the German 
 priesthood, who sinned openly in l)oth points, and their publi- 
 cation carried dismay and confusion throughout the imperial 
 states. An absolute prohibition of priestly marriages was well 
 calculated to strengthen ecclesiastical power; yet the priests 
 rose in a mass, refused to abandon their wives, and would not 
 even allow the papal decrees to be promulgated. Gregoiy never- 
 theless repeated his anathemas in the following 
 spring against all recusants, and accompanied by new 
 decrees prohibiting under pain of excommunication the inves- 
 titure of Abbacies and Bishoprics to all those ecclesiastics 
 whom the King of Germany had nominated by his own autho- 
 rity, and condemning the practice as a novelty and a source of 
 simony and disunion. 
 
 The ancient custom of electmg Bishops by the united 
 
70 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. I CHAP, v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 buifrages of clergy and people had not fallen completely iniu 
 disuse during the minority of Henry IV. but his tutors never- 
 theless took advantage of their power to nominate incumbeut^ 
 to the richest Abbeys and Bishoprics. Henry on coming of 
 age continued this lucrative practice: because in presenting 
 the prelates with the Staff and Crosier, which was called the 
 *' InvestUurey" valuable presents were expected according to 
 the worth of the benefice ; but the Pope who participated in 
 these elections without sharing the spcjil bninded such proceed- 
 ings, perhaps justly, with the epithetof Simony, notwithstanding 
 that the ceremonial part was of long st<anding in Germany*. 
 
 Another cause of dispute between these two potentates was 
 the election of Pope Alexander II. by means of Hildebrand, 
 without reference either to the Empress Regent or the young 
 King of Germany whose predecessors from the times of the 
 Othos had always interfered in papal elections ; yet as 
 Gregory applied for the Emperor's consent to his own election 
 no opportunity for an open rupture presented itself until the 
 year 1076 when the above decrees were followed by haughty 
 letters with threatenings of church censure in case of 
 
 A II 107R 
 
 disobedience. His orders, his menaces, and hi- 
 Legates were treated with Cijual sconi, and the indignant 
 monarch at once convoked a Diet at Worms where with the 
 concurrence of all his discontented prehites he met the papal 
 denunciations by a decree that declared Gregory illegitimate 
 and excommimicate. This was accompanied by an order from 
 the angry monarch as Patrician of Rome commanding that 
 Pontitf s instant abdication of the papal dignity and its deliver} 
 into the hands of a holier man : Rowland a priest of Parma 
 was despatched on this perilous embassy and delivered liis 
 message l)oldly nay even audaciously to tlie Pope in full council 
 at the Lateral! : he first called \rith a loud voice on Gregon- 
 
 * Denina, Lib. x., cap. v. 
 
 U) descend from the pontifical chair; then turning to the 
 astonished prelates summoned them to appear before the 
 Emperor and receive a tme pontiff at his hands for he before 
 whom they then stood was nothing but a wolf. Gregory had 
 the good nature to save this audacious messenger from the 
 weapons of his guard, and sure of Beatrice and Matilda's aid 
 with the favour of many German princes, he calmly rose and 
 with all the decision of bis character pronounced in a stem 
 voice the long-menaced anathema ; he declared Henry to be 
 excommunicated and deposed, and his subjects absolved from 
 ever}^ oath they had taken in his service*. 
 
 The assembly were awed and even astounded by this act 
 for it was the first instance of a pope's having exercised so 
 tremendous a power, and Gregorj^ himself, bold and resolute 
 as he was, only attempted to justify it by the perilous con- 
 juncture : he nevertheless felt secure in his position, which the 
 Emperor did not; the malediction proved omnipotent; its 
 effects instantaneous, loyalty shrank trembling from the cursed 
 king ; chiefs and princes abandoned him, and he was stript 
 like a lofty oak by the winter's blast. 
 
 Amongst the first who left him was Guelph Duke of 
 Bavaria, son of Albert Marquis of Este a prince strongly 
 attached to the Holy See, and Henry was forced unaided to 
 bend before the storm : his pride soon yielded to expediency, 
 he had rashly seized a position that he could not maintain, 
 and in the depth of one of the severest wmters ever ^^ ^^^^ 
 known in Italy crossed the Alps with his wife and 
 child and appeared as a suppliant under the treble-walled 
 castle of Cannosa. Matilda was already there as a mediatrix ; 
 Gregory as an implacable priest to trample on the pride of 
 
 disobedient royalty. 
 A train of penitent ecclesiastics followed their king and 
 
 * Fran. M. Fiorentini, Mem. di Matilda, Lib. ii«, pp. 154, 160.— Muratori, 
 Annali, Anno 1074, &c. 
 
7a 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORT. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP, v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 73 
 
 wandered like spirits round the frowning towers : the Pontiff 
 was long inflexible ; but finally yielding to their prayers vouch- 
 safed an ungracious and tardy absolution. Not so with the 
 Emperor. All the unbending rigour of Gregor}^ was now 
 stemlv manifested : neither Matilda's influence nor the earnest 
 entreaties of all those princes who had flocked around him 
 were of any avail : the haughty monk still frowned on the 
 degraded king, and when he at last vouchsafed to pardon, the 
 terms were so humiliatuig that the imagination can scarcely 
 conceive a man of Henrj's character ever deigning mider any 
 circumst^ances to accept them as the price of his reconciliation. 
 Yet when he thus acted who shall justly accuse Matilda of 
 superstitious weakness, for devotion to that church which had 
 ever protected her, even in the moments of its greatest neces- 
 sity? To merit tliis disgraceful pardon, all manly spirit, and 
 royalty even to its very robes, were sacriiiced; then, but 
 not until then, the Emperor was contemptuously received 
 within the second circuit of the castle walls where covered 
 only by a woollen shirt, shivering with bare extremities in the 
 cold of a rigorous winter and the gi'ound black ^^•ith frost, did 
 this humbled image of the lioman Cajsars remain for three 
 successive davs, and denied all sustenance until the evening 
 shades periodically released him from his sufferings ! 
 
 On the foui-th day prostrate at the Pontiff^s feet he implored 
 a wretched pardon for his imputed sins ; while the haughty 
 priest took otf the malediction and then proudly gathering 
 up his robes moved on to Pieggio leaving Henry's restoration 
 to the judgment of a German Diet* ! 
 
 Such was the ominous commencement of fierce disputes between 
 Church and Empire : bora of avarice and ambition, nourished 
 by scorn and defiance and matured by solid acts of shame and 
 
 ♦ Giannone, Stor. Civile, voL v., Lib. Fiorcn., Lib. i", accresciuto, p. 43. 
 X., chap. v.,p. 210.— Muratori, Annali, — Sismondi, Rep. Ital., vol. i., cap. iii., 
 Anno 1077. — S. Ammirato, Stor. ]>. 1*25. 
 
 A.D. 1078. 
 
 injuiy; they generated a long succession of misfortunes and 
 retarded human civilisation. There were indeed some casual 
 intervals of repose ; and though the particular dispute about 
 investitm-es was terminated in 11-^1 by mutual concessions 
 from Henry V. and Calistus II. causes of quarrel still smoul- 
 dered with many outbui-sts until a general conflagration blazed 
 wildly forth between the mighty factions of Guelph and 
 
 Ghibeline -•-. 
 
 Florence imbued with Matilda's politics became essentially 
 attached to her cause and followed all her fortunes ; 
 tlie citizens did not for a moment suppose that 
 Henry would jiassively submit to such contumely ; wherefore, 
 comparing the prospect of immediate war with the unguarded 
 position of their suburbs, they determined to inclose the whole 
 town with new walls and in lOTS began the ''second circuit:' 
 The city was divided into six parts called '' Sesti:' five of 
 which occupied the north or right bank of the Arno, each 
 named after its own particular gate ; three small suburbs on 
 the left l)auk formed the sixth division, both these portions 
 being linked together by the " Ponte Vecchio " then the only 
 bridge of Florence f. 
 
 * Dcnina, Rivol. (rital., Lib. x.,cap. ix. 
 t Beginning at the eastern eiul of 
 Borfjo degli Albiz:i, the new walls 
 inclosed the now ruined Church ot 
 San Pier Maggiore passing behind its 
 altar, near which a gate of that name 
 stood; then turning a little towards 
 the north it foraieti an elbow where a 
 postern was situated, railed " Jkra- 
 mtir or " AlbcnindlT from a family 
 of that name, and probably corre- 
 sponded to the second street after pass- 
 ing San Pietro, or that which goes 
 straight towards Via ddl" Orivolo and 
 Santo Eg^idio, and is now called Via 
 
 dello Sprone, (perhaps from its facing 
 the acute angle formed by these two 
 streets) and this I suspect is the ancient 
 and original Porta Pinti mentioned, 
 though rarely, in the old Chronicles*. 
 From this place the wall must have 
 turned sharp to the north towards the 
 Hospital of Santa Maria Nuova, 
 taking the line of Via Santo Egidio, 
 Via de' Cresciy Via de Cald^rai, and 
 Via de" PiLCci, including the Church 
 of San Mlchde de' Vlsdomini, until 
 it came to the side door of the present 
 Cliurch of San Lorenzo; or more 
 probably at the Via de' Ginori where 
 
 » Lami, Lczione xi., p. 353. 
 
74 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I, 
 
 CHAP, v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 70 
 
 Though many years were expended in perfecting these 
 defences yet so extensive a work, originating entirely with the 
 
 a gate once stood. Thence continu- 
 ing to the Canto de* Ntlli, or Canto 
 de* Chri, the wall then turnetl towards 
 the Piazza di Madonna where near 
 the entrance of Via dcUa Stipa there 
 was a postern called Porta di Mug- 
 none which river anciently piisscd 
 this spot, but has been gradually 
 repelled by the exptinding city*. 
 From the Piazza di Madonna, for- 
 merly Campo Corbolini, the wall 
 continued to Canto del Mandraf/one, 
 and thence directly to La Croce al 
 Trehbio, pierced however by a postern 
 (probably at the Via degli Accnni) 
 called Porta liaschiera. Continuing 
 towards the junction of Via del fa 
 Spada and Via de* Fossi it was 
 broken by another gate called Porta 
 di San Paulo and then the Via del 
 Moro, (probably Muro) indicates its 
 direction to Pontc alia Carraia 
 which did not then exist, but where 
 a gate of that name stood ^. From 
 this corner a lower wall led along the 
 river to Ponte Vecrhio where it pro- 
 bably joined the first circuit at the 
 Porta Santa Maria, and thence to 
 the present Palazzo de* Giudici di 
 Jtuota^ or Castellani. The rampart 
 now quitting the river left a street 
 outside into which opened two jkis- 
 terns; and near the present Alberti 
 Palace was Porta de* Bum, after- 
 wards Porta de' Ruggieri da Quona, 
 called so from the neichbouring houses 
 of that family^ This part' of the 
 wall followed the line of Via dt* 
 Tintori or Saponai, and Via de* 
 Vageilai, where an angle of it still 
 seems to exist in the form of a 
 cobbler's shop; and near this is ano- 
 
 ther Via del Moro or Muro, of the 
 first circle. From the last-mentioned 
 gate Mhich opened near the present 
 bridge of Le Orazie or Ruhacontc 
 the wall ran about north-east to its 
 rrj unction with the gate of San Piero 
 Maggiore, but in such a manner that 
 the Church of San Jacopo in Via 
 de" Bend formed part of the rampart ; 
 its back, now the front, 8t;inding over 
 the ditch and hence called San 
 Jacobo tra Fossi or between the first 
 and second ditch, which name it still 
 ret;iin8. The still existing wall of 
 the old prisons called the Stinche in 
 Via del Diluvio^ now about to be 
 demolished, is supposed to be a rem- 
 nant of the second circuit. It is 
 curious that a butcher's shop still 
 exists at the comer of Borgo de' 
 Greci in Piazza Santa Croci which 
 was mentioned us a mark for indi- 
 cating the old walls by Scipione Am- 
 niirato nearly three hundred years 
 ago! So long does the "custom of a 
 shop" continue in Florence, nor is 
 this a solitary instance. Beyond the 
 Amo were three suburbs all Wginning 
 at the head of Ponte Vecchio. One 
 was called Borgo Pidiglioso from its 
 low and dirty population : at its 
 southern extremity was a gate called 
 Porta Romohn situated at the end 
 of the pres-nii Via de* Bardi near 
 Santa Lucia de* Magnoli or as 
 it is now called (from an acci- 
 dent in the sixteenth ecntury) ddh 
 Rovinate on the hill-side. The 
 second was that of Santa Felicita, 
 calle<l Borgo di Piazza, which had a 
 gate at Santa Felice called as is reason- 
 ably supposed. Porta a Piazza, a name 
 
 citizens, proves the independence and prosperity of Florence 
 and its confidence in native energy and resources alone for 
 safety : they were, as the Florentines anticipated, soon destined 
 to be proved ; for the Emperor ashamed of his late humiliation 
 became again the Pontiff's declared enemy and was moreover 
 compelled to defend his o^vn crown against Rodolph Duke of 
 Swabia who had been elected king by a new Diet of the dis- 
 contented princes. A war of three years which began in 1077 
 and a battle lost by Heniy in 1080 determined the Pope to 
 acknowledge Rodolph, redouble his curses on the king, and 
 anathematise the Archbishops of Milan and Ravenna who had 
 steadily adhered to his cause. A golden diadem with the 
 legend ''Petra dedit Pitro, Petrus Diadema Rodul- ^^ ^^g^^ 
 ;)Ao'<s" was on this occasion sent to Henry's antagonist, 
 wliich so moved the Emperor that he assembled about thirty 
 schismatic prelates besides a numerous following of German 
 and Italian barons, and at Brixen m the Tyrol was again rash 
 enough to declare Gregory deposed, and to elect the many- 
 times excommunicated Archbishop of Ravenna in his plax^e under 
 the name of Clement III. a man, say his enemies " whose first 
 thought was ambition, and his last the fear of God f." 
 
 * Lami, Lezioni, xcviii. b i^i^ ^cvii. 
 
 •^ Ben Varchi, Storia Fioren., Lib. ix. 
 
 afterwards changed to that of Porta 
 Romana and opening on the Siena 
 road. The third was then and is still 
 called Borgo San Jacopo with a gate 
 at, or near the Piazza de* Frescobaldi 
 leading to the Pisan road. There 
 was no defence for these suburbs, ex- 
 cept the backs of the houses which 
 looked upon giirdens and orchards, 
 until after the Emperor Henry IV. 
 besieged Florence, when a wall was 
 carried up from the Porta Romana 
 along the hill-side (behind Santa Fe- 
 licita) and part of the Boboli Gardens ; 
 then crossing by the present church of 
 Santa Felice it ran directly to Via de' 
 Serragle. probably following the line 
 of Via SanV ^</os<irto where it turned 
 
 sharp and terminated at the Piazza de* 
 Sodcrini opposite to the present bridge 
 and ancient Porta alia Carraia on the 
 other bank of the Amo, already men- 
 tioned. {See Rastrctli, Firenzc Antica 
 € Modcnia lUustrata, vol. i., pp. 90, 
 94 kc. — Lami, Lezioni i., p. 6 ; Lez. 
 xi., p. ^oi.^Borghini, Discorsi,— 
 Malespini, cap. Ivi. — Gio. Villaniy 
 Lib. iv., cap. \\\.—Scip. Ammirato, 
 Lib. i., p. U.—Ben£detto Varchiy 
 vol. iii., Lib. ix., p. 78. 
 * " The Stone (Christ) gave the 
 Diadem to Peter and Peter gives it to 
 Rodolph." 
 
 flNIessia, Vite di tutti gl' Impera- 
 dori, Tradotti da Dolci, p. 270. 
 
76 
 
 FLORENTINE lIISTunV. 
 
 [book t. 
 
 CHAP. T.] 
 
 FLOKENilNl". IIISTORV. 
 
 77 
 
 This event, which occurred in June lOSO, was followed after 
 u few months hv a fourth pitched hattlo in which riodoljth was 
 killed and his army totally defeate<l, whik- on the same day at 
 a place called Vtilta in the Mantuan States, Matildas aniiy 
 wa.> routed in attempting to expel the Antipope, and all 
 Lomhardy declared for the Emperor. 
 
 Henn- elated bv this success marched to liavenna and with 
 words of peace on his li]>s determined to crown the 
 
 A.D. 1081. . . * -^ , . , , , AT *M 1 
 
 Antipope at Koine: but neither (.ivgoiy nor Matilda 
 were disheartened ; he relied on Robert (iuiscard the Norman, 
 who had been freed from ecclesiasticid censure for the occasion 
 and ruled the Xeaix)litan States : and she, ct»iitident of lier own 
 coui*age and resources, was true to the cause in which both her 
 heart and conscience were engaged. 
 
 Florence attached by habit to the Church was steady and 
 determined, for while the Emperor marched in triumph through 
 northern Italy she seems to have stood furwiud almost alone, 
 and resolutely closed her gates against the conqueror. Accord- 
 ing to her own writers, who however arc imt too impartial, the 
 Emperor indignant at such resistance from a single town had 
 no choice but aims, and with Senese assistance began the 
 siege believing that nothing could withstand him. Approach- 
 ing Florence from the northward he encamped at a place then 
 called Cafaffffio (now occupied principally by the Church and 
 Convent of the Santissima Annunziata) and extending his left 
 wing to the Anio, commenced operations in the month of 
 April lOsi. 
 
 •* There is no wall," says Ammirato, "however strong it 
 may be, so difiBcult to surmount as Union ; " and the Floren- 
 tines moved by tliis spirit not only dared the imperialists but 
 harassed them so sharply by repeated sallies that after a 
 while Henry being fearful of Matilda's daily increasing num- 
 bers, raised the siege and made a disorderly retreat with 
 considerable loss of baggage. 
 
 Authors disagree about the precise date of this siege: 
 Ammirato, apparently after Malespii.i, continues it from the 
 beghming of April to the twcnty-iirst of June ; l)Ut Villani in 
 asserting^ that it linishcd on the twcnity-first of April agrees 
 better with Muratoris statement that Henry and the Antipope 
 were before Kome in ^May of the saiiie ye'ar, where meeting with 
 unexpected resistance and no friends, he retired without accom- 
 plishing his puqiose ; nor was it until after a succession of 
 annual sieges that by dint of bribery he mastered ^^ ^^^^ 
 that capital in 10H4. Clement was then crowned 
 and Heniy received the inii)erial dia<lem in return, while 
 Gregory was closely besieged in the castle of Saint Angelo. 
 Guiscard soon advanced to the rescue with a powerful army 
 augmented by a body of Saracens who either drove or frigliitened 
 the Emperor away and restored the Christian Pontiff to liberty. 
 Some authors aver that he retreated three days before 
 Guiscard's appearance although favoured by the citizens 
 whose support he had bought witli the golden byzants of 
 Alexius the father of Anna Commena : it is certain that the 
 Romans rose tumultuously, attacked the Pope's deliverers, and 
 fought with vigour until the Norman calling fiercely for torches 
 Rome was straightway in tlames from the CoUseum to the 
 Lateran^^ Soon after this l)arbarous feat Guiscard and his 
 mmnidons quitted the scene of desolation with multitudes of 
 prisoners, and accompanied l>y Gregoiy who under ^^^^^ 
 that rough protector retired to Salerno where he ex- 
 pired the following year ; still invokhig Heaven's vengeance on 
 the schismatic emperor and his wicked adherents f. 
 
 This conflagration was the real and phcenix-like death of 
 ancient Pvome'' and the birth of the modem city on the 
 
 • Dante alludes to the Wood shod by j,. 44.-Muntori, Vnnalu Anni 1081 
 
 Guiscard in Italv in his tine- opening -10H4.-Mc^sia \ ite Henenco H-. 
 
 to the 28th Canto of the Inferno. — Orlan. M alia volt i,^tona di biena, 
 
 1 Malespini, cap. Ixviii.— G. Villani. Lib. in., Parte i% p. 15. 
 Lib. iv., cap. xxii. — Ammii-ato, Lib.i", 
 
78 
 
 FLORENTINE UISTOEY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FT.ORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 79 
 
 Campus Martius, for before this her antique splendour had been 
 scarcely injured*. The Emperor's attempt on Florence too, as 
 Villain avers, kindled a flame amongst the citizens which 
 produced those fatal quarrels between the chm'ch and impeiial 
 factions which, thus early engendered, soon found in this stormy 
 region a congenial habitation and a name 
 
 Florence l)eing angry with Siena for asbibUng Henry, moved 
 with all her force against it and carrying devastation to the veiy 
 gates ; but the Senese suddenly issuing with six thousand men 
 defeated them at Leceto on the Florentine road ; and on this 
 occasion, to recompense the services of the Ineontrati family, 
 a lofty tower was erected at the public expense near their 
 houses as a mark of honour : these buildings were at first 
 uninhabitable like the round towers of Ireland, but many were 
 afterwards adapted to and used for defence, as in Florence, Pisa, 
 and other parts of Italyf. 
 
 Cotemporary Monanhs. — Emperors and Kings of Germany, Henry II., 
 III., and IV. — Popes, from Sorgius IV. to Victor III. — England: Danisli 
 Kings,Sueno and Canute, Harefoot and Ilardiknute; Saxons, Edward the Con- 
 fessor and Harold, then William the Nomian (lOO'G). — France : Robert tlu- 
 Pious (1031), Henrv I., Philip I. — Greek Emperors, IJasil II., Constantino IX. 
 (1028), Romanus 111., Michael IV. (1034), Michael V.(1041), Zoe and Theo- 
 dora (1042), Constantine X. (1054), Michael VI. (105G), Isaac Comnenus 
 (1057), Consuntine XI. (1050), Eudocia (10«7), Romanus III., Michael VII., 
 Andronicus I., Constantine XII. (1071 to 1081), Alexius Comnenus (1081). 
 
 * Muratori, Annali, Anni 1081 — 
 1084. — Si!«mondi, vol. i., p. 128. 
 fOio. Villani, Lib. iv., cap. xxii. — 
 
 Orlando Mulavolti, Storia di Siena, Lib. 
 i". Parte i% p. 25, \o. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 FROM A.l). 1005 TO A.D. 1170. 
 
 Although strong presumptive proof has been given of the 
 independence of Florence during nearly all the ^j^^^^o 
 eleventh centur}% still no tangible document, no act of 
 sovereign authority performed in lier own name, is extant 
 before the twelfth, and her history during the whole of this 
 period is merged in that of Italy ; bemg at best but a doubtful 
 patchwork of insulated uncertainties. 
 
 Matilda as Marchioness of Tuscany exercised her powers of 
 public jurisdiction up to the yeai' 1100, and while she Uved 
 probably enjoyed the honours and authority if not the 
 emoluments of Florentine royalty ; but after that year her 
 name is no longer heard of withui the walls. An attempt has 
 been already made to explain the somewhat paradoxical 
 connexion between the free cities and the crown of Italy ; but 
 for greater perspicuity and as an introduction to the account 
 of Florentine government it may not here be irrelevant to 
 quote the historian Sigonius as well as some extracts from 
 records of an older date adduced by Cosimo della Rena : they 
 describe a state of things that existed even to the close of the 
 twelfth century, somewhat differing, it is true, from our present 
 notions of civil liberty, but which like all great and contmued 
 e^-ils finally roused the angry spirit of freedom awakened the 
 slumbering dignity of man, and burst those ties that bomid the 
 Italian cities to aristocratic privilege and impenal supremacy^'. 
 
 * Duchi c Marchcsi di Toscana, Parte ii'. 
 
30 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 81 
 
 This produced a most wholesome movement throughout all 
 northern Italv which in its day was accused of turbulence, 
 visionar\" projects of political improv« lueiit, and restless 
 democratic mnovation. Innovation ! Time, says Bacon, is the 
 great innovator : the elements are unstable ; all is mutability, 
 even the very races of created beings that once inhabited the 
 crust of this changing planet have, been successively blotted 
 from its surface ; that surface no longer the same, and the 
 present race of man perhaps destined t(j be in its turn 
 extinguished before some higher creation. And shall we then 
 still continue to stigmatise those who, in their endeavours to 
 enlighten mankind, would alter the effete institutions of 
 other times to suit the wants intelligence and habits of 
 their own, with the crime of restless and wanton innovation? 
 But let us contemplate for a while the good old times of 
 Italian senitude under Frankish and German nders ; let us 
 examine privilege and scan the admired prerogatives of legiti- 
 macy, and we shall no longer mai'vel that the inalienable rights 
 of man were sternly asserted and intrepidly maintained. 
 
 *'It was an ancient custom," say these records, "after the 
 lloman empire had passed to the Franks, and still practised in 
 our own days, that whenever the kings of Italy intended to go 
 into tliat province they sent forward some of their most 
 experienced people to visit all the cities and castles in order 
 tx> receive the contributions due under the name of ' Foderum.' 
 The result was that many cities, towns and castles where the 
 payment of this tax had been altogether resisted or only a 
 portion of it acknowledged, were punished for their audacity 
 and razed to the ground." "There is a tradition that from 
 ancient custom is derived this kind of justice ; by virtue of 
 which on the king's aiTival in Italy it is undtjrbtood that all 
 dignities and magistracies immediately cease and are re- 
 disposable at the sovereigns pleasure according to legal 
 provisions and the opinion of jurists. It is moreover asserted 
 
 that the judges of the land acknowledge so ample an authority 
 in the kings person, and that they believe the people are 
 ]>omid to furnish for the use of the court and army everything 
 usually produced by the earth, both of the necessaries and 
 delicacies of life, according as they are demanded; scarcely 
 even excepting the oxen that till the gromid or the seed for 
 the next years crop." 
 
 From this plenary power arose the various exemptions and 
 
 j)rivileges conceded by the monarchs of those times with such 
 
 benefit to their exchequers ; and those lords distinguished by 
 
 feudal holdings repaid tliemselves by forced contril)utions from 
 
 their serfs and vassals to most of whom they left no more than 
 
 what was requisite for their daily sustenance^:-. Sigonius at a 
 
 later day gives us a similar picture but deriving his information 
 
 partly from the same source: in the year 973 he says, "The 
 
 emperor Otho after conquering the rest of Italy left the greater 
 
 number of Italian cities in liberty but all tributary, he having 
 
 iu some created marquises and counts to govern them yet 
 
 always resenmg to himself the rights of sovereignty. He 
 
 reduced the freedom of cities to this, namely, that they might 
 
 have their own laws, customs, jmisdiction, and magistracies 
 
 with the power of imposing local taxes at their pleasure after 
 
 having sworn allegiance to their sovereign the kmg of Italy. 
 
 Following this system part of the executive government was 
 
 nominated by the king to represent his person and part was 
 
 elected by the community: those elected by the king to 
 
 administer justice in the provinces were called ''Messr or 
 
 messengers; in other words Eiiroijs, Nuncios, Legates, or 
 
 Imperial Ambassadors. The magistrates elected by the people 
 
 were called Consuls, and their nmnber was two or more 
 
 according to the ancient usage of the Roman commonwealth. 
 
 These took a yeariy oath of allegiance in presence of the bishop 
 
 ♦ Cosinio (lellaRena,Duchi c Marches! di Toscana, Pai-te ii«, p. 12. 
 VOL. I. ^ 
 
62 
 
 FI.ORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 83 
 
 or roval Nuncio; and even before the time of Frederic 
 Harbarossa foreij^i presidents were nominated un<lcr the title 
 of "Pfx/r.s^i." Hence it is that Otho bish«ip of Fresingen a 
 lOtenipiniuT and relation of that emperor justly writes that 
 in their civic institutions and the conser\ation of their 
 republics the people of Lombardy imitated ili(> Nvariuess of the 
 Romans : :uid in order to avoid the rij^id iniptn'ial government 
 thev preferred tlie rule of consuls to the autluuity of a 
 podesta =." For a clearer explanation it may be necessaiy to 
 sjiv tlu\t at the diet of Koncaglia in 11")^ Frederic 1. 
 dexterously imposed a magistnue and master of his own 
 creation on every town of the Lombard kingdom under the 
 specious and perhaps to a certain point roil pretext of justice 
 A pn^^digious number of causes having been brought before 
 him he declared that a whole life would be insutiicient to 
 determine them, and therefore gave full authority to a class of 
 imperial officers, called by the appropriate title of Podesta with 
 the condition that they should always be strangers living at a 
 considerable disuxnce from the place they were to govern and 
 entirely unconnected with it. The consequences were soon 
 felt : for the new podestas being nominated solely by the 
 crown and taken from nobles or civilians devoted to it, found 
 themselves in direct opposition to the consuls who were freely 
 .^ho>en bv the people ; hence quarrels became so frequent that 
 the Emperor in an angry mood determmed to abolish 
 the consulate. Words soon changed to blows and though 
 the people everywhere succeeded in preserving their magistrates 
 they could not entirely throw off the podesJLaship, which had 
 in fact much to recommend it, so retained the functionary but 
 reserved his nomination to themselves. In the course of time 
 this minister superseded the consuls and by introducing the 
 habit of looking to one chief for the settlement of publi« 
 
 * Carlo Sigoniut, de Regno Italac, Lib. viii. 
 
 justice and private disputes paved the way in several instances, 
 says Sisnioiidi, for tlie retreat of liberty and the advance of 
 absolute autlioritv '. 
 
 •'The Kinperor or King of Itjily," continues Sigonius, 
 " maintaiiit'd the l^'raiikisli trilmtes, whicli were the * Foderum,' 
 the ' Panthi,' and tlio ' Mnndoiuiticum.' The Foderum was 
 a tax l)y wliich the Italians were obliged to furnish entertain- 
 ment for the king wlieiiovcr he visited the j)rovince, or else 
 j>ay many times its estimate in money. The Parata were 
 intended f()r rcjtairs of }^^i<lg^'^ and roads in the sovereign's 
 passage ; and the IMansionaticnni for the maintenance of his 
 house and quartei-s : under this name were comprised all the 
 contributions that the country furnished for the royal army, 
 and so amply and rigorously enforced was the king's power, 
 that every necessary of life, every production of the land, the 
 seed and labouring oxen only excepted, belonged to the service 
 of the court and the soldiers' daily consumption." Otho 
 having thus disposed of the cities did not neglect the oppor- 
 tunity of securing the good-will of private indi^-iduals by 
 especial favours, not only for liis own immediate advantage 
 but to increase the splendour of his court : following the 
 Franks' example he invited the most valorous and distinguished 
 to join his armies and rewarded those liy whom he was well 
 and faithfully served. " His rewards consisted principally of 
 dignities and the possession of some peculiar prix-ileges occa- 
 sionally conceded to his favourites. The dignities were titles of 
 Duke, Marquis, Count, Captain. Vavassour, and Vavassini. 
 The privileges were the right of imposing duties and tolls of 
 divers natures ; such as coining money, grazing cattle, erecting 
 mills, making salt, and using rivers and streams ui every way 
 
 * Repub. Italieiines, vol. i., chap. ix.. aUo " Cattanl^'' for Capitani or Cap- 
 pp 3-10-370-4-2H. laius. 
 
 t " FttZi'tworo," and " Valvustno,' 
 
 Ci 
 
 •) 
 
 
84 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. ^ 
 
 85 
 
 that might turn them to most advantage." " A Duke was he 
 who obtiiined a duchy ; a :\Iarquis, a marquisate ; a Count, a 
 contado, contea, or county, under a feudal t( nure. 
 
 *'The 'Captains' were those empowered l»y the sovereign 
 or some of the al)Ove-mentioned dignitaries to nde either a 
 portion or all the lower classes of the people. Tlie ' Vara- 
 sonrs' were ministers sulM^rdinate to the Captains, and the 
 ^Varasins' to the Vavasoui-s. The three Ih^t wne called 
 • Kinifs Captains,' and the «)thers gi'eater or lesser \'avasours. 
 with inferior ranks besides." By this a new niilility was in- 
 troduced into Italy, those alone being considered noble who 
 either personally or thr.>ugh their ancestors liad been dignified 
 by such titles and privileges. This hcnv. v. i .lid not genemlly 
 apply to the ciWc nobility : those of Venice for instance arose 
 out of a p'lre and primitive democn\cy gradually (oiidensed 
 into a nucleus of privileged nobles, around which a new popu- 
 lation of foreign emigrants, unentitled to civic privileges, had 
 insensibly formed and became the Venetian pcv.ple of after 
 times. The Genoese nobles derived tiieir title from the office 
 of principal magistrate or from having been one of th. 
 podestas council an office which only began in the twelftli 
 century; and in general high civic office conferred a dignitv 
 equal in fact if not in name to high nobility --. 
 
 Otho's system subsequently acquired strenjifth and l)ecarae 
 a fertile source of military rewards and distinctions all intended 
 to gaui tlie affection and se»ure the fidelity of those by whose 
 means the country was govenied, under the various names ot 
 Feudatories, Vassals, Vomini, imd Fedeli ; and the Feiido, tb. 
 Vassallaggio, the Ominio and the Omaiff/io, or Uomafje, wer. 
 ritrhts of the crown, by virtue of which th«»se who obtained 
 dignities or the possession of lands were obliged \\\t\\ then- 
 p)sterity to acknowledge the king for their master l)y taking 
 
 * I'bcrto Foglictta, DcUc Cose di Genoa, p. 28, Ed. 1575. 
 
 the oath of allegiance and being always ready to expose both 
 life and fortune in his service-. 
 
 Three sorts of dominion therefore existed : the superior, the 
 middJi', and the inferior: the first was that of the emperor; 
 the second, of the duke count or marquis ; and the third 
 that of private individuals over their own allodial property, for 
 which was due neither rent nor service. Hereditary succession 
 to the greater fiefs gradually diminished the royal authority 
 and they soon began to assume the fonn and character of 
 independent states: but wlnle their lords exercised certain 
 acts of jurisdiction \rithin the towns, these last during the 
 eleventh century enjoyed municipal freedom, and up to a 
 certain period remained unshackled in all their external opera- 
 tions ; therefore if antiquarians be correct in assigning the 
 sovereign prerogative of coining to Florence so early as the 
 year 1000 it will go far to prove that she also was well advanced 
 in the road to independence f. 
 
 The relation l»etween Italian kings and civic communities 
 during the Saxon dynasty, as well as the connexion of these 
 last with the provincial dukes after tliat office became here- 
 ditary, (the power of making war excepted) was not unlike the 
 present relationship between Great Britain and some of her 
 colonies : the latter enjoy, or are said to enjoy a free internal 
 legislature on popular princijdes under a representative of the 
 crown ; and as the ludiau cities rejected even this semblance 
 of superiority the moment they were able, so probably >\t11 the 
 British colonies assert their freedom whenever their native 
 vigour and independence abate the necessity of support. 
 
 It does not appear how or when Florence became indepen- 
 dent, but one of Matilda's last acts there exists in the archives 
 
 * Giannone, Stor. Civ. di Napoli, vol. i«, p. 3.-Denina Rivol. d' Ital. Lib. 
 
 iii., p. 175.— C. Sigonius, De Regno vii., capo vi., p. 44», eVc. 
 
 lU J, Lib. viii. Cited at length by t Bonzhini, Dis. della Moneta Fiorcn- 
 
 Cosimo della Rena, Parte ii% p. 13.— tina, Parte ii% p. 15/ . 
 
 Lorenzo Conlini, Saggi Istoiici, vol. 
 
86 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book t. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY 
 
 87 
 
 A.D. 1101. 
 
 of the archiepiscopal palace or •' Capitolo Finrmtino" and is 
 given at length by Cantini in his Historical l.- >^ on Tuscan 
 Antiquities. It is an investiture made of the court and lands 
 of Campiano by Count Guido in her presence on the 1st of 
 March 1 100 to the canons of Saint lleparjita of Florence : also 
 another exercise of roval authority in the fidlowinj? June in 
 favour of the Valloiubrosan monks as qu(>ted by I'ioreiitini : 
 after this no more is heard of her jurisdiction having been 
 actively employed \\'ithin the city although she visited Florence 
 as late as 1105, and in 1103 granted some new favours to the 
 above-named convent*. 
 
 The next document in proof of the complete emancipation 
 of Florence is its first authenticated act of indepen- 
 dent power, namely a contmct ^^•ith the castle and 
 town of Pogna in the Val d'Elsa in IHU where the two con- 
 suls are named as representatives of the Florentine people, who 
 on their part promise to defend those of Pogna against all 
 enemies except the Emperor or his Nuncios, without allusion to 
 Matilda or any other superior f . 
 
 If the dates of these instmments are correct, for Borghini 
 seems doubtful of the latter, they mark witli great precision 
 the setting of regal jxjwer an<l the early dawn of popular n\\v 
 in Florence ; wherefore its independence may be with some 
 confidence dated from the year 1100, but whether thi> liberty 
 were a boon from Matilda, or whether it had gradually fed and 
 fattened on times and circumstances until too strong for regal 
 control there are no documents to prove. It is however 
 scarcely credible that Florence could liave suddcidy broken 
 from Matilda's grasp, fcr she was not wont to suffer any 
 opposition to royal power as may be judged from the whole 
 
 * Cantini, vol. i., cap. iii. — Fiorcntini, the oripnal being in the Archivio 
 
 Mem. di Matilda, Lib. ii", p. 282 and delle Riformagioni at Florence. (St t 
 
 290. — Muratori, Annali, Anno 1103. also S. Amiuirato, Stor. Fior. Lib. i". 
 
 + Cantini, iS'av^/ f/Mw/zVA/Vo, pp. 70, p. 46.) 
 74, 75, who gives a copy of the treaty, 
 
 tenor of her reign; and the siege of Prato in 1107 for a 
 revolt against Florence, (which from this would appear to 
 have been under her especid protection) is an instance in 
 point. She also assembled a large army about the same time 
 to punish Ferrara which had rebelled when she was in dis- 
 tress ; and moreover exercised several acts of authority in the 
 neighboiu'hood of Prato the same year, and in the Mugelloiu 
 1105 ; all tending to prove that her power was still howering 
 around Florence but never after settled within its walls. Yet 
 at this veiy time the Countess Matilda was almost Queen of 
 Italy ; her dominions not only extended over a great part of 
 Lombardy including Mantua and ]\Iilan, but also V)eyond the 
 Alps where she inherited great possessions from her mother : 
 all lier acts show clearly enough how jealous she was of the 
 royal authority but the wars of Pisa and Lucca prove that 
 either force or inclination were sometimes wanting to exert it*. 
 These acts of private hostility between rival cities may have 
 been exercised by virtue of an original imperial grant with which 
 it became dangerous for provincial lords to meddle, except as 
 mediators ; and in fact the right of an appeal to anns was 
 fully recognised by the laws and customs of the age ; it was 
 considered as tlie voice of God, and therefore acknowledged 
 universally from the private gentleman to the independent 
 city, from duels to national contests. Matilda was in conti- 
 nual movement through her stiites; constantly occupied in 
 public works, administering justice, l)estowing favours or 
 granting privileges ; but especially in the aggrandisement of 
 convents and churches witli the idea of reenforcing religion, or 
 what she believed to be such, by the addition of great temporal 
 power, while she simultaneously worked out her own salvation f. 
 Amongst her numerous acts of grace more especially towards 
 
 ♦ Denina, Lib. X., cap. viii., pp. 167, Fiorentini, Lib. ii«, pp. 282, 2S4, 
 170. 286. 
 
 t Ibid., Lib. ix., cap. i% p. 104. — 
 
88 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 those who had always remained faithful, the unflinching loyalty 
 of Florence was perhaps rewarded by complete emancipation : 
 but that no documents now exist of these conjectured acts is 
 not surprising, because all the public and private archives of 
 the city were consumed in the successive conHagi-ations of 11 1 5 
 and 1117 which nuned mo^t part of the town leaving only 
 obscure and detached notices of anterior histon'. 
 
 The foregoing evidence being deemed sufficient to prove that 
 Florentine independence existed at the beginning of the twelfth 
 centuiT if not long before, a rapid sketch will now be made of 
 the particular fonn of civil government adopted by this infant 
 state, and thus spare some inteniiptions in the general stor^- of 
 a city against which her great poet saraistically exclaims — 
 
 ** Atcne e Lacedcmona che fenno 
 L'an tithe Icgtri e furon si civili, 
 Fecero al vivcr licnc un picciol cennii 
 
 Verso di te che fai tanto sotlili 
 Provedimenti ch'a mezzo Novcuihre 
 Non giunge quel che tu di' Ottobre fili.'*'^ 
 
 The general outline of that fonn of govennnent chosen by the 
 free Italian cities during the Saxon (h-nasty has already been 
 traced ; also the supposed institution of a senate and consuls at 
 Florence according to the conflicting accounts of Malespini and 
 .\mmirato ; the former refeiTing this institution to the days of 
 Charlemagne ; the latter to those of the Fies(.Iine conquest ; 
 while the first authentic proof of their existence is in the above- 
 mentioned treaty with Pogna in 1101. Their number was 
 originally two ; afterwards one for each quarter of the city ; 
 and finally a consul for each " Sesto'' or sixth— when the towni 
 was thus diN-idedf. The Duke of Bavaria's occupation of 
 
 * Dante,Purgatorio, Canto vi. — In this 
 beautiful and bitter pass.igc we may 
 still recognise much of the present Flo- 
 rentine character ; now however almost 
 as much lowered in general force and 
 intensity as might naturally be ex- 
 pected in a nation that has fallen 
 from the high-tempered encrgj- of 
 
 republican institutions through various 
 stages to the mild but leaden languor 
 of despotism. For the translation of 
 this {xissage see Appendix, 
 f S. Ammirato, Lib. i", p. .35. — 
 Poirgio Bi-acciolini, Lib. i", p. tJ. — 
 Ric. Malespini, cap. xcviii. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 89 
 
 Florence along with all the rest of Tuscany in 1135 or 1137 
 l)roV)ably cmshed the consular autliority while he remained, as 
 no record appears of any [)erson having held that office during 
 three subsequent years from the former date*. In 1138 
 Bucello and Florenzetto were consuls ; after which, documents 
 are wanting up to 117*2 when Foreze Forteguerra and Arlotto 
 filled that station : in 11^4 there seems to have been no less 
 than eight, and ufterwanls more ; thus lluctuating from two to 
 twelve over a period of about ninety years. They probably 
 augmented with the augmentation of people and increase of 
 public laisiness for magistrates like laws are multiplied by 
 civilisation. The number was finally reduced to one for each 
 " Art'' or Trade who not only presided over those of his own 
 calling, l)ut was also a member of the supreme government, 
 one consul t<iking the foreign, another the civil, and a third the 
 criminal department of state, as was the custom about the same 
 epoch in Genoa f . It is believed that when two consuls only 
 existed, one administered the politicid one the civil affairs : but 
 in 1181 another consul was added with the title of " Ordinary 
 Judge " apparently unconnected with trade or politics ; and 
 also tliree " Cotisuls of Ju-^ticc" wlio seem to have fomied a 
 court of appeal from bis decisions ^. 
 
 In an old treaty with (iuido di Ridolfino and other lords of 
 Trebbio in 111)3, the first sure indication of a change in the 
 forai of government occurs by the mention of a Podestd and 
 his council, as well as of another magistracy composed of seven 
 citizens called ''Rectors of the Arts I.'' The spirit and forais 
 of liberty seem even tlius early to have penetrated hito the 
 smallest fiefs and curbed feudal despotism ; for the lords of 
 
 * Muratori, Anno 1137. — Annalista — Mui-atori, Antichita Italianet, tonio 
 
 Sassone, cited by Cantini, vol. i., cap. vii., p. '226, Dissertazioue 46. 
 
 iii., p. 85. § Cuntini (vol, i", p. 123) copies the 
 
 f Foglictta, Delle Cose di Genoa, treaty at length from Lib. xxvi. de* 
 
 J). 28. Capitoli, nell' Archivio delle Rifor- 
 
 t Cantini, Saggi, vol. i", cap. iii., p. 84. magioni at Florence. 
 
90 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 Trebbio " alonff tcith the consul of that placi" promise lo 
 receive a Florentine gamson and consider themselves under the 
 jurisdirtion of that goveniment, making peace or war at its 
 bidiUng : for every new castle built they engage to oft'er at the 
 Baptist's shrine in Florence a large waxen torcli : and to the 
 municipality one silver mark ; while the Podesta promises on 
 the part of his countiTmcn that no pei-son shall le Mitfered to 
 molest the Trebbians, who are to be considered in all respects 
 as Florentines-"'. 
 
 The ''Rectors of the Arts" were in 1'204 called ''Priors,^' 
 and afterwards *'Consuh:"' thev seem to have f(.niied a 
 cliamber of commerce and manufactures besides exercising the 
 functions of judicial magistrates in their respe<-tive trades and 
 the higher duties of genend administration. Ammirato asserts 
 that the government at this time consisted of eleven " Consuls 
 of the Arts ; " two *' Military Consuls ; " three ** Vriori< of the 
 Arts\;^' 9. ''Senator of the City T 9.'* General Ccuncif :"' a 
 "Special Council;'' and lastly ten " lhtonionii}ti'" or ''Good- 
 men' from each " Sesto,"' besides one officer for the administra- 
 tion of justice whose title does not appear t- 
 
 How all these were elected and the exact nature of their 
 duties are points not well ascertained and embrace too wide a 
 field for present discussion ; but there is reason to believe that 
 they collectively formed the General Council at which the 
 consuls presided, one being commonly distinguished by the 
 name of "Rector.'' Whether this was a fluctuating title of 
 honour or a permanent dignity with superior jiower is not clear : 
 
 91 
 
 • S. Ammirato, Lib. i", Accresciuto, 
 p. 62. 
 
 + Amongst the " J»-#«" or Trades of 
 this period are mentioned those of the 
 Judges and Notaries; liankers; "(7«//- 
 »*«/«" (or Trade in Transalpine and 
 other foreign cloths) Merchants of the 
 City; Wool-Trade; and Silk-Trade. 
 The latter showing either a domestic 
 
 advancement in luxuiy and rcHnement 
 or extensive foreign commerce. The 
 mention of Priors of the Arts at this 
 epwh proves that tlie ofiice was not 
 new at the time of its more permanent 
 institution in \'2li'2. 
 X S. Ammirato, Lib. i", Accresciuto, 
 p. 67. 
 
 .1 
 
 but probably the latter, as it was always given to the Podesta, 
 of whose office a more explicit notice becomes necessary. 
 
 There are no accounts of the exact time when this magis- 
 trate fii-st appeared in Florence nor of her Ijemg immediately 
 affected by the institution or revival of that office in 1158 
 at the Diet of Pioncaglia : it seems probable that all the cities 
 of Lombardy and Tuscany were included in the same decree 
 for none could fairly avoid so apparently just an act of regal 
 power based as it seemed to be on a rigid sense of justice. 
 As there are indications of such a functionary in 1184, and the 
 certainty of one in 111);], we have additional reasons f'^r 
 believing tbit Florence was also compelled to receive these 
 governors but perhaps, without much interruption of the 
 ancient consular authority, for it is not until the year 1207 
 that the liepublic seems to have been really governed by such 
 magistrates-. "Hitherto," says Malespini, "the city had 
 been ruled by a seignory of Consuls selected from the most 
 distinguished citizens of the Senatorial Council of a Hundred 
 Buoniomini ; and these consuls directed the republic in all 
 things and administered civil and criminal justice : their office 
 lasted one year, and their number was four while the city 
 was divided into quarters, and afterwards six when changed 
 into Seatus ; but our ancestors only mention one of them who 
 was of the greatest consequence, or at most two. 
 
 " The city increasing hi numbers and in vice, and e^^l offices 
 becoming frequent amongst the citizens ; in order to improve 
 the condition of society and to save the inliabitants from the 
 hateful necessity of punishing malefactors ; or by prayers, or 
 relationship, intimidation, necessity, enmity; or any other 
 reason whatever, that justice should be defeated ; it was re- 
 solved to invest a foreign gentleman with the authority of 
 Podesta for one year; that he should preside in their civil 
 courts TN-itli his Judges ; that he should administer criminal 
 
 * S. Ammii-ato, Lib. i., p. 62. — Lor. Cantini, Saggi, vol. i,, cap. iii. 
 
93 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 justice, piiss sentence on those convicted of capital crimes, order 
 coqioral punisliments, and carrj- into execution all the orders 
 of the communitv '*. 
 
 The first podesta was Gmdfredotto of ^lilan who inhal>ited 
 the Bishop s palace : nevertheless the consuls were not discon- 
 tinued but still retained the adniinistnition of eveiy other 
 
 affair. 
 
 From the podestaship of Gherardo Capponsacchi in 1 1 03 
 to the year 1100 there is no notice of that office, but in the 
 arast-mentioned yeai- Pagnnello de' Porcari, or Porticari, of Lucca 
 filled this station, and so much to the public satisfaction that 
 he was contmued until 1*^01, or double the usual period. 
 The office was however, at this epoch, of inferior power and 
 dignity to that of 1*^07; and if Porticari wore invrsted ^ith 
 more than common authority, it was jirobably either as an 
 experiment or from some peculiar ephemeral circumsUmce, for 
 he is not quoted by any of the early historians as the first 
 regular podesta; and in his time as we have seen this new 
 magistracy had not quite obscured the consular dignity!. 
 
 Paganello's name is to be found in seveml public acts while 
 he held office ; but the verj- year of its expiration no less than 
 twelve consuls signed a charter of liberties granted to some 
 of the inhabitants of San Donato in Poci for assistance given 
 to Florence hi the Semifoutine War. The Podesta of 1*207 
 should therefore be considered in conformity \rith IVIalespini 
 and Villani's account, as a new state-officer with increased 
 lowers ; and not as the mere successor of former magistrates 
 under the same title. His power was very extensive ; because 
 independent of the administration of civil and criminal justice 
 he interfered in all foreign aftaii-s, commanded in war, and 
 seems to have assembled and directed the general council, 
 
 • Maleepini, rap. xcviii. — S. Ammi- 
 rato, Stor., Lib. i., Accres", p. 68. 
 t Capitoli del Archivio dcUe Rifor- 
 
 mac:ioni, Libri xxvi. to xxix, cited by 
 Cantini, vol. i.. p. 51. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOIIY. 
 
 93 
 
 besides holding a separate one called the *' Council of the 
 Podesta : " there is however much obscurity about these early 
 fluctuating forms of Florentine government ; it seems indeed to 
 have been a mere chain of expedients forged link by link from 
 existing circumstances, rather than any regularly digested 
 system, a natural consequence of the lightened pressure or 
 rather totiil removal of the fixed weight of royal authority 
 from a people not yet sufficiently steadied by self-government*. 
 During the Ghibeline ascendancy in 1-250, the citizens 
 tumultuously suppressed this office and substituted a " Ccqjta'ui 
 of the People " to watch over their rights, besides other changes. 
 it was re-established the following year in all its pristine 
 authority which afterwards became considerably extended ; but 
 whether by the natural expansion and encroachment of power 
 or by jmblic decrees, is now ver}^ difficult to deternmie, for 
 the Florentines were continually pecking with almost capri- 
 cious jealousy at tlieir institutions, or recklessly increasing 
 power at the nod of f\iction and expense of freedom. In 1270 
 thev limited the term of office to six months, but the Captain 
 of the People still continued conjointly with this and a new 
 council of twelve citizens called '' Anziani'' or elders, who 
 
 superseded the consuls. 
 
 The ''Capitnno del PopoW when first appointed was 
 intended as the people's advocate and protector, an office 
 somewhat analogous to the Eoman tribmies ; but it soon lost 
 this character and became a part of the regular executive govern- 
 ment, the prevailing features of which for a long period were 
 mutability and the frequent exposure of public liberty in times 
 of external danger. In such times the Republic was wont to 
 implore the protection of some foreign potentate with dictatorial 
 authority, and was ever rewarded by his shameless and un- 
 measured rapacity : the Romans with a finer spirit trusted 
 their safety and freedom to a fellow-citizen and their own 
 
 * Muratori, Antichila ItaUaiic, vol. vii., pp. 233—236, Dissert"^ 46. 
 
94 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 native courage, and were never disappointed. Haply the 
 Florentines preser\'ed their independence; but these pro- 
 tectors, or their vicars, governed with mercenary, selfish, and 
 almost absolute sway, and often with tyranny ; and the only 
 wonder is that they did not take permanent possession of the 
 state When their power ended, the regular constitutional 
 goverament resumed its functions and continued in activity 
 until 150-2, when the podesta's authonty wa^ .M.iitlded to a 
 Council of Justice Ciilled the *' Ruota " or Wheel, Wvmse each 
 individual like each spoke became in his turn uppermost and 
 presided with all the potency and attributes of Podesta. Such 
 is the general outline of Florentine institutions, tlie various 
 piirts of which we shall make an attempt to fill up in the 
 course of this History. 
 
 The Florentines increasing in riches and strength, and all 
 the ambitious confidence of a rising nation, were no longer 
 content ^rith a domain, limited and chequered l)y the posses- 
 sions of proud and i)owei-ful biirons, who with a nominal 
 friendship scorned the dominion of ignoble citizens and even 
 rendered but an imeasy obedience to imperial vicars. 
 Wherefore indidging the natural propensity of strength to 
 command weakness, and hiding incipient ambition under the 
 cloak of compassion and justice, Florence covertly intimated to 
 the mral poj.ulation and small commiuiities, that behind the 
 republican jegis shelter would be found against feudal oppres- 
 sion ; and even the chiefs themselves were invited to acquiesce in 
 Florentine supremacy. Those who hearkened were received 
 joyfully and acquired the rights of citizenship ; those that 
 resiste«l were reduced by force and their castles demolished or 
 occupied as best suited the victors' convenience. 
 
 The first enterprise was against Monte Orlando where some 
 
 A.D. 1107. ^^ ^^® principal citizens governing under the title of 
 
 " Cattani " refused the proflfered hand of Florence : 
 
 an ai-my was instantly assembled ; the place assaulted carried 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 95 
 
 and levelled to the ground without any hesitation or delay. 
 The siege of Prato, then in its infency, was the next ex- 
 pedition : its inhabitiints had previously occupied a hill called 
 Chiavello between the site of their present town and Pistoia, 
 and not far from Monte Murlo ; but they afterwards purchased 
 land from Count Guido and moved do\Nii to a phiin at the foot 
 of Monte Morello where they hoped under his auspices to 
 escape from Florentine ambition and gave to their new settle- 
 ment the appropriate name oiPrato--. On refusing obedience 
 to Florence preparations were made to reduce them, and 
 under the conduct of Countess Maltida in person, who took 
 the place, they were taught an early lesson of prudence. 
 
 Matilda "s presence has led some to believe that as yet the 
 Florentines were unable single-handed to reduce so insignifi- 
 cant a town the siege of which had been commenced a long 
 time before her arrived : and the fiict of her co-operation is 
 siugu]"^ _„ough, because it would seem as if Florentine 
 aggressions were not only tolerated but seconded by that 
 princess f. A denser mist is thus cast over all these early 
 transactions ; but the Comits Guido who then protected Prato 
 were powerful chiefs with strong mountain territory, and gave 
 Florence much trouble even in her better days ; they might 
 possibly have embraced the iuiperitd cause nay were likely to 
 do so, and Matilda was as milikely to peiinit the example of a 
 petty town renouncing its allegiance to a foiiliful adherent 
 only to increase the power of and gain protection from an 
 enemy; for it was discontent at the Florentine government 
 that first made them quit Chiavello and seek peace and favour 
 from those potent cliief tains. 
 
 The star of Matilda was now in the ascendant ; her Italian 
 influence was paramount, and her great enemy Henry IV. 
 
 * Malespini, Stor. Fior. cap. Ixx., t Fran. M. Fiorentini, Mem. di Ma- 
 Ixxi.— Mar. di Coppo Stefani, Lib. i., tilda, Lib. ii., pp. 297, 299.— Muratori, 
 Rub. 38. Annali, Anno 1107. 
 
96 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 97 
 
 A.D. 1110. 
 
 after having been defeated and imprisoned l)y his own sou, 
 had died of stanation in 1 100 while vainlv soliciting the humhle 
 office of clerk to the Church of the Holy Mrgin at Spires 
 which he had himself erected and endowed * ! 
 
 This miscreant Son had made liis father a prisoner by strata- 
 gem; threats of death forced liim to resign the then royal insi^niia 
 of the Holy Lance, the Cross, and the Imperial Sceptre ; and 
 Pasqual 11. at whose unchristian incitements so umiatmal a 
 war wascliiefly begmi. soon felt the evil conse(iueiices ol his 
 conduct. Henry V. descended into Italy at the head of a 
 large anny, and after an honouiable rece[)tion at 
 Florence proceeded with overilowing protestations nf 
 duty and reverence to be crowned at Rome: Imt iiu »uuiier 
 was he there than the old dispute about iuvoiituiv^ with 
 many other grievances revived with augmented bittenios until 
 AD nil ^^^ impetuous monarch broke into open a( t> of 
 violence. He imprisoned both Pope and Cardinals, 
 made Pasqual swear not to visit him with ec«l<'siastical cen- 
 sure ; demanded for his father's body, which had remanied years 
 unburied, the rights of sepidture ; and insisted on liis o\ra 
 instant coronation f . 
 
 These acts soon convmced the world tliat the dethroiur and 
 murderer of his own father was not the man to regard wiad or 
 oath ; or bow to the dictates, or brook the ambitious pride of 
 grasping churchmen. After visiting Matilda ht returned to 
 Germany leaving a deep impression of his power in the Italian 
 mind : yet Florence, ever faithful to the church frcjiu whidi 
 no dimger to public liberty was feared, disdained to conciliate 
 that church's enemy and therefore tUrected her arms more 
 particularly against the neighbouring barons of the imperial 
 faction *. 
 
 • Denina, Rivol. d' Italia, Lib. x., J Messia, Vitc degli luijicratori. Vita 
 capo v-iii., p. 1 73. Henry V. p. 380.~Fiorentini, Lib. ii., 
 
 t Sismondi, vol. i. — Muratori, Annali, p. 306. 
 
 Addo nil. 
 
 A.D. 1112. 
 
 1 
 
 The Emperor s Vicar who then resided at the town or castello 
 of San Miniato del Tedesco *, seeing the hostile con- 
 duet of Florence towards all who really were, or pre- 
 tended for protection to be his master's friends, immediately 
 took the field, captured Monte Casole, and even menaced the 
 capital; but the citizens who resolved to answer words l>v 
 deeds instantly maix'hed to the place, and after some hard 
 blows, exasperating language, and the Vicar's death, the town 
 was recaptured and destroyed f. This short decisive war 
 against the imperial representative himself, who had actually 
 Iteen provoked to hostilities, and wa^jfed with such 
 vigour under the eves of Matilda, exhibits the 
 growing audacity of Florence ; and she, then amusing herself 
 by supeiintending the constiuction of the Pisan baths, could 
 scarcely have been displeased at any successful opposition t(/ 
 the imperial arms in Tuscany |. 
 
 Scarcely two years from the date of this event, being then at 
 a place called 3Ionte Baroncione and m her sixty-ninth year, 
 this celebrated woman breathed her last after a long 
 and glorious reign of incessant activity, during which 
 she displayed a wisdom, vigom*, and determination of character 
 rarely seen even in men : she bequeathed to the Chm-ch all 
 those patrimonial estates of which she had previously disposed 
 [ by an act of gift to Gregoiy VII. ^rithout however any imme- 
 diate royal power over the cities and other possessions thus 
 given, as her will expresses it, "for the good of her soul and 
 the souls of her jiarents § ". 
 
 Whatever may now be thought of her chivalrous support, 
 
 * Hence its name. This town is the X Fiorentini, Lib. ii., p. 312. 
 
 ancient residence of the Buonaparte § Domenico di Guido Mellini Fatti 
 
 family, whose sepulchre still exists di Matilda, Parte ii«, p. 107. — Fran. 
 
 there ; but that name is now identified M. Fiorentini, Mem. di Matilda, Lib. 
 
 with the world's history. ii., pp. 180— 319.— Sismondi, vi., p. 
 
 t Male8pini,cap. Ixxiv. — S. Ammirato, 139.— Denina, Lib. x., capo iv., p. 
 
 Lib. i., p. 48. 118. 
 
 VOL. I. H 
 
98 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 99 
 
 her bold defence, and her deep devotion to the Church, it \v;i^ 
 in perfect harmony with the spirit of that age and has formed 
 one of her chief merits witli many even in the present. Her 
 unflinching adherence to the cause she had so conscientiously 
 embraced was far more noble than the emperor Heniy's conduct: 
 swuijnnu between the extremes of mimeasured insolence and 
 abject humiliation, he died a victim to papal influence over 
 superstitious minds ; an mfluence wliich amongst other debas 
 ing lessons, then taught the world tliat a breach of the most 
 sacred ties and dearest affections of human nature was one 
 means of gaining the approbation of a Being who is all trutli 
 and beneficence. 
 
 Matilda's object was to strengthen the cliief spiritual against 
 the chief tempoi-al power, but reserving her own indepeuden( e ; 
 a policy subsequently pur^ucd, at least in spirit, by tli< 
 Guelpliic states of ItiUy : she therefore protected subordinate 
 members of the Church against feudal chieftains, and its head 
 against the feudal emperor. True to her religious and warlike 
 chamcter she died between tlie sword and the cmcilix, and tw.' 
 of her last acts even when the hand of death was already cold 
 on her brow, were the chastisement of revolted Mantua and tbe 
 midnight celebration of Clurist's nativity in the depth of a freez 
 ing and unusually mclement winter *. 
 
 Only indistinct accounts are extant of these early transai 
 tions of Florentine Histoiy ; the original records as alreadv 
 remarked, having perished in a fire which this year did greai 
 mischief, and was followed two years afterwards ly 
 another much more destructive that not only devoured 
 houses and pidaces as yet scarcely rebuilt, but multitudes of 
 those tliat had escaped the former calamity. In these tv\o 
 conflagrations it is supposed tliat tdmost all the public and 
 private archives were consumed, an irreparable loss, which by 
 
 * SiiTonius, Hist, de Regno Italisp, «li Matil., Lib. ii., p. 316. — Mcllin:, 
 Lib. X., p. 250. — Fiorentini, Mctu. Fatti d' Matilda, Parte ii*, p. 104. 
 
 A.D. 1117. 
 
 etfax?ing the vivid memorials of past ages has left nothing but 
 obscurity and dim shadows to evade the inquiries and satisfy 
 the wants of the historian. 
 
 Such misfortunes were attributed to divine wmth, the cor- 
 mption of manners, and heretical doctrines : the latter were 
 then extremely common in Florence, and religious opinions so 
 strong and various that theology was often forced to decide 
 its arguments by the sword. These disputes were main- 
 tained up to the time of Saint Francis and Saint Dominic 
 before complete tranquillity was restored; and even the 
 disciples of these honest })igots subsequently quaiTelled 
 on an absurd point of doctrine that was first mooted in this 
 century *. 
 
 The Florentine Epicureans are particularly blamed for gluttony 
 laseiviousness and other vices, which were quite enough, says 
 Midespini, to account for every calamity. But whatever may 
 
 * The celebrated Paul Sarj»i of Venice 
 in his History of the Council of Trent, 
 tells us that towards the year 113G, 
 the Canons of Lyon having dared to 
 introduce the feast of the Immaculate 
 Conception into the ecclesiastical 
 offices. Saint Bernard who passed for 
 the most able and pious theologian of 
 his century and who in a strong com- 
 mendation of the Virgin called her 
 the throat of the Church by which 
 channel all influences and mercies 
 passed from the head to the members, 
 wrote a sharp rebuke to tlie Lyonese 
 Canons for having introduced a dan- 
 gerous novelty which was Milliout 
 reason or example in antiquity : he 
 told them that there was a sutliciency 
 of real \-irtues to praise in the Virgin, 
 «Iio could never be pleased by a pre- 
 sumptuous novelty, the mother of 
 rashness, the sister of superstition, 
 n^nd the daughter of lightness. John 
 Scott in later times asserted that the 
 Immaculate Conception was probable. 
 
 and the Franciscan Order to which he 
 belonged argued warmly for the ex- 
 emption of the Virgin from original 
 sin. The Dominicans on the con- 
 trary took the other side, and disputes 
 ran high between them until Sixtus 
 IV., himself a Franciscan, confirmed 
 the doctrine by two Bulls in 1476 
 and 1483. But the contention be- 
 tween these orders lasted until the 
 council of Trent, where after warm 
 debates it was adjusted at the Pope's 
 earnest request by the exertions of his 
 Legates (without however coming to 
 any agreement in opinion) in order to 
 unite the whole force of the Church 
 against the Lutheran heresy.— See 
 clxxivth Eplfstie of Saint Bernard, 
 page 74, Edition of Giunti, Venice, 
 15y6; also, Histoire du Concile de 
 T rente, vol. i., Livre ii., page 323, 
 ^th Edition, Basle, \7'd8, translated 
 Ijl P. F. U Courayer, DJ). of Ox- 
 ford University. 
 
 II '2 
 
100 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 101 
 
 liave been their private immorality the Florentines as a peo- 
 ple seem at this time not only to have had the confidence of 
 their neighbours but to have deserved it also : the Pisaus, 
 who were then in the full tide of militaiy and commercial 
 glor}-, on sending an expedition agidnst the Sai*acens oi" 
 Majorca requested them to protect Pisa from an apprehended 
 attack of the Lucchese its bitterest enemies. Tlie Florentines 
 accepted this charge ^^•ithout hesitation, equipped a strong force, 
 occupied a position two miles from that city and prohibited on 
 pain of death the entrance of any Florentine into the to^vn : 
 the old men ^vith the VNives and daughters of their allies alone 
 remained there, and the object was to prevent a shadow of sus- 
 picion from tlai'kening the minds of al)sent citizens which 
 might tarnish the reputation of their women or reflect on the 
 honour of Florence. In despite of this penalty one soldier 
 had the audacity to enter the forbidden place and was instantly 
 condemned to death : the aged Pisaii> vainly petitioned for hi^ 
 pardon, and to save him forbade the execution of any sentence 
 on their territory. The Florentuie general in conformity with 
 his instructions bowed to their commands, but detenniniiig 
 neither to suffer a breach of disci])line nor encoui*age the repe- 
 tition of a crime which might dishonour liis country, lie pur- 
 chased a field from one of the neighbouiing peasantr}- in the 
 name of Florence, and hanged the culprit there in despite 
 of every supplication from the Pisans. 
 
 In due time the Florentines being relieved, were offered 
 as a mark of gratitude, the choice between a pair of 
 metal gates or two tmncated columns of highly polished por- 
 phyr)', the spoils of their late expedition. The latter were 
 selected and afterwards sent, adorned with scarlet cloth, in 
 grand pomp to the people who had so honourably served 
 the Republic, and are still to be seen attached by massive 
 chains, which tell a difi'erent tale, to the brazen gates of the 
 Florentine Baptistn.', a lasting memorial of the high spirit. 
 
 A.D. 1125. 
 
 discipline, and honesty of that nation. " In the polishod sk^- 
 face of these magic columns," said the Saracen slaves tha^ 
 accompanied them to Pisa, " are to be seen all treasons or 
 machinations against that state which possesses them :" but 
 histor}^ further records that the Pisaus hearing and believing 
 this, yet unwilling to recede from their offer, passed them 
 through a furnace, and at once destroyed their lustre and 
 dangerous enchantment *. 
 
 We have alrea<ly said tliat the Piocca or citadel of Fiesole 
 was still st^mding in the year 11-25 as a stronghold 
 for the Cattani a set of predu-eous chiefs who 
 harassed the whole ni^ighbouj-hood l>y levpng contributions on 
 travellers and merchants : such employment was then far from 
 rare or even dishonourable, but far too stinging to be long suffered 
 by a mercantile people; it was therefore reduced by famine, 
 but this act drew down strong ecclesiastical censures on 
 Florence f. The why is not easy now to explain except by 
 supposing that its feudal Lord the Bishop, in his anxiety 
 to presen-e that town intenvove tempond and spiritual interests 
 so closely in complaining of the outrage as to interest the 
 Pontiff in his quarrel : nor is it unlikely that the disputes 
 which arose nearly a century later without any assigned cause 
 between the Florentines and Hildebrand Bishop of Fiesole, 
 might have arisen from ihe churchman s efforts to attract a 
 [•opulation round his episcopal residence in direct opposition 
 to their policy, which was always jealous of any attempt to 
 repeople that city : it was moreover a political maxim of all 
 free Italian communities that their Bishops should be divested 
 
 * Miilespini, cap Ixxvi. — M. <li Coppo it, " Inferno," Canto xv. : — 
 Stefani, Lib. i«. Rubric 41. — S. Ammi- ,, tt , . r , , ,. , . 
 
 nito, Stor. Libro i", Accrcs"., p. 49— ^^^c/im/am« rutl immdo h chiama 
 
 Tronci Annali Pisani, vol. i", p. «9.— ^ ^'*"* •' .... , ,. 
 
 It was in consequence of this decep- ^'''^' «''«''«' ^'^'^^diosa e mperha^ 
 
 tion that the Florentines, as is said, f Malespini,cap. Ixxvii. — S.Ammirato, 
 
 were called blind. Dante alludes to Lib. i°, p. 50. 
 
 "I'^H^F**!" 
 
102 
 
 FLORENTINE UISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHA 
 
 P. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 103 
 
 of feudal power as being utterly inconsistent with their sacred 
 duties, and that they should be compelled to live under civil 
 jurisdiction. This was a probable cause of quarrel; and in 
 fact the dispute after lasting several years became so ^'iolellt 
 as to make Pope Honorius III. stop tliem by giving Hildc- 
 brand the Church of Santa Maria in C'anipo as his residence 
 and commanding his permanent removal to Florence*. 
 
 When once the Republic began to feol its power and had 
 determined to allow of no independent ( liitls in its dominion. 
 the haughty nobles who though attached Uj the Emperuv 
 scarcely vouchsafed obedience to his \lcai-s, clearly foresaw 
 their own dowiifal in its increasinj]j and uncontrolled authority + 
 Thev were not likely therefore to fall tamely mider the shadow 
 of her flag or smrender a jot of feudal independence without a 
 struggle, and hence continmil disputes arose between them, to 
 which the contention of Popes and Emperors was ever adding 
 new bitteiTiess. But in these conflicts the Clergy although 
 rich and powerful, were generally left untouched, and the Bishop 
 of Florence was allowed to enjoy liis vast possessions in tran- 
 quillity ; for by adhering to the party of Matilda and the 
 Republic, the Bishop and Clergy ner.^sarily ranked among>t 
 its firmest allies and their disputes were iKisdual or local, nut 
 political*. 
 
 The nobles on the contraiy were almost all inq»erialists, vtt 
 unable to resist the march of rei)ublican greatness suc- 
 cessively fell beneath it. The Figiovanni, Firidolii, and 
 Figliineldi lost their domains in tlie ^lugello, Valdanio, and 
 other places- the ancient Pazzi of Uppei' A'al d'Anio sur- 
 rendered many a castle: the Buontlelmonti of Monte Buono 
 were compelled to follow and become Florentine citizens : tlu 
 Ubertini shared a similar fate : the Lamberti of Monte GhiM' 
 
 • Lami, Lezione viii«. — Dcnina, Lib. t Rastivlli, Fir. tizc Antica e Modcina 
 ii°, cap. vi., p. -257 Ilhistiaa. u>l. i". 
 
 f Mui-atori, Aimo 1137. 
 
 and Calenzano were not more fortunate : the Ravignani in the 
 Mugello, and the Catellini, Guigni, and Buonaguisi of Monte 
 Morello, with the Galli, the Abati, the Guidi and Ferrantini 
 who dwelt about Pratolino, Montile and the flanks of Monte 
 Morello, all successively sunk under republican fiscendancy. 
 The Agolanti of Veglia ; the Capponsacchi, Arrigucci, and 
 Corbizzi of the Fiesoliiie liills : the Greci, Bisdomini, Tosinghi, 
 Delia Pressa, Xerli, Pulei, Franzesi, Ricasoli, and a host of 
 others all sue* t-^^ively yielded and augmented the population, 
 fame, and riches of Florence*. Hence Dante exclaims, 
 
 " To \n(li ^li Uglii c vidi i Catellini, 
 Pliilippi, Greci, Ormaiini, e Alberichi 
 Gia nel calare illustri Cittadiui. " &.C.+ 
 
 The emperor Henry V. dying at this time without issue a 
 Diet assembled at ]\Ientz and was long divided in its choice 
 between the rival houses of Bavaria and Franconia, but at the 
 Bishops' suggestion Duke Lothario of Saxony was elected 
 Iving of Germany. As an enemy of Franconia he attached 
 himself to the rival party by marrying his daughter to 
 Heniy IV. Duke of Bavaria, with the Duchy of Saxony as 
 her portion; but on this both Franconia and Suabia flew to 
 arms, and Coinad chief of tlie former state returning from 
 Palestine joined his brother Frederic of Suabia J. Assuming 
 the title of King lie }tassed into Italy and endeavoured to 
 conciliate the Lombards; the ]\lilanese, probably by a pre- 
 vious agreement, received him with open arms ; ' he was 
 crowned at IMonza, and afterwards by Archbishop 
 Anselmo at IMilan as legitimate King of Italy, and 
 was acknowledged by nearly all Lombardy and Tuscany. The 
 Pope, a formidable enemy in those times espoused the party 
 of Lothario; many Lombard cities followed this exanq^le ; and 
 the Papal malediction, mercilessly launched against Prince and 
 
 * Malespini, cap. Ix. f Paradiso, Canto xvi, X Muratori, Annali, Anno 1126. 
 
 A.D. 1128. 
 
104 
 
 FI.ORENTINF TIT'^TORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CITAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 105 
 
 Bishop, scattered most of his adhereuts and reduced him to the 
 last extremity. He wa.s nevertheless enabled to hold some 
 ground in Italy until li:V2, ^.hen fearing the presence of 
 Lothario he escaped secretly into Gennany ^vhile his adversaiy 
 pushed on to Rome and was cro>Mied l»y Innocent 11 ^ 
 
 As the two famous names of Guelph and ( .hiheline ,>nginate.l 
 in these rival houses of Bavana and I 'raiuunia, and by 
 A-D. 1132. ^j^^.^ peniicious influence destroyed Italian prosperity 
 and happiness, a short account of them will not h.ie be irrelevant, 
 especially as thev were the principal thou-h remote source ot 
 that mveterate disunion which has left tlie Penmsula a con- 
 stant prev to transalpine ambition. For many ages thes. 
 factions prowled over Italy like lions seeking whom tliey could 
 devour ; they divided city from city, house from house, family 
 from family: they tore asunder all domestic ties, uuderminn 
 the dearest atVections, and scattered duty, obligations and 
 humanity to the winds. But these fatal appellations were ongin- 
 allv nothing more than the distinctive nam. > ni two prinrely 
 Oemi^m families whose chiefs were rival> in i^ i-nual ambitiuu 
 and feudal pwer. The enmity of one to tlu' Popes w:.> 
 reason sufficient for the other's determined adiierem o to tl. 
 Holy See; an.l though mere leaders of a i>etty tend, then- 
 names became, from circumstaiio-, the rallying cry of t^vo 
 crreat opinions which penetrating with the u<.nted subtilty .t 
 religious and plitical rancour into tbe >m.lb<t branches ol 
 national life, atfected Italy and (iermany to the .iiuek. 
 
 When C(mrad III. was crowned King "f Italy, the last loiu 
 emperors had been chosen from the llous.^ of Francomn 
 family that received its name from the Castle of U mhlnuia, ci 
 Gneihelbujn situated amongst the Heitfeld ^bamtanis in tlu 
 diocese of Augsburg and whieh was railed indiMrnninately 
 - Salique " or *' Gueibelinfi^r The rival Iiou>.'. ongmally ul 
 
 • Muratori, Anno 1 128— 1132.-«. Amminito, Lib. i'., p. 51.-Sismon.ii. 
 ▼ol. i., p. 288. 
 
 A.D. 1135. 
 
 Altdorf, at this period governed Bavaria, and in consequence 
 of several of its princes being named ''Guelpho " or " Welph,'' 
 both the family and its partisans received that appellation. 
 The two last Heiirvs of the (Uiibeline House of Franconia 
 had long contests with tlie Church, as already related, while 
 the Bavarian Guelphs on the contrary always declared them- 
 selves its i)rotectors from the days of Guelph IV. son of 
 Albert Azzo lord of Este in 1 7 . From this bmnch is descended 
 in a direct line tlie royal family of Endand and from his 
 l)rother Folco the aiuient Manpiises of Este, Dukes of Fer- 
 rara, Modena and Reggio-'^. 
 
 These things, springing as tliey did from rivalry and dis- 
 appointment, shai-pened hereditary feuds while the 
 Pontitf s sujiport of Lothario augmented the Ghibe- 
 lines" (mmitv to holy Church : these names were not however 
 permanently attached to the two factions until P210 when 
 Innocent III. drove tlie fourth Otho fr(jm the imperial throne 
 and took yoiuig I'rederic of Sicily under his charge. The 
 Pope was then supported by the Ghibelines; but when the 
 same Frederic turned to rend the Church the Guelphic banner 
 again waved over it and there continued until the final 
 •lissolution of these adveise factions, long after the original 
 cause of tlieir (piarrels liad melted entirely awayf. 
 
 Ten years of peace made the Florentines impatient of repose 
 and the lUiondelmonti of ]\Ionte Buono became their first 
 victims : this family, so famous and so fatal to Ilorentine hap- 
 piness, po^>essed a simdl castle about five miles distant from 
 the town which commanding the Siena road enabled them to 
 impose a toll on all merchandise in its passage. Florence 
 complained of this imposition and being refused redress 
 
 * Sisraondi, Rep. Ttal. tori Antichit^ d' Italia Dissertazione 
 
 t Poggio Bracciolini, Storia di Fi- 51. — Deiiina, Lib. xi., cap. i". — Mura- 
 
 ronza, Lib. i", p. 9, (Ed. 15J)J{.) — tori Annali, Anni 1076 and 1152, 
 
 Sisniondi, vol. i., })agc 287. — Maz/a- who cites Otho of Fresingen at length 
 
 rosa, Stor. di Lucca, vol. i". — Mum- on this subject. 
 
106 
 
 FLORENTINE I!TSTOnY. 
 
 [book I 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 107 
 
 destroyed their castle, ol)lij?iiig thoiii Nviihoui fartlier spoluitiun 
 to become Florentine i-itizons =:= : others foUi.wod : and sothty 
 continued addhig bit after bit to their possession^, by money. 
 conquest, or pei-smision. but still maintaininrr a clos.^ alliaim 
 with Pisa which at this ix'riod dthou^h the most eonmicreiul 
 and militiiry- nation of Tuscany %vas nvalled by Florence iii 
 ambiuou aaid warlike propensities if not m power and 
 
 celebritv. 
 
 In the year 1144 all Tuscany was in arms, partly on acciniiit 
 of these republics but more from those dissensions 
 ^'^•"**' that spring from mutual jealousy in rising stat.- 
 commencing the race of ambition and of bluod. who leasnio tm 
 war as a pastime, and reg:ird tlu- butehery of their fellow- 
 creatures as legitimate amusement. Lueea and Pisa w(iv m 
 constant collision, and the friendship of the fornKr with Si< un. 
 of the latter with Florence, occasionod a quadmple war between 
 those states, each je^dous of the other > n^. endancy : the nee.- 
 sities of commerce, imtouched as yet bv its rivaliy.kopt ].ear. 
 between Pisa and Florence ; and the (U>tance of the ..iher u^^' 
 diminished their pomts of contact and consequently tli. u 
 
 chances of quarrel. 
 
 Ulric, Marquis or >ice-Marquis of Tuscany and imperutl 
 Vicar, commanded the Florentuie army with whi.h he ad- 
 vanced to the gates of Siena and bunied a suburb ; the Sen. - 
 demanded assistance from Lucca, wh,. answered by deelariii'4 
 war on Florence, not only to draw the enemy from her ally, but 
 also in aid of Count Guido Guerra of :\lodijtli;ma a Ghibelin. 
 chief and confederate of Siena, who had already sutfered froiu 
 Florentine aggression. Pisa on the other hand took the fiel 1 
 at the request of the Florentmes and Count Guide's poss.-. 
 
 * To reach Florence from Monte 
 Buono it i» nocwtwry to cross the 
 £wM river; hence Dante's nieaning 
 when he addresses Buondelmonte : — 
 
 ** Molti Nircbber licti, che son tristi. 
 Se Dio t' :lV(■^-^o conceduto ad Ema 
 La prima volui cW a citta vcnisti." 
 ParadUo, Canto xvi. 
 
 sions were devastated by these combined forces while the 
 Sdiese, covertly advancing on Florence, fell into an am})uscade 
 and were nearly all made prisoners. More bitter was the 
 stmggle between Pisa and Lucea where no exchange of pri- 
 soners took place, no ransom was accepted, and where a strong 
 personal feeling of hatred pervaded every class: perpetual 
 lueareeration w^as with them tlie consequence of defeat, and we 
 are told by the Pishop of Fresingen that sevend years after- 
 ward he saw " the Lucchese officers, wasted squalid and miser- 
 able in the dungeons of Pisa drawing tears of compassion from 
 eveiy passing stranger " ^'. 
 
 At this i)eriod however not Tuscany alone but all northern 
 Italy seems to liave been in similar confusion from similar 
 causes ; from jealousy, faction, and that ever boisterous passage 
 lictween comparative bondage and complete independence, for 
 Conrad \nth fidl emplovment in (iermanv was forced to leave 
 Italy uncontrolled, a prey to angry passions, unsettled institu- 
 tions and political anarchy f . The particular causes of discord 
 between the Tuscan cities are now difficult to trace ; vicinity, 
 by midtiplying the points of contact increased the chances and 
 was always a source of dissension ; but the pecuHar enmity 
 between Siena and Florence, aecordhig to the Senese historians 
 originated in the assistance given to Henry IV. durmg the siege 
 of 1081 ; an injuiy in itself not easily forgiven, but fostered as 
 it was by national enndation lasted until long after the ruin of 
 both republics, and even now is scarcely obliterated J. 
 
 Elated by success and jealous of the Counts Guidi by whose 
 possessions she was nearly suiTounded, Florence 
 
 A.D. 1146. 
 
 assembled an army in February 1146 and besieged 
 
 Monte Croce, a Castello about nine miles distant which 
 
 *Makspini,cap.lxxviii. — M.diC.Ste- f Muratori, Annali, Anno 1143. — 
 
 tani. Lib. i», Rub. 4*2. — S. Anniiinvto, S. Animinito, Lib. i", p. 5*2. 
 
 Lib. i«., p. 51, who cites Olho of t Orl". jMallavolti, Stor. di Siciia, 
 
 Fresingen. Parle i", pp. 24, 25. 
 
VH 
 
 FT.ORENTINF HI-^TOKY. 
 
 f nooK 
 
 riup. VI.] 
 
 fi,()iu:nti\i; jhstouy. 
 
 109 
 
 iH^lonjtoa toth:it family: but a>iitiarn. <' in snp.Mi.^rilv of f.uv, 
 oreHted carolt^siioss of oonaiu-t, ana c ount (iuulo ai.h.l by ili,. 
 |ieople of Arez/.o ilofoatoa thorn with great loss, i'or a Uuu 
 thev wore quioto.l hy thi> sliarp military lesson, aii.l 
 ^'^ "*"■ ji cms;ulo the following year nn^ler tlu' i^mperor C(»nr:i.) 
 III. carried otT s<nne of their nion> ( nt( ipriMtig and devout 
 spirits to Palestine: amongst them Dtmle sanet >uu C */(rm//j//./'/ 
 who after having Kvn knighted hy Tonrad. tVll in hattlo agaiii>i 
 
 the Intidels*. 
 
 After the snhmission of this Conrad and Frederie of Suahi:i. 
 the emperor Lotlmrio made one visit to his Italian pnnin. . 
 and died in the mountains near Trent on hi> n turn i- 
 Gemi;uiy in lUU. Connid who had ah.-a.ly been crown, d ;it 
 Mihin in ll'.iS and ahdieated in I !:>'• -luvveded him. hnt wa^ 
 for a while opi^wd hy Uonry ealled afterwards " the Vroml 
 duke of Saxony and l^ivaria. manpiis <.f ruseany, and son-in- 
 law to the deivased emi>eror. Hau5.'luint >- xo the German 
 prinees cost him the throne mid m-idr way for (..nnid III. 
 who in 1 1:^>^ was crowned King of « m rnuny at Aix-la-Chapell.-: 
 but l»eing oppi>sed by the German Guelphs. he beoanu i 
 much oixnipied to interfere with Italian i>olitics or even o\h 
 visit Italv for his coronation, and died on his return from the 
 
 Holy Land while aKmt to hold a Diet at Bimibi 
 A.D. 1152. ^^ j\^ especial wish Frederic of Suabia, suniamed I^ar 
 baroesa from the colour of his Ward, was eUn. d instead .f 
 Conrad's own son bv all the (.Terman pnnce^ and many of tlu 
 Italian nobilitv wh<» met at BamWrg for that puq^osel. Besid- 
 avoiding the evil, of a long minority it >eems to have b. 
 Conrad^s wish thus to terminate all existing dlssensioi^ 
 between the united GhiWline houses of Suabia and Franconiii 
 on the one hand, of which Barbarossa was the chief; and th^ 
 
 •J|.diC.Strfimi,Lib. i". Rub. 4.3. + Muratnri Annali Anno 1152.- 
 JS^ Amminuo. Ub. ^ p. 53.— JSmuondi, vol. r, pp. 2!»,-301. 
 
 A.D. 1154. 
 
 (ineli>hs of Saxony jnid Bavaria on the other, who were 
 rrpresontcMl by tluir dukes llonry llio Lion and (iuelph V'l. 
 
 Barl>ai"nss;i was the son (»)" I'rrdcric <,f Sujibia and Judith 
 (liuighter (»f Henry th<' lilaek, duke of l»avaria (of tlio Guelphs 
 of Kste) father of the altovi -njuiK'd Guolj)h VM. who was his 
 maternal uncle; and 1 lonry the Lion duk(^ of Saxony his cousin, 
 luiting in this way the; interests of botli factions all party 
 (jiinrnds ceased during his and the succeeding reign, and the 
 united jxjwers of (iennany were amicably arrayed beneath the 
 imperial standard; but concord terniinated with the reign of 
 Henry VI. ; the; knot was then severed, families once more 
 divided, former enmities returned with conflicting interests, 
 the old poison sprejid througliout both naticms, and centuries of 
 blood scarcely sufTiced to satiate the demon of Italian discord. 
 
 The Florentines mortilied liy the check they had received 
 at Monte di Croce resolved to recover their reputation 
 by a new attiick, but as the place was strong and well 
 defended several unsuccessful attempts were made ere they 
 succeeded in taking the town e\ en by stratagem, and razed it to 
 the ground. This deep(^ne<l the hatred of Counts Guidi which 
 Listed with little intermission, except in the Battifolle bi-anch, 
 uutil their ultimate spoliation in 1 440 : they were lords of 
 many castles in the provinces of Casentino and Upper 
 Val d' Anio and are too closely connected with Florentine 
 histoiy to render any apology necessaiy for giving a short 
 account of them*. 
 
 Spning, like most of the Italian Barons, from German blood, 
 they are supposed to have accompanied Otho I. into ludy and 
 received the lordship of jNIodigliana in Iiomagna where they 
 settled, and in time acquired the seignoiT of a consideralde 
 portion of that province, Ravenna being the seat of government 
 Their tyranny and licentiousness ultimately produced insmree- 
 tiou and all the familv were murdered but one child then 
 
 * Mar. di Coppo Stcfaui, Lib. i", Kub. 43. — S. Ammirato, Stor. Lib. i-^*, p. o4. 
 
 m^'W'f 
 
no 
 
 n.ORF.NTlNK inST«"mY. 
 
 I nt>oi 
 
 k I 
 
 nnr. vi.] 
 
 rr.DKKN'TINK lirSTORY. 
 
 Ill 
 
 nursing at ^Sloaigli.nia. who was cixWod '* (luiao Bosan.unii^ ni 
 oommomoration of the hU^U »\\tastn>plu\ Tins ,'lnof. or liw 
 j^m who was ralloac\MnU (iuiao Vm^iio. ivti ivc^l lar^i^ i::r:niis 
 of land in the r.-isontino fivm OiholV. an.i ninrnca (;unl»lr:i.l;i 
 daughn-r of IMlincion IVrti do' Kavij^niani. ouo of iho n»os| 
 distnignishod Flon^itinof^. all of vnIiom^ po-.^^-ion^ tmnllv 
 rentemi in tlio i\nints liuidi. Wo lt*ani in tait tVom \hiu\v 
 thai in a oeitani .juartor of Floronoo 
 
 - F.r»no i Ra\ ignani on«r c iM»c«» 
 11 C«>ntc C»uido c qujili»n<\uc ticl uomc 
 IVU* aito WcllincJono ha |xi«ck preta"*. 
 
 Amongst all tbo Flon^ntino ladies who had ass( lublod to ,1 
 him honour on his arrival. (Mialdrada Uerti most attraotod tli. 
 Emi^n^r Othos attention l\v hor o\tromo hoauty ami peculiar 
 iiKHiestT of demeanour. His admiration seems howev( r 
 have been at first miaccmnivinied by due ro>p( 1 1 : an imiHuUm 
 attempt to kiss her at a festival in the caibedna chureli, m. 
 as some say, her fathers offer to allow of more questional] 
 intercv^urse, was met by an indignant repulse, with a spirit 
 deokration that -no man shoubl take that liberty exeepi 
 her husband." The Emi>eror appmiated imd applauded tlu^ 
 conducl, and l»y his adnce Count Guido married her within; 
 a dovry notwithstamiuig the difference of rank*. 
 
 From their five sons all the Counts (^niidi were descendt 
 fine died soon after his failier, leaving the Comits Guidi 
 Poppi his heirs : the eldest sunivor duglielmo was f^ithe: 
 Gnido Novello and Simone, Wii originally ( iliibelines, but 
 
 ♦ P»r»di»o. CahU) rri. Quarto Edition, Fireme^ 1755, ; 
 
 t Bccfhi&i n<iirul« this storr by t That many fable« and romances 
 
 of dates, and jAatrt it adopted hf the early chronirlci- 
 
 •• poetical fictions of the historical hieU is most true, ami 
 
 .: for, iaTt be. Count mav be one; but Dante, who w 
 
 ,^,^„^ "pvwn up' tons in 1202 bora in 1265, alludes to the " Buo* 
 
 \i% GtaUnda, and certainly Otho IV. iJwiUirada^' and Villani, no mt- 
 
 B^er estered Italy befoir 12l»*j:— authority, relates it historically. 
 Tide DitBvrm dtW vrigmt iU F'/nnu. 
 
 cimscijiioncc of n (piMiTfl. llic \\\\\v\\ vvlio w>is anrriHtor (.f flif; 
 (ollllts of l>;illirull.«, joiiird (lie I'loifrif iiH! dllf;]p|is. AMotlicr 
 sou llu<^Mrii was fjilhri- (.f Count, (.uid*. duorni - aiifl Ssilvntiro, 
 bolli of the (.lU'lpliir lartion ; from the third (iiiido wore 
 ilrsccndcd tlio Counts of lloiii<ii!i a fjunily divided between 
 JHtth |»artieH; ntid fioiii tlir loiirtli, 'IVgrimo and the Counts of 
 INin'ijiiio who were jdw.'iys ( ihihclinrs I. 
 
 With I'istnins jis,^i^i;inr<: and the siihsoqnent protection of 
 I'lorcnco Praln had incn-ascd lier strfrif^'th and riches; and 
 I'ilhcr volunlnrily or u( thr latttrs insti^'ation was ungrateful 
 nion<,'h to claim tlio rastlo of ( annagnano, then under the 
 jurisdiction of Pistoia, as her i)r())Mrty,and immediately attacked 
 it with an Muxihary forces of i'lonntine troops. The Pistoians 
 iudij^nant at sucli ingratitude not (»n]y repelled this assnulthut 
 witli some aid Irom Siena routed the allies while the amhassa- 
 Joi*s of that state remonstrated with Florence on her injustice, 
 declaring their ohiigation to assist Pistoia according to treaty 
 and reminding her how much ejusier it was to begin a war 
 than to linisli it^. Hostilities recommenced in the following 
 year when after an obstinate engagement the confederates 
 were defeated and the revolted castle of Carmagnano recovered : 
 Prato was in its turn besieged, and the combined 
 forces of Florence and Pisa were completely routed 
 at Monternurlo in a vain attempt to relieve it ; their loss 
 was considerable, and as Fiesoliue auxiliaines are mentioned 
 amongst the Florentine troops, that city must still have 
 
 * Dante places tills chief in the >oventh circle of hell with Brunette Latini and 
 otlars of that 6tauij>. 
 
 *' Questi, r onnc di lui pestar mi vedi, 
 
 Tutto che nvulo e dipcluto vada, 
 
 Fu di grado luafriiior rhe tu non credi. 
 
 Nepote fu della buona Gualdrada : 
 
 Guidoguorra chbi iionic, et in sua vita 
 
 Fcce col seiino assai e ton la !*pada." — {In/irno, CantQ xri. 
 
 fGiov. Villani, Lib. iv., cap. i"; Lib. + Orlando Malavolti, Stor. Sen. Lib. 
 v., cap. 37. viii., Parte i% p. '2lK 
 
 A.D. 1155. 
 
Ill 
 
 KLORFNTINI. HISTORY. 
 
 [lUK»K 
 
 HUP. VI. J 
 
 FLORENTIM'; HISTORY. 
 
 U3 
 
 Wen 111 a comparativi'lv llounslun«» htntr iiotAvitlistmiaing ii> 
 subjugation. According to Uie Pistoian chronicles a rou 
 tinued course of hostilities seems to liuv.- he. n folloNved l.v 
 Trato in 1150 with iHvasiomil aid tivni Florence and 
 sevenil battles were fought : hut l^isinia to i.unish tl..- 
 Pisans for their interference in these waiN made a c1on( 
 alliance with Lucca by whiih she was ti> scud the latter a 
 hundred and fifty hor^e, two lunulred toi^t, and two hundr.a 
 erosslH)wmen, for one month in v:wh vcar ; also a certain 
 numWr of cavalr>' and hifantry fortw.iity day> when needed ^ 
 This treaty was renewed in 1 UU and 117 1. and the IMsans an.l 
 Florentines ha>nttg been defeateil in 1 lO'i Pistoia lost no 
 opportunity of making llie I'ornicr feel all the fonv 
 
 AD. 1157. y. . ^ . 
 
 of their enmity. 
 The English Pope Adrian IV. died in ll.V'. twenty-throe 
 Cardinals out of twenty-eight united in choosing Rolando de 
 Paperoni as his successor: he was a natiye of Siena and 
 became afterwards celebrated under the n;unc nf Alextuidcr 
 111. but the remainder lixed their election on Cardinal 
 Octayian of Rome who was called \'ictor IV. and Barha 
 rossa by promptly acknowledging him avowed his enmity t • 
 Alexander in the most decided manner. When the latter 
 was Adrian's legate at the imperiid court they had quarrelled 
 on diyers ix)ints of diplomacy, but especially because he luid 
 been mainW instrumental in persuading Adrian to crown tlu 
 Norman William II. king of Sicily against Frederic's will wh-. 
 himself aspired to that throne ; and thus more fuel was added 
 to the flames of faction f. Alexander after a variety 
 A.D. 1163. ^^ fortune sought refuge in Fnmee from the power 
 and persecution of Baibarossa who boasted that he would 
 
 • Male«pini, cap. Ixxviii.— S. Ammi- f Dal Borgo Dissertazione iv. dell I^u- 
 
 rato. Lib. i^ p. 54.— M. di C. Su-fani, ria Pi^na, vol. i., Parte Pnma, p 1 ol 
 
 Lib'i*, Rub. 44. p. 62.— Mic. Ang. — Orlando Malavolti, Parte i".,Ub.ii: 
 
 Solvi Hist, di Pistoia, vol. i", Parte p. 38. 
 u% Lib. ii«, pp. «8, 91, i)7. 
 
 put all Italy in order: hut instead of this he found his 
 authority disputed and carried death and destmction through- 
 out the northern provinces. In 116-2 he laid Milan waste 
 without remorse, and exasperated the whole country by a series 
 of bari)arities so great that tliey roused a spirit which being 
 embodied in the famous League of Lombardy baffled all his 
 power, cruelty, and ambition h= . Four successive Antipopes thus 
 ix)werfully supported maintained a long schism in the Church 
 which shook pontifical infallibility, disturbed consciences, and 
 augmented the bitterest feelings of the Italian community: 
 all this at a moment too when Gueli)h and Ghibeline humours 
 were i-apidly fermenting under a more definite form and 
 character ; and when another source of dissension had been 
 reopened between the Church and Empire about their conflict- 
 ing didms to Matilda's patrimony f. 
 
 Excepting some hostilities with Pistoia unnoticed by the 
 historians of Florence in which the latter seems to have been 
 worsted, little is said of her affairs for fifteen years 
 after the war of Prato ; it may therefore be supposed ^'^' "^*' 
 that the repubhc enjoyed an interval of peace, for it is a 
 favourable augury when the transactions of civilised coimtries 
 offer no exciting subject for the historian. War, tumult, 
 ambition, victoiy, misused powers, and all tlie desolating 
 consequences of unregidated passion and misapphed talent, 
 are generally the most prominent, and if rightly studied 
 perhaps amongst the most instructive materials for historv' ; 
 while silent unobtrusive ameliorating institutions hide their 
 less brilhant heads, and though failing to excite so deep and 
 universal an interest, are steadily working on the spirit of the 
 age and softening the general character of man. 
 
 IL^^'^'^J.J^^*^ ^^g^i Imperadori.— 97.-S. Ammirato, Storia, Lib. i'\ p. 
 illani. Lib. v., c. io.— Platina, Vite 55.-0. Malavolti, Parte i«, Libro 
 
 U^': ill", p. 30. 
 
 I T M. A. Salvi, Lib. ii«, Parte ii", p. 
 
 VOL. I. I 
 
114 
 
 FLORENTINT. HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 Cotemporan- Monarchs.-Empcrors, Henry IV. and V., Lothario, Connul 
 III Frederic'l., (Barbaroesa).— Popes, from Pasqual II. to Alexander HI. 
 Antipope, Victor IV.-England : Henry I., Stephen, Henry 11. (The Jir>t 
 Plan^genet.)-Fn.nce: Philip I., Louis VI. (^ 37) Louis \ II. ( 80 .-- 
 Greek Emperors, Alexius Comnenus, John Comnenus (1118), Manuel (114,.) 
 -Scotland: Alexander L (U06), David L (1124), Malcomb IV. (1153), 
 William the Lion (1166). 
 
 CHAP. YII.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 115 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1170 TO A.D. 1300. 
 
 A.D. 1170. 
 
 Amongst tlie Italians of tliis age and for centuries after, 
 private offence was never forgotten until revenged, 
 and generally involved a succession of mutual in- 
 juries ; vengeance was not only considered lawful and just, 
 but a positive duty dishonourable to omit*; and, as may be 
 learned from ancient private journals, it was sometimes al- 
 lowed to sleep for five-and-thirty years, and then suddenly 
 struck a victim who perhaps had not yet seen the light when 
 the original injury was inflicted f. With a combination of 
 such individual feelings it was unlikely that Florence as a 
 community would forget the unprovoked attack of Arezzo in 
 aid of Comit Guido; or that Count Guido would easily for- 
 give the destruction of Monte Croce; his frequent inroads 
 on the Florentine territory- quickened this feeling and an 
 
 I Even Dante, who was heyond his age 
 p liberality of sentiment proves this in 
 
 ^anto xxix. of his Inferno where spcak- 
 fng of his kinsman Geri del Bello's 
 
 nolent death he exclaims to Virgil, 
 
 ' duca mio, la violento moHe, 
 |(%€ nongli e vendkato ancor, diss'io, 
 ^ (dcun, che dcWonta ski coiisorte, 
 n2ce lui disdegnoso : ond* ei seii^gto 
 ^nzaparlai-mi, si com' to stimo : 
 ^t in cib m'ha e' fatto a sepiujjio." 
 
 The time may come when duelling 
 will be as much execrated by our 
 posterity as the vengeance of the 
 middle ages is now by ourselves. Again 
 in one of his Canzoui Dante exclaims 
 "Che hello Jmtor shicquista in far 
 rmdettar ( Ved» di Fratecelliy p. 21 , 
 tomo i^, Parte u.) 
 t Cronica di Donato Velluti, pp. 4, 5, 
 &c. 
 
116 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FrX)RENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 117 
 
 alliance of these two powers caused war to be declared against 
 
 Arezzo. 
 
 A body of troops immediately marched on that town whose 
 citizens disdaining the shelter of their walls at once offered 
 battle : fortune was unfavourable and they were beaten witli 
 great loss both in killed and prisoners : to ransom these a 
 truce was requested, and granted by the victors on condition 
 that they renounced Count Guidos alliance and maintained 
 the peace with Florence. 
 
 The cordial assistance given to Tistoia in the Prato war 
 although just, had disturlKjd the recent harmony between Siena 
 and Florence, and no friendly feeling returned until the 
 publication of Barbarossa's intention to be crowned at Rome 
 arrested their hostilities, and made them join the Tuscan 
 states in preparing against this enteqmse*. 
 
 According to the chronicle of Pistoia as quoted by Salvi, two 
 separate leagues were then formed by the Tuscan states ti. 
 defend themselves against German insolcuix and rapacity : in 
 one was comprised the cities of Lucca, Florence. 
 Prato, and the lords of Garfagna: in the other; 
 Pisa, Pistoia, Siena, Arezzo, and the Counts Guidi of 
 
 Modigliana. 
 
 The love of liberty and national independence was mw 
 vigorous and enthusiastic; it glowed in separate and often 
 adverse breasts upon the Tuscan soil ; but throughout there 
 was a strong national feeling which gave life and nourishment 
 to the mass and for a whUe united it against ever>' foreign 
 intruder: private dissensions were wisely dropped on llit 
 appearance of public danger; and those primitive times ot 
 liberty gave an example of political union that if it had been 
 subsequently followed might have clianged not only the laic 
 and character of Italy but the whole histor)^ of Europe. 
 
 • Malavolti, Parte \\ Lib. iii°, p. 29.— M. A. Salvi, Parte ii% Lib. ii., pp 
 91,97. 
 
 A.D. 1170. 
 
 The close alliance between Lucca and Pistoia convinced 
 Pisa of the advantages likely to accrue from her own 
 connexion with Florence which was now confirmed by ^'^' "^^* 
 stricter ties, and engagements were made to protect Florentine 
 subjects in person and property throughout the Pisan territory 
 for a term of forty years ; to grant them a permanent residence 
 within the city for the pursuit of commerce ; and to freight 
 Pisan merchant vessels with Florentine goods and persons at 
 the same rate of duty as was charged to native citizens. They 
 also engaged to assist them with a body of four hundred horse 
 in any Tuscan war except against the Bishop of Volterra Count 
 Ildebrandino and Count Alberto ; and in case of an invasion 
 of the Florentine territory all their military force was to take 
 the field within eight-and-twenty days after the first requisition. 
 They moreover bound themselves not to make peace with 
 Lucca or any enemy of Florence without her sanction and to 
 renew this treaty every ten years, but reserving their allegiance 
 to the Emperor*. 
 
 All the Italian cities even the most determined of the 
 Lombard league were willing to respect what they deemed liis 
 legitimate prerogatives and only withstood encroachments : in 
 doing so they exhibited a bold and proud independence worthy 
 of admiration from freemen of every age and country ; as an 
 instance, it may be here mentioned that the very next year 
 after this loyal reservation of the Pisan commonwealth, when 
 Barbarossa dispatched the Archbishop of Mentz to 
 reduce and tranquillize Tuscany, all the deputies 
 assembled at San Genisio, or Siena, were willing to aecept his 
 arbitration except those of Pisa and Florence, who declared 
 themselves both able and determined to govern without 
 imperial interference f . For this audacity both were imprisoned, 
 
 * Dal Borgo, Diplomi Pisani, p. 307. laborious work " Bizionario, Geogra- 
 --S. Ammirato, Lib. i"», pp. 55, 56. fico, Fisico Storico delta Tuscana,'' 
 t Repetti in his very valuable and places this meeting in 1160. 
 
 A.D. 1172. 
 
118 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 119 
 
 A.D. 1174. 
 
 but not without war on the imperial vicar which was carried 
 on until he \nelded, even with the force of Lucca at his side. 
 to the energy- of these infant republics, by releasing their am- 
 bassadors unconditionally*. 
 
 In the year 1170, according to the old chronicles, but 
 Ammirato savs in 1 174, a war broke out between Florence and 
 Siena the immediate and nominal cause of which was 
 a dispute about the petty cnstle of Staggia on the 
 Siena road, but really the increasing power and ambition of 
 both commonwetdths ; while it was y. t peace Siena alarmed 
 Florence by suddenly investing the t ity of Montepulciaiiu 
 which the Florentines succoured with a well-protected convoy 
 of provisions; these troops were fiercely though unskilfully 
 attacked at Asciano on their return Init repulsed the enemy 
 with great loss. The victors continued their march until tliey 
 arrived at the Bonjo di Marti or Marturi a small frontier 
 town where a Florentine s ill-usage of one of their women 
 caused a furious attack by the people wlio killed many ut 
 the former, and feeling insecure against Florentine ven- 
 geance prepared to shift their abode. Tlie latter pursued 
 their march but the Martuiini united with eight of the neigh- 
 bouring communities and for greater saiety all agieed te 
 demolish their villages and concentnite in one community 
 on an adjacent hill belonging to a neighbour called Bonizzo, 
 and this from its original appellation of " PoifU^'^ Bonizzo 
 received the present name of Potjfjihonzi although its site was 
 subsequently changed f. 
 
 One street of the new settlement was appropriated to tlie 
 inhabitants of each village with their parish church ; the place 
 
 * Repetti, Dizionario Topografica tli Muratori, Annali, Anno 1172— Dal 
 
 ToBcana. — Muratori,AntichitaItaliane, Borgo, p. 308. 
 
 tomo vii., p. 218, Dissert""' 4.5.— S. + Malcspini, cap. Ixxx.— G. Villain, 
 
 Ammirato, Lib. i", p. 56.— Tronci, Lib. v., capi vi. and viii.— O. Mala- 
 
 Annali Pisani, torn. ii», p. 20.— voUi, Parte i», Lib. iii., p. 30. 
 
 was defended by walls and towers, and the general detestation 
 of Florence signalised by an immediate alliance with Siena 
 and ceaseless molestation. 
 
 In tliis account of Poggibonzi s origin Villani differs from 
 the Senese liistorian Malavolti who refers it to a much earlier 
 though uncei-tain date by speaking of that town as a strong- 
 hold of long standing in 1148, without mentioning his 
 authority ; but the anecdote is interesting as an example of the 
 rise of small Italian communities : it shows how men were 
 forced to quit the plain and congregate in small towns on 
 strong positions, a necessity which may have produced that 
 inai-ked difference of character now so conspicuous between 
 the stillness of Italian landscape and the bustling animation 
 of om* own, where no such need existed-. 
 
 Seeing what a nest of hornets their own licentiousness had 
 engendered the Florentines miited with two of those fenced 
 towns called '' Castelir' situated in the Val di Pesa, and 
 joining their population to that of some neighbouring villages, 
 founded the present city of Colle in Val d' Elsa, and it is a 
 curious trait of then existing maimers, that the lime of the 
 foundation-stone was slaked with blood from the arms of two 
 Florentine commissioners who superintended the work, as a 
 mark of perpetual amity between the republics 1. 
 
 On the mmour of Barbarossa's fourth visit to Italy Florence 
 and Siena once more abjured all private differences 
 at the altar of Tuscan hidependence by a truce 
 wliich afterwards ripened into a solid peace, with engagements 
 for mutual support : half of Poggibonzi was now 
 ceded to Florence, Siena still keeping the church of 
 Saint Agnes which along with the town belonged to her, though 
 not to the diocese, by the donation of a Count Guide ; and this 
 
 * 0. Malavolti, Parte i». Lib. iii«, p. 29. 46.— S. Ammirato, Lib. i«, p. 56.— 
 t M. del Stefani, Stor., Lib. i«., Rub. Giov. Villani, Libro. v. 
 
 AD. 1175 
 
 A.D. 1176. 
 
 wm^rw 
 
120 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 A.D. 1177. 
 
 circumstance would seem to prove the existence of Poggibonzi 
 before the date assigned by Villani*. 
 
 Peace was scarcely re-established when divers calamities in 
 succession disturbed the current of public happiness, and were 
 followed by domestic quarrels the harbingers of long enduring 
 miser)'. Twice in the year 1177 did the town become 
 a prey to fire : in tlie month of August all between 
 the old bridge and Mercato Vecchio was consumed, and only a 
 few days aft€» the whole mass of buildings, then principally of 
 wood, between the present Strozzi palace, San Martino del 
 Vescovo, the cathedral and the royal gallery became one vast 
 mound of smoking ashes. Scarcely was this ruin cleared and 
 men were beginning to look cheerful when winter brought 
 additional misfortunes: the Amo swolu witli mountain rains 
 rushed down on Florence in a heavy tlood, drove wildly through 
 the town, destroved the Ponte Vecchio with a fearful crash 
 and rolled its beams and timbers to the sea. This was 
 the only bridge and its loss completed the general dismay; 
 the public mind already weakened by previous calamities, be- 
 came gloomy and superstitious and these events were believed 
 to be palpable manifestations of divine anger and precui*sors 
 of greater evil. 
 
 The unavoidable accidents of nature although productive 
 of extreme momentary and partial suffering are soon repaired 
 by the mental elasticity and energ}' of man; but when 
 misfortunes spring from the mind itself ; when they 
 originate in morbid feelings, oppression, or uncontrolled 
 passions, then misery assumes a more fearful and decided 
 aspect and with the peace of individuals destroys the pea< e 
 of nations. 
 
 Such was the fate of Florence, which hitherto as her great 
 poet tells us had remained undisturbed. 
 
 ♦ Orlando Malavolti, Parte i», Lib. iii», pp. 42, 43. 
 
 CHAP. VII.] FLORENTINE HISTORY. 121 
 
 " Con queste genti, e con altre con esse, 
 Vid' io Fiorenza in si fatto riposo, 
 Che non avea cagione, onde piangesse. 
 Con queste genti vid' io glorioso 
 E giusto 1 popol suo tanto, die 1 giglio 
 Non era ad asta mai posto a ritroso, 
 Ne per division fiitto vermiglio*." 
 
 The commentary will soon be manifest : " These misfor- 
 tuues," says Malespini, "were a judgment of God; for the 
 Florentines had become very proud from their success ; and 
 full of sins, dishonest practices, and ingratitude amongst 
 themselves, and full of dissensions that ever after continued, 
 the sad consequences of riches luxury and repose." 
 
 At the annual election of consuls on the twenty-fifth of 
 McU-eh which commenced the Florentine year, the potent 
 family of Uberti which had been hitherto accustomed to 
 govern these nominations, found itself for the fii-st time in a 
 minority from the unlocked for opposition of otlier powerful 
 citizens who would no longer submit to such dictation. Angry 
 at defeat and resolved to recover their influence, the legality of 
 this election was impugned by the Uberti, while their antago- 
 nists on the contrar)^ maintained it to have been in strict 
 conformity with ancient custom and would therefore be sup- 
 ported. Passions ran high ; resolution and anger soon led on 
 to blows; each faction armed, all Florence joined in the 
 conflict and the battle raged long and fiercely for many days. 
 The Uberti at length yielded and retreating to their towers 
 prepared for new struggles : their rivals were no less deter- 
 mined ; they declared it shameful for a free people to be thus 
 
 Dante, Paradiso, Canto xvi. — 
 
 With these old denizens and such as these 
 
 I saw our Florence in such calm repose 
 
 That no occasion offered for her tears. 
 With these old denizens I also saw 
 
 Her ancient people, glorious, free, and just, 
 
 So that her lily flag was ne'er reversed, 
 Nor yet by civil discord changed to red. 
 
122 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 123 
 
 niled by the obstinate ambition of a few private individuals, to 
 the detriment of a whole community : the fonner still main- 
 tained it to be contrary to the spirit of their constitution tliat 
 under the specious names of liberty and the people, an oli- 
 garchy should wantonly domineer over the Florentme Republic: 
 neither paily woidd give way luid both prepared for a storm 
 which hke the first eniption of Vesuvius bui'st in ten'or and 
 desolation over a peaceful country. 
 
 It was not the simple movement of one gi'eat body against 
 another; not the force of a government in opposition to the 
 people ; not the stniggle of privilege and democracy, of poverty 
 and riches, or stanatiou and repletion ; l)Ut one univei*sal 
 burst of mmiitigated anarchy. In the streets, lanes, and 
 squares ; in the courts of palaces and humbler dwellings, were 
 heard the clang of arms, the screams of victims and tlie gush 
 of blood : the bow of the bridegroom launched its arrows into 
 the very chambers of his young bride's parents imd relations. 
 and the bleeding son, the murdered brother, or the dying 
 husband were the evening visitors of Florentine maids and 
 matrons, and aged citizens. Every ait was practised to seduce 
 and deceive, and none felt secure even of their nearest and 
 dearest relatives. In the moniing a son left liis patenial roof 
 with untUminished love, and returned at evening a corpse or 
 the most bitter enemy ! Terror and death were triumphant : 
 there was no relaxation, no peace by day or night : the 
 crash of the stone, the twang of the bow, the whizzing 
 shaft, the jar of the trembling mangoiul from tower and 
 turret *, were the cUsmal music of Florence not onlv for 
 hours and davs, but months and vears. Doni^, windows, the 
 
 * " Manrfoni " and " Mangoiielll " 
 were machines for casting stones and 
 generally used by and against besieged 
 towns, but in Florentine tumults 
 they were mounted on the towers and 
 played against each other. For an 
 
 account of these and other machines 
 of war, see " Oiulio Ferrario, Storia 
 cd AnalUi degli Antichi romanzi 
 di Cavalanay <£-c." The Milancst 
 edition. And also " MiscdlaMOUi 
 Chapters" of this History. 
 
 jutting galleries and roofs, were all defended and yet all unsafe : 
 no spot was sacred, no tenement secure : in the dead of night, 
 the most secret chambers ; the very hangings, even the 
 nuptial bed itself were of ten known to conceal an enemy. 
 
 Florence in those days was studded with lofty towers : most 
 of the noble families possessed one or more, at least two 
 himdred feet in height, and many of them far above that 
 altitude *. These were their pride, their family citadels ; and 
 jealously guarded ; glittering with arms and men, and instru- 
 ments of war. Every connecting balcony was alive with 
 soldiers, the battle raged above and below \rithin and without ; 
 stones rahied in showers, arrows flew thick and fast on every 
 ^ide ; the " aerafflj' or barricades were attacked and defended by 
 chosen bands anned with lances and boar-spears : foes were in 
 ambush at every comer watching the bold or heedless enemy ; 
 confusion was everj'wliere triumphjint, a demon seemed to 
 possess the community and the public mind reeling with 
 hatred was steady only in the pursuit of Idood. Yet so accus- 
 tomed did they at last become to this tiendish life, that one day 
 they fought, the next caroused together in drunken gambols, 
 foe with foe, boasting of their mutual prowess ; nor was it until 
 after nearly five years of reciprocal destruction, that from mere 
 lassitude they finally ceased thus to mangle each other and, 
 as it were for relaxation, turned their fury on the neighbouring 
 states. 
 
 Faction for a season was exhausted, but the ambitious Uberti 
 failed in recovering their former influence, and the consular 
 government remained in full vigour and purity; but " these 
 
 * The Lordship of the Tower and 
 hoggia (or Portico) was in those days 
 a distinctive mark of ancient nobility, 
 particularly the pure blood ofthejlrst 
 <^rcl€ of walls, beyond which, excei)t 
 a few at the south end of Ponte 
 U'cchio, and its immediate vicinity 
 
 I believe none are now to be found. 
 Within " La cerchia antica,^* says 
 Dante, the ancient Civic blood ^^Pura 
 vedeasi nell ultima artista^'' was 
 pure even in the veins of the lowest 
 tradesman. {ParadisOj Cantos xv. 
 and xvi). 
 
124 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 125 
 
 disturbances,' says Malespini, ** were the cradle of those curseil 
 factions that aftenrards arose in F/op/'r/*." 
 
 Why Nerli, Macchinvelli, and other writers, leave siicli 
 events unnoticed and fix upon Buondelmonte's death as the 
 beginning of Florentine troubles is not easy to guess except as 
 a more romantic opening to Florentine histor}-. Malespini was 
 almost a contemporar}* and might easily have known some of the 
 actors even in his own family ; and his transcriber and continu- 
 ator Villani could, if ftdse ; have corrected him ; for tlu >r 
 occurrences in his yomiger days were probably familiar t 
 
 ever}' one. 
 
 That the death of Buondelmonte was the spark which fired up 
 two adverse factions then for the first time assuming the party 
 names of Guelph and Ghibeline in Florence, may without 
 hesitation be admitted; for faction must have a name, imd 
 these had long been used in Italy: even as early as 1174 
 Gughelmo Adehmli was Guelphic chief at Ferrara ; but it does 
 not appear that they had yet openly infused their venom into 
 Florence although the church and imj>erial factions had already 
 divided public opinion there. 
 
 The Italian nobles were generally imperialists for the sake 
 of their feudal independence, which had originally been exempt 
 from civic dominion : the citizens on the contrar}- in achieving 
 their own liV»ertv also determined to reduce those places whi.li 
 had formerlv belonged to the ancient Counts' jurisdiction ; and ly 
 thus forcing the rural nobility to obey, indirectly opposed them 
 selves to the Emj^ror from whom all baronial exemptions and 
 privileges were derived. At first the Counts' juiisdiction was in 
 general coincident with the diocese, even where the bishop and 
 that oflacer were not identical ; hut portions of the county haJ 
 been from time to time separated and bestowed by imperial 
 
 • S. Ammirato, Storia, Libro i«, Tosa, Cronica.— Dom«. Boninsegsi. 
 p, 58.— Malespini, cap. Ixxxi.— CJ. Storia Fiorentina, Lib. i", p. 31. 
 Villani, Lib. v., c. ix.— -Simone della 
 
 grants on certain gentlemen with the title and privileges of 
 Counts, and commonly called '^ Rural Counts'' to distinguish 
 them from the governors of cities. Many of those small fortified 
 toNMis and communities already mentioned under the name of 
 -eastern " acquired either by grant or force a certain degree of 
 internal Hberty , and elected then- own consuls ; in many instances 
 without renouncing the paramount authority of their Counts ; 
 so that the contado of eveiy great city was chequered with 
 independent jurisdictions which it became expedient for any 
 dominant state to reduce to a general level of obedience ^^ 
 
 In Florence the Uberti were Ghibelines from the natural 
 affinity between nobility and royalty, from their German 
 descent, as mral counts ; and finally from their own am- 
 bition, which led them to oppose a government tliat they 
 liad no longer strength to control, and which had ever been 
 thorouglily attached to the cliurcli : for ; says Malespini in 
 speaking of Buondelmonte's death; "Long ere this there 
 were sects amongst the said parties on account of the said 
 I quarrels and questions between the Church and the Empire." 
 
 The general condition of Italy was this year improved by 
 
 j the reconciliation l>etween Alexander III. and Frederic Bai*- 
 
 barossa at Venice; if that can be called so wliich makes a 
 
 stem and haughty monarch bend before the angiy countenance 
 
 of a prouder priest, and ofier his head as a footstool to the 
 
 Konian bishop! "I uill tread upon the asjnc and hasaliskr 
 
 said the pontiff as he placed his foot upon the emperor's 
 
 heck, " and the lion and the dragon will I trample beneath my 
 
 mr ^'Non tibi sed Petrol' repHed the prince. '' Et mihi 
 
 U Petrol' haughtily returned the priest while he pressed more 
 
 jfirmly on the humbled monarchf. Alexander had the singular 
 
 I •^V'^i«"'Annali,Anni 1185,1197. sana, p. 153.-Daru in his Venetian 
 
 I Al8oAntichitaItahane,Di8scrtM7. History gives this storv on the au- 
 
 jTMuratori, Anno I177.-Dcnina, thority of Andrea Dandolo ; Sabellico 
 
 l^it>. IX., cap. v., p. 233.— Dal Borgo, and other writers also affirm it- Fra 
 
 pissertazione iv., Sopra la Storia Pi- Luigi Vulcani, {^^^Cronica etHikona 
 
116 
 
 FI.ORENTTNi: lUSloKY. 
 
 [ BOOK 
 
 lUAP. VII, J 
 
 T'KOUFNTINi; friSTORY. 
 
 127 
 
 
 fortune to sunnvo two Antiropos aiul toive a third, altn 
 humblv n^pung all hi. honours, io U. prostrato, ni oonipany 
 ^th a ix»voiiiil otnpon>r. at his tot t : and nioroovor to ox:. . 
 that empt^rors renumiation of ;Ul th.' throe. 
 
 In 1179 for the better rejxulation of papal oUvtious and tl 
 
 prevention of i^pular tumult.s vrhioh left onlv a nonunal tro 
 
 dom of ehoiee. he aK>lishe<l the turbulent votnig ot the .Iri-v 
 
 and ixH.ple and restricted the right of ehvtion to the ( oll,.v 
 
 of Caniiuals. which consisting of bishops, priests, and dc>acou^ 
 
 aiid l^eing chosen fr.nn all nations was hi a manner tho 
 
 represenUitive K>dv of the catholic church and the supreui. 
 
 ixumtical council. ^Two-thirds of thc<c v,>te. w.iv made luc..- 
 
 san- for a papil election ; .uid. a. no - ( o,uhin then cxistrd. 
 
 ,1 was often delaved by private interests or political enmity to 
 
 an indetinite in^riod. A vacancy of three yeais preceded tlie 
 
 election of Gregor%' X. in 1-^70. and mduced hun to issue a 
 
 bull which not without some opposition tinally estiiblished the 
 
 - Conchive " Bv this nine davs are allowed for the arnval .1 
 
 absent eardhials*: on the tenth they arc locked up (and hence 
 
 the appellation of Conclave) with one attendant eaeh ma 
 
 conunon apartment having one window for the supply of tluir 
 
 wants and guarded by the city magistrates : after three days 
 
 thev are reduced to a single dish at dinner and 
 
 ^^ "^ supper, and beyond the eighth to bread and ^nne :idJ 
 
 water alone. During the vacancy most plitical functions wert 
 
 dtUa CiUadi AapoZi," M. S., p. 159), 
 adopts it Denina ridicules it, and 
 bkin« Lanffur {Hist. <U la Bejmb. 
 de Venim) for believing it on Sabel- 
 lioo's iiuccxii»te authority . Muratori, 
 % host in bim*elf, denies it ; and 
 neiiLer Platina nor Me»ia notice it 
 The f tory is however very old, though 
 Bot more true, perhapa, for it» an- 
 tiquity, beemae liei as well a« truth 
 endure long and men become tenacious 
 of the koMttr of a falgthoud that 
 
 thev have once believed and long «if^ 
 fended. Barbarossa kissed the pojr'f 
 foot, as was usual, in a kntt 
 attitude, and received the ap(»> 
 benediction; hut whether the poni: 
 seized this occasion thus to insult In 
 by the above quotation, or not, ms 
 rest on the conflicting testimonv o: 
 older writers and the credit that :; 
 peculiar disposition of the reatitiM 
 mind chooses to give to it. 
 
 " ' '" '"•'^"■"^ -^•""••. and tho practice of s.cr.t 
 
 v..tiiif;|)iTs,.nvsK.'i,rnil i,rl«i„iivs. 
 After thus d,.p,.ivi„^ ,1„. |;,„„„„ „f j,,^, , . 
 
 '■l--"g .l..'n- mv„ ,„.i,„.. n„,| bisl,,,,,, Alexand.^r II " 
 exp>r...l ,,, MS,, „„, „, ,,„„„, ,^ ^ ^^_..^^ ^^ • ^,,,„,. 
 
 Iiles, .suiroriiiK's, iiml llnal victory. 
 
 In Florcn,.,., where nu\ ,„m„.s,s had continued from a point 
 of honour after the ,-e„era! hatred was exhausted, the ^ 
 people wake,,,, I as fr,„„ a„ u„easy dream and ^•"- "*'• 
 
 Zion '''', '"■'" u" ' '•"''''">'-'"^- — g«t which the 
 
 cuou -n """'"""'■;■'" P— -as not the least con- 
 sp.cuou Ihe p,,,,,h. „,• Monte Grossol, i„ Val di Clu^nti 
 «ere sp.nted enough t. wish for liberty and reject Fl "en 
 
 necks . Emj„d., from force, mtirai,lation, or perliaps reallv 
 des™. the protection of Florence, next aciw leL £ 
 ^endencj-^ engaged to assist in every war except Igai. 
 Count Gmdo, and offer annually a wa.ven torch at the ^ 
 Uaptists shrme gre,iter in value than that presented ""-""^ 
 
 IrircLrtr:! '''''' °^ '°""™° ^'^ ^-^ ^- ^- 
 
 llii?' "'/ir'"' """' *''''"'^"^'' '""' ''"""g ""s period the 
 
 te 1 ^'r""."""'^' '^'"^^'^ *" '^-^ the 'emainL. 
 Nuuds of end war ; but exte,-nal hostilities were still 
 
 contmued, and the eaptiue of ('astello ,li Pofjua added ■'""**• 
 ouut Albert of Prato held nn.nerous fiefs of the empi;e 
 jo'^-.. w,th a danng and restless pop,da.ion which infested all 
 
 • Gibbon, vol. viii., 8vo cd., diaii. [xix., p. 291. 
 
128 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. VII.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 129 
 
 the district between the rivers Elsa and Pesa : even m th. 
 Florentine territon' both merchants and traveUers were plun- 
 dered while the thieves found shelter withm its waUs. As 
 complaints were useless tlie Florentines assembled a strong 
 force and suddenlv invested Pogna which bemg desUtute o 
 food after a short blockade surrendered at discretion, and 
 the Count who happened to be there was also made pri. 
 soner. To destroy the walls of Pogna with the exception 
 of his own fortified palace, to lower the towers of Certaldo, 
 Semifonte, and other strongholds, and never make war on 
 Florence, was the price of his ransom ; besides which a secret 
 assurance was given that he would sell liis jurisdiction over 
 the town of Semifonte and its district, and thus Florence pre- 
 pared for an extension of her power on the north-west frontier 
 of Siena, whose jealousy they had already awakened m that 
 
 "^"^^addition to the above stipulations, Count Albert, hi^ 
 
 Countess Tabemaria, along with tlieir sons Guido and Maanardo 
 
 obliged themselves to protect all Florentine sul^ects and 
 
 deliver one of the towei-s of Capraia into the liands of that 
 
 commmiity for the purpose of retention or destruction as l^est 
 
 suited them : thev also submitted to the imix)sition ot a 
 
 new tax upon all their possessions between the Amo and 
 
 Elsa, possibly without much reluctance as a moiety >vas 
 
 for their owti benefit without the odium of its imposition 
 
 they further engaged to pay four hmidied lire of " good I iso,^ 
 
 money r to make war or peace at the pleasure of Florence. 
 
 with the obhgation of annually residing there for two month. 
 
 in time of war and one during peace. 
 
 Pisa and Lucca biving concluded a long course of hosUli 
 ties a treaty was also signed by the latter with Florence lu 
 which Lucca engaged to protect the persons and property oi 
 
 • Pace di Certaldo, Guerra di Semifonte, p. 10. 
 
 Florentines \nthin their state ; that no debtors of either people 
 should be arrested until after two months' wannng were given 
 to their own government, and even then the imprisonment was 
 to be effected in a manner best suited to spare the honour and 
 sensibilities of the unfortunate : that for twenty years Lucca 
 would bind itself to assist the Republic in any war within the 
 dioceses of Fiesole and Florence, especially against Pistoia, 
 their contingent of troops being bound to keep the field for 
 twenty days ; and in every other wai- at the simple request of 
 the consuls, podestu, or other rector of Florence, a hundred 
 and fifty horse ^rith five hundred foot and crossbow-men were 
 to he furnished at tlie latter s expense, without whose permis- 
 sion the Lucchese were to make no separate peace. Lucca 
 further engaged not to give any assistance, even by advice, in 
 the rebuilding of strongholds within the Florentine diocese, 
 more especially between the Elsa and that city, witliin which 
 limits the Lucchese were to make no acquisitions, but on the 
 mMmry restore those they had already made, even though 
 they belonged to the church. They further promised not to 
 prevent foreigners from proceecUng to Florence, unless enemies 
 of their owni people ; and after excepting everything from the 
 treaty tending to endanger the peace with Pisa or^Genoa, or 
 interfere with the imperial rights, it was sworn to by sLx hun- 
 dred citizens of Lucca and its renewal everj^ five years agreed 
 to hy both parties*. 
 
 Count Alberts recent humiliation probably induced the 
 mhahitants of Mangone to place all the external affairs of their 
 community in the hands of Florence, and acknowledge all 
 their possessions to be held of that state, besides promising 
 the yearly tribute of a i)ound of silver, a waxen torch at the 
 Baptist's shrine, and the maintenance of a permanent dwelling 
 in their town for the Florentine consuls. This treaty was con- 
 finned by Alberto and his family, as regarded peace and war 
 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 ♦ S. Ammirato, Lib. i", p. 59. 
 
190 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORT. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. Til.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 131 
 
 with a further engagement that its provisions should be rigidly 
 observed as well by Mangoue as by the people of Veniio and 
 
 Ugnano*. 
 
 These contracts have been minutely stated not only bocaiiso 
 they afford a glimpse of national customs in that remote ago. 
 but* also l>ecause they partly unfold the nature of Florentine 
 poUcy, which leaving the vanquished in full enjoyment ..i 
 dieir own la^vs, and not unfrequently xvith additional pnvilegos. 
 endeavoured to secure their fidelity by a light and almost 
 nominal subjection. These m^quisitions became in fact mtegnil 
 parts of the dominant state which thus increased its force and 
 reputation wliile the subdued barons being compelled to main- 
 tarn an establishment in the capital with all the duties as well as 
 the power and honours of citizenship, augmented the national 
 gi^atness bv the re-annexion of pn>perty fonnerly alienated for 
 the pei^omd aggrandisement of themselves or their forefathers I. 
 
 This svstem was not confined to places acquired by capitu- 
 lation; its principles were also applied to those t;ilven by stonu 
 or purchased, as ^ill l>e seen hereafter in the war of Semifoute. 
 By steadily pursuing tliis ambitious coui-se Florence, in less 
 than eightv vears had conquered the ciuidel of Fiesole, con- 
 firmed her nde over Prato. taken ^Monte Orlandi, Moute 
 Cassolh. Monte Buoni, Monte di Croce, Monte Grossoli and 
 Pogna ^-ith their respective territories and dependencies : slie 
 had vanquished the Senese armies, received many towns und^r 
 her protection such as Empoli, Pontonno and Mangone ; de- 
 feated the Aretines, and brought Arezzo to her o^ii condition., 
 made advantageous tre^ities ^ith Pisa and Lucca and bd 
 rapidlv advanced to a degree of power that filled her neigh- 
 bours 'with jealous apprehension and its attendant hate. H^ 
 latter saw that no moral consideration would restrain the am 
 bition of a repubhc which by conquest or intimidation ^^^ts 
 
 • S. Ammirato, pp. 59, 60. 
 + Murtiori, AntichiU luliautr, Dissert. 47, p. 260, vol. vu. 
 
 rapidly absorbing all the lesser states and lordships, destroying 
 those towns it deemed impolitic to retain, and as it were steadily 
 kiiejiding pLuje after i)lace into its own accumulating 
 mass. Wherefore in a secert meeting of the feudJ ^'^' "^• 
 chiefs and communities it was decreed that ambassadors should 
 be dispatched to the emperor, then on his march towards 
 Naples, \^ith a strong memorial of their fears and grievances 
 aiid a prayer for redress. iVederic soon after arrived at Flo- 
 rence, which lie disliked for its Guelphic principles, and gave a 
 public audience to these complainants. The deputies led by 
 those of Siena, dwelt on the alarming increase of Florentine 
 power, and declared that the object of that ambitious people 
 was no less than a complete subjugation of Tuscany. That 
 they were moreover determined enemies of the empire and 
 had proved it by their unrelenting persecution of the Guidi, a 
 charge that Count Guido Guerra, then present in the imperial 
 service, could amply corroborate by his own indindual suffer- 
 ings : that one of their proudest boasts was the repulse of the 
 emperor's predecessor with dishonour from their walls ; and 
 finally, that pride so overbearing required a prompt rebuke 
 from impend power while a strong lesson of obedience should 
 be enforced, ere they became bold enough as they soon would, 
 to fling a gamitlet in the face of the emperor himself. ''It 
 " was not," they significantly added, " It was not the bright and 
 " cheerful blaze of the great hall fire, to which the whole house- 
 " hold looked, but the little hidden and neglected spark that 
 yet the mansion in aflame; and if to the acuteness of Floren- 
 " tine mtellect were added extensive power, militaiy reputa- 
 " tion, dominion, and a close alliance with the church^f^, the 
 " northern Caesars might at once bid adieu to all their Tuscan 
 
 • Hante embodies this arpumcnt verj' concisely in three lines with a 
 general application (Inferno, Canto xx\i.) 
 
 " Che dove rargomcnto della mente For where the intellect 
 » agfiunge al mal volcre, ct alia possa, Is joined to evil wishes and to power 
 ^essun riparo vi pud far la gcufe." There is no shelter. ' 
 
 k2 
 
132 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 133 
 
 •influence and abandon that proviuce to the Florentines. 
 The truth of this reasoning was apparent even to an unpre 
 judiced mind and it struck l^'ith peculiar force on the billing 
 ears of Frederic who without hesitation convicted Florence of 
 having presumed to usurp imperial rights and seize on other 
 l)eoples possessions without the imperial sanction. She w:i> 
 accordmgly deprived of all her .jurisdiction and everj^ foot of 
 teiTitory beyond the walls ; an imperial ^^car administered the 
 general' government within the city, and mdividual justice 
 throughout the district. 
 
 The patriotic union of 1170 no longer existed, for patriotism 
 was nearly melted in the heats of faction, therefore Florence 
 was not the only sufferer on this occasion: all the Guelphic 
 rities of Tuscanv fell more or less under the imperial lash; ana 
 Siena herself although then essentially Ghil>eline excited 
 Frederic s indignation by refusing to admit liim or his trooi»s 
 within her walls. The result was a siege, and Heniy Kinj? of 
 the Romans who remjiined to conduct it. having failed in his 
 attacks relinquished the entei-prise and rej.)ined his l\itlier at 
 Viterbo : but the Senese on making a slight apolog}' were, tw 
 years after, readmitted to imperial favour. 
 
 While Barbarossa was yet in Florence the Senese deinities 
 informed him of a report that Count Albert intende.l to 
 r-ede the town of Semifonte to that state, and procured m 
 imperial mandate agamst the purchase; also alarmed at siuha 
 nei«thl>our thev endeavoured to secure themselves by excitm? 
 Semifonte to revolt and independence*. 
 
 Tlie death of Pope Lucius III. successor to Alexander ma.le 
 nK>m for Frban III. between wliom and the emperor disputr 
 arose about the inheritance of Countess ]Matilda : or as it ^a^ 
 commonly called the Patrimony of Smut Peter, which Freddie 
 
 *M. di Coppo Stefani, Lik i", Lib- iii-, P- 35.-Mui^tori, An An^ 
 
 Rub. 52.-Mal.spini, c. Ixxxii., Giov. 1 1«5.-Malespini ^ .Ham and > 
 
 Villani, Lib. V. cap. xii.-S. Ammirato, volti place thc^ events a jear earlier.| 
 
 Lib. i«, p. 60.— O. Malavolti, Parte i", but I follow Muraton. 
 
 Still retained. Other ecclesiastical grievances fostered this 
 quai-rel ; but Urban s anger principally rested on a contract of 
 marriage which Frederic nfter great difficulty had concluded 
 between his son Henry and Constance, daughter of Roger 
 King of Sicily whose grandson Wdliam II. was then reigning. 
 Constance was at this time about one and thirty yeai's of age 
 iiiid presumptive heiress of both the SicUies ; she had long 
 resided in a convent without having taken the veil although for 
 party purposes called a nun*. The kingdom of Sicily, ultimately 
 to be her dower, was a prize worth Barbarossa's ambition and 
 the pope's resentment ; it consisted, besides that island ; of 
 Ccdabria, Naples, La Pugha, and the principality of Capua, 
 and Urban regarded with an evil eye this ecclesiastical Fief 
 slip quietly into the hands of a race of Ghibeline emperors 
 even without his having been consulted on the subject f; hence 
 uew aliment for existing faction and future war, as from these, 
 ''unhohj nuptials'' sprang the Emperor Frederic II. a more 
 able and more bitter enemy than his grandfather to super- 
 stition priestcraft and the See of Rome, of which he was at 
 first the child and champion J. 
 
 Pope Urban died in 1187 of grief, as we are told at the fall 
 of Jerusiilem and genend success of the Infidels : he 
 I was replaced by Gregoiy VIII. who instantly began '^•^•"^^• 
 to rouse up all 1 tidy to the rescue; but death overtook him 
 
 ' Dante considered her a Nun. 
 
 ''Qwest' e 'la luce delta gran Gostanza, 
 Ck del secondo veuto di Soavc 
 Genero' 7 terzOy e I" ultima possanza:" 
 I Cant. iii«. Paradiso and again Cant. iv. 
 *Epol potesti da Picarda udire, 
 Che I 'affezion del vel Chstanza tenne. 
 Si chella par qui meco contraddire." 
 
 tPlatina (Vite de' Papi) places this 
 marriage after the death of Frederic 
 and in the pontificate of Celcstine 
 IH. but the testimony of Godfrey of 
 ♦iterbo who was present at the nup- 
 
 tials, (as cited by Muratoir and Messia, 
 and who makes Constance only 20 years 
 old) is not to be doubted. Deniua 
 seems to believe that she had taken 
 the veil, perhaps the white one ; but 
 it is very unlikely that the presump- 
 tive heiress of a large kingdom should 
 have done so. 
 
 J Giannone, vol. vii., pp. 70, 71, 133 
 and 151 — 158, Libri xiii. and xiv. — 
 Messia, Vite degli Iraperadori (Dolci.) 
 — Muratori, Annali, Anni 1185, 
 1186,1189. 
 
134 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 fBOOK I. 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 135 
 
 too scarcely two months after his elevation while personally 
 superintenduig the equipment of an armament at 
 A.D. 1188. p.^^ against the Saracens. Gregory- was succeeded 
 by Clement III. who zealously following up the views of his 
 predecessor made peace between Pisa and Genoa and preached 
 a third crusade in Christendom. He wa> well answered by the 
 religious and restless spirit of the time, and Florence roused 
 by the Bishop of Ravenna's eloquence poured forth her enthu- 
 siastic sons with an ardour worthy of more rational and lej^nti- 
 mate objects although then considered one of the most sincere 
 demonstrations of pure religious feeling *. 
 
 Pleased at this devotion Clement immediately induced 
 Barbarossa to enlarge the forfeited Contado to a distance of 
 ten miles from Florence ; and that emperor himself, old, expe- 
 rienced, and sagacious as he was ; he who had bearded priest- 
 craft in its den and laughed at the infallihility of popes; he 
 also caught up the burning spirit of the age, assumed the 
 cross, and at the head of a hundred and fifty thousand ful 
 lowers marched to Palestine. 
 
 Fifty two Pisan galleys under Bishop Lanfranco joined the i 
 Venetians and sailed for SjTia ; neither was Genoa backward 
 in the race, and legions after legions followed from ever\' state 
 of Christendom ; lastly tlie English llichard and Philip 
 A.D. 1189. -^^^g^j^^^jj, of France with their numerous and hardy 
 followers augmented this roaring torrent of catholic devotiou. 
 
 The emperor never returned; he was either drowned m 
 Arminia, or died from the effects of checked perspiration by 
 plunging suddenly into the chilling waters of the Saleph : the 
 whole movement was disastrous; much blood was s\n\v.\ 
 infinite and long-enduring misery desolated Asia auil 
 A.D. 1190. £^j.^p^, . fg^ pilgrims returned with the tale of their 
 misfortunes ; the east was ruined and the west impoverished ; | 
 
 ♦ Gio. Viliani, Lib. ▼., c»p. xiii. 
 
 neither religion nor morals were immediately improved, but a 
 new and ameliorating intercourse was opened between man 
 and man, remote nations became acquainted, and in a manner 
 united by commercial intercourse, which, with its full share 
 of crime, promoted general civilisation, and is still workuig 
 beneficially for the world *. 
 
 Frederic was succeeded by his son Henry VI. who had 
 more than his father's ferocity without his talents, and when 
 Barbarossa's death became known the electors at once advanced 
 him to the throne of Germany where he made preparations for 
 an immediate coronation at Piome. 
 
 It would have been difficult, says Ammirato for the most 
 valuable gift to produce such joy in Florence as the restoration 
 of her territory ; yet that whi.h was shown about the same 
 period on receiving the arm of Saint Philip the Apostle was 
 immeasurably greater. This precious relic was procured by 
 the exertions of Monaco Patriarch of Jemsalem, and received 
 by the whole Florentine population in solemn procession with 
 deep reverential awe ; but such devotion produced the Cmsades 
 and excuses many of the extravagancies of that age f. 
 
 Pope Clement III. died in 1191 and was succeeded by 
 Celestine III. the sixth pontiff within ten years : he 
 postponed his own inauguration on purpose to retard 
 the coronation of Henrj^ who with Queen Constance was on 
 liis way to Rome ; but after the settlement of ceitain impor- 
 tant conditions connected with the Sicilian succession it was 
 allowed to take place. 
 
 Tusculum, then a town of some consequence, was given by 
 agreement to the Germans and they with C destine 's conni- 
 vance afterwards abandoned it to the Romans by whom this 
 ancient city was destroyed in one of those frantic outbursts of 
 
 * Malespini, c. Ixxxiii.—G. Viliani, Lib. 51.— Muratori, Anno 1 1 90. 
 
 v., c. iii. — Tronci, Annali, vol. i", p. 51. f S. Ammirato Stori,, Lib. i", p. 62. 
 
 — S. Ammirato, Sto. Fioren.,Lib. i",p. — Giov. Viliani, Libro v., cap. xiv. 
 
 A.D. 1191 
 
136 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. TII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 137 
 
 popular passion that mark the age and country and to which 
 Rome alcove all other Italian cities was peculiarly subject. 
 The miserable inhabitants constructed temporary huts in the 
 neighbourhood with " Frasche " or bmnches of trees, which 
 subsequently became permanent dwellings, and gave their 
 name to the still existing to\Mi of Frascati -'-, 
 
 From Rome Henry proceeded to occupy the kingdom of 
 Sicily in right of Constance the heiress of her nephew Wil 
 Uam II. deceased in 11 HO, but Tancred Count of Leece the 
 dlegitimate son of Roger Duke of Puglia, a man of gieat 
 talent and virtue, was with Celestine's concurrence placed on 
 that throne by the Sicilian Barons who indignantly refused to 
 let their country be degraded to a Gennan province f . 
 
 Tancred was well worthy of their choice and defended his 
 kingdom ^vitli various fortune but alwavs with valour and 
 ability: Henry after a while retired by (lenoa uito Gennanv 
 leaving Constance in charge of the Salemians by whose 
 treachery she became a prisoner to Tancred but was gene 
 rously treated and finally released without a ransom. 
 
 This prince died in 1194 of a broken heart for tlie loss uf 
 his eldest son Roger, who ex[>ired m 1103, lea\ing 
 his widow Sibilla and her infant boy fui easy prey to 
 the arts and treachery of Henry. The latter had just received 
 from Leopold of Austria one third of Richard Cceur de Lion s 
 almost incredible ransom of a hundred thousand marks, wliiili 
 enabled him to pursue the Sicilian conquest : with the aid of 
 a Genoese fleet he besieged Gaeta, took Naples, captured 
 Ischia, and destroyed Salerno mth such barbarity that it 
 never afterwards recovered : pusliing rapidly on through both 
 Calabrias he passed the Faro intimidated Messina and lodged 
 himself without resistance in that cityt- 
 
 • Platina, Vita de' Papi, p. 295.— Meg- t Oiannone, Storia Cirle di Napoli, 
 sia, Vite degli Impcradori, p. 412. torn, vii., pp. 119 — 144. 
 
 t Gibbon, ch. Ixix. — Muratori, Annali. 
 
 A.D. 1194. 
 
 
 
 When this was known at Palermo Sibilla fortified herself in 
 the royal palace and sent her son to the strong castle of Calata- 
 hillotta, but was soon beguiled by Henry's artful promises to 
 give him the county of Lecce and the principality of Tarento. 
 Mother and son surrendered on tliis condition and the emperor 
 was crowned King of Sicily, wliere his treachery rapacity and 
 tyranny soon became proverbial: friends and foes suffered 
 eqiudly; from his allies the Genoese to the unhappy Queen; her 
 child and the Sicilian [)eople. 
 
 About this time also the Empress Constance was delivered 
 of a son who afterwards beSni> ho celebrated under the name 
 .f Frederic II. the cherished pupil of Holy Church and succes- 
 sively her tool, her champion and her bitterest enemy*. 
 
 When Heniy had partly satiated his veugeance on Tancred's 
 Sicilian adherents he passed into Italy and held a pai-liament 
 iu Puglia where amongst other occurrences his 
 brother Philip was married to Irene the widow of '^•^•"^^• 
 Tancred's son, and daughter of the Greek Emperor, Pliilip 
 being simultaneously created Duke of Tuscany and invested 
 ^•ith all the Countess Matilda's estates in that province. 
 Loaded with the plunder and ruin of thousands the rapacious 
 emperor then returned to Germany accompanied by Queen 
 Sibilla her son and three daughtei-s all of whom he kept closely 
 ooutined until his death at 3Iessma in 1197 or 1198 f. 
 
 This shght and general sketch of mixed German and Italian 
 [•oUtics is requisite to a clearer view of Tuscan affairs of which 
 pohtical mutability and domestic troubles were the strongest 
 characteristics. 
 
 In 1186 the Florentines were governed by three Consuls 
 ^th the title of " Messere' given as Ammiiuto conjectures 
 either from their havmg been Judges or Knights, or because 
 
 * Muratori, Ann., Anni 11«);}_1194. 
 
 Oiannone, Storia di Napoli. 
 
 t Muratori, Anni 1193-4-5-6-7.— 
 
 Mcssia, Vite, who makes his death occur 
 in 1198. 
 
^:fm 
 
 us 
 
 KI.ORENTINK UlSTOrvY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CtlAP. VII.] 
 
 FT.OriEN'nNK HTSTORY. 
 
 139 
 
 that appoUiition mijjbt have been conooded to tli«^ ofluo of su 
 prome magistnito itsolf, as ^^Wohlc" ami i\ftcrMm\s -M<i!jniji,u' 
 v-as in Genoa, aeoonhiig to Vherto I'oj^lietta-. Neither c.-m 
 the fonuer mmute ami indefati'iahU' hist oriim assipi ameertiiin 
 cause for that coiuiniuil ihietuation in th<> numluT of froverniii},' 
 Consul- almuk mentioned, who within two v«>:irs (Hminislitd 
 from twelve to three, the year 1 P.»:i havin«,^ luvn renmrkaMo 
 for the eessiUion i^f this otheeand the substitiiti.ni .>f a Ptxlestn; 
 hut the ver>' next year the <\insular 3Ia«jislnites a«,min assmu. 
 their station, and Jis already remarkeil were prohahly the »^\p. - 
 rimenii, of a young, unsettled, and tiow ^(^mewhat tumultuous 
 community, hi* whieh the most etheieni lonu i.f rivil j^ovemmcut 
 ^-a> ill unsolved prohlem : tV.r a long time must jtonerally 
 
 elapse Wfon^ the ahseuee of restraint, wliieh is not liherty, can 
 sul^side into the solvr retility oi manly freedom. ^^ e have tho 
 example l^fore us of jdmost all the Smith American IiepuMi.< 
 in a similar state of uneasine» and vai illation, but entinlv 
 from the virulence of faction which will neither allow foreigneis 
 or uatives to rejH^se iu safety. *' Self-t.>rnuiit<Ml" says Tie- 
 sident Jackson. '* by domestic tUssensions, revolution succeeeU 
 revolution : injuries are committed upon foreigners engaged iu 
 lawful pursuits: much lime elapses before a govennnent sut^ 
 cientlv stable is erected to ju^tlly expectaiion of redrov 
 Ministers are sent and received, and l^efore the discussions of | 
 j)ast injuries are fairly Wgun fresh troubles arise : but too fre 
 quently new hijuries are added to the old to l.€ discussed togr 
 ther ^th the existing government, after it has proved it. 
 abilitv to sustain the assaults made upon it ; or with it^ 
 soccttsor if overthrown +. ' But the subsequent histor}- -:: 
 Florence will furnish stronger resemblances to ilii* 
 ^^' "^' melancholy picture of a state of society that makr 
 the enemies of liberty rejoice, and its friends blush for the naiiit 
 
 fSee 
 
 • lib. L p. 29, Delle co«e di Genoa. 
 
 t W III g to tlie U. S. Congnm of 1835. 
 
 A.D. 1198. 
 
 The death of Ileury VI. ofTered an orrasion for tho recovery 
 (.f lost in(Ie|K'ndenco ri(»t to h(. mulcted by Tuscany : while 
 cnunped and toniicntr.I tlMinsolvos by tliehard rapacity of 
 iiui)orial Vicars and provincial Dukos, tho Tuscan Republics 
 saw I.oml)ardy ojijeyiu^r uiimolcstc.l liberty without even the 
 shadow of ;i trans-Alpine tyrant to cool its ardour: they had 
 l.ccn succossfidly outraged by Frederic, by jjonr}-, and by 
 Phdip: but (he last brin<( ni)w called away to contend with 
 Otho ..f Sax.Miy for tho (ioriiiaii M^i.tro, they were loft compa- 
 ratively free. I'lncoumgrd by this protracted stnigglo and the 
 support of Innocent 1 1 1, who had just succrodod to the papacy, 
 a -League "or -Comjunn/'' of all the TuM-an states 
 was foi-med under his auspic-s, and signed at I^orgo 
 San Genesio near San ^Vliniato Ted.s.o then in the Lucchese 
 territory; from its central position tho usual place of pub- 
 lic meeting to discuss tho affairs of Tuscany =:. The two 
 Cardinal Legates li.'inardo, and Pandolfo (the same who 
 played so conspicuous a part in King Jolm of England's reign) 
 were witnesses on the part of Innocent to the foi-mation of this 
 company which included Florence, Lucca, Siena, Prato, San 
 j\Iiniato, and the Bishoj) of Volterra as temporal lord of that 
 city by the donation of Countess Matilda ; at the same time 
 |resen'ing places for Pisa, Pistoia, Poggibonzi, the Counts 
 Guidi and Alberti, and otlier Tuscan Barons. It was agreed 
 that each of the confed<'rates should appoint a deputy called 
 r Captain'' or '' Pwctor,'' and these a>>enibling every four 
 mouths were to elect a President under the title of ''Prior of 
 me Company' whom all were to obey. They reciprocally 
 engaged to acknowledge no emperor, king, prince, duke, or 
 marquis without the pope's approbation, who moreover was to 
 be succoured whenever he demanded aid from them. Two davs 
 
 I* San Genesio which now no longer 25 miles -west of Florence on the 
 
 lexists was the parent of San Miniato. Pisan road. The Samniniatesi de- 
 
 j It was anciently named VicoWallariy stroved it in 1248. V, Repetli. 
 
 I of Lombard origin, and was situated IHzionOeograf.Fis,St<^r.diTosama, 
 
140 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book ,. I ^"^P- ^"J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 after its signature the league was sworn to at Florence in tli. 
 church of San Martino del Vescovo liy si\t»><'n consuls of tlic 
 confederate cities ; l>ut the Pisans who with Pistoia enjoyed 
 many privileges under iini)erial favour and had escaped Par 
 harossa's persecution refused to associate with a confederacy ^o 
 purely Guelpliic. 
 
 This in fact may l)e called the liuelpliic League of Tus- 
 cany, for the names of Guelph and <ihil»c]ine had now becoiiu- 
 general and a Iwiundar}' wjis clearly marked hetwctu those 
 who adhered to the church for th< >ake of civil liberty an<l 
 politic*al independence, and those who with narrower vie\v> 
 attached themselves to the emperor*. Count Guido Guerra. 
 then called Comit of Tuscanv, and Count Allien of Prato soon 
 after subscribed to the confedemcy ; Pistoia j)robably followed 
 the steps of Pisa but there appears to be no notice of aiiv 
 further adhesions and Coimt Guido Guerni's reasons for >^u 
 unusual a junction are not recorded f. 
 
 Florence wliich was considered the leader of this confede- 
 racy being now relieved from imperial Miljection began once 
 more to look alnjut her, and had already passed a law^ whieh 
 authorised any conunmiity to sell itself to the Kepuldic 
 although actutdly subdued and occupied l>y her arms. Tliis left 
 no excuse for subsequent revolt, and in 1107 Monte Grossuli 
 which Barbarossa's decree had probably set at hberty, seems to 
 have been the first acquisition under so prudent and wise a 
 regulation for the j>eaceful holding of conquered lands*. The 
 Castle of Figlini was afterwards reduced either by force ur 
 persuasion, under an engagement to niiike peace or war at the 
 
 • Ammirato dates this League in Dissert. I V.^ p. 159.) 
 
 Noveml>er 1197, but I have followed f S. Auimirato, Stor. Libro i", p. G3. 
 
 Muratori who agrees with Tronci, — Muratori, Annali, Anno llfJiJ.— 
 
 Repetti and others. For the privi- Tronci, Annali Pisani, vol ii", p. 7". 
 
 leges granted to Pisa see Fhiminio — Denina, Lib. xi. cap. vii. 
 
 del Borgo " Dissertazioni sopra la t M. di Cop. Stefani, Libro i", Rub. 
 
 Sturia Puajia" {tomo i", Parte i% 25. 
 
 141 
 
 connnand of Florence and pay an annual tax of twenty-sLx 
 .nan for evetyhearth, but those of priests aM soldiers, in tie 
 -. and district: to surrender half their tolls and market> 
 aues and obey all orders f^.„. Florence except such as mill 
 require he destruction of any pottion of their to... CertJdo 
 soon lollo..d the example as regarded peace and war besides 
 an annud tribute at the Baptists' slmne, and renouncing eve^ 
 tlie pontilFs power tn nhsolvH Iip.- f>.„„, .1 • ° 
 
 tl./r«stl^ ;,f V r ' ''"™ ^^^ engagement; but 
 
 the Castle oi iro,hf.l,,n,o not being disposed to resi<m its 
 ... ependenoe .as besieged and totally dLtroyed: and ma^^ 
 othe,-s a. we are gravely assured, "continued v ry obstinate b 
 -slnng to preserve their freedom n.„witbstanling 
 these examples of rigour and clemen,T*." Amon^s^ '^•"•*^- 
 
 aciirit '"lir; °*' '?■''"": ^^■•"^■''' '>- ^'^^ -•*« «^ «-- 1-^ 
 
 . msu,. r. i ;■; 7' "" "''"'^ *""•'""«''' some authors 
 . unsu,oessful atf.ek was made this year bv Florence- 
 
 .be people San Genesio retired in ^Aai-n, to the adio^nW 
 «ro„ghold of San Miniato destronng the former place XS 
 «ordn,g o Malespini had been rebuilt onlv two rears hehre 
 a..d rebudding what they had already de.nolished of the 
 upper town : " thus," he adds, "committing two creat follies 
 m a small timef." ° ° °^^^ 
 
 oiJt ?""T "^ ^'^rf'' '™' ^"^"'^ S^'^"'"^ if it ever 
 occurred, only produced more formidable prepara- 
 
 Uous for the conquest of that st^ite and the firet step ^'^^ ''"»• 
 
 was an endeavour to seduce their nearest friends and neidi- 
 
 l^urs : Hddebrand Bishop of Volten^, the well wisher and 
 
 advocate of Semifonte. was pe.-suaded to unite with Florence 
 
 a..d not only renounce its alliance, but in case of war to join 
 
 ^ h her or fifteen day. or longer at the head of a thousand Z 
 
 a..(l.two hundred hoi-se, n. any expedition between Elsa and 
 
 tS.mone Jellu Tosa, An„ali.-S. '!""'' "P"' ■■-"■ 
 
142 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHIP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 the capital ; Siena and other specified places heing excepts. I 
 Count Albert was a willing coadjutor in the subjugation of his 
 revolted subjects ; he invited every remaining adherent to 
 quit the place and relinquished the town and territory to 
 Florence who engaged to assist him in any war except agaiust 
 an ally of the republic. 
 
 This ceaseless romid of quarrel, war, and conquest was now 
 agreeably broken by a treaty purely commercial, or at least a 
 treaty the object of which was to protect trade alone, and there- 
 fore shows the rising prosperity of Florence. In the ''Murfclh = " 
 and other districts on the line of commercial intercourse with 
 Lombardy Venice and Bologna, the trade had been mu.li 
 interrupted ; but by this convention certain chieftains of the 
 Greci and Ubaldini clans to whom most of the province he- 
 longed, agreed \Nith Stoldo di Musetto and lianieri della 
 Bella, consuls of the merchants' company of Florence, to obey 
 the commands of the Podesta Pagano de' Porcari and the 
 counsellors or priors; to protect the Florentines and their 
 merchandise throughout all this feudal territory, and consider 
 any damage received by the traders while within their juris(hc- 
 tion as an injury offered to themselves : also to supply them 
 with intelligent and trusty guides, and finally to make all 
 their vassals swear to these ol)li gat ions. Thus were lawless 
 mountain clans tamed down by the magic of a beueficitd com- 
 merce to the level of surrounding civilisation. Peace, friendly 
 intercourse and general refinement wliich commerce breeds 
 and feeds on, are its essence ; war its bane ; yet commerce is 
 often taunted as the cause of war ! It is so, like otlier rights: 
 when violated : it is so, as Christianity has been and is still 
 
 to the confluence of the torrent Dico- gra/".) 
 mamo and Sieve. It is supposed to 
 
 143 
 
 the cause of wo ! But neither Christianity nor commerce are 
 blameable. 
 
 Cotemporary Monarchs.-Empcrors : Frederick I, Henry VI . Emnire 
 vacant during the ayil wai. between Otho and Philip thJ rival lan^Tf 
 Germany.— Greek Emperors: Alexius TT niftm a a '^."''^^^^"gs ot 
 ni83^ IsaArTI n^RK\ iT ' TIT T,A^* ('^*^")» Andronicus Comn nus 
 (110.J;, Isa^cH. (1185), Alexius III. (1195).— Popes: From Alexander III 
 
 i r a\ ! is'^'^:-,^:^"^-.^-- ^:"" (I- Jeune, frL 1137 to l\i 
 
 rom 
 180), 
 
 Philip (Auguste).-Scotland • WiTlkm VCl J "" '''*^ ^° ^^"^>' 
 
 ho4f rJ ScoLa hy :he -^7 ^Z '^ iTniz^h- h 
 
 Richard Cffiur de Lion afterwards renounces. ' ^ 
 
144 
 
 tXORENTIN'E HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. VIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 CHAPTER VIIl. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1200 TO A.D. 12(•.^ 
 
 Xo periotl could have been more propitious for the coiisuni- 
 mation of ItaHjin liberty than the interregiunn following Hfun 
 the Sixth's death: the two factions of (i. nnany were 
 
 A.D. 1200. 
 
 neutmlizeJ in the person and ability of Barbarussi 
 and gave little trouble during his long occupation of tlit 
 throne. Henry with equal vidour, more ferocity, and l»'s- 
 talent, was popular with his count nmen and maintained tk 
 peace of Germany ; but he was scarcely cold when the nor- 
 thern princes forgetting both his child and their own promise? 
 of fidelity commenced a civil war bevond the Alps. 
 
 The principal competitors for Germany were Philip iHilie 
 of Suabia and Tuscany, the eldest of Henri's brothers, aiul 
 Otho then Duke of Aqiiitaine, son of Heniy the Lion Duke 
 of Saxony and I^avana : Philip Augustus of France suppuiietl 
 his namesake, while Richard of England almost as a matter of 
 course espoused the cause of Otho : Philip represented 
 the house of Ghibeline, Otho that of Guelph and there- 
 fore had the pontiff's assistance: the former had l>een 
 recalled from Tuscany to carry his nephew into Gem:iDy 
 but was stopped by the news of that monarch's death: 
 turning back from Montefiascoue he suddenly crossed the 
 Alps followed by the cui-ses of Italy : but often with ui-re 
 serious marks of jjei-sonal hatred, and the death of seveml 
 
 145 
 
 attendants ; so deep and general was the detestation of liim 
 and his two predecessors. The rivals were enthroned by their 
 friends ; a long and bloody war Ijegan ; enmity refreshed by 
 long repose, broke forth m(»re wildly; both parties believed 
 their chief to be (iod's anointed and his competitor neces- 
 saiily a rebel, and therefore added the false and flattering, but 
 convenient ciy and sometimes even the spirit of loyalty, to all 
 the vindence of faction ^'. 
 
 This left the Italian provinces at liberty and Pope Inno- 
 cent III. took immediate advju.tage of these transalpme storms 
 to shelter Italy by the exrlusive labour of her own children : 
 young, able, daring, ambiti-.us, and accomplished in all the 
 learning of his age, he seized the lucky moment, made a bold 
 push for ecclesiastical supremacy, and completely succeeded. 
 Except in the Campagna no jurisdiction remained at tliis time 
 to the popes, and even there a mere echo of the imperial name 
 earned more real weiglit than their own innnediate influence : 
 Innocent resolved to alter tliis, hut his first efl^orts were 
 •iirected to the internal government of Rome where until his 
 predecessor's reign the Senate's authority had not been per- 
 feetly acknowledged or its constitution exactly fixed, although 
 estahlished in 1144 l)y the eloquence of Abelard's disciple the 
 celehrated and patriotic Arnold of Brescia. 
 
 The Romans of that day, an unstiible race, soon after 
 became tired of what they liad so vehemently struggled for, 
 and following the genenil example of Italy chose a foreign 
 governor or Podestti while they concentrated the senatorial 
 power in a single functionary with tlie title of Senator, esta- 
 blished him in the public j.alace on the Capitoline hill, and 
 invested him with sufiicient authority to curb the insolence of 
 a haughty and turi)ulent nobility f. But so variable was the 
 Pioman mind that when Innocent became pope this office 
 
 * Muratori, Annali, Anno 1198. 
 T Gibbon, Decline and Fall &c., vol. vi., pp. 534, 539, (4to ed.) 
 ^'or^- I. L 
 
146 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. H CHIP, vni,] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 147 
 
 II 
 
 had also lost its charms and a certain feeling of jealousy existed 
 at the sovereignty of a stninger. 
 
 According to ancient customs the people claimed a largess 
 at each pontiff's inaugumtion as the price of their allegiance 
 to Saint Peter: this was instantly dislmrsod \^-ith unusunl 
 promptness and libemlity hut the obligations uf obedience were 
 more cautiously and rigorously worded than ever, and while 
 the citizens were still loud in extolling the pontiff's generosity 
 one of his creatures was easily made Senator of Koine. 
 Homage was then exacted fr.mi tlic imperial prefect who was 
 also compelled to receive a fresh investiture from the pope: 
 all the popularly elected civil judges and Podestas were 
 expelled from the patrimony and replaced by Innocent. 
 friends ; two cardinals proceeded to reduce La Miu-ca ; t^v > 
 other prelates to bring the Duchy of Spoleto to submission, 
 which was claimed as a part of king Pepin's original gi'ani 
 contirmed bv Charlemagne: and these provinces oppresseJ 
 and exaspenued by transalpine rule most eagerly and generally 
 revolted. Eight cities and to^v^ls in the former and nine m 
 the latter spo'iitaneously acknowledged the i>opes authority 
 but without changing their free system of municipal govern 
 
 ment *. . . , 
 
 With the more powerful and independent Tuscan cities 
 greater caution became necessiiry, and feeling that it would k\ 
 easier to make them allies than subjects Innocent III. wisely 
 offered to become the protector of their confederacy instead ii 
 their sovereign, cluirging the Carduials Paiidolfo and Bernurilo 
 with the negotiation as above related. 
 
 It has been already shown that such leagues were not ne»| 
 in Tuscany and according to Malavulti a sort of federal um.r 
 had very eai'ly existed : the general government was commuiil 
 administered by an imperial vicar whose usuiJ residence vasl 
 at San Miniato Tedesco ; he gave judgment in appeukj 
 
 * Muratori, Annali, Anno 1198.— Sismondi, vol. ii., p. 43. 
 
 received tolls and taxes of various kinds then comprehended 
 under the general name of - liegaUar and when absent his 
 duties were executed by Nuncios who with the title of count 
 distributed justice in each city and its territory. But quite 
 independent of these there was a purely national assembly of 
 -Rectors- from eacli city, expressly chosen by it and presided 
 by a prior, with the duty of superintending the general wel- 
 fare and tranquillity of Tuscany. When a quarrel arose 
 between any two places, of whatever faction, these deputies 
 settled It at once if possible : if the disputants insisted on war 
 the assembly was not dissolved nor its integrity diminished 
 but still continued its exertions to restore tranquillity. For this 
 pui-pose, and to determine public appeals and arrange the new 
 elections, it assembled at stilted periods in various parts of the 
 province, but as the rectors either collectively or individually 
 bad no local authority in any state, public liberty was never 
 endangered by such associations. One of these meetings at 
 hvhifh the Bishop of Volterra presided as prior of the company 
 settled a dispute which arose in l-^05 about Siena's claim ^ 
 the lordship of Montepulciano as being within the ancient 
 county jurisdiction of that city : this was decided in her favour, 
 and though of a later date than the present transactions would 
 Jinduce a belief that the recent company was mther an exten- 
 Ision of its existing powers, to foreign matters than the creation 
 of an entirely new institution *. 
 
 The independence of Tuscany being thus provisionally se- 
 cured and little danger apprehended from Germany, no time 
 pould be more favourable for a resumption of the ambitious 
 -chemes of Florence if discreetly managed ; wherefore, still 
 bolding to their designs on Semifonte, the Floren- 
 Imes made an alliance with Siena by which amongst ^'^' ^^^^' 
 ptber conditions the latter was to be assisted with a thousand 
 Iniantr}' and a hundred horse for one month against Montal- 
 
 * O. Malavolti, Parle i% lib. iv., pp. 43, 44. 
 
 l2 
 
148 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. VIII. J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 ciuo : and Colle of the Val-d'Elsa pledged hei-self not to 
 succour Semifonte in the event of war. Tuniing tctwm-ds tli.- 
 Mugello they then m vested a Castello called Cainbiate on tlie 
 Marina river whose chiefs refiised obedience and after its 
 reduction prepared for a final rupture with the petty but 
 energetic republic of Semifonte ■'. 
 
 On the summit of a small hill betwetn lAicardo and Vico in 
 the vale of Elsa and the neighbourhood of Smt 
 Gemlgnano •* delle belle Torri * once stood tin 
 Castello of Semifonte y^'wh even in the twelfth centmy 
 was considered extremely ancient but when or by whom 
 founded is unknown. According to the old rec(»rd of its mi- 
 fortunes Semifonte was adonied with a degree of magniiiceiK e 
 and taste that might lead the imagination to suppos*^ it a Uoinaii 
 town which having escaped Lombard barbarity still preserved 
 some traces of former refinement f. 
 
 It was inhabited bv nuuiv wealthv <3»ntlemen of high family 
 and ancient race and by many knights of the Golden Spur. 
 a dignity as old perhaps as Charlemagne, then indicative d 
 power and riches as well as of the most distinguished honour. 
 At an earlier epoch it belonged to the family of Viscoiitt^ 
 whose last male descendant tluurished during the reign <'f 
 Barbaross:i and followed his banner in the Italian wars ; lie 
 died in anns under the imperial standard at the siege of 
 Rome in 1107, leaving his daughter Emilia sole heiress of 
 Semifonte and all its temton-. A mari-iage was soon con- 
 cluded between the young countess and Albert Lord of Pniio 
 and Certaldo, already mentioned as the Seignior of ro:iiia. 
 who wedded her in 117(» with all the family possessions us « 
 dower ^ 
 
 • O. Malavolti, Stor. di Siena, Parte Donate Vtlhiti, ]\ 2.— Storia (k'Hi 
 
 i*, Lib . iv., p. 40.— S. Ammirato, St«»r. Faniiglia «legli I'baldini. 
 
 di Firenze, Lib. i", p. 65. t Pace di Certaldo, Guerradi Scnii- 
 
 + Pace da Certaldo, Storia della Guer- fonte. 
 
 ra di Semifonte, p. 8. — Crouaca di 
 
 149 
 
 Semifonte being the finest and strongest to\vn in his 
 dominions, was Count Albert s ordinary residence until he was 
 made prisoner at Pogna in 11 S4, when Florence insisted on 
 the partial or total destruction of all his defences, and amongst 
 them the towei-s of Semifonte. At this time says the Chronicle, 
 " Florence enjoying riches and prosperity and despising the 
 power of its neighbours, to increase its conquests sought out 
 with wonderful industiy every pretence for dispute and omitted 
 no opportunity of extending its territory whenever and wherever 
 it occuiTed." 
 
 Siena alarmed at this, and uneasy at the apparent fate of 
 Semifonte while avoiding any open demonstration of her feel- 
 ings, by the aid of San Geniignano and other places excited 
 the inhabitants to revolt. The Seniifontines were continually 
 taunted with tamely allowing their towers to be demolished 
 I and they themselves remaining quietly to be sold as slaves 
 by an imperious master and his insolent sons. Already dis- 
 satisfied with their chiefs conduct and mortified at the ruin of 
 I their towers, which touched both their pride and safety, the 
 Seinifontines became indignant at the idea of being sold to 
 a people whom they had long detested; so that moved by the 
 intrigues of Siena, nettled by the taunts of San Gemignano, and 
 encouraged by the example of successful resistance in several 
 of Count Alberts dependencies; but above all, tmsting to the 
 strength of their town and their native courage, liberty became 
 the absorbing thought of every class in the commmiity. 
 Revolt was fii-st cautiously whispered amongst friends, then 
 Imore openly discussed, and tintilly became the prevailing topic 
 of discourse in all public places ; at length by the management 
 jof Accorso Pitti, a man of high rank and influence, the deter- 
 Imiuation to renounce their allegiance was boldly avowed and 
 jas rapidly executed. Accoi-so Pitti whose family became so 
 conspicuous in the subsequent history of Florence, was cousin 
 |to the heiress of Visconte and perhaps himself not averse to 
 
ISO 
 
 FLORFNTTNE HISTORY. 
 
 fBOOK 
 
 CHAP. ▼III. J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 131 
 
 become lord of his native city : he is described as a person of 
 graceful engaging mannt^rs ; bold, \rise, and more than com- 
 monly eloquent; fit for any enterprise, and both from exaltod 
 rank and individual character had the confidence and respect 
 of his fellow citizens*. 
 
 When the public mind was thought to be sufficiently imbued 
 with discontent and ripe for change, this leader and a number 
 of chosen adherents one moniing suddenly drew their swords 
 in a pretended fmy, and followed by a crowd scoured all the 
 streets shouting the name of Liberty. Ere long the market 
 place overflowed ^vith people of every age and rank ; tk 
 suburbs poured in their more numerous population, and even 
 the neighbouring peasantry' caught this spirit nnd participated 
 in the general agitation. The armed citizens nislied with one 
 impulsive movement on the palare. dragged forth Count 
 Albert's vicar, occupied liis place, and would have pitched liiiii 
 headlong from the window if some ecclesiastics had not oppor- 
 tunely interfered to prevent it. The revolution thus completed, 
 Messer Berlingheri a man of great wisdom and eloquence 
 harangued the crowd who, after proclaiming themselves in- 
 dependent, by his advice nominated a " Balia " or supreme 
 governing council, composed of twelve ** Buouimnini " \viili 
 unlimited powers to form a constitution. Not a moment was 
 lost in useless debate, for they were continually intemipted 
 bv the citizens' jealous apprehensions, and clamorous demands 
 for periodical reports of their progress : -• • that all the influ- 
 ence of the Vavassours was scarcely sufficient to calm their 
 restless suspicions and allow time for the formation of a 
 constitution. At length the result wfi^ announced, and gene- 
 rally approved. A seignior or " Captain of the People " with 
 two ''Anziani'' or elders, as councilloi-s, were to be annualK 
 ciiosen by a general assemVdy : they were to reside in the 
 public palace with a foreign judge, secretar}', and all the 
 
 ♦ Cronaca di Buonaccorso Pitti, p. 2. 
 
 various officers of a regular govemment, and were bound to 
 administer justice even in the most trifling affairs of private 
 individuals, as well as to conduct the weightier business of 
 state. Fifty Buoniomlnl under tlie title oi Hectors were to be 
 chosen from the popular mass as an assistant council in 
 the latter duties, and wlieii a more extended opinion became 
 necessary one man Irum efuh hearth or house of both town 
 and district repaired to the palace whenever the " Cam- 
 pmia " the great bell of the Lion Tower, toDed for a public 
 assembly. ]\Iany otiier arrangements were subsequently made 
 iuid Accorso Pitti was el.vtcd by acclamation as tirst " Capi- 
 huin (If/ Popolo " of tlie Semifontine Piepublic. He began by 
 dismissing the assembled people, advising them to lay aside 
 their arms, [md sunmioning them to a general meeting on 
 the morrow to nominate the various public functionaries, all 
 which was completed to the univeisal satisfaction. The two 
 Auziani were ordered to take the title of consuls, and a foreign 
 judge was chosen from San Gemignano; the "Parliament" 
 appointed a certain number of Gonfaloniei*s under whom 
 the 2^eople were to assend)le in arms l>y companies for public 
 ser\'ice ; and after the su}>reme authority was solemnly confided 
 to the discretion of the seignior and consuls, the citizens re- 
 tired to their dwellings with a newly awakened and proud 
 feeling of independence. 
 
 Thus in a few hours did this little town, full of various 
 ranks and conditions, and accustomed to arl>itraiy government, 
 rise as a single man and proclaim its liberty : it accomplished 
 a revolution without bhxtdslied, and completed a simple form 
 of constitutional government adapted to times and manners, 
 which lasted until overthrown by another republic of equal 
 freedom and superior force. "And thus we see" says the 
 chronicler ** what great strength may be given to men although 
 rude and unpolished, by the desire of vengeance against those 
 who have ruled them with rapacious tyranny." 
 
152 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. VIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE UISTORY. 
 
 153 
 
 Liberty in tnitb luis need of tyraniiv to make her Messiniis 
 kiiowii ; she seeks for virtuous and general devotion ; for tho^e 
 dweUings where self-interest is sacritioed to public good, and 
 makes her permanent abode only wIi^to much previous sufli r- 
 ing has already prepared her a lumit- : ^be must bave many 
 disinterested friends to gi*eei her coming, and will neitber be 
 easily moved by the generous zeal of the few, allured bv tlie 
 unstable heat of the many, nor yet be propitiated by the blood 
 of any single individual however exalted in station or tynui- 
 nical in conduct. An essentially immoral nation may long 
 preserve the forms without the substance of freedom ; amongst 
 such a people self-interest must ever out-biUance public service, 
 which will always be considered bv them as a mere source of 
 personal aggrandisement : such governments will rather dis- 
 courage than support, or even applaud the few honest men 
 whose sincerity prompts them to strike at coiTuption through 
 superior authorities. 
 
 The revolution of Semifonte not only shows how ^viddy 
 spread and how well undei*stood were the spirit and forais of 
 liberty according to the notions of that age, but also with what 
 extreme moderation and absence uf all violence such a chiuige 
 of condition was accomplished even in an obscure provincial 
 town of Tuscany. 
 
 Count Albert lost no time in secretly assembling troops to 
 recover the place but his advei*saries were acute, suspicious, and 
 well prepared ; the manners of the time accustomed them to 
 arms, and the leaders took good care to inculpate even 
 indi^idual citizen in the revolt so as to insm'e unanimity in their 
 subsequent tnmsactions, for where many otfend, they said, nout 
 are punished ; and Albert, who had already commenced his 
 march, on hearing their state of defence retired disappointed 
 to Certaldo. 
 
 From a close application to the conduct <>f its own affair> 
 Semifonte soon increased in riches strcugth and industiy; 
 
 but the people became restless from ease and prosperity which 
 at first sit ill on active minds : alike regiii'dless of pmdence 
 and justice they made incursions on the lands of their ancient 
 chief, hanied the neighbouring communities, trespassed on 
 the Florentine and lionian states, molested ptissengers, plun- 
 dered merchants, and even presumed to levy feudal tributes 
 on the people as if they themselves were lords of the soil. The 
 well-fomided complaints of Count Albert and the Florentines 
 were treated with eijual scora, for secretly backed by San 
 Uemignano and Siena whose object was to repel the advance of 
 Florence, and confiding in their town their citadel and them- 
 selves, they still continuc.l this predaceous warfare. Count 
 Albert was too feeble, and Florence then too much occupied to 
 undertiike the innucdiate reduction of so stubborn an enemy, 
 so that they were allowed to continue their aggressions until 
 the diminished excitement of incipient liberty combined with 
 increasing opulence redu(XMl them to comparative tranquillity 
 and permitted their neighbours to repose. 
 
 This tranquillity was brief, for in llDs or 1101) a man called 
 Vallentre Berardi of Pogna became Chief of the Common- 
 wealth and being of an unquiet warlike disposition with a 
 certtun love of liberty, bad already made the inhabitants of 
 Pogna revolt and acknowledge the supremacy and protector- 
 ship of Semifonte. Under his ausj>ices an miquiet spirit was 
 again awakened and l»y renewed aggressions roused the anger 
 
 I of Florence : tm expedition in conjunction with Count Albert 
 was therefore <lecreed, while he tmnsfen-ed to that state by 
 
 I a public instrument of sale, then aristocmtically called a 
 ''Donation,^' all his prop« ity jind rights in Semifonte, besides 
 
 I engaging to join ihe expedition against it. This transaction 
 
 I took place in February 111)1» in presence of Paganello da 
 Porcari the Podesta of llurence and several other \ritnesses ; 
 
 I amongst them Hildebrand Bishop of Volterra a prelate of great 
 
 temporal power and amiable qualities. 
 
154 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book :. 
 
 CHAP. VIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 153 
 
 The P'lorentines being now doubly justified by their own 
 injuries and a legal right to Semifonte lost no time in movina 
 troops toNvards their intended conquest, while the Seinifontiius 
 rather prepared for a desperate resistance than any acknow- 
 ledgment of Florentine supremacy. It was probably at this 
 period that the unsuccessful e.xpedition mentioned l»y Aiiinii- 
 rato and Simone della Tosa took place, between which ainl 
 the year I'^O'Z another expedition seems to have been prepared 
 but was rendered useless by the friendly mediation of Bislmp 
 Hildebrand who reduced the Semifontines to reason and snl- 
 inission procured them an amnesty for past errors, and induced 
 them even to take the oath of allegiance and receive a Floren- 
 tine governor. 
 
 Such peace was soon broken, for Siena, still more alarmed. 
 renewed her foniier intrigues so artfully as to cause a lu w 
 revolt and the Florentine rector's expulsion ; after which fresh 
 aggressions commenced and finally brought down vengeance 
 from the more powerful state. 
 
 One of the political maxims of Semifonte was put into 
 rhyme for tlie purpose of imprebhing more strongly on the 
 public mind the im|x>rtance of an unrelaxing opposition to the 
 Florentine people *. That Florence sliould be repelled and 
 allow Semifonte to prosper was perhaps sound policy but more 
 easily proclaimed than enforced, and less likely to remain 
 unanswered than acquiesced in l)y Florence. 
 
 Chiarito Pigli Consul of the Merchants Company was imme- 
 diately invested with full powers to reduce the insurgents, and 
 Hildebrand havuig aban<loned them, there remained no furtlier 
 impediment to immediate hostilities. Meanwhile the Semi- 
 fontines were not idle: preparations for defence were redoulded: 
 the '' Rocca "or CiUidel, called the '^ Cnpo del Baffnoh" 
 was given in charge to Daniel of Bagnano a man of faith and 
 
 " Fiorenza fatti in la' 
 Che Semifonte si fa citta.* 
 
 Florence, standi back 
 
 That Semifonte may become a city. 
 
 bravery, well worthy of a post which commanded the town and 
 all its defences. 
 
 The position of Semifonte was on the ridge of a small cres- 
 cent-shaped hill about a mile and a half in circumference, one 
 horn of which pointed towards Lucardo and the other to the 
 neighbourhood of Vico ; the town nearly followed its outline 
 but was of an oval form inclosed by massive and lofty 
 ramparts thickly studded ^vith loopholed and machicolated 
 towers. 
 
 Two great gates and a small posteni were its only outlets, 
 one of them surmounted by a noble tower, looked on Lucardo 
 and was called " Porta alia Fonte " from a spring of pure 
 water that gushed out of the rock below, but more frequently 
 *' Porta al Batjuano " after a place of that name in the neigh- 
 bourhood. The postern led towards Vico and was named after 
 die adjoining chapel of Saint Nicholas : near this point the 
 line of walls was broken by the citadel's solid ground-work 
 spreading outwards under the weight of a high embattled tower 
 like the base of a pyramid and was pierced by the low arch of 
 a salh-port through which supplies were received in war. On 
 the other extremitv of this defensive line stood a corres- 
 ponding tower, and at its angle of junction with the rampart 
 issued another stream from a spring within the palace which 
 flowed through the public streets and after suppl}ing seve- 
 ral fountains burst through the solid masonry and tlowing 
 beside the public road was celebrated alike for the clear- 
 ness of its waters and the beautiful marbles that contained 
 them. 
 
 Hard by this stream stood the splendid Porta Romana or 
 as more generally denominated, " Porta Grande " from its 
 conspicuous size and beauty ; it was the principal gate, and 
 is described as having been composed entirely of cut stone 
 surmounted by a finely proportioned tower two hundred and 
 thirty feet high and wreathed \nth light graceful galleries of 
 
156 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. HI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 157 
 
 marble columns ; the whole crowned bv a colossal lion in j*rev 
 *' Macigno " grasping the standard of Seniifonte : this wa^ 
 considered as the national guardian and gave its name to tli. 
 Tower*. 
 
 Continuing from Portii Grande, tlio rampart, occasionallv 
 flanked by other turreted projections, was linally reunited h> 
 the Porta al Bagnimo. On a ctiitral sjtot of the m(l^t 
 elevated ground rose in solid strength the *' Encca " or 
 Citadel of Seniifonte : it is desriilt»*d as of a quadrangular 
 form, "magnificent, beautiful, and inconceivably strong: 
 studded with towers, and battlements beetling out from tin ir 
 summits ; and with turrets hanging t'loui tneiy angle tif tli* 
 bulwark. Sternly towering in the midst of idl, was seen the 
 *' Cassero'' or great octimgidar keep, a vast, imposing, and 
 compact strongludd and well provided for the war; it com- 
 manded ever}' thing, was full of stout hearts and hands, and 
 secure in its native strength seemed proudly waiting fur the 
 storm. 
 
 The circuit of walls was small, but populous suburhs 
 stretched far out from the gates, active with industr}- and 
 replete with artisans to whom the shuttle the lance or the 
 crossbow were equally familiar. 
 
 Bevond the Gate of Bagnano stood two lofty arches : uiider 
 one was the fount^dn whence it received its name, the other 
 formed a sort of internal entrance to this extensive subuili 
 which was closed towards the open country by a second gate 
 called '* Pi>rt(i di Borgo.'' A liigh tower surmounthig the 
 
 * The description of this tower coupled 
 with that of the famous Tostuffhi 
 Palace hereafter to be mentioned, and 
 their resemblance to the leaning tower 
 ftt Pisa which is a supposed imitation 
 of the Greek style of the lower em- 
 pire would seem to strengthen the con- 
 jecture that the two former were rem- 
 nants of Roman civilisation when 
 
 wealth still remained hut pure taste 
 had long yielded to inferior and coni- 
 paratively V)arbarou8 styles of archi- 
 tecture. The Macif/no is a blui*h 
 gray stone worked from the Ficsolinc 
 and other Tuscan quarries, and i;* in 
 almost universal use for buildin: 
 paving &c. 
 
 ^rate and a protecting outwork or barbican completed the 
 
 ..efence, and the backs of the liouses looking into gardens were 
 sj well closed and imited as to render them in sldlful hands a 
 fonnidable obstacle to besie'^^ers. 
 
 The interior of Seniifonte was adorned with churches 
 tdaces, and various stately buildings; it contained three 
 hundred nouses independent of ecclesiastical abodes and their 
 appurtenances, a fine public palace belonging to the old 
 ^rmifontine chieftains, besides many others the property of 
 IK. hies, vavassours, and divers distinguished gentlemen. The 
 |)la/'e could muster three imndred men-at-arms with their 
 usual att.^n<iimts, and twenty - Barhutr distinguished by steel 
 helmets and hoi-sehair crests, armed at all points and mounted 
 on apn-ited chargers. Besides these were many more of note 
 who wore the garb and weapons of their respective companies 
 and -when plumed and armed for service made a goodly show 
 A> they nmged themselves under the respective colours of 
 theu- bannermen.' In addition to this force, the peasantry and 
 
 Mnmadierr or paid infantry of the district, with the con- 
 tnigents of friendly communities swelled the garrison which 
 thus prepared calmly awaited the conflict*. 
 
 Meanwhile the Florentine bands were duly marshalled and 
 Ithreaihng the Val d' Elsa pushed forward an advanced guard 
 towards the Lucardo side of Semifonte. One morning before 
 suunse this coq)s appeared before the outwork about two 
 oiosslx)w shots distant from the Porta Di Borgo, and as soon 
 k^ die main body anived carried that post by storm. The 
 subiu-b was tlien promptly attacked in front and Hank, and a 
 s€, -r- lodgment effected close up to the town wall: detach- 
 ments immediately occupied every avenue by which supphes 
 could arrive and thus the investment was completed. In this 
 Nie the belligerent forces remained for some time without 
 jtiirther advantage on either side, but the fame of the enterprise 
 
 * Malavolti, Storia di Siena, Parte ii% Lib. i., p. 5. 
 
158 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [lOOKi. [chip. Till.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 attracted manv volunteers to the besiegers' camp, and caval- 
 cades of squires and knights and nobles, not only from Tuscany 
 hut every piut of Italy, came prancing in as if it -^ere a 
 tournament, to test their prowess in the war. 
 
 Florence however had something besides mere pageantry 
 to occupy her ; she muld but ill afford the expense (»f a pro 
 traded siege ; and being moreover hard pressed by the Ubdl 
 dini in Mugello, urged on her consul either to a decisive blew 
 or an immediate return to the capital. Chiarito Pigli thus 
 pressed dispatched Aldobrandino Cavalcante with a tla«; of 
 truce and honourable conditions to the besieged; but ilu v 
 would not even listen to his terms, and llights of arrows 
 repelled every effort at a parley. An assault «>n the Porta tij 
 Bagnano was repulsed after some hard lighting by showers nf 
 " Verrettoni " * from the tower and the Florentines retirtil 
 with considerable loss but leaving a painful impression on t)>e 
 Semifontines' mind, who felt the necessity of all their exerti. n 
 to defeat these vigorous and indefatigable assailants. 
 
 The people of San Gemignano and other allies 8.^eing the 
 unpromising aspect of affairs began to consult tiieir own 
 safety and offered friendly overtures; these increased the 
 confidence of Pigli who after a second misuccessful attempt ai 
 negotiation endeavt)ured to win the place by treachery. TLe 
 community of San Donato had sent a body of cross-bowmen to 
 the besieged under one of their most accredited citizens calkd 
 Ricevuto di (liovanetto who was especially charged to defenl 
 tlie Lion Tower, and Pigli either from a previous knowled^'e 
 of Ricevuto, or calculating on the weakness of human nature 
 when in contact with self-interest, succeeded in corrupu.j: 
 him by a promise amongst other things of the civic honoui-s 
 and privileges of Florence, with immunity for himself and ail 
 his race in pei-petuity from any public impost in that city. 
 
 ♦ The Verrettone was a small and {>ccu- the Italian cross-bowmen of that ami 
 liarly formed arrow generally used by subsequent ages. 
 
 159 
 
 "JsJ^ri^f "T'' '""°^ '''' ™^'^* ^"-^ ^*- « false 
 re .»ta.ice the Floremines were to enter as if successful : the 
 
 columns accordingly advanced at the appointed hour and 
 
 fixjug .^^.en- ladders in deep sdenee mounted with confiden e 
 
 diopprng of their men on eve^- side. The struggle was 
 nevertheless maintainpri n^fii ^ i i , *^^ 
 
 ludmiamecl until day-break when showers of 
 arrows from the c tadel rpnnk^^ fi.^ j "»cib oi 
 
 c Litduei repulsed them, and veiT soon aftpr ihe^ 
 
 « lement.. He fell by his o^vu fault, but Florence was true 
 .her word; she gave his family all that had been prons^d 
 although no good resulted from the treason; and this c r um 
 ^me has misled some writers into the belief that SenrnTe 
 lell by lutngue and disloyalty*. '""onie 
 
 The consul was still urged either to finish or raise the siecre 
 
 and march to the Mugello ; but equally alive to the di ^eeff 
 
 eing thus baffled and the increa.ing difficulty of a Zited 
 
 ri^t'i'^^r"' "^^^'f^ ''- preparation^ TtS 
 «ere made u. the most open and ostentatious manner m order 
 
 t alarm the Semifontines. and induce their acceptance oTte^s 
 «h.oh for the third time he was about to offer 
 
 paled T^""' ''"'• '"T'' '' ^^'"''•'"^^ immediately dis- 
 patched foui- anziaon to leam their purport; a general as 
 
 W without, any relaxation of the besiegers' preparation, 
 
 bcotto the Setgnior, m his official robes and the " Tocco " 
 »f cap of digmty ; attended by the two consuls the fif.v 
 
 ^^^ t P-'^'r/"---^-. ^escendld Jrol^ 
 IHiace and thus addi'essed the people. 
 
 -Wnltthifi' d'^^ in defence of our sinking countiy would 
 "nn^ with It a posthumous renown, I doubt not most pru- 
 
 '■' 
 
 1 
 
160 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. I I 
 
 ■ CHAP. VIII. J 
 
 " dent and beloved countrymen, that our present misfortune 
 »^ would feel as light as it now weighs heavy on our mind ; for 
 ♦* then with a momentaiy exertion we should be sui'e to gain a 
 ♦' lastinty reward : but at this instant it would savour too mudi 
 *• of pride and folly to choose the worst ('..iirse of the only two 
 '* that are otiered, and thus with infinite damage acipiire 
 «♦ immeasurable shame. I have as you all know past my life 
 " in arms ; and experience has taught me how difterently the 
 '♦ events of war fmish from that which in the beginning thev 
 ** seem to promise : therefore as Heaven and your own free will 
 " have placed me in the office of your chief and that you have 
 '* judged me capable of discharging it ; verily, verily I shoiiUl 
 " fail in my duly were I to conceal that which I know is for 
 " your good. Moved therefore by the sole wish of benetiting 
 '* the Commonwealth I am compelled to ainiounce to you 
 " with feelings which I cannot now restrain, that our 
 *' cause is desperate ; that we have no salvation but in nnnie- 
 '* diate peace with Florence; and that in our i)resent st<ite it is 
 more easy for rash men to assert that they can defend our 
 walls than for the wise and experienced to believe them. 
 ♦* Behold how our enemies are favoured ! Favoured even liv 
 " the ver}' things and circumstances which we hailed as i)re- 
 " cursors of our ovsii good fortune ; and time has reconciled 
 '* them with those in whom we most trusted for assistance ! 
 " Behold the fallacy of our judgment I We foolishly believed 
 ** that in the war's duration was our best chance of safety, and 
 now we find it pregnant \nth unmitigate.l evil! For the 
 Florentines, seeing none move in our favour, have cast aside j 
 all apprehension and act in bold and fearless confidence. 
 " Yonder is San Gemignano ; our nearest neighbour ; a people 
 " in whom we implicitly confided : with a faUd foresight have 
 " they not made peace with Florence in the certainty of oiir 
 " impending ruin, while they are blmd to its being the vigil 
 " of their own destruction ! Our numbers are fearfully ilinu- 
 
 FLOIIENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 i« 
 
 (i 
 
 it 
 
 n 
 
 i( 
 
 (( 
 
 t( 
 
 (> 
 
 161 
 
 nished, the enemy's forces hourlv aucrmentinrr • ^. 
 of victuals and of wa.Me .tores; keX^^^^^Z^X 
 we .ve no chance norhope of asupp,,; our advert.; r^^s' 
 m all the wantonness of luxur>-! In evei-v deed nf 
 
 in every encounter, and can we now exnect m,™T 
 
 " favour-.' Our walls are scarcely teluea d ToT r/" ""^ 
 
 •• from the assault which I fear/and ewct at ^he "' 
 
 " where they have been n,n,t iT i , "^'^ ''P°* 
 
 •>"";" "SOU most severely damamd. There w» 
 
 •■ hT e7 r "'''7' "'"' ''™' -" '- ^e who dil 
 
 he,r defence, for well do I know the condition of a stomed 
 
 town a ,,, ,„^^^ ^^^^,^ ^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^ licentious sowL; ' 
 
 ueatu, tor alas . I have lived too long when I have lived t,> 
 - my county- iu this condition! But my duty dm! 
 
 "IT;™""- "!'■-«' O believe these old vw" 
 
 " he will 1 1 ■'; T" "° '"P"' "" ^''«'^'^^- ™ resource ; and 
 lie will be reputed wise who temporises under evik and 
 
 •Sue m :i;' T""'''" '"'^'""""-- '' ^^ -'re 
 
 Mable m bold and powerful men to Jiazard life for the 
 
 : i.e., ... ,hn, ..h her ^^^^Z?::^ 
 
 ut e^erla tmg mtainy. Let us then send deputies to hear 
 
 r^t o our present advantage; or should these prove too 
 
 men. 11 they be fair and honourable why should we n.f 
 ;-ept Uiem > Wi„ it not be wiser to eel to tt fl ce 
 [ ~stan,.s which we cannot control, and so preset, these 
 all. and this people for more fortunate times'than tot 
 
162 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. H CHAP. Till.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 ** by foolish obstinacy not only our lives and our country but 
 '* all the fame that we have already gained in the world? I 
 " speak thus because thus 1 feel, and tluis I judge, but am rea<lv 
 *' to follow any better council that your prudence may suggest.' 
 With these words the grave and experienced Seignior finished 
 his discourse and Messer Lo Turco began. 
 
 •' If we O Seignors, and most excellent people, had now for 
 " tlie first time to deliberate about renouncing the Florentine 
 " dominion, seeing the immense disparity of force I should 
 ** deem it pure folly to think for a moment of doing so ; l»ut 
 *' knowing that this has been already accomplished, and 
 •* seeing the condition to which we are in consequence reduced ; 
 ** with few words but strong reasons 1 will prove that an 
 *• obstinate defence is not onlv the most etfective means of 
 " safety but of the last necessity, and even that in which our 
 *' present hoi>e almost entirely consists. First you mu^t 
 *' remember that without any provocation we made war on 
 ** Florence, and became her subjects entirely from the conse- 
 " quences of our own turbulence; for by him who was ..ur 
 " legitimate master we were freely given to the Florentines, j 
 ** and with wliat outrage and ignominy did we not drive their 
 ** rector from our walls? Have we not crossed their fn»ntier 
 " with a mailed hand? Have we not made rej^eated iu-| 
 *' roads on their estates? Have wc not with plunder, fire. 
 *' slaughter, and such unpardonable otfences outraged in a 
 "thousand ways their property and honour? How many of 
 ** their subjects who were living in peaceful obedience have ^e 
 *' not excited to tumult and revolt? Are we not allied with 
 *' their bitterest enemies ? And have not these ill-deeds 
 ** brought us, as they will every other people, to the lowest 
 *' depths of misfortune ? And do you really believe ; orl 
 ** rather do our otl'ences seem to you of so light a nature as to| 
 " allow you to believe, that how much soever we may hunil'lel 
 •* ourselves tlie Florentines will ever stoop to pardon ? Do wj 
 
 163 
 
 : '''""^, P^'-'^"" • " th«y offer fair terms it wUl be from 
 necessity not clemency .-and once i„ ti.eir power if Lte3 
 
 •• \VI,P„ *r» ^"JU'ige .— \\ ho to see us righted ?— No 
 
 \ ben trespassers against the powerful have once broken the 
 bounds of pardon they must r-^^tL^v . , ■ 7 . "®" '"^ 
 " arms than plac-e co JLZL ff ^^ *'"" '"'^^ ^^ 
 
 les. tlorentines.-But granted that they pardon us -What 
 
 ineij can ns.-—\\^ iiave to perish either hv 
 
 I "T T "^ '^ ^"^^-^ "^y 'he former with scoi a^d 
 hniamy; by the latter with glory and renown; tlTn" "t 
 "less sweet than ife itself t,% tu^ _ "ungs not 
 
 "and the brave n ''""°"'' S^^erous-minded 
 
 "dke t 27 ' f * '""^'^ '^' °^ «'^"h prepared 
 
 fepised but m both cases it is right to be governed by 
 sound reason and clear judgment. I too a«-ee in the 
 genera opinion that it is of the last imporSre t^ the 
 
 ■ onrder >"' '''^ r ^""''''^ '^ ^p-'% -'I ---f^y 
 
 J se which the flames just kindled m the Casentino and 
 
 Schef'^f r"T' '° ]"'^ '^ ' %aey to themselves. 
 1 2 friend ?fn "'"'' "" *^^ Val-di-Marina with 
 
 meditates a blow that will be our salvation if we only .^pel 
 
 2 1 am sure we shall repel, this menacing assault. More' 
 
 knone or two days the enemy cannot r:main before ou; 
 
 I wails . then why are we to be terrified at the clang of those 
 
 M 2 
 
164 
 
 FI.ORINTINK HISTORY. 
 
 [nooR I. I CHAP, vin.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 165 
 
 *' arms that perhaps may never oiVend us, and tnist to the faith 
 '* of an iniquitous people only to <lestroy our ancient elleri^ll((l 
 ** name ? I have sjx^ken. O Semifontines ! that whi( h I 
 ** believe and intend to maintain : I am ready to die a 
 " thousjuui deaths rather than eontlescend to capitulate; and 
 " I now declare that as long as I l>re;itlie the hn^ath of life I 
 " never will voluntarily n^ee to a surrender, being resolved to 
 *• live and die a freeman." 
 
 These orations were followed on either side hy others with 
 much (htTerence of opini«Mi ; a capitulati(»n was however deter- 
 mined on and deputies were already app<'intrd to hear the 
 enemv's propositions, when the sudden huist of drums aiul 
 trumpets, loud shouts and clash cf arms, broke up the meeting 
 and hurried all o^ in apprehension to their stations. The 
 Florentine genenil intending to stimulate discussion by ap 
 proaehing danger had made a false attack; his cohnnns had I 
 alreadv reached the walls and even placed some ladder-^ when 
 
 * I 
 
 the garrison arrived to re-occupy them. 
 
 The battle now began in eanie>t, for Pigli seizin<]j the I 
 oceasion turned it into a real attack and pressed forward witlij 
 renewed hope and all the advantage of early preparati<»n 
 Vallentre Beniardi had succeeded the traitor liicevuto in the I 
 Lion Tower near which a compact body of Florentine infantn 
 carrying ** ravesi,'' or gi*eat bucklers, locked together above 
 their heads like a tiled roof, had steadily advanced and under 
 this shelter nearly worked their way through the solid mascnrv 
 in despite of all opposition ; when at the very moment tlien 
 thought the entrance practicable fresh showere of anows fell 
 from the citadel while those within plied their speai-s s?| 
 sharply at the breach that the Florentine work was slow andl 
 full dearly purchased. Ever^'thing being commanded by the! 
 ** Cdssero " deadly aim was securely taken from its height | 
 and as the weakest points of defence were retrenched and 
 palisaded the enemy had much to surmount besides the i*aiBj 
 
 parts : the struggle became fierce and the slaughter great on 
 this side of the town wliih. at the Porta al Bagnano and the 
 IH)stern of San Nicholas the Alberti with some Florentine 
 nobles and Vavassours led on the storm with equal ^rallantry 
 for Count Albert had an ancient debt to pay and the^esie^ed 
 expected it. o 
 
 By this time every Florentine column had come up • and 
 [spread themselves along the whole line of walls; they were met 
 j by equal valour, and a long bright band of clashing weapons 
 encircled the ramparts. The citadel was selected by Pigli for 
 his 0^11 : It was a brave choice and valiantly sustained • for 
 I with the boldest of his followers he proved the value of 
 both head and hand in that bloody encounter: here too Aldo- 
 l.randino Cavalcante surpassed all others in prowess, and many 
 another hardy knight displayed his force and spirit but all in 
 v:uQ, for Daniel of Janic«)ne whiried such a storm of missiles 
 from the keep, and with so sure and deadly a flight that n©- 
 thmg could stand under it and live ; and had not the assailants 
 made good their ground elsewhere Pigli, as he afterwards 
 acknowledged w(.uld hax e been compelled to retreat and desist 
 I from the enterprise. 
 
 Meanwhile the storm raged in every quarter; shouts, groans, 
 
 the crash of ladders and the flill of steel-clad men, echoed 
 
 tlirough the streets of Semifonte; the besieged were thinned, 
 
 famt and exhausted, and could no longer defend the weaiy 
 
 circuit of their lines : the enemy kept bringing up fresh forces at 
 
 every moment with louder sliouts and more stirring cheers, until 
 
 the fiiiling strength of the garrison sank mider their gallant 
 
 etlorts ; yet at this very moment, old men, women, and even 
 
 children hished desperately to the fight, and flying parties 
 
 liurried from post to post repulsing new assaults. At last the 
 
 pmparts glittered with hostile lances, the enemy pushed 
 
 Ibravely through the breach; some entered the gateway, 
 
 already dashed to atoms; others hung from the battlements 
 
166 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. I CHIP. VIII.j 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 167 
 
 or strode the walls, aiding their comrades ; or dropped, arms 
 and all, into the devoted town : terror spread wildly and 
 universally ; the people disperse ; they lly to the towers and 
 temples : women and children cling tremMinj? to the altai-s or 
 clasp the sacred cross, or fling themselves shuddering on the 
 pavement ; the clergy issue forth with the holy symbols of 
 their faith and tnisting in the God of all, hnplore the com- 
 passion of their conquerors : sohs, screams, and wailing till tlie 
 air, and ''Mercy! mercy!'' is wildly shrieked and mildly an- 
 swered. Univei-sal Ciiniage was about to begin when the 
 consid was suddenly beheld standing among the prostrate mul- 
 titude : the sight calmed him; humanity conquered; and 
 stifling all anger he allay«'d their terror by the promise of 
 universal pardon : it was doing much to overcome passion in the 
 heat of battle ; more to control a fierce exasperated soldiery in 
 the moment of victor}- ; and Wth of them are honourable t(. the 
 general the militan- discipline, and the manners of an age which 
 we are perhaps too ready to believe was exclusively barbarous. 
 
 The soldiei-s of those early times were however all natives, 
 all citizens ; they were unpaid men and half-paid mihtia ; and 
 all knew the sweets of home and familv atfections : as vet war 
 was not a trade in Italy and everv- man fought, ^vith passion 
 yes ; — but still on principle and witli a natiu-al feeling for his 
 country ; such men were more easily managed than the mer- 
 cenary gladiator of after times. 
 
 Had Semifonte capitulated, Piglis intention was to demand 
 twelve hostages and place a Florentine governor over it : iu 
 the flush of ^^ctory he suddenly determined on the horrors of 
 a storm; but now, moved by compassion, was willing to resume 
 his first design provided that the venerable Messer Scotto 
 were one of the hostages. The indignant though vanquished 
 citizens sternly resisted this, and refusing to give up their 
 ancient magistrate, Pigli with some magnanimity accepted the 
 two consuls in his stead. 
 
 These terms being settled, tlie victor retired, but soon in 
 complete armour reentered at the head of his troops and occupied 
 the market-place ; he then summoned the Lion Tower and 
 Citadel both as yet uninjured ; the former surrendered but 
 the latter steadfastly refused, and still shot so keenly that no 
 street was safe from its missiles, no Florentines could show 
 themselves witii impunity, Cavalcante was sent with a flag 
 of truce but met only opposition, and Chiarito nettled at this 
 unexpected repulse, was about to make a general assault when 
 Alhert Seignior of San Gimignano, and old Scotto of Semi- 
 fonte implored his forbeanuice until they had tried their 
 influence with the stubborn Dainello. This faithful officer 
 obeyed his chief but demanded terms for the garrison which 
 had fulfilled its engagements by resisting to the last. " As 
 " for myself," he added, '' I promised to die in defence of the 
 •' Rocca or only surrender to him from whom I received 
 " it in charge : had it been necessaiy I was ready for the 
 " foi-mer, but have been required only to perform the latter 
 " and thus have redeemed my pledge : and I will serve the 
 " Florentines, or any othei-s that trust me, with equal fidelity 
 " whenever it may please Heaven to send me a master." 
 
 Chiarito struck by his noble conduct replied "A brave 
 " man who is faithful to his trust deserves no blame, but on 
 " the contrary-, praise and admiration even from enemies ; and 
 " added that his gallant conduct should be made known to the 
 " Florentines by whom it was certain to be appreciated." So 
 saying he threw over Dainello's neck a golden chain and medal 
 on which was stamped the Lily of the Florentine RepubHc. 
 
 The citadel was then occupied, strict discipline preserved, 
 and hostages sent to Florence, where public satisfaction ran 
 liigh at this fortunate conclusion of a war that promised results 
 so different, while many citizens immediately repaired to Semi- 
 fonte curious to examine a place of such interest to their 
 country. The articles of capitulation were soon definitively 
 
les 
 
 KLORENTI X E H I STORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. VIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 arnuigod: the citailel ami a certain j^ortioii of tlie nnii|i:iris 
 wen? to W tiomolishod : twonty-six doiiari to Le aiiuually paid 
 for eai^h hearth witli the acrustomod oxivptions of pnosts and 
 soldiers: aiid the inhabitants were not i(> setth: in otlur 
 places : some other stipulations of minor importance, after tlie 
 completion of which Semifonte as part o( tUo ( ontado was to 
 he received mider the pivtection of the senate jnul peojde uf 
 Florence and a reconciliation at the same time etVected with 
 Sjm GimigDaiio*. 
 
 Semifonte after this seems to have repented of its sul.- 
 mission, as a thinl war is indirectly mentioned in l'.>0!i. 
 prol>al)ly again excited hy Siena. There arc in tact distinct 
 indications of existing hostilities at that period, for wv 
 find thiit Hildebrandino da Quercieto on Vteiii;^ r« h a>o«l from 
 captivitY promises not to act against Floren« e in her war with 
 that to¥m or even to reside there: which }»romise lH^in<^ cii- 
 sidered insutJicient he further enpiges with one companion to 
 accom|iany the Florentine army, if retpiirod, to the wiirf. This 
 probably terminated in the entire ruin oi^ Semifonte, jis by a 
 decree supposed to have passed soon alter thi> expedition the 
 people were dis]>ersed. the town ruined, and eveir vestige 
 swept away : the Semifuntiues emigrated to Certaldo, Florence. 
 Sau Gimignano. and other places, and even the veiy name 
 of that commimity no longer exists in the map of Tuscany;. 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib^. i«, p. 66.— G. Pacf da Certaldo (great great grand- 
 
 Villani Lib. v., r. 30.— Pace <k Cer- mii of Messer Scotto) who was tx-rn 
 
 Uldo Guerra di Semifonte. in 1273, about gixtv-four vcars afur 
 
 t S. Ammirato, Lib. i-^, p. 69. the death of his ancestor Scotto ani 
 
 t The hill of Semifonte was Bold in seventy-one after the siege. He was 
 
 1364 to Filippo di Vanni da Petrog- a cotemporary and friend of Giovanni 
 
 nano. from whi.h it derives its ac- Villani as his father had been of 
 
 tual name of Ptfrtx/nono, but now Dante, Gio^-an Boccaccio, and Chelini. 
 
 belongs to the Cappt.ni family. In father of that novelist, and took jrriat 
 
 the seventeenth century there were pains both from tradition and manu- 
 
 •tiU some pilaster* and the ruins of a script history pre8er\ed in his own and 
 
 chapel remaining. The above account other dispersed Seniifontine families to 
 
 of tJke Scmifontine war is uken almost collect materials for his narrative, whi( h 
 
 vliolhr fitna the ancicat chronicle of bears strong maiks of general sinccritv. 
 
 169 
 
 Il.us ended tlio war of S.n.ifonte whose history is offered as 
 uu mu>resting though miinature pictui'e of the rise and fall of 
 nidependenco and inton.al IVo.dom amongst the Italian t/.wns 
 ^^"-1 "'•» ="; m'into.vsting .xan.ph. of the civil and militant 
 manners of tliat age; and country. 
 
 
 Some of his information was extracted 
 from the private records of Scmi- 
 fontine magistrates kept dmiii-r its 
 prosperity and at the {uri...! of its 
 destrnction ; and though he docs not 
 say that he gained anv of his in- 
 formation from tliosc who were actors 
 in the events he relates, his inmicliate 
 informants did. Donato Veliuti in 
 his Chronicle tells us that his great- 
 grandfather Bonaccorso Veliuti who 
 died in 1204 at 120 years of age was 
 one of the emigrants from Semifonte 
 wlien he must liave been at least 28 
 yeai-8 old and therefore capable of 
 giving Pace (born in 1273) a full 
 account of what he saw. It is true 
 that Veliuti died many vcars before 
 Pace wrote or probably* thought of 
 witing, and then only' for a fan.ilv 
 record which became afterwards mucJi 
 damaged and Mas restored and co})ie(l 
 Jy his son Piero in 13,^)0. The 
 Canonico Salvini in his preface to the 
 taronicle of Buonaccorso Pitti (a de- 
 scendant of the Semifontine) while he 
 admits the main facts and names, 
 declares the narnitive of Pace to be 
 'absolutely/ apocryphal,'' without 
 however assigning any specific reason, 
 oni.v " ff€n€7ul researches " which for 
 the sake of brevity he tells us he 
 withholds. " Che qui d trala^ciano 
 
 per ,.yi>;ir,n- Im,r,(zzay This is the 
 ""ly douht that I have seen cast on 
 tlic ami.cnticity of Pace's narrative, 
 which h<.H ever may he highly coloured, 
 as well from the nature of traditional 
 stones a.«, the usual inclination of a 
 fallen peophj to magnifv what they 
 ome were. Donato Veliuti in his 
 Chronicle above mentioned describes 
 Semifonte as "^ vcnf large town 
 W(th f/rcat families, and ra^es, and 
 lumourahk people, and many kniyhts 
 0/ the Gohhn Spur; u-hieh made 
 (jreat war with the city of Florence:' 
 The Chronicle of Pace da Certaldo 
 was first published and without any 
 expression of doubt as to its authen- 
 ticity, hy Doctor Giovanni Targione 
 Tozzetti, a great authority, in his 
 " ^^titggi ;'' and afterwards with an 
 ample and very useful Glossary in 
 1753 from an ancient MS. supposed 
 to be the same copied bv Pace's son 
 Piero. The '^ Annali 'di Simcyne 
 della Tosa'' also speak of both ex- 
 peditions in 1199 and 1202. Several 
 other writers do the same, and the 
 I)ublic documents as well as the in- 
 ternal evidence of Pace's work, which 
 seems to have been intended onlv as 
 a private family record, give it a 
 truthful character that is not easv to 
 obliterate. 
 
iro 
 
 FLDBENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. IX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 in 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1202 TO A.D. I S 1 5. 
 
 A.D. 1202. 
 
 The capture of Semifonte was soon followed l>y peace in the 
 Mugello and the destruction of Cambiato, which left Florence 
 for a while in tranquillity: ht r general success 
 struck forcibly on the neighbouring chiefs and com- 
 munities and altered their treatment of both vassjilsand weaker 
 neighbours ; for in her was always to be found a willing ami 
 powerful liberator, not however so much from sympathy as 
 ambition and national interest. 
 
 Thus Montcpulciano althougli legally pronounced to l)e a 
 Senese dependency, tendered her allegiance to the Florentines 
 and engaged never to acknowledge herself as belonging either 
 to the contiido or diocese of Siena ; to make peace or war at 
 their bidding and exempt them from all tcdls : to offer yearly 
 at the Baptist s shrine a waxen torch of five pounds' weight 
 besides ten silver marks, or fifty pomids of "good Pismi 
 danari." 
 
 The Counts of Capraia confiding in the strength of their 
 castles scorned Florentine power and infested both banks of 
 the Amo ; robbing merchants, ill-treating travellers, and com- 
 mitting numberless outrages on the peasantr\' : Florence, too 
 proud for such bearding, sent an expedition agjiinst Mal- 
 borghetto, a walled town on the left bank of the river 
 opposite to Capraia, with directions if successful to 
 attack the latter; but this being deemed too hazardous and in 
 
 A.D. 1203. 
 
 order to bridle the counts of Capmia, a fortress was erected 
 on the h,ll nnmediately above, under the name of '^ Monte 
 Lupo as nitended to devour the goats of the " Capram " * 
 
 The people of Pistoia having in 1203 taken Monte Murlo 
 from the Counts Gnidi then in alliance wkh Florence that 
 fortress ^as recovered by her assistance; but like the Floren- 
 tmes P,sto.a erected another over against it, which was named 
 Montale and these chiefs perceiving the difficulty of main- 
 taimng their position sold Jlonte Murlo to Florence in 1209 
 
 Between Siena a>:d the latter state from their balanced 
 strength, geographical position, and political oljects, discord 
 was continually engendered: Florence became jealous of 
 b,enas acquisition of Montalcino, and fearing that it would be 
 followed by an attempt on Montepulciano resolved indirectly to 
 foment a war by reviving old disputes about territorial boun- 
 . anes, an, more openly by laying siege to the Castello di 
 rornano winch Siena was bound by treaty to protect. The 
 uter however being secretly bent on the acquisition of 
 Montepulciano was ready to receive any terms that did not 
 interfere ,vith this object, and by refening their territorial 
 claims to the Podesta and consuls of Poggibonsi, who decided 
 against them, the Senese avoided foreign war but kindled 
 such a flame of internal fire that Montepulciano was nearly 
 forgotten in the long and lasting scenes of civil tumult it 
 occasioned f. 
 
 After Mal(K,rghetto-s destruction and the foundation of 
 Jlonte Lupo the lords of Capraia paid more respect 
 to Florence, and towards the end of 1204 resolvin" ^'^' ^'^*- 
 to make their peace deputed Count Guide Borgo^one with 
 the oath of allegiance to that republic. He engaged for him- 
 self and the people of Capraia to pay twenty.si.^ danari 
 annually for each house ; to make peace and war, except 
 
 * " Capraio " means a goatherd. Lib. iv. Parte i» n 49 q a 
 
 t Orian. MaJavoUi. Stfria di Sien.. rato. S.or. S.; Lit. t'-fz.-'"""- 
 
ira 
 
 FLORENTINK HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. IX.] 
 
 FI.nUKNTiNK IflSTORY. 
 
 173 
 
 A.D. 1207. 
 
 agiiinst tho emperor, at the C(»mm;inil o( Vhrt^uco, nnd to 
 resign all their possessions on the Uli l>:mk of the \v\u> iui,» 
 her hamls as a ple(li:'e of tidelitv ; for whith they were to lie 
 supjx^rteil ajjainst even* foe. and Ca[>niia was ikjI to be destrovcd 
 "without their own eonsent. 
 
 The year 1*^01 was reniarkalde at Morenee tor a completr 
 change in the fonn of executive goNtrnimiit tVoiu that of 
 consuls to a Podestu witli verv <\ien>i\e authority; 
 its tendency w;is to si>rt ad far heyond orii^iiuil 
 limit:*, tuid ultimately ahsorh all the aiuient consular jurisdic 
 lion : yet the principle of being governed by a stranger 
 unbijissed by hx^al prejudices and atl'ectioiis wa> theorcticallv 
 good and to a great extent l)encticial in juactice, but it linally 
 concentrated immense powers in the hands (»f a "tingle person 
 which clashing with the equalizing notions of pure ileniocrac y 
 did no ser\ice to freedom ; it accustomed the pe«iple to look 
 up to one supreme hand jis the arbitnitor of all their dispute 
 and the judge v»f ;dl their errors, whether civil criminal ov 
 political : and tlwt hand was armed with aliHO>t unlimited 
 powers wliich were rarely (iue>tioued however despotically 
 exercised. 
 
 The civil, criminal, and military authorities were pei*sonitiod 
 in this hijirh functionary who mi<»ht usually be seen distri 
 buting justice in every part of the city and contado followed Ity 
 a splendid court with assistiint judges in both branches of the 
 law ; or again lea«ling the citizens and aiLxiliaries to war in all 
 the military parade and pomp of majesty. It is tnie that lii^ 
 powers lasted but a year : latterly only half that period ; that 
 he was seldom re-app<jinted and only after long uitervids; that 
 he was forced to stand a severe scrutiny before his departure, 
 forbidden to bring a kinsman with him to the city of his 
 government, rarely even his wife ; that he was interdicted from 
 mixing familiarly \rith the citizens or receiving any attention? 
 from them; but all these precautious annulled neither the 
 
 l>nn.oly charmer nor .l.s,,o,is,„ „f ,l„. .moo : indivi.Iuals 
 . ...ngcd but ,he ,li„ni,v ,, ,„m,„.,l ; ,„„1 in ,1,. turl,„l.nre of 
 I H. ,n,u.v , ,cre w..,-,- s.ili ,l,oso wl,„ ,.fu.rwar,l. lauguinhod for 
 the authority ol oiw. 
 
 The .TOttion of a " r„,,i,„„., ,1.1 l>„,,„l,r fi,s, rMu;\ ih, 
 ,K..st,.s,„m,.r,l,„f,M,s,l„.re will l,e Lcrcaftrr „,or.. ,o snv of 
 .0. . t ...o o«icc« it ,s now only n..,.,.ss,.^ to ohsorvc that a 
 1 0, osta was orea.,..l not nnly l,..,.a„so ,l,e <.„n,„ls La,| l,ccon,o 
 parual m the dKs,ril,utio„ of ,„ ,sonal jnMi.o l.y favouring 
 the party that s„,,p<M„.d their own elction, hut also to 
 rrevent di,s.sens,ons, enn,ities and ,tffer vcnf^.anee on the 
 judge when no longer ),r<,terted l,y official dignity- 
 
 A vigorous and imimrtial execution of ^he law in fact 
 m,u.redmueh energy when ahno.t eveo" sentence in eriminal 
 andpolUK-al ea.es, if great eiti/.ens were involved, made all the 
 anned ioree of goven.ment necessary to give i, life, and ooca- 
 Monal ly earned destruction to the culprits dwelling : the 
 iiulmdu,j8 cause was always espoused I,y his friends and 
 kmdred and the government being itself a factioti was ever 
 either a partisan, or an enen.y to one party or the other; hut 
 tins belongs to later times. 
 
 The first Podesta after this pern.anent revival of that office 
 was Gualfredotto Grasselli of Milan who occupied the epis- 
 wpal palace the old seat of government in Matildas dav for it 
 was long after that any public palace existed. Durin^, ,his 
 mans rule Florence reconciled the Counts Guidi with PistoL. 
 Hud renewed her own ,]uarrel with Siena, because availiua it.elf 
 of the genenxl external tranquillity, and occasional lull,s°i„ its 
 o«T. domestic quarivls, that republic again mnied at the eon- 
 quest of Montepulciano. Florence was bound bv h„„om- 
 mterest, and her own inclination to assist this place, while 
 ^■ena confidnig iu treaties ,ui,l the cot.sequent obligation of 
 Irlorence to aid her iii case of war, had no fears trom that 
 
 * M. del' Stefani, Lib. ii», Rub. 6J, p. "a 
 
174 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [boor I. 
 
 I CHAP. IX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 AD. 1208. 
 
 A.D. 1210. 
 
 quarter; she wtis therefore indignant not only at seeing a 
 Florentine army relieve the besieged, but still more so on 
 hearing that it had suq^rised and defeated her own 
 troops near ^lonte Alto, and destroyed that town. Mutual 
 accusations, open and angry reproaches, and a breach of the 
 treaty of 1-201, confirmed by that of 1*20:3 was the language of 
 both, and Florence next year ravaged the adverse state up to 
 the very walls of its capital. The towns of Rugo- 
 raagno, Piapolano, and many others were ruined, 
 the Senese beaten from the field and forced into an i^mo- 
 minious peace by which both Montepidciano and 
 MontAlcino were acknowledged free and indepen- 
 dent communities under Florentine protection *. 
 
 These successes augured favourably for the new administra- 
 tion and Gualfredotto was re-elected : but success and popula- 
 rity are frequently as dangerous to freedom as to individual 
 character : they are apt to prolong if not perpetuate the autho- 
 rity of one leader by repeated renewals, until power becomes 
 confirmed and misused and the man coiTupted : the people 
 discover when too late that they have lost their due influence 
 and must either quietly submit or by struggles and blood 
 restore the legitimate l)alance. 
 
 The civil contentions in Germany ; the Pope's partiality for 
 Otho of Saxony ; and Philip of Suabia's consequent excommuni- 
 cation which gave Innocent an opportunity of declaring liis 
 election indecorous and scandalous, have already been noticed : 
 yet fortune did not forsake the anathematised Ghibeliue . 
 Otho driven from Cologne in 1*200 took refuge in England 
 while Philip and the Priest in despite of all former curses not 
 only became friends but kinsmen by a marriage between Inno- 
 cent's nephew llicai'do and Philip's daughter, with the Marclie 
 
 ♦ Malespini, cap. c— G. Villani, Lib. 69.— O. Malavolti, Parte i% Lib. iii., 
 v., cap. xxxiii., xxxiv. - Stefani, Rub. p. 45. 
 61, 62. — Amuiiraio, Lib. i", pp. 68, 
 
 175 
 
 of Ancona and Spo leto as a dower*. This was followed by the 
 reconcihataon of Otho and Philip in 1^07, and the marriaae of 
 aj,oU.er aughter to the fonner who was forthwith elected C 
 
 caicel> had Phihp begun to enjoy some tranquillity when he 
 fell beneath the dagger of Otho Count Paletine in revenue f r 
 some private mjuiy and was succeeded in J^^OS by O^o of 
 Saxony whose recent marriage gave him some ri^ht Tthe 
 herediuiiy estates of his father-m-Iaw; and by afonrit 
 nouncn.g all clann to Saxony and Bavaria, of wlLh h s IthTr 
 bad been depnved by Barbarossa, he secured the friendship of 
 Jo. w^actually possessed .hem. A second electi^ltf S^J 
 the Lomaiis and of (lormany was deemed necessary I 
 alhance with Pope Innocent followed, much being moZi;ed 
 as was usual w th the Gprnv.,i r.« • . piomisea, 
 
 rial crown f. ^'^''"''' '" ^''"™ ^'' '^^ ™Pe- 
 
 Te.. yeai-s of civil war were thus ended, during which the 
 
 lenaiged tlea domnnons : those of the Guelphic faction be- 
 
 I rl'ed' tT T' f r ™^" '™°' ''" -P-- ^^-""^'^ 
 a frilndt n .^ r^ ""' """"' '" ''''^'■' 1»« '^rown from 
 
 of sii :.ttiS ^--« -- 
 
 loiij in oeiievmg that the political sentiments of the 
 
 ncems of the emperor, and these were ever at variance with 
 
 he chm-ch and Guelph.c republics:. Xo lastin. frie.KlIp 
 
 codd reasonably be expected because the permLentu tn 
 
 of pnncples so utterly conflicting as royalty and democracy i^ 
 
 I sustain this feelmg both as a moral barrier against the C«sa,^ 
 
in 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. IX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 175 
 
 A.D. 1208. 
 
 A.D. 1210. 
 
 quarter; she was therefore indignant not only at seeing a 
 Florentine army relieve the besieged, but still more so on 
 hearing that it had surjirised and defeated her own 
 troops near Monte Alto, and destroyed that town. Mutual 
 accusations, open and angr\^ reproaches, and a breach of the 
 treaty of 1*201, confirmed by that of 1'203 was the lan^i^iage of 
 both, and Florence next year ravaged the adverse state up to 
 the very walls of its capiud. The towns of Rugo- 
 magno, llapolano, and many others were ruined, 
 the Senese beaten from the field and forced into an igno- 
 minious peace by which both Montepulciano and 
 ^loutalcino were acknowledged free and indepen- 
 dent communities under Florentine protection *. 
 
 These successes augured favourably for tlie new administra- 
 tion and Gualfredotto was re-elected : but success and popula- 
 rity are frequently as dangerous to freedom as to individual 
 character : they are apt to prolong if not perjietuate the autho- 
 rity of one leader by repeated renewals, until power becomes 
 confirmed and misused and the man coiTupted : the people 
 discover when too late that thev have lost their due intluence 
 and must either quietly submit or by struggles and blood 
 restore the legitimate balance. 
 
 The civil contentions in Germany ; the Pope s partiality for 
 Otho of Saxony : and Philip of Suabia's consequent excommuni- 
 cation which gave Innocent an opportunity of declarinj^ lii^ 
 election indecorous and scandalous, have already been noticed : 
 yet fortune did not forsake the anathematised Ghibeliue : 
 Otho driven from Cologne in 1*200 took refuge in England 
 while Philip and the Priest in despite of all former curses not 
 only became friends but kinsmen by a marriage between Inno- 
 cent's nephew Kicai'do and Philip's daughter, with the Marelie 
 
 ♦ Malespini, cap. c. — G. Villani, Lib. 69.-— O. Mala vol ti, Parte i', lib. iii., 
 v., cap. xxxiii., xxxiv. - Stefan i. Rub. p. 45. 
 61, 62. — Ammirato, Lib. i**, pp. 68, 
 
 of Ancona and Spo eto as a dower *. This was followed by the 
 reconchauon of Otho and Philip i„ i^OT. a^d the maml of 
 a.oU.er aughter to the fonner who was forthwith electeTl „g 
 
 caicely had 1 h.hp begun to enjoy some tranquillity when he 
 fell beneath the dagger of Otho Count Paletine in revenue fo 
 some pnvate mju.^- and was succeeded in J->0.. by oX of 
 Saxony whose recent marriage gave him some ri.Jtto the 
 hered.tao' estates of his father-m-law ; and by afon^ t 
 nounon.g all clann to Saxony and Bavaria, of wWoh his LTr 
 -1 been depnve.l by Barbarossa, he secured the friendship oJ 
 
 use who actually possessed them. A second election as W 
 
 ol the liomans and of (ipmvuiTr t.oo i i ^ 
 
 n- . . vitimany was deemed necessqrv- on 
 
 alliance with Pone Imi.u-Pnt f.n i , . "^^^^^^^ary, an 
 
 as was usual wi h the Gem n , l'" ' ""'' """'/ P^"""^^^' 
 rial crown f. '"'"''• '" '''""^ ^°' '^' '"'P^- 
 
 Ten yea.-s of civil war were thus ended, during which the 
 tahan states confirme.l their own independence a^d generd y 
 
 LeS.frr T' "•"' ■""^•'> ^'•"'^ - -"P-- 'Attached 
 
 fri ^^d. nr ,""' ""' '''"" *" '•^-'^ '■- -o-n from 
 f ndly onflf: they were deceived, and soon became aware 
 
 of their folly m behev,ng that the political sentiments of the 
 
 ncems of the emperor, and those were ever at variance with 
 
 idd .easonably be expected because the permLent union 
 
 of pnncples so utterly conlhcting as rovalty , „d democmcj iS 
 
 1-posterous, The Italiat. republns were.Uus ofLv" me" 
 
 ~ w,th t eir liberi, and it was the papal inteVesf^ 
 
 ^u,Um th.s fcehng both as a nioral barrier against the C«sars 
 
176 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOKY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. IX. J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 and a physical support of the church. It consequently became 
 impossible for any pope ami emperor long to remain on friendly 
 terms even though they had no other causes of discord ; and 
 from the moment of Otho's arrival in Italy he was as much 
 beset by Ghibeline nobles and deputies exclusively attached to 
 the imperial cause as by men of the opposite party. 
 
 After engaging to fultil all the jwpe's demands by promises 
 which cost little and gained much, Otho purchased his lioman 
 coronation in 1*209. It was almost immediately followed by 
 an affrav between the two nations in which rbven lumdred 
 Germans are said to have fallen ; this was the hrst check 
 to their amicable intercourse : the breach became wider l»v 
 Otho's subsequent refusal to relimiuisli tlie inlieritiince of 
 Countess Matilda with other royalties wliich tlie clmroh perti- 
 naciously claimed and which the empeim-- oiisily admitted liut 
 steadily withheld. They separated with a mutual detenninii- 
 tion to cede nothing; dispute sonn liindleJ into anger; anger 
 into open war and excoranmnioation ; and Otlio's subsequent 
 loss of the imperial throne comjileted the disaster. 
 
 Such was ecclesiastical power in those days when worked l.v 
 a skilful hand and a pliant conscience ; a conscience that coiiKl 
 hold out excommunication as a rampart, a screen behinl 
 which all the base and evil pitssions might promiscuuusly 
 associate with the more devout and nobler sentiments "1 
 our nature. 
 
 Both exerted themselves to make friends and partisans in 
 Italy, Otho at first looking for supjwrt from the Ghibelim^ 
 as natural Iwni imperialists while Innocent confided primi- 
 pally in the Ouelphic league of Tuscany whii'h answered but 
 faintly to his call : his great trust was in the young king Frede- 
 ric of Sicily whose guardianship he ha<l accepted with the sole 
 view of strengthening the church and keeping a prince in hi* 
 hands that could be effectually opposed to imperial power. 
 more especially with a prospect of gaining over all the Ghibe- 
 
 177 
 
 Imes to the cause of their own natural chieftain. Completing 
 a long contemplated marriage between his yomig wafd 3 
 Constance of Aragon whose fathers friendship' he t'hursecuS 
 together wath the countenance of Philip Augustus aL Zy 
 German pnnces; he resolved to have Fred:ric elected Z 
 
 an^irbwTf "' """ '^'"'^ ^*'" '"'' - «-« - striking 
 an early blow at his yomrg nvals dominions and in 1210 car 
 ned war mto the Sicilian provinces. ' ~ ' >^ car 
 
 After considerable progi-ess he was called away by fresh 
 troub es m Germany where an anathema published by SiSd 
 .^chbishop of Mentz declared that he had forfeited the im^e 
 na throne: many princes thus loosed from their allege 
 ^d corrupted by mUp Augustus immediately renored 
 •ho s authonty and leagued against him, so that he was fled 
 -nto a hasty evacuation of all the Italian provinces 
 •md suddeidy plunged into a war where, besides many *•"• ''"• 
 other enemies, he found the last and most formidable in the 
 youthful king of Sicily *. 
 
 Guelphs and Ghibeliues had now changed sides the 
 
 fonner becommg under a Guelphic emperor the supportei. oJ 
 
 i^^penal prerogative while the latter were appareSy meta 
 
 m^Thosed into ecclesiastical champions: theL nuLZ 
 
 _^me mto general use in consequence of those of •'church" 
 
 ivTr 7' '''^''' ''"'■ ''''''^ ■' - t" ^P-k more 
 
 e rf'enet % ' '"'" '"" '"""'' '* ""-anient to make 
 
 ZJTu T ;' ''''"' ^ 'n^t^-^e^ts to work on the 
 
 errors of his former fnends and ruin their chief, his real and 
 
 E„?l '■ T^ ""' "^'J"'* "'''' accomplished the current of 
 ■action resumed its ancient channel f. 
 
 Lib't't!; T^J"-^"", '''"^■"' "»'-^Vi.ed6Papi,p.299.-Messia 
 ».i»,p.79: ■^- '^"""'^'°' I.'""^!' i-I«r.,%.%21.-Deni„a: 
 
 + ;-.H. Annali, Anno ,209.- Sil^itVd.'-U.f^X.r' ■■• ^'•^^ 
 
 N 
 
178 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. ■ CHAP. IX.] 
 
 In despite of some hesitatiou at tliis foniiidiible enterprise, 
 and more wavering on seeing the tears of his yomig and 
 l>eautiful bride, Frederic urged by rhilij) Augustus and the 
 Gliibehnes set forward at eighteen or twenty years of age (ui 
 the hazardous enteq)rise of dethroning a veteran emperor (.1 
 Genuany. Proceeding to Rome for the Pontitr's benediction \u< 
 somewhat prematui-e and ambitious request for an immediuti 
 coronation was cUscreetly refused : Innocent was too waiT to K t 
 slip such patronage without a soHd exchange and wisely hastened 
 Frederic s departure for Genoa with his own k-gate and four 
 galleys ; but tmy further progress wtis arrested by the Lombard 
 Guelphs who were all hi aims and ready to prevent his passage 
 
 After three mouths sj^ent in preparations and vain attemjiis 
 to proceed he tinally arrived at Pavia, where the difficulties 
 opposed to his safely reaching CreuK.na seemed more than 
 doubled as l>oth ^lilan and Placentia were ajjainst him: bv the 
 Marquis of Este's aid he however succeeded in reacliing Coire 
 in the Grisons where meeting some Gemian adherents aiid 
 pushing rapidly on by Constance he arrived after much peril 
 at Ai\ la Chapelle and was immediately acknowledged il' 
 not crowned as kuig of the Ptomans and Germany. Otho 
 meanwhile had been forced to turn his arms against Philip 
 of Fi-ance by whom he was defeated with immense loss 
 A.D. 1214. ^^ l^ouvines near Tom*nay m July 1'214, and never 
 after recovered the ascendant : Imgering on in ob- 
 scurity until 1-21^ he expired at the castle of Hartzburg iil\er 
 receiving tiirdy absolution by the indulgence of a papal 
 sanction f . 
 
 Frederic was crowned king of Genuany by Siffred in I'^IJ. 
 and at the pope's command assumed the cross with a promise 
 to make war in Palestine : this wily pontiff was in no hmry to 
 
 * Giannone, Lib. xv., p. 254. — Mcssia, Vite Dedi Imperatori. p. 
 
 t Muratori, Anni 1212, 1213, 1214, 423.— Platiua, Vite de'Papi. 
 1218.— Sismondi, vol. ii., pp. 58, 601. 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 179 
 
 confirm the impenal title by a coronation ; on the contrary, he 
 distnisted fortune and while Otho lived it was vainly demanded 
 y P rederic for whose young and sprouting ambition the Ho y 
 Land was deemed to be a better and safer nurseiy. So jealous 
 mdeed was nnocent of imperial power even when wielded by 
 us own fosterchild, '« The Priests' King " as he was scorn 
 fully termed by Otho ; that he insisted on that prince's mi 
 son bemg proclaimed monarch of Sicily in order L weaken the 
 athers haiids; and Frederic was not only forced to abdicate in 
 his favour but moreover engaged to rehnquish the administra- 
 ton of Sicily Pope Innocent whenever he should receive 
 the imperial title. <=i-cjyc 
 
 The pope in fact might now have asked anything of Fre- 
 dene who still fearful of Otho was mueh more ready t^ promise 
 than afterwards willing to perfoinn; and except as a 
 reiterated assertion of claims wliich the church was ''•''• '^"• 
 determmed never to give up and the emperors never t« gi^nt • 
 this repeated exacdon of empty promises seems as absurd as i^ 
 was for a long time useless*. Nor does Frederic appear to 
 have been more faithful to his word in Germany if Italian his- 
 tornns are correct in their statements ; for on the death of 
 Otiio he humbled the German bmnch of Este by depriving his 
 brother Heniy of the Palatinate in despite of a prevL, alee- 
 ment to the contraiy, which he observed only whUe appre- 
 hensive of the deceased emperor: by this act the Guelphs of 
 Germany were left in possession of Brunswick alone which 
 
 tney stUl retam, with the important addition of the British- 
 
 Itmpiref. 
 
 Innocent III. died in 1316 after eighteen years and a half 
 ot successful enteiTrise : eager for a Holy War and depending 
 pnncipally on the Pisans and Genoese for shipping, he was in 
 
 \<^ way to reconcUe those states when death overtook him at 
 
 I «mgia. 
 
 • Muratori, Annali, Anno I-2I.5. f Muratori, Annali, Anno 1218. 
 
 N 2 
 
180 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 TboOK I. ■ CHAP. IX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 isi 
 
 Pope Innocent III. may be called the estaUisher of tem- 
 poral ecclesiastical sovereignty at the imperial cost : he was out 
 of the ablest and most glorious of pontiffs, a great politician 
 and a great jurisconsult, with much skill in the spiritual 
 management of Christendom : he governed Sicily at \\\\\ , 
 Rome l>owed to a senator devoted to him, and all the neigh- 
 bouring cities acknowledged his power : he had a strong follow- 
 ing in the Guelpliic states of northern and centml Italy, and 
 the Miirch of Ancona; which might be considered his donutiwi 
 to the house of Este; after the death of Azzo VI. in IMI,' 
 was almost ready to become one of his vassiils'?*. 
 
 For such exploits the Holy See remains his debtor, l.iit 
 " undefded religion " and humanity must ever condemn such 
 an institution as the Inquisition established in 1 '^OO ; an in- 
 stitution, says Gibbon with well dire( tt d liitteniess, "more 
 adapted to confinn than refute the existence of the evil prin- 
 ciple of the Paidicians the belief in wliich it was principally 
 intended to destroy f. Nor does he desene less execration for 
 his crusades agtunst the Pagans of Livonia and the simple uu- 
 offending Albigeois ; or his employment of tlie sanguinaiy and 
 fanatical, but sincere and audacious Saint Dominic, whom as 
 well as the more rational Saint Franci>, lie bound finnly to the 
 church by a pretended \ision of then- being chosen as its pecu- 
 liar champions J. 
 
 As the Albigeois or Paulicians under the name of ''Pateriui" 
 appear for a moment in Florentine historj' it will not bo iiie- 
 levant to offer a short account of a sect so unmei-cifully per- 
 secuted both in Asia and Europe by that implacable bigotrt 
 which, curtained in false Christianity, so raved and dreamed of | 
 blood. 
 
 ** In the profession of Christianity," says Gibbon, "thf| 
 
 *Muratori, Annali, Anno 1216. Grepor}- IX. in 1233. 
 
 f The Tribunal of the Inquisition J Sismondi, vol. ii., p. 67. 
 was a subsequent improvement by 
 
 vanety of national character may be clearly distinguished : the 
 natives of Syria and Egypt abandoned their lives to lazy and 
 contemplative devotion : the wit of the lively and loquacious 
 (Greeks was consumed in disputes of metaphysical theology, 
 whde Rome again aspired to the dominion of the worid." 
 
 But, according to the same author, from the beginning of the 
 eighth century to the last ages of the Byzantine Empire the 
 sound of theological controversy was never heard ; all oppo- 
 sition had ceased, and the Eastern church reposed in peaceful 
 slumbers. Nevertheless about the middle of the seventh cen- 
 tury a branch of the Manicha^ans, a sect that endeavoured to 
 reconcUe the doctrines of Christ and Zoroaster and was con- 
 dermied by both religions, became the great oljject of persecu- 
 tion m the East and ultimately led to the reformation of the 
 Western world. 
 
 Constantine Sylvanus an o])scure individual in the neigh- 
 bom-hood of Samosata in Syria received a copy of the New 
 Testament from a deacon who returning from captivity about 
 the year GOO was hospitably entertained at his house. This 
 gift became his only study and the epistles of Saint Paul his 
 peculiar recreation : the names of that apostle's disciples were 
 assumed by Constantine and his companions and the appella- 
 tions of the primitive churches were revived amongst the 
 congregations they estalilislied in Armenia and Cappadocia. 
 From their favourite saint it is supposed that they took the 
 name of '' Paulicians^ but they employed themselves in the 
 investigation of Christianity at its source with a degree of 
 success that will be variously appreciated by the different 
 persuasions that spring from our Saviour s pure and simple 
 morality. 
 
 They acknowledged two creative principles in the universe, 
 an evil and a good ; the former of the visible, the latter of the 
 mvisible worid : visions, (so rife in that age) were utterly con- 
 demned by Constantine along with most other Manich^an 
 
182 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. IX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 183 
 
 opiuions; and he justly complained that the followers of 
 Christ and Paul should be branded with sucli an epithet as 
 " Manichaanism.^' 
 
 Eternity of spirit and matter was part of their creed, and a 
 strong line of demarcation was draN\-n between the Old and 
 New Testaments ; the former being by them attributed to the 
 principle of evil, the latter to the spirit of beneficence : they 
 could not reconcile the crimes namUed in the fii-st or the 
 epithets of a '* jealous;' ** venfjefui;' •' terrible" God, with the 
 pure mild forgivmg, exalted idciis and feelings taught by the 
 last, of his benevolence, his justice, and perfection ; and they 
 accordmgly hated it as the invention of demons. 
 
 Images, pictures, relics, and the mediation of saints were 
 alike excluded from their iliith the only rule of which tliev 
 asserted to be the simple expressions of gospel. 
 
 Believing in the rationdity of the Christian dispensation 
 they fearlessly applied the divine faculty of reason to the 
 study of scripture while allegory was occasionally brought to 
 the aid of exposition and implicit belief 
 
 They admitted the spiritual advent of Christ but denied his 
 incarnation ; the crucifixion was to them an unreal represen- 
 tation to deceive the Jews ; the mother of Christ but a simple 
 woman ; and men were angels fallen from pristine gloiy who 
 would in due time resume their former dignity. 
 
 The zealous labours of Constantino produced corresponding 
 effects; his disciples were recruited from the remnants of 
 Gnostic heresy, from the Manichaeans, the Catholics, and the 
 followers of Zoroaster in Cappadocia and Pontus, but had no 
 other distinction than their simple scriptural names or tliat of 
 '* Fellow Pilgrims ;" no gradation of rank was then thought 
 ol, and the fervour of honest zeal and a sincere austerity 
 their most coveted distinction. 
 
 Constantino fell a martyr to Greek persecution and was 
 stoned to death by a weak disciple as the price of his o\s\\ 
 
 pardon when his companions turned shuddering from the 
 deed : as persecution continued tlieir numbers increased, and 
 in one short reign it is said that a hundred thousand were 
 sacrificed to the idol of intolerance. 
 
 In the ninth century, from 445 to 480, being driven to 
 desperation they revolted in Armenia and the neighbouring 
 prorinces, and joining the Saracens united the Koran the 
 Scripture and the sword, making long and bloody wars on 
 the Byzantine princes. The Pnulicians of Thrace a colony 
 from those of Armenia successfully repelled persecution, 
 assisted their less fortunate brethren and gained many pro- 
 selytes even amongst the savage Bulgarians. 
 
 In the tenth centuiy, favoured by the Emperor Zimices who 
 was pleased with their braver5^ they still flourished ; Alexius 
 Comnenus endeavoured to recover them and for a while 
 succeeded, but they deserted his standard in the Norman war 
 and relapsed into their former heresy. In the thirteenth 
 centuiy their primates residence was on the confines of 
 Croatia Bulgcuia and Dalmatia and the congregations of France 
 and Italy were governed by his deputies: the Bulgarians 
 when first moved by trade, carried the Pauhcian doctrines 
 along the valley of the Danube and into the heart of Bohemia 
 where they sowed good seed for WicklifF, Huss, and Jerome of 
 Prague. The Armenian Pauliriaiis availing themselves of the 
 various caliphs' tolerance of all Cliristian sects carried their 
 opinions with their connnerce into Africa, Spain, and finally 
 into Languedoc, a neighbouring province to Moorish Iberia, 
 where Raymond Count of Toulouse gave them shelter in and 
 about Albi. 
 
 From this centre the doctrines of the Albigeois spread 
 rapidly wherever the Proven9al language was spoken or under- 
 stood, from Catalonia even to the plains of Lombardy. In Italy 
 where they met, both from west and east, they were principally 
 distinguished by the name of '' Paterini'' or sufferers, an 
 
1S4 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. IX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 appropriate temi, and Lecame extremely numerous ; for tlip 
 civic spirit of free cities seems to have been geiienilly un- 
 favouraMe to persecution, which in the twelfth eentui y had iK.t 
 properly begiui. 
 
 At Milan where they appeared about 11 7(» they were known 
 by the various denominations of *- Catari,' '* CreilcHtiT " Gu:- 
 zari " and " Concorrenti " and though still unpersecuted were 
 fiercely preached against by tlie Archbishop Galdino and his 
 clerg\'*. 
 
 The trade and policy of Venice too opened another door for 
 the entrance of these sectaries, and their doctrines wire 
 silently propagated even in the midst of Home which thej 
 hated for its idolatry' and intolerance. 
 
 They were now connected by a certain form of episcopal and 
 presbyterian government and had various shades of belief 
 amongst themselves while all agreed in denying that the real 
 body of Christ was on the cross and in the Eucharist. Their 
 worsliip was simple and their manners iiarmless ; but from 
 the first they seem to have been doomed to suffering, and the 
 blood that Howed in France rose, like the fabled waters of 
 Arethusa, from an eastern source. 
 
 In Italy they were comparatively unharmed ; but in Lan 
 guedoc under the auspices uf Innocent III. and his instniment 
 the fierce and implacalde Dominic their assemblies disajv 
 peared, their disciples fled, and streams of blood and mangled 
 bodies filled their temples, to vindicate the i)ontifrs pm-e and 
 exclusive Christianity. Yet their spirit was not crushed, it 
 breathed secretly but unspent, and while it emitted bright but 
 untimely sparks in Wickliff, Huss, and Jerome of Prague, it 
 was silently preparing the way for a Zuinglius a Calvin and a 
 Luther f . 
 
 185 
 
 ,(•1 
 
 * Vin. Borghini, Discor., Parte ii'», p. vol. ii., c. xiv.—Muratori, Arm., v 
 557.— Muratori, Annali, Anno 1 176. xvii., p. 75, and vol. xviiL, pp, 13, 34, 
 "f Gibbon, vol v., c. liv. — Sismondi, (8vo ed). 
 
 The Patenm are supposed to have found their way into 
 Italy in the e eventh centu.7 and to Florence in the twelfth • 
 there about the year 1212, a certain Filippo Patemon was 
 
 citifens*. '''' ""' " """"'"" ^""""'"8 °^ P°'«rf«l 
 Their custom was to discourse much and frequently at their 
 meetmgs both n.en and women; and after the prea^hinR all 
 prostrated themselvos before the bishop who placed his hands 
 successive y on each : this ceremony was called the " Con- 
 sdauon from winch was probably derived their appellation of 
 co,.olaU Then- hierarchy consisted of four orders, 
 namely, the bishop; the - elder son.-" the "younger son ■" 
 and the deu^'on. who succeeded by the imposition of hands 
 Ihey increased so rapidly that Giov,mni di Velletri bishop of 
 Florence took son>e steps to check their progress aided by 
 local, imperml, and ecclesiastical law, and above all by the 
 zeal ol Dominican and Franciscan monks who with all the 
 vigour and enthusiasm of young votaries soon began to distin- 
 guish themselves in the oxti.pation of heresv ; the former 
 by preac ling and inquisitorial persecution ; "the latter also 
 by preaching, but generally united to a more Christian-like 
 example of gentleness poverty and humility. 
 
 Giovanni da Salerno prior of Santa Maria Novella and two 
 other Dominicans were the greatest obstacles to the propa<»a- 
 t.on of new religious creels in Florence until the advent°of 
 their great Achilles the Fra Tietro da Verona, but better 
 known as " &,» I'ien, Martin- " about the vear 1244 His 
 uolent and overbearing eloquence rolling from the pulpit of 
 hanta Maria Novella inllamed orthodox zeal as much as it 
 imtated heretical sensibility ; a band of defenders rallied 
 about the preacher and a militaiy order was self-created for his 
 protection. Amongst these was the chronicler Donate Vellutis 
 ancestor already mentioned, a man of great prowess and skill 
 
 • Simone dclla Tosa, Annali, p. 128. 
 
186 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. IX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 187 
 
 ill arms who lived one hundred and twenty yeai-s and wns 
 much tlistinguished in the religious conflicts that ensued ^s 
 
 The militiiry attitude taken bv this ecclesiastical champion 
 and his monastic followers produced a similar effect on the 
 Paterini who thus driven to extremities openly defied the 
 church and dared its preachers: squabbles soon commenced, 
 occasional affravs and tumults succeeded, and then pitched 
 battles in the streets of Florence again awakened the echfls of 
 her towers and temples. The tall dark form of Pietro, younit 
 ardent and robust, was seen grasping a red-cross banner and 
 with all the spirit of eloquence leading his mad cmsadeis 
 into Idood. Two great battles took place, and in l)Oth the Pa- 
 terini were defeated : both spots are still marked by columns ; 
 one at the Croce al TrMio, the other at Santa Felicita. 
 and the saints standard is yet presened and even occasion- 
 ally displayed to refresh the faith of a devout and admiring 
 public +. After these two defeats the Paterini gradually 
 
 fast a distincc equal to 3 or 4 mile?, 
 
 then eat little less than two loaves: 
 
 asain an enormous dinner, and thus 
 
 past his latter days. It was at tliat 
 
 time the custom to go frequently to 
 
 the "Stufa"" or public warm, and 
 
 probably vapour baths of Florence. 
 
 for woollen alone was worn as un»Ur 
 
 clothinir : in one of these %'isit8 Cor^o 
 
 scalded his foot and died, for want of 
 
 his usual exercise, at the age of 1-0 
 
 after blessing his children and grand- 
 
 children as he siit in his chair wlure 
 
 he had caused himself to be plaad 
 
 for the puqwise; amongst the latttr 
 
 was the father of Donato who relates 
 
 the story. This femily of Velhiti 
 
 emigrated from Semifonte,atthe siege 
 
 of which in 1202, Corso must have 
 
 been 28 years old and therefore could 
 
 have given much information about 
 
 that republic. — (Cronaca di D(ma\f> 
 
 reWu//, pp. 2,4, 31). 
 
 t When these battles were finished 
 
 * There is an interesting account of 
 this Florentine, or rather Semifontine 
 Nestor in the Chronicle of his de- 
 scendant, who describes Corso VcUuti 
 as a man of great stature and robust 
 make, with a fine complexion and a skin 
 seamed in every part with the scars of 
 wounds ; who even near his death was so 
 firm of muscle that none could pinch his 
 flesh while he could make any young 
 man cringe under the powerful pres- 
 sure of his arm. Blind for the last 
 twenty years of his life he was accus- 
 tomed to take daily exercise in an open 
 corridor that extended the whole length 
 of his house situated in what is now 
 the •* Via Mofjgio " and upon which 
 his three chambers opened : this was 
 the first house built upon that spot, 
 then called " Ccusalina " from a 
 single house which stood there amongst 
 the gardens ; afterwards " Via Mag- 
 giore^" and now " Magfjio." Here 
 old Corso used to walk before break- 
 
 diminished and were little heard of in Florence beyond the 
 middle of the thirteenth centuiy, but the Veronese monk who 
 was murdered in Lombardy about the year 1252 is said to owe 
 the honours of martyrdom to the vengeance of these fugitives* 
 We have already seen that the spirit of poHtical as well as 
 religious party began to rise as early as 1177, and excepting 
 some short intervals of uneasy repose, remained in a state of 
 violence until 1 1 82. From this epoch there are no accounts of 
 actual war within the city until 1215 : but nearly five years 
 of hard fighting between two great factions of undiminished 
 force was unhkely to be followed by a dead calm except from 
 exhaustion ; or by any oblivion of injuiy in an age and country 
 where revenge was a duty, not a crime. 
 
 The great power and independence of the newly created 
 Podesta together with extenial hostilities, probably assisted in 
 maintaining peace in a city that prided itself on being founded 
 under the protection and ascendant of Mars, and therefore 
 doomed by fate to everlasting troubles. Hence Roccuzzo de' 
 Mozzi IS made by Dante to say, 
 
 " lo fui della citta, che nel Batista 
 
 Cangio '1 primo Padrone, onde ci per questo 
 Sempre con Y arte sua la fara tristiv f." 
 
 and tranquillity restored, tlie crusaders 
 or captains of the Bigallo, or of Santa 
 ^«na, turned their enthusiasm to the 
 then useful and humane purpose of 
 founding hospitals for piljrrims. The 
 Bigallo five miles east of Florence was 
 the first, and the beautiful building 
 »f that name in Florence which was 
 originally the Knight's Guard House, 
 afterwards an oratory of Sjinta iAIaria 
 and their ordinary residence, in the 
 days of Cosimo I. became a refuge for 
 abandoned children and orphans who 
 were educated until fit for service and 
 then sent to the fields as agricultural 
 labourers or servants, «&c. The Fresco 
 paintings still visible on the walls are 
 
 by Taddeo Gaddi and represent San 
 Piero Marti re presenting the red-cross 
 banner to twelve distinguished citizens 
 whose dress and shield bear the same 
 device. The columns above mentioned 
 can scarcely be said to have been 
 erected in commemoration of these 
 vietoncs although they mark the 
 locality: that of Croce al Trebbio 
 passes for the work of Giovanni Pisano. 
 ( Vide Osservatore FiorentinOjXol. iii., 
 p. 191, who cites the Chronicle of 
 Saint Antonio bishop of Florence). 
 
 * Muratori, Annali, Anno 1252 
 
 Cronaca di Donato Velluti, p. 31. 
 
 Osservatore Fiorentino, vol. i., p. 96; 
 vol. iii., p. 1 88. t Inferno, Canto xiii! 
 
1S6 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. IX.] 
 
 ill arms who lived one lumdrotl and twenty years and wns 
 mueli distinguished in the religimus conllicts that ensued*. 
 
 The militjiry altitude taken hy this ecclesiastical chanipi.tn 
 and his monastic followers produced a similar effect on tho 
 Paterini who thus driven to extremities openly delied the 
 church and dared its preachei-s : sipiahhles soon commenced, 
 occasional jiffrays and tumults succeeded, and then pitched 
 battles in the streets of Florence again awakened the edms of 
 her Umers and temples. The tall dark form of Tietro, yoimu 
 ardent and robust, was seen gi*asping a red-cross Vnumer and 
 with all the spirit of eloquence leading his mad cmsader^ 
 into blood. Two great battles took place, and in l»oth the Pa- 
 terini were defeated : both si>ots are still marked by columns ; 
 one at the Crave a! TrMio, thf* otlier at Santa Felicitn. 
 and the saint's standard is yet pit ^( rvcd and even occasion- 
 ally displayed to refresh the faith of a devout and admirin-t 
 public f. After these two defeats the Paterini gradually 
 
 fast a «list.incc equal to 3 or 4 mile*, 
 then cat little les^s than two loaves; 
 .iCTin an enorinous dinner, and thus 
 past his latter days. It was at that 
 time the custom to go frequently to 
 the " Sfnfa " or public warm, and 
 probably vapour baths of Florence, 
 for woollen alone was worn as under 
 clothinff : in one of these \nsits Corso 
 scalded his foot and died, for want of 
 his usual exercise, at the age of 1-0 
 after blessing his children and graml- 
 children as he Siit in his chair win re 
 he had caused himself to be plaixd 
 for the purpose; amongst the latter 
 was the father of Donato who relates 
 the story. This family of Vclluti 
 emigrated from Semifonte,atthe siege 
 of which in 1202, Corso must have 
 been 28 years old and therefore coul'l 
 have given much information about 
 that republic. — {Cronaca di Donato 
 re//u</, pp. 2,4,31). 
 •f" When these battles were finished 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 187 
 
 * There is .in interesting account of 
 this Florentine, or rather Semifontinc 
 Nestor in the Chronicle of his <le- 
 scendant. who describes Corso Velluti 
 .as a man of great stature and robust 
 make, with a fine complexion and a skin 
 seamed in every part with the scars of 
 wounds; who even near his death was so 
 firm of muscle that none could pinch his 
 flesh while he could make any young 
 man cringe under the powerful pres- 
 sure of his arm. Blind for the last 
 twenty years of his life he was accus- 
 tomed to take daily exenise in an open 
 corridor that extended the whole length 
 of his house situated in what is now 
 the ** Via Maf/gio " an«l upon which 
 his three chambers opened : this was 
 the first house built upon that spot, 
 then called " CoMoJina " from a 
 aii^c house which stootl there amongst 
 the gardens ; afterwards " Via Mag- 
 ffiore," and now " Ma(/gio.'^ Here 
 old Corso used to walk before break- 
 
 diminished and were little heard of in Florence beyond the 
 middle of the thirteentli rentuiy, but the Veronese monk who 
 was murdered in T.onil.ardy about the year 1252 is said to owe 
 the honours of martyrdom to the vengeance of these fugitives* 
 We have already seen that the spirit of political as well as 
 religious party began to rise as eariy as 1177, and excepting 
 some short intervals of uneasy repose, remained in a state of 
 violence until 1182. From this epoch there are no accounts of 
 actual war within the city until 1215 : but nearly five years 
 of hard fighting between two great factions of undiminished 
 force was unhkely to l)e followed by a dead calm e.xcept from 
 exhaustion ; or by any oblivion of injuiy in an age and country 
 where revenge was a duty, not a crime. 
 
 The great power and independence of the newly created 
 Podesta together witli external hostilities, probably assisted in 
 maintaining peace in a city that prided itself on being founded 
 imder the protection and ascendant of JMars, and therefore 
 doomed by fate to everiasting troubles. Hence Roccuzzo de' 
 Mozzi is made by Dante to say, 
 
 " lo fui della citta, chc nel Batista 
 
 Cangio '1 primo Padrone, onde ei per questo 
 Semprc con 1' arte suaja fiira tristaf." 
 
 and tranquillity restored, the crusaders 
 or captains of the Bif/allo, or of San fa 
 Maria, turned their enthusiasm to the 
 then useful and humane purpose of 
 founding hospitals for i.ilgrinis. The 
 Bigallo five miles east of Florence was 
 the first, and the beautiful building 
 of that name in Florence wliieh was 
 originally the Knight's Guard House, 
 afterwards an oratory of Santa Maria 
 and their ordinary residence, in the 
 days of Cosimo I. became a refuge for 
 abandoned children and orjdians who 
 were educated until fit for service and 
 then sent to the fields as agricultural 
 labourers or servants, &c. The Fresco 
 paintings still visible on the walls are 
 
 by Taddeo Gaddi and represent San 
 Piero Martire presenting the red-cross 
 banner to twelve distinguished citizens 
 whose dress and shield bear the same 
 device. The columns above mentioned 
 can scarcely be said to have been 
 erected in commemoration of these 
 victories although they mark the 
 locality: that of Croce al Trebbio 
 passes for the work of Giovanni Pisano. 
 (Vide Osservatore FiorentinOyXoX. iii., 
 p. 191, who cites the Chronicle of 
 Saint Antonio bishop of Florence). 
 
 * Muratori, Annali, Anno 1252 
 
 Cronaca di Donato Velluti, p. 31. 
 
 Osservatore Fiorentino, vol. i., p. 96; 
 vol. iii., p. 1 88. t Inferno, Canto xiii! 
 
188 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. IX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 189 
 
 Disputes which had so long occupied the attention of Italy 
 were not without participation in Florence, where the quarrels 
 of church and empire did not fail to create two adverse 
 opinions, but as yet confined to words : the prevailing politics 
 being Guelphic and papal, while the opposition led by Uberti 
 was entirely imperial, were accidental circumstances ; but com- 
 bined with and as it were grafted on local politics, drew a dis- 
 tinct line between contending factions tmd foreboded mischief ^"^ 
 
 In the year T-ilS according to an ancient manuscript pub- 
 lished from the Buondelmonti library, Messer Mazzingo 
 Tegrini de' Mazzinghi invited many Florentines of liigh rank 
 to dine at his villa near Campi about six miles from the 
 capital : while still at table the family jester snatched a 
 trencher of meat from Messer Uberto degli Infiingati who 
 nettled at this impertinence expressed his displeasure in terms 
 so offensive that Messer Oddo Anighi de' Fifjuiti as sliiirply and 
 unceremoniously rebuked him : ujwn this Uberto gave him the 
 lie and Oddo in return dashed a trencher of meat m his face. 
 
 Everything was immediately in confusion ; weapons were 
 soon out, and wliile the guests started up in disorder yomig 
 Buondelmonte de' Buondemonti, the friend and companion ot 
 Uberto, severely wounded Oddo Arrighi. 
 
 The paity then separated and Oddo called a meeting of lii^ 
 friends to consider the offence : amongst them were the 
 Counts Gangalandi, the Uberti, Amidei, and Laml»erti, who 
 unanimously decided that the quarrel should be quietly settled 
 by a marriage l^etween Buondelmonte and Oddo's niece, the 
 daughter of Messer Lambertuccio di Capo di Ponte, of the 
 Amidei family. This proposition appears to have been unhesi 
 tatingly accepted by the offender's family as a day was imme- 
 diately nominated for the ceremony of plighting his troth to 
 the destined bride. 
 
 During the interim Madonna Aldruda or Gualdrada, wife ef 
 
 * Leon. Aretino, tranblatcd by Douato Acciaiolo, Lib. i'', p. 37, (ed. 1492). 
 
 Forese de' Donati sent privately for young Buondelmonte and 
 thus addressed him*. "Unworthy Knioht '.—What '—Hast 
 " thou accepted a wife thvmjh fear of the Fifanti and Uberti ? 
 " Leave her that thou hast taken, choose this damsel in her place 
 "and be henceforth a brare and honoured gentleman." In so 
 sfipng she threw open the chamber door and exposed her 
 daughter to his view : the unexpected apparition of so much 
 beauty, as it were soliciting liis love, had its usual conse- 
 quence ; Buondelmonte'. better reason was overcome, yet he 
 had resoluuon to answer. " Alas ! it is note too late ! " " No " 
 rephed Aldi-uda ; "thou canst even ,jel have her; dare but 'to 
 take the step and let the conscpiences rest on my head "— " J do 
 dare," returned the fascbated youth, and stepping forward 
 agam plighted a faith no longer his to give. 
 
 Early on the tenth of Febi-uaiy, the xeij day appointed for 
 his original nuptials Buondelmonte passed by the Porta Santa 
 Mana amidst all the kinsfolk of his first betrothed, who had 
 assembled near the dwellings of the Amidei to assist at the 
 expected maiTiage, yet not without certain misgivings of his 
 faithlessness. Witli a haughty demeanour he rode forward 
 through them all, bearing the marriage ring to the lady of his 
 choice and leavuig her of the Amidei with the shame of an 
 aggravated msult by choosing the same moment for a violation 
 of one contract and the consummation of a second ; for in 
 those days, and for centuries after, the old Roman custom of 
 presentmg a ring long before the marriage ceremony took 
 place was still in use. 
 
 Such insults were then impatiently borne ; Oddo Anighi as- 
 sembled Ins kindred in the no longer existing church of " Santa 
 Mana sopra Porta " to setUe the mode of resenting this 
 
 yi" ]""'Z' "^ ""■ ''°""" ^■^- '■''" "f '""*; but the ancient resi- 
 st f!. " ^:'"'. '''"' '"■"'•"'''J' "o* ^^""^ '™ «'• "'od in the Ze ^ I 
 
 « the' r' ,;"", T' '""r"°" ^'"'"'' "-"^ -- detaVheltm' 
 as mey are beyond the second cir- Via del Corso. 
 
190 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CIUP. IX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 191 
 
 aflfroiit, and the moody aspect of each individual marked the 
 diameter of the meeting and all the vindictive feeling of an 
 injured family : there were however sunu^ of a more temperate 
 spirit that suggested personal chastisement or at most the 
 gashmg of Ruondelmonte's face as the most reasonahle ami 
 effectual retribution. The assembly paused, but Mosca de' 
 Lamberti starting suddenly forward exeUuiiied, " Beat or 
 itound him as ye list, hut first prepare your own yraves, for 
 tcoufuis bring equal eouseiptenees with ileath.'' — ** No. — Mete him 
 out his deserts and let him pay the penalty : hut no delay. — Vp 
 ami be doiny. — Cominciamo a fare, chepoi, cosafatto capo ha ^^" 
 This turned the scale and Buondelmonte was doomed, but 
 according to the manners of that age ; not in the Held which 
 would luive l>een liaz:irdous ; but by the sure though inglorious 
 means of noonday murder ; wherefore, at the verj- place wherr 
 the insult was otfered ; beneath the battlements of the Amidei. 
 nay under the casement of the deserted maiden, and in his wav 
 to a happy expecting bride, vengeance was preptu^d by thes(» 
 fierce barons for the perjurer. 
 
 ♦ An obscure expression but now, if Perhaps the French expression, " CTtSf 
 
 not then proverbial. It wotild sijr- le premitr pus qui coute'' \fou\d hc<i 
 
 nify that half measures are danger- translate it, or at least most idio- 
 
 ous and ineffective ; but a thing once matirally. — Mosca is placed by Danic 
 
 done never wants a leader; things in the Dth Bolgia of Hell (Canto 
 
 will adjust themselves to it : or a Ixdd xxviii.) 
 decided act will work its own way. 
 
 ** Ed un ch' area V una e 1* altra man mozza, 
 
 Levando i moncherin per 1' aura fosca. 
 
 Si che '1 sangue facea la faccia sozza, 
 Grido : Ricorderatte anche del Mosca, 
 
 Che dissi, lasso I cap«5 ha cosa fatta, 
 
 E fu '1 mal seme per la gente Tosca,** 
 
 Then one 
 Maimed of each hand, uplifted in the gloom 
 The bleeding stumps, that they with gory spots 
 Sullied his face, and cried ; " Remember thee 
 Of Mosca too, I who alas ! exclaimed, 
 The deed once done there is an end, that proved 
 A seed of sorrow to the Tuscan race. — Cary'i Dante. 
 
 On La.lor monung uv,, y„ ,„„,,,,,3^ 
 .elves w,t „„ the courts an.l towers of the An.idei which the 
 young a„.l heedless hridogroon. was sure to pass, and he Z 
 soon after seen at a d,s,a„n. carelessly riding Ine across Z 
 I'on e Vecclno on a milk-whi,,. palfrey attired in a vest of fine 
 
 the weddnig garlan.l on his head. The bridge was passed in 
 thought ess gajoty, hut scare,, had he reached the til i™ 
 ■nage of the Roman Mars, ih. last relic of heathen wot^Z 
 hen extant, when the mace of Sdnatto degli Uberti felled £ 
 ground ; and at the ha.e of this grin, idol the daggers Z 
 Od do and Ins hmous kins,,,,., linished the savage deed they 
 me Inm gay and adorned for the altar and left him with the 
 Indal wreath still dangUng fron, his brow a bloody and m 
 omened sacnt.e. The tulings of this .nurder spread rapidh- 
 and disordered the whole comnunm, of Florence ; the Jeople 
 .eca„,e n.ore an,l more excited because both law and custom 
 
 ail miheard ul punishuicut. 
 
 Buondelmontes corse was placed on a bier with its head 
 restag tn the lap of his affianced bride, the youngand beautifd 
 Donati. who hung hke a lily over the pallid features of her hu^ 
 baud; and thus united were they borne through the streets of 
 Forence t was the gloomy dawning of a Tempestuous daj 
 or m that bloody moment was unchained the demon of Flo- 
 entme discord ; ,he names of Guelph and Ghibeline were 
 ben for the fii.t time assumed bv noble and commoner as the 
 ei) of faction ; and long after the original cause of enmity had 
 ceased they continued to steep all Italy iu blood 
 
 It has been shown that there were already two parties 
 existmg in the commonwealth ; but it was not mitil after this 
 outrage that the whole community divided under the above 
 appellations, one part siding with tlie Buondelmonti who were 
 lor the most part Guelphic chiefs and adherents of the church ■ 
 
192 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book r. 
 
 CHAP. IX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 the Other with the Uberti, leaders of the Ghibelines and par- 
 tisans of the Empire. Of seventy-two powerful families men- 
 tioned by Malespini, thirty-nine joined the Buondelmontis 
 banner and thirty-three fought under the colours of their ene- 
 mies : but many more houses of distinction took part in the civil 
 war ; many afterwards changed sides through quarrels with their 
 chiefs ; many of the Buondelmonti who before were Ghibelines 
 now became Guelphs ; the former were stigmatised with tlie 
 epithet of ** Paterini;' and the latter with that of " rnulitor;: 
 
 Nevertheless an attempt at reconciliation was made in 
 1'239, bymany-ing Xeri Picculino degli Uberti tu the daughter 
 of Rinieri Zingani de' Buondelmonti, a lady cclelirated iur 
 her wisdom beauty and talents. Tnisting to this tie the 
 Uberti and some friends repaired with confidence to visit 
 Bertaldi de' Buondelmonti of Campi but were treacherously 
 attacked and beaten back with some bloodshed : tliis renewed 
 the war with greater violence and Xeri dismissed his wife tc 
 her own relations dechuing that he disdained to beeume tlv 
 propagator of a traitorous brood from a deceitful stock. Tiit 
 unfortunate lady was then compelled by her father to rnarrv 
 Count Pannochino de' Painiochieschi on whose mercv sh. 
 threw herself imploring permission to retire into a convent: i'<a 
 though abandoned by her husband she protested that she di- 
 still his wife and therefore never could belong to another. Her 
 motives were respected, her prayer generously granted, aiil 
 she immediately took the veil in the convent of Montecelh>=. 
 
 Immediately after Buondelmonte's death a low and angiy 
 murmur rolled sullenly through tlie whole Florentine popula- 
 tion and instinctive preparations were everywhere in progress 
 for some dimly apprehended danger : as yet all was calm, but 
 
 • Codice Antico de' Buondelmonti, ii^ Rub. 64.— Leon. Arctino, Lib. i^ 
 
 published in Toscana lUustrata, p. p. 37.- 8. Amniirato, Storia, Lib. i'. 
 
 283. — Malespini, rapi civ., rv.— p. 71.— Giov. Villani, Lib. v., capi 
 
 pmo Compagni, Istoria Fiorentina, xxxviii., xxxix.— Macchiavelli, Storia 
 
 Lib. i°, p. 3.— M. di C. Stefani, Lib. Fior. Libro i**. 
 
 193 
 
 dark clouds were gathering around and the echo of distant 
 thunder marked the coming storm. Each house wasted 
 ^d fortified ; towers were again mounted with warlike engTe 
 Serra,h. were erected; the shops all closed; the people b 
 painful doubt and ancient citizens who rememberecfthe 
 troubles of other times looked on and trembled. N r wa 
 their apprehension vain : the curse of Heaven seemed to res 
 on this devoted city and .vith but little cessation during three 
 and thirty years did Florence reek with the blood of her 
 children! and still they stniggled but .vithout anv advantage 
 on euher side until Candlemas night of the yea;i248 wSn 
 thGhibehnes drove their adversaries from Florence and I 
 public ac proclaimed them banished men. Thus the In^ 
 Donati's beauty liljo that of the Grecian Helena wasa^ to 
 rhe happiness of Florence and well might her poet exclaim, 
 
 The bouse from which proeoeded all your wo, 
 
 1 hrough that just anger that hath ruin'd ye 
 
 And ended all your sometime happv days, 
 A\ as honour d much and all its consorts too. 
 
 «uondelnionte, in an evil hour 
 
 Did others' counsel break thy plighted troth ' 
 Many ^vould fam rejoice that now are sad 
 
 1 Ciod had given thee to Ema's wave 
 
 \ hen eity-ward thou first didst wend thy way. 
 But nue decreed to that grey time-worn stone ^ 
 
 A^Vhich guards the bridge that Florence cuts in twain 
 One vatmi to her last sad hours of peace, f ' 
 
 Cotemporary Monarchs.— Emperor! Philin lir,«„ r r^ 
 rroH-ned at Rome), Otho IV and Fre^'enV i^ f r.''^ C.crmany, (never 
 cent in.-England : KinljXu^^^^^^^ 1°"^ 
 
 Greece: Alexius IV 1 oof T "r r ^'TJ,'^"'*^ = Philip Augustus.-^ 
 
 1261 : Bald^^^irHenn fl tf^O^ to ^^Y ^^"f;;^-^^ '^^^^'^Oi to 
 -Amgon : Pedro II -Sc > W? ^^2/.!'>-:L^on and Castile : Alphonso IX. 
 a -rcuro 11 . Scotland : William tne Lion, from 11 66 to 1214. 
 
 Barricades. 
 
 t Dante, Paradiso, Canto 
 
 XVI. 
 
 VOL. T. 
 
194 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 195 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1215 TO AD. 1261. 
 
 A.D. 1215. 
 
 To imagine that a petty republic or any iiulepeudeiit com- 
 munity may altogether escape from internal dissension would 
 be an idea equally unsupported by facts, liistor}*, ur 
 the conditions of human nature : the path to great- 
 ness is much too confined and crowded for impatient and self- 
 interested amlntion ; and the absence of superincumbent 
 pressure leaves the social mass in a state of continual ebullition. 
 Nor is this necessarily mischievous ; both good and evil spring 
 from one source, the same smi hardens clay and softens wax : 
 it corrupts, presenes, destroys, and \'ivifies; the nature of the 
 recipient alone marking the character of the iutluencc ; yet 
 through every obstacle trutli and intelligence win their wav 
 and something publicly useful is ever stricken out by the shock 
 of conflicting interests ; general prosperity though often 
 obstructed preserves its course ; and even parties and indi- 
 viduals must ultimately submit their motives to that public 
 opinion, which judges, slowly and insensibly, but seldom incor- 
 rectly. It is only when commotions are roused by faction, and 
 when universal selfishness makes the public good a mere 
 handmaid to individual interest that these struggles are iiital 
 to the commonwealth ; places are then changed, and faction 
 becomes the idol, public good the victim of private cupidity. 
 In such times if a citizen gain respect by his honesty, he way 
 
 have nominal followers but neither sincere adherents nor reck- 
 less partisans, and rarely an extensive influence ; for a cha- 
 racter based on integrity will only find support amongst the 
 scattered masses of patriotism and national sincerity ; it may 
 have the hollow plaudits of many but the zealous aid of few 
 l)ecause few have a disinterested love of virtue and true glor}-. 
 But when power is acquired by cheap acts of private senice at 
 the public cost, by corruption of justice, unmerited promotion, 
 the creation of useless places for undeserving men, an auda- 
 cious advancement of party objects and a general prostration of 
 the public weal ; it imparts a noxious energy to party leaders 
 which being founded on selfishness can only be maintained by 
 dishonesty. And if along with this there exist a wide-spread 
 h3i)ocrisy, if cant ape piety and cloak ambition ; if forms super- 
 sede religion, and virtue dwindle to a name ; if honest senti- 
 ments be openly derided as visions of an inexperienced or 
 distempered mind; if public piinciple and character be deemed 
 mere articles of trade, and the unwary expression of a chival- 
 rous sentiment softly smiled to scorn amidst the refinement of 
 selfish grandeur ; if such things exist, corruption is too widely 
 spread and the country is nodding to its fall. 
 
 Florence had not yet arrived at this ; there was a fierce 
 sincerity in the character of her sons that refinement had not 
 heaten down to the surface of more polished vice, nor had 
 civilisation smoothed the rougher virtues ; but revenge, am- 
 hition, and restlessness of spirit were common to the age,' and 
 Buoudelmonte s deatli gave occasion for the exercise of all ; 
 a spirit was then raised that sliivered everj^ social relation,' 
 aggravated the struggle for power, and lighted up a flame that 
 after enduring for ages was only extinguished with Florentine 
 liberty. 
 
 Although long independent, Florence was yet but in the 
 infancy of freedom : frugal, industrious, and commercial, she 
 was also from her own ambition and the state of society essen- 
 
 -2 
 
ig6 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 107 
 
 AD. 1216. 
 
 tially warlike if not military : the aristocratic power was impo^ 
 ing ; the nobles were able and willing leaders of their fellow 
 citizens both to foreign conquest and domestic strife ; they had 
 arms, castles, and retainei*s, were once the enemies but now 
 the masters of the state ; war was their " art "and conquest was 
 popular, perhaps necessaiy to the incipient republic. Theii 
 position gave them an influence in the community that dib- 
 creetly used might have enabled the ancient aristocratical 
 government to rival Venice in duration, but its abuse ruined 
 them, and their power declined from the moment that an 
 indignant people became strong enough to repel their insolence 
 and usui*pations. 
 
 Nevertheless these dissensions pained the more generous- 
 minded, who unable to stop their fuiy sought an honourable 
 excuse for withdrawing from such scenes of domestic 
 insanity: tliis and the militant religion of the age 
 induced several gentlemen to join the bands of Italian crusader 
 then moving eastward ; amongst these one of the most con 
 spicuous was Bonaguisa de' Galigari as the first to 
 scale the walls and plant the standard of Florence on 
 the towers of Damietta ; nor did the rage of faction prevent 
 his fellow-citizens at home from gaining both reputation and 
 territory in extenial war, or from compelling the whole ancient 
 Contado to acknowledge the supremacy and feel the growing 
 power of the commonwealth. 
 
 Otho's death in 1^1.^ removed every pretence for delaying 
 
 Frederic the Second's coronation ; the politics of Home were nn 
 
 longer directed bv the saj:jacious Innocent, and Hono- 
 
 A.D. 1220. * o ' 
 
 rius III., who succeeded him in V210 consented in 
 12*20 to perform that ceremony. In despite of ecclesiastical 
 rancour and German enthusiasm Frederic has been described 
 by less prejudiced writers as a man of active, refined, and 
 vigorous intellect ; prudent, brave and generous ; "f great 
 bodily strength and personal beauty : capable of any fiitigue and 
 
 eager for fame in war politics and literature : he was courteous 
 in disposition, witty, and unusually accomplished in all the 
 knowledge and acquirements of the. time : he was conspicuous 
 as a poet and philosopher, was master of the Greek, Latin, 
 German, French, Italian and Arabic tongues, and distinguished 
 his long reign by wise laws and useful regulations, yet was by 
 no means exempt from the fierceness and cruelty of the age. 
 Although brought up from infancy by one of the ablest men 
 that ever filled the popedom expressly as its child and champion 
 and even owing his exaltation to ^Dontifical support, he became 
 one of its bitterest opponents : too early and too long behind 
 the scenes, and much too sagacious not to detect the sub- 
 servience of religion to temporal ambition; he spumed the 
 superstition of his cotemporaries *, despised the maledictions 
 as he defied the power of the church, and incurred its anathemas 
 because he endeavoured to diminish its riches and authority. 
 Learning, justice, and magnificence, are said to have been 
 strongly conspicuous in him, but his Italian biogi'aphers 
 having been for the most part Guelphs and churchmen, the 
 stories related of liim may be received as aspersions of sectarian 
 malice against an excommmiicated enemy;' even Matthew 
 Paris changed his tone when he was told of the emperor s 
 talking of the necessity of reducing the church to its primitive 
 poverty f . 
 
 The fiite of his friend and minister Piero delle Vigne of 
 Capua, if truly told, would nevertheless impress us with an 
 unfavourable idea of his mercy and magnanimity : Piero was 
 sent with Taddeo di Sessa as Frederic's advocate and repre- 
 sentative to the council of Lyon which was assembled by his 
 
 * It was reported to him one day that one day become so many Christs." 
 
 his cavalry were doing some injury to (Alluding to the Catholic belief in 
 
 a field of wheat upon which he checked transubstantiation). 
 
 them and added with a smile. " Have f Messia, Vite degli Imperadori.— 
 
 some respect gentlemen for these ears Giannone, Storia Civile di Napoli, 
 
 of com for the seed they bear may Lib. xvii., cap. iv. 
 
i 
 
 V ■' 
 
 193 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book {. 
 
 CHAP. X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 199 
 
 friend Innocent the Fourth, nominally to reform the church, 
 but really to impart more force and solemnity to a fresh 
 sentence of excommunication and deposition. There Taddeo 
 spoke with force and boldness for his master ; but Piero was 
 silent ; and hence he was accused of being, like several others, 
 bribed by the pope not only to desert the emperor but to 
 attempt his life, and whether he were really culpable or the 
 victim of court intrigue is still doubtful ; Frederic on appa- 
 rently good evidence condemned him to have his eyes burned 
 out and the sentence was executed at San Miniato al Tedesco : 
 being afterwards sent on horseback to Pisa, where he was 
 hated, as an object for popular derision he died as is con- 
 jectured from the effects of a fall while thus cruelly exposed 
 and not by his own hand as Dante believed and sung *. 
 
 At his coronation ambassadors were present, with magnifi- 
 cent retinues of distinguished gentlemen and their retainers, 
 from all the Italian states, and amongst these the Florentine 
 and Pisan embassies were conspicuous. The two republics 
 were then at peace, but a silly misunderstanding at a private 
 entertainment is said to have caused those wars which after 
 
 * Flam. del. Borgo, Dis. iv^. dclla 
 Storia Pisana. — Giannone, Lib. xvii,, 
 cap. iii". — Dante, Inferno, Canto xiii. 
 See also Bargigi, Comment, on the In- 
 ferno. — Piero and his physician were 
 supposed to be associated in an attempt 
 to poison Frederic who, warned of his 
 danger, when they came to present 
 him with a cup of medicine for some 
 slight indisposition, said, " J/y/?-i€7M/s, 
 / have confidence in you and do not 
 think you would offer me poison 
 instead of mediciM." Piero imme- 
 diately answered. •* my Liege, this 
 my physician has often given you 
 healthful remedies why now more 
 than usual do you d'/ubt? " Frederic 
 addressing the doctor with a stem look 
 then said, " Give me that draught.'' 
 
 Upon which the latter, all confused, 
 pretended to slip, and spilled the 
 greater part. Frederic's suspicions 
 increased, both were imprisoned, and 
 the remaining portion of the beverage 
 was given to a condemned man who 
 verj- soon expired. The physician 
 was instantly hung, and Piero, whose 
 life he was unwilling to take, was de- 
 spoiled of his possessions and con- 
 demned to be ^* AbbacinatOf'' that is 
 blinded by means of a heated Bacino 
 or bason, a common punishment in 
 those days; the sight being destroyed 
 by holding the eyes forcibly open and 
 bringing them within the focus of con- 
 centrated heat which dried up the 
 humours and destroyed vision. ( Vide 
 Giannone, Lib. xvii.) 
 
 / 
 
 II 
 
 centuries of mischief only ended by the second and final sub- 
 jugation of Pisa when Florence, herself exhausted, was almost 
 at the termination of her race as an independent city. 
 
 It happened that a certain Roman cardinal invited the Flo- 
 rentine ambassadors to his house where one of them struck 
 with the beauty of a little dog belonging to their host begged 
 it as a present : next day the Pisan embassy was feasted and 
 the dog, already promised to the Florentme, attracted equal 
 admiration; a similar request followed and the cardinal 
 forgetting his previous engagement answered it as graciously. 
 Scarcely had the guests departed when the animal was sent 
 for by the Florentine ambassador; then came the Pisan 
 messenger but all too late : the two dignitaries met, restitution 
 of the dog was immediately demanded and as decidedly re- 
 fused : sharp altercation ensued, swords were soon drawn and 
 an affray succeeded in which the Pisans overcame by their 
 superior numbers. The manners of the age however did not 
 admit of such a teraiination, both Florentine factions united 
 against the Pisans and even volunteers from the capital came to 
 the aid of the foimer ; the affair had now become serious, almost 
 national, and the Florentines took ample revenge. The Pisan 
 ambassadors complained to their government and then' haughty 
 countrj^men trusting to great naval power and consequent 
 influence on the trade of Florence seized all the merchandise 
 of that state which was within their grasp and refused any 
 satisfaction, while the latter carried its forbearance to a point 
 of humiliation that proves the great importance df its com- 
 mercial relations with Pisa. The Florentines offered 
 to take an equal number of bales of tow, or any other 
 rubbish however vile, in lieu of the goods, and afterwards indem- 
 nify their own merchants, so that some shadow of satisfaction 
 might be exhibited to the world for the sake of national repu- 
 tation ; adding that if this also failed their ancient friendship 
 must cease and war be the only alternative. " If the Floren- 
 
 A.D. 1222. 
 
200 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 tines march we wiU endeavour to meet them half way " was the 
 contemptuous answer of Pisa. War was therefore declared 
 and in July the armies met at Castel del Bosco in the Pisan 
 territory, Florence being probably assisted by Lucca as the 
 Lucchese historians assert ; for it may be doubted whether the 
 former at that early period could have ventured alone to war 
 with so powerful an adversary. A long and bloody battle 
 ending in the total defeat of Pisa satisfied the honour and 
 soothed the pride of Florence, while thirteen hmidred prisoners 
 including the greater part of the Pisan nobility con\dnced the 
 people that this victory was a palpable instance of divine retri- 
 bution for the arrogance and injustice of their adversaries*. 
 
 This sudden brawl about a lap-dog would scarcely have 
 occasioned war had not other materials been already prepared : 
 the growing jealousy of Pisa as may be seen from her implaca- 
 bihty, proved a source of infinite evil not only to herself and 
 Tuscany but to the whole Italian nation. 
 
 And here we have a striking example of the facility with 
 which a mere local or even private squabble may be changed 
 by force of circumstances into a national question; more 
 especially in free states where partial excitement is apt to lead 
 to overt acts, and which by provoking an ill-balanced retaliation 
 may force governments to the alternative of compromising the 
 honour of their country, or making that a grave subject of 
 quarrel which neither policy, inclination, nor its intiinsic merits 
 would otherwise have justified. 
 
 The next military operation was an unsuccessful attempt on 
 the revolted town of Figline in the upper Val d' Amo, and the 
 erection of the town and castle of Ancisa to hold it in 
 check while the Masnadieri\ continued the invest- 
 ment : wherefore it appears that internal divisions did not 
 
 * R. Malespini, cap. xxiii. and xxiv. + The Masruidieri were hired soldiers 
 
 —Dal. Borgo, Disscrtat. iv.— Mar. di or paid militia and distinguished from 
 
 CoppoStefani,Rubrice,lxvi.andlxviii. the citizens, who gave their unpaid 
 
 — Tronci, Ann. Pisan. services to their country. 
 
 A.D. 1323. 
 
 i 
 
 ( 
 
 CHAP. X.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 201 
 
 paralyse the external movements of Florence, and that the 
 executive government supported by the ignoble citizens con- 
 tmued to extend its outward dominion while the nobles of 
 either faction zealously co-operated in eveiy public enterprise 
 beyond the walls. Thus at the battle of Cortenuova and the 
 siege of Brescia in 1'237 and of Faenza in 1240 both Floren- 
 tine factions were amicably serving in the imperial ranks *. 
 
 Under the Podesta Anchea of Pemgia the Pistoians were 
 defeated, the defences of Montefiore demolished, the walled 
 town of Carmignano reduced and its insulting tower 
 levelled to the ground f; Siena which had attacked ''•''• ''^• 
 Montepulciano was next invaded and ravaged up to the very 
 gates of the capital. The Podesta Otto da Mandello of Milan 
 took the field with the Carroccio, passed by Siena and laid 
 waste all the country as far as San Quirico and 
 Radicofani, made an inroad on the Pemgians for ^'^' ^^^■ 
 assisting her and demanded the sovereignty of their lake as 
 belonging to the abbey of Florence. The Pemgians asked 
 assistance of the Romans but the Florentine general retired 
 and fell upon Siena with such vigour as to cany one of the 
 suburbs and lead twelve hundred of the inhabitants away as 
 prisoners |, 
 
 This predatory warfare recommenced in 1232 under 
 
 * It was at the latter siege that 
 Frederic II. being in want of specie, 
 issued promissory notes of leather 
 with his head on one side and an eagle 
 on the other. Their value was one 
 golden Affostaro which was equivalent 
 to a golden florin and a quarter or 20 
 carats of pure gold. These notes had 
 great credit and circulation and were 
 faithfully redeemed. ( Vide Fiorino d* 
 Oro Illmtrato, CapitP. xxxi.) Males- 
 pini, cap.cxxviii.,cxxix.— Gio. Villani, 
 Lib. vi., cap. xx., xxi.~S. Ammirato, 
 Lib" i., p. 82. 
 f Here stood a lofty tower hearing 
 
 on its summit the image of two 
 human arms extended in an insult- 
 ing attitude of defiance towards Flo- 
 rence a mode of insult not uncommon 
 then, and in the present instance was 
 so sensibly felt by the Florentines that 
 when anything was pointed out to 
 them which they had no wish to see 
 the usual expression was '^ I cannot 
 see it for the citadel of Carmignano 
 is in the way:' *' Non lo veggio 
 perocche mi e dinami la Rocca di 
 Carmignano." 
 
 t Malespini, c. cxvii.—Mar, di Coppo 
 Stefani, Rub. 72. 
 
V 
 
 f<. 
 
 202 
 
 FL0RENT1>'E HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Jacopo di Peragia to retaliate for a second investment and 
 partial destruction of Montepulciano, and so far 
 A.D. 1232. ^^.^.g^g^i ^ i^g result from previous inroads as to gain 
 a new ally and dependent in Count Hubert of the Maremma 
 who annoyed by the power of Siena wisely selected a more 
 distant master and agreed to do homage to the republic by the 
 annual tribute of a hind covered with scarlet cloth : Florence 
 was to succeed to his domains and shortly after m conse- 
 quence of his death became possessed of Port Ercole and 
 several other important places in the Maremma. 
 
 The next year s campaign was conducted with equal energ}', 
 and Siena invested on three sides, the besiegers insulting 
 it by throwing dead asses and other offensive matter 
 ^'^ ^^' intJ the town from their mangonels according to the 
 custom of the time : Giovanni del Giudice of Rome being 
 Podesta renewed these forays for fifty-three days in 1-234 mitil 
 the enemy wearied out by continual alarms sued for 
 A.D. 1234. ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ moment when another army was ready to 
 take the field under Compagnone del Poltrone : a treaty was 
 therefore concluded that secured indemnification and mdepen- 
 dence to Montepulciano with some stipulations in favour of 
 Florence, which thus m despite of domestic jars had main- 
 tained otfensive war for six years against a powerful enemy and 
 finally accomplished her object, a thing that seldom happens. 
 
 Civil discords which had relaxed during the fii-st ardour of 
 the crusaders or were absorbed in the more generous enthu- 
 siasm of external war, revived at the approach of 
 ^^' ^^' peace and for several years dim the lustre of Floren- 
 tine history : parties and families were neariy balanced and 
 private feuds were frequently suspended or finished by regular 
 truces, treaties of peace being drawn up with all the technical 
 forms of public diplomacy and witnessed by public notaiies in 
 presence of the magistrates. 
 
 The disputes between church and empire for temporal 
 
 CHJkP. X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 203 
 
 possessions, religion being the rallying-cry, still continued in 
 all their ^dolence, and added fresh venom to the Guelph and 
 Ghibeline factions which rose or fell according to the talents of 
 their two great chieftains. Frederic returned excommunicated 
 but successful from Palestine, and suddenly descending on 
 Puglia soon regained the kingdom of Naples which the pope 
 had treacherously occupied in his absence. Tuscany was 
 divided, but the imperialists always maintained an ascendency 
 in Pisa both from ancient obligations and against the insidious 
 intrigues of Rome : missionaries had been dispatched into 
 many parts of Italy ostensibly to preach peace but really 
 to exact an oath of allegiance to the pope, in the accomplish- 
 ment of which the bishops were ordered to assist. The 
 emperor had prohibited these inconvenient messengers, but 
 one of them penetrating as pope's legate into Sardinia, ^^ ^^40. 
 then a province of Pisa, persuaded the four principal 
 vassals of that republic to surrender their fiefs and receive 
 them again at his hands as feudatories of the church. This 
 enraged" the Pisan government which accordingly drew closer 
 to Frederic, but as the pope had many blind adherents there, 
 even in purely temporal affairs, both factions flared up with 
 new spirit and threw the city into confusion *. 
 
 Frederic repaired to Pisa for the purpose of concerting a 
 vigorous opposition to the Church whose anathemas were still 
 rolling m successive volleys over him; a council was summoned 
 at Rome for more solemn cursing ; but the emperor treated it 
 with scorn, arrested all the ecclesiastics that came within his 
 reach on their way to the Lateran and hearing that a bevy of 
 prelates was proceeding from Genoa to Rome he persuaded 
 the Pisans to unite their galleys with his Sicilian ^^ ^^41. 
 squadron and captured them. But although at war 
 with Genoa, Pisa had too much respect for the clergj^ not to 
 
 * Flam, dal Borgo, Dissert, iv., dell' Istoria Pieana, torn, i., Parte i., p. 178. 
 
204 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. X] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 205 
 
 give them timely notice of what was preparing : yet confident 
 in the skill and braven^ of Genoese mariners the prelates sailed 
 and fell in with the combined squadrons off the island of Giglio : 
 after a bloody battle the Genoese were defeated on 3rd May 
 1-240 with the loss of twenty-five galleys and 4000 prisoners ; 
 prelates and all being conducted in triumph to Pisa where 
 these dignitaries were honoured by silver instead of iron chains. 
 
 Frederic hailed this victory as the judgment of Heaven 
 in a rightful cause, and Piero delle Vigne exerted all his 
 eloquence to prove it; meanwhile this prince advanced to 
 Rome and Pope Gregory IX. bowed down by extreme age and 
 mortification soon after expired 'i^ Celestine IV. succeeded, 
 but lived only a few days and made room for Sinebaldo Fieschi 
 the intimate friend of Frederic who however knew both him 
 and the Church too well not to feel that he had lost a friend in 
 the cardinal and acquired a new and bitter enemy in the pope. 
 
 Feeling himself insecure from the emperors great power 
 
 in Italy Innocent IV. sent secretly to Genoa for a squadron of 
 
 galleys and escaping Frederic s \igilance proceeded 
 
 A.D.1243. ^^ ^^^^^^^ ^ ^.^^ Vecchia where he embarked 
 
 and arrived safely at Genoa, then departmg for Lyon he 
 immediately prepared to call a council for the em- 
 
 A.D.1244. . , ^ 
 
 perors deposition. 
 Meanwhile Frederic employed himself in strengthening his 
 own authority by depressing the Guelphs ; he took hostages 
 
 from both factions in Florence with apparent im- 
 ^'^' ^^''' partiality but soon exposed his real views by releasing 
 the Ghibelines while their unfortunate rivals were allowed to 
 
 pine away m the fortress of San Miniato as objects 
 A.D. 1246. ^^ ^^^^.^ charityf. The preservation of a strong 
 party in that city was essential, and he therefore maintained an 
 
 * Muratori, An. d'IUlia.-Giannonc, 208.-Pignotti, Storia di Toscana. 
 Istor. Civ. di Napoli, voL viii., Lib.xvii., f G. Villani, Lib. vu, cap. xxxiii. 
 cap. ii. — Flam, del Borgo, Diss, iv., p. 
 
 ■' } 
 
 active correspondence with the potent family of Uberti, the 
 acknowledged chiefs of his faction, promising them ample 
 support in expelling their adversaries and estabUshing a purely 
 Ghibelme government. 
 
 Frederic was then paramount in Italy, and had in fact 
 sheltered himself against the sudden blasts of priestly ana- 
 themas by retaining a disciplined body of Saracens in his 
 service to whom he gave the ancient city of Nocera as a pos- 
 session ; thus securing a strong fortress and twenty thousand 
 faithful soldiers depending entirely on himself and mvulnerable 
 to the sharpest maledictions of the Lateran. The Ghibelines 
 now felt the full strength of their position, while the recent 
 flight of Innocent, in despite of his formal excommunication 
 and deposition of Frederic in 1245, depressed the spirits and 
 unnen-ed the strength of their adversaries. Arms, friends, 
 money, and intrigues were all diligently employed by the em- 
 peror to increase his influence in the Italian cities, and aware 
 that parties were neariy balanced at Florence he hoped by a 
 bold and vigorous effort to drive every Guelph from the town 
 and reduce it to his own devotion. He called on the Uberti 
 to smite strongly and demolish their adversaries, and the 
 rising passions of either faction gave awful note of a bloody and 
 tremendous stmggle. 
 
 There was no need of a second word ; peace had disappeared 
 at Buondelmonte's death ; both parties now flew to arms ; even 
 the middle classes, who had liitherto preserved some union and 
 principally upheld the state, now joined the general cry, and 
 the year 1247 was marked by slaughter, rapine, out- ^^ ^^^^ 
 rage and conflagration*. Every occupation ceased 
 but that of arms : the plebeians, even the lowest classes of the 
 town, were soon aff'ected ; and pride and hatred and faction, and 
 ambition, raged equally in the lordly tower and the humblest 
 dwelling. Each district of the city was a separate camp, each 
 
 * Malespini. 
 
206 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 207 
 
 battled with its neighbour in promiscuous fury ; but in four of 
 them were as many strong positions of the Ghibelines where the 
 struggle was pecularly severe : thus in San Piero Scheraggio * ; 
 round the Duomo and the Torre di Saucia ; about Porta San 
 Piero ; and beneath the lofty tower of Scai-afaggio de' Soldanieri ; 
 not only citizen with citizen but persons of the same name and 
 lineage'stabbed at each others' breast with indiscriminate rage ; 
 and thus the Buondelmonti and Scolari ; the Buonaguisi and 
 Brunelleschi, disregarded the ties of consanguinity in this gene- 
 ral frenzy. Tower fought with tower ; house with house ; and 
 every span of earth was wet with blood : no nuptials, no feasts, 
 no pastimes ; but in their stead funenils and wounds and 
 homicides, now of this citizen, now of tliat, with short and 
 
 weeping intervals. 
 
 The centre of Ghibeline strength was at the Uberti 
 palace where they were opposed by the Bagnesi, Pulci, and 
 Guidalotti backed by some Oltr Amo Guelphs who had 
 crossed the river on the upper wear : at Porta San Piero the 
 Tedaldini were strong in towers, and along with the Lisci, 
 Abati, Giuochi, Galigai, Caponsachi and some of the Buon- 
 aguisi, opposed the Donati Bisdomini and Pazzi, while the 
 remainder of the Buonaguisi stood finn in the Guelphic ranks. 
 At the Porta del Duomo, Sancia de' Cattani chief of the 
 Ghibelmes headed the Agolanti and a strong body of citizens : 
 they were met by the Tosinghi and Arrigucci, but the Brun- 
 elleschi like the Buonaguisi di\ided on either side. In San 
 Pancrazio the Lamberti, Toschi, Amieri and Miglorelli with a 
 crowd of Ghibeline burghers closed round the Scarafaggio; 
 they were checked by the Vechetti and Tomaquinci, but the 
 Pigli sided with both factions : in Borgo Sant' Aix>stolo, the 
 Soldanieri, Scolari and Guidi encountered the Scali, Bostichi, 
 
 • San Piero Scheraggio once occupied Palazzo Veccliio. The Uberti Palace 
 the spot where the north end of the stood^ on the present Pmza Gran 
 Royal Gallery now is, opposite to the "^ 
 
 Ducale. 
 
 (- 
 
 ii 
 
 1 
 
 lad 
 
 t . 
 ab< 
 ado 
 
 Giandonati, and Buondelmonti. Beyond Amo the Obriacchi 
 and Mannelli were the only nobles for the imperial cause, m 
 opposition to the Guelphic Rossi and Nerli. 
 
 These were the principal heads of battle, and its fuiy was 
 still raging when Frederic, watching the crisis, sent his son 
 Frederic of Antioch with 1600 German horse towards the 
 capital and gave fresh spirit to the Ghibelines. The ^^ ^^^ 
 Podesta Jacopo di Rota had battled stoutly for the 
 Guelphs whom the intelUgence of this reinforcement urged to 
 closer work and a speedy termination of the struggle ere the 
 enemy could form a junction within the towTi. The Ghibelines 
 on the contrary studiously avoided a combat until they could 
 pounce with augmented vigour on their adversaries. Cautiously 
 abandoning all weaker positions they concentrated in great 
 force round the palace and towers of the Uberti, believing that 
 if they succeeded in gaining the open plaxjes of Florence they 
 could afterwards more easily reduce the towers and houses 
 wliich only admitted of a few defenders : uniting therefore 
 with the King of Antioch's men-at-arms and issuing from their 
 barricades m powerful sections they brought an overwhelming 
 force to bear on every Guelphic position, successively carrying 
 each, until the whole mass of their enemies was diiven upon 
 the Serragli of the Bagnesi and Guadalotti where they stood at 
 bay. But they were all too weak ; their numbers diminished, 
 the enemy was reinforced, and the struggle became hopeless. 
 
 A retreat was determined on, when they suddenly heard 
 that Rustico Mangonelli one of their principal leaders had 
 expired : this gallant knight after many valorous deeds had 
 fallen mortally wounded by an aiTow from the tower of the 
 Soldanieri, and his fellows were too high-spirited to leave the 
 body as an olyect of insult from a haughty faction, who accord- 
 ing to the then barbarous custom would have dragged it 
 igiwminiously through the streets and plunged it in the Amo. 
 Thoughtiess of ewery danger, eager for the honour of their 
 
/ 
 
 20S 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY, 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 dead chief and animated by one spirit, they marched tired as 
 they were, to where the body lay and carried it off to the 
 temple of San Lorenzo with a military pomp to which their 
 dented shields gave more effect than all the misplaced trap- 
 pings of a funeral train. These iron obsequies moved on in 
 grim array ; the bier was borne by sLx knights besmeared with 
 blood and dust, each with a lance or crossbow on the outward 
 arm : no funeral torch was seen in flank or front ; but in their 
 stead, the grey gleam of battered arms with a flash from the 
 spear, or the partizan : it was more the triumph of a con- 
 queror than a funeral, the torn and ti-ailing banners and the 
 bloody corpse alone proclaiming its mournful character. Not 
 a countenance betrayed any emotion of fear or softness : grief 
 was dimly seen, but ire and vengeance were predominant. 
 None pitied the fallen knight ; each envied liis renown and 
 honourable death, but felt himself disgraced in still existing 
 for future shame and long enduring sorrow. 
 
 Such thoughts, first muttered then audibly expressed sud- 
 denly roused up the Guelphic youth who would have 
 again begmi the battle and fallen, and lie festering in 
 their fathers' sepulchres rather than wander as fugitives with 
 their wives and children to exist on a stranger's bounty. Age 
 and prudence prevailed ; Rustico Mangonelli was interred in 
 gloomy silence and the defeated remnant of these Guelphic 
 bands slowly and sullenly retired *. 
 
 Thus fell for a season the Guelphic faction, but still un- 
 broken; they retreated to neighbouring towns and castles, 
 prmcipally to Monte Varchi and Capraja whence a predator^' 
 and annoying warfare was maintained against the capital : to 
 this the Ghibelines opposed taxation and German auxiliaries, 
 but the foreigners were beaten at Monte Varchi with great 
 slaughter so that Frederic, after an unsuccessful encounter 
 
 • Malespini, cap. cxxxvii.— Gio. Vil- mirato, Lib. i", p. 84.— Giuseppe, M. 
 lani, Lib. vi., cap. xxxiii.— Scip. Am- Mecatti,StoriaCronologicaFiorentina. 
 
 209 
 
 A.D. 1249. 
 
 / 
 
 ^vith the people of Parma, passed into Tuscany where joining 
 the Florentines he attacked and took Capraia making prisoners 
 many Guelphic chiefs whom, it is said, were carried to Puglia 
 and put to death, Rinieri Buondelmonte alone escaping but 
 with the loss of his eyes, and he too afterwards died a hermit 
 in the island of Monte Christo *. 
 
 The Ghibelines also abused their victory and soon lost all 
 popularity in Florence by the destruction of towers, palaces, 
 and even churches, merely because they belonged to or were 
 frequented by the rival faction : amongst these was the magni- 
 ficent dwelling of the Tosinghi in the old market-place, an 
 edifice celebrated for its size and beauty and distinctively 
 called 'Uhe Pcdace^" A lofty tower called the Guardamorto 
 at the entrance of the Corso de' Adimari was undermined and 
 tumbled headlong down, but swemng in its fall cleared the 
 baptistry of Saint John which the rage of party had doomed to 
 destruction only because it was the usual place of Guelphic 
 assemblies. The escape of this ancient and revered edifice 
 was hailed as a miracle and its intended ruin execrated by the 
 majority of citizens; nor was this rabid vengeance against 
 inanimate things a forgotten, or neglected precedent when 
 their adversaries returned to power. 
 
 These were Frederic's last exploits in Tuscany : after the 
 capture of Capraja he retired into Puglia, while the administra- 
 tion of his party in Florence became universally odious, their 
 private deportment insolent, and their taxation grievous : the 
 private citizens, whom common vexation bound in closer bands, 
 began to feel their strength ; they became impatient of wrong, 
 saw plainly that the church would prove the only i-eal support 
 
 * Malespini, cap. cxxxviii.— G. Vil- marble columns after the fashion of 
 
 lani, Lib. vi., cap. xxxv. the leaning tower of Pisa, and attached 
 
 f II Palazzo. — It was 90 Bracria, or to it was a tower of 250 feet high of 
 
 about 1 70 English feet in height and similar materials and architecture, 
 adorned by successive ranges of small 
 
 VOL. I. P 
 
 \ 
 
210 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 for national independence, and the best nurse of that liberty 
 which then was and must ever be in danger under the wolfish 
 protection of uiu'estricted royalty *. 
 
 The emperor's absence together with the defeat and capture 
 of a natural son by the Bolognese also depressed the spirits of 
 his adherents in the north; and the discomfiture and 
 A. D. 1250. ^^^^^ ^^^^j destruction of the Florentine army by 
 the Guelphs in the upper Val d'Arao left these a fair occasion 
 to reestablish themselves wliich they were too sagacious to 
 neglect. Tired of contmual alarms, of repeated tumults, and 
 the everlasting disorder with which Florence was filled by the 
 insolent insubordination of the Ghibeline nobles especially the 
 Uberti ; galled too by the pressure of increased taxation osten- 
 sibly levied to oppose the Guelphs ; the citizens deemed it a 
 far wiser act to recal the exiles than ruin the commonwealth 
 by eternal divisions and intestine war. 
 
 As early therefore as the twentieth of October the people 
 guided by some principal citizens assembled together in arms, 
 first at the church of San Firenze, and then through fear of 
 the Uberti at that of Saiita Croce : here all their grievances 
 were enumerated in short, pointed, and excitmg harangues, the 
 conduct of their oppressoi-s was sharply arraigned, the dis- 
 tinction of Guelph and Gliibeline denounced, and a resolution 
 passed no longer to submit to the vexatious insolence of the 
 nobles. Amongst these a more intense hate attached to the 
 Uberti who glorying in their German ancestry treated the 
 Italians like mere slaves and trampled upon them as if they 
 were not composed of the same materials as themselves. A 
 resolution to assume the government was carried by acclama- 
 tion, but much caution was necessary to give full effect to so 
 bold and uncompromising a decision, wherefore they deter- 
 mined neither to separate nor quit their arms until this pur- 
 pose should be completed. Mai'ching in a body to the towers 
 
 * Malespini, cap. cxxxvii.— Macchiavelli, Lib. ii. 
 
 CHAP. X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 211 
 
 of the Ancioni in San Lorenzo and establishing themselves in 
 that position was the work of a moment ; the Ghibeline 
 Podesta was then driven from power and replaced by a 
 man of their own ; a provisional government of thirty-six 
 citizens was organised, and a complete revolution accomplished. 
 The nobles depressed by their recent overthrow made no 
 resistance, and the Guelphs' restoration becoming every hour 
 more popular was finally urged so home on their adversaries 
 that even one of the distrusted Uberti became an advocate 
 for the emperor s acquiescence : but Frederic was already 
 dead and the despondency of his faction augmented, where- 
 fore the people assuming new courage easily compelled their 
 opponents to consent to the exiles' recal and a general pacifi- 
 cation. 
 
 A reconstruction of the whole machine of government was 
 loudly and universally demanded, as well as an efficient or- 
 ganisation of all external means of defence ere a new 
 emperor should have leisure to strengthen himself and 
 disturb the national tranquillity. Florence was accordingly 
 divided into six parts called " Sestos " with two magistrates to 
 each, chosen by the citizens of every division so as to make a 
 governing body of twelve " Anziani " or elders, whose official 
 authority lasted for one year : along with these, but of superior 
 rank, a new magistrate charged with the administration of civil 
 and criminal justice was substituted for the Podesta whose 
 office was now abolished, but restored the following year with 
 more limited authority-'. The new officer was denominated 
 *' Captain of the People " in order to mark more distinctly the 
 spirit of liis duty, wliicli was to protect inferior citizens against 
 aristocratic power by a prompt and imcompromising execution 
 
 • Macchiavclli says that the Podesta and profound in his knowledge and 
 
 was created at this period, but this is remarks, this justly celebrated author 
 
 evidently one of his careless assertions, is careless in liis facts although correct 
 
 as every other historian differs with in the general results, 
 him. Beautiful as he is in his writing 
 
 p 2 
 
212 
 
 FLORENTINE mSTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAF. X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 213 
 
 of justice : and to avoid all local attachments it was decreed, 
 as in the case of a Podesta, that so high a dignity could only be 
 held by a foreigner, Uberto di Lucca being the first on whom 
 that honour was conferred. 
 
 As authority, however strong in theor}% requires where- 
 withal to give it vitality, for like a statue of the human figure 
 it cannot be sustained without extmneous support, the military 
 strength of the republic was remodelled in a more effective 
 form both for internal police and national protection : all the 
 Urban population capable of beaiiug arms was divided into 
 twenty companies and that of the Contado into ninety-sLx 
 " Plvieri " or miions of several parishes, each union being 
 connected with a certain number of others and foiming what 
 was denominated a '* Leagiie^ 
 
 Every ciWc company sers ed under its own banner or " Gon- 
 falon " round which it rallied at the sound of the great city 
 bell, called the ** Camjmna,'' or at the command of the 
 '*Capitano del Popolo.'' Each Pii'iere had also its Gon- 
 falon, and a body of horse was attached to every " Sesto " 
 l>esides the regular companies. Their arms were as vai'ious as 
 their ensigns but all distinctly organised and suited to each 
 other; cavalrj-, heavy-armed infantr)% archers, cross-bowmen, 
 baj?2age train, and some bands of irregulai*s denominated 
 *' Ribaldi"^ each under its respective standard, composed the 
 military force of the community, which could assemble in great 
 strength and with wonderful celerity f. 
 
 The commander of each company had charge of the colours 
 and thence was denommated '* Gojifaloniere" the office being 
 renewed every Whitsuntide with great pomp and the several 
 
 * .Rtia/dt originally signified irregular duct of these troops, at last applied 
 
 undisciplined troops or rather perhaps generally to all persons of infamous 
 
 the populace taken indiscriminately in character : hence " Bebel. " 
 
 emergencies, but the appellation de- + Goro Dati, Storia, Lib. ii., and iii., 
 
 generated into a term of reproach and pp. 26, 37. 
 was, probably from the licentious con- 
 
 i 
 
 Standards delivered in the square of the " Mercato Nuovo " to 
 the respective chiefs of companies. These regulations were of 
 singular importance inasmuch as they employed the armed 
 hand of the people to enforce the execution of their own laws 
 against a haughty and potent nobility who rarely deigned to 
 submit to the voice of unsupported justice. 
 
 As a further security the strong palace of the Podesta, now- 
 called the " Bargello," was erected for the permanent seat of 
 government which before this having no fixed place of meet- 
 ing used to assemble wherever circumstances made it most 
 convenient. They also took this occasion for reducing the 
 height of private towers, to about ninety-six feet or something 
 more than a third of their usual altitude ; and almost all 
 belonging to between eighty and ninety noble families, of whom 
 few possessed less than two ; and their massiveness may be more 
 easily conceived from the circumstance of the materials having 
 been nearly sufficient to erect the city walls beyond the Amo. 
 
 The people in this revolutionary^ movement conducted 
 themselves with great moderation and carefully avoided the 
 example set them by their oppressors ; no one was molested 
 and notliing was destroyed ; the inhabitants were free in action 
 and opinion and as long as peace was preserved no inquiry was 
 made whether a citizen were Guelph or Ghibeline ; he only 
 being held tm enemy who attempted to disturb public tran- 
 quillity : even the Uberti submitted with grace, and by such 
 measures the more opulent citizens and great mass of the 
 community, forming what VilUmi calls *' II Primo Popolo,'' 
 were inspired with new spirit and felt confident in their own 
 united strength, as well against the power of individual chiefs 
 as the general insolence and injustice of the great*. 
 
 By this arrangement eveiy Sesto of the city was a military 
 
 * Malespini, capi cxli., cli. — Villani, Leon. Aretino, Lib. ii.— Macchiavelli, 
 Lib. vi., cap. xxxix., xl., xlii. — Mar. Lib. ii. — Scip. Ammirato, Lib. ii., p. 
 di Coppo Stefani, Lib. ii., R. 89- DO.— i)0. 
 
2U 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [boor I. 
 
 CHAP. 7C.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 215. 
 
 as well as a civil division ; each with its own separate powers, 
 interests, and resources ; each in close union with the neigh- 
 bouring compartment, and all vigilant over piihlic interests. 
 The twenty companies were distiibuted according to the size 
 and population of the Sesto, those of San Piero Scheraggio and 
 Olt/ Arno having four, the others but three each : their 
 equipment varied much in the same manner as in other Italian 
 states of the period where it was customaiy to select from 
 amongst the wealthy citizens, and from the nobles too, when 
 they became citizens, one or two squadrons of hoi-semen in 
 complete armom- : in Florence it would appear as if there 
 were one company of men-at-arms to each sesto, and the same 
 quarter also sent forth two other chosen bodies each of which 
 was double the number of the cavaliT ; one of cross-bowmen 
 the other of heavy-armed infant 17, the latter being equipped 
 with a palvese or great shield, a helmet and a long lance ; the 
 rest were lighter aimed, and all between the ages of seventeen 
 and seventy were enrolled. The only officei*s were the sec- 
 tional chief, his ensign and the captain of each company ; the 
 whole body being commanded by the Captain of the People or 
 the Podesta. 
 
 In order to give more dignity to the national army and form 
 a rallymg point for the troops, there had been established a 
 great car called the Carroccio drawn by two beautiful oxen 
 which carr\ing the Florentine standai'd generally accompanied 
 them to the field. This car was painted vermilion, the bullocks 
 were covered with scarlet cloth, and the driver, a man of some 
 consequence, was dressed in crimson, was exempt from taxation, 
 and served without pay : these oxen were maintained at the 
 public charge in a public hospital and the while and red 
 banner of the city was spread above the car between two lofty 
 spars. Those taken at the battle of Monteaperto are still 
 exhibited in Siena Cathedral as trophies of that fatal day*. 
 
 * Malespini, cap. cUiv.— Mar. di Coppo Stefani, Rubric Ixxii. 
 
 I 
 
 Macchiavelli en'oneously places the adoption of the Carroccio 
 by the Florentines at this epoch, but it was long before in use 
 and probably was copied from the Milanese as soon as Florence 
 became strong and independent enough to equip a national 
 army. Eribert Archbishop of Milan seems to have been its 
 author, for in the war between Conrad the first and that city, 
 besides other arrangements for military organisation, he is said 
 to have finished by the invention of the Carroccio : it was a pious 
 and not impolitic imitation of the ark as it was carried before 
 the Israelites *. This vehicle is described, and also represented 
 in ancient paintings as a four-wheeled oblong car drawn by two, 
 four, or six bullocks : the car was always red, and the bullocks, 
 even to their hoofs, covered as above described, but with red or 
 white according to the faction ; the ensign staif was red, lofty, 
 and tapering, and sm-mounted by a cross or golden ball : 
 on this between two white fringed veils hung the national 
 standard, and half way down the mast a crucifix. A platform 
 ran out in front of the car spacious enough for a few chosen 
 men to defend it, while behind on a corresponding space the 
 musicians with their military instruments gave spirit to the 
 combat: mass was said on the Carroccio ere it quitted the city, 
 the surgeons were stationed near it, and not unfrequently a 
 chaplain also attended it to the field f . The loss of the 
 Carroccio was a great disgrace and l)etokened utter discom- 
 fiture ; it was given to the most distinguished knight who had 
 a public salary and wore conspicuous armour and a golden 
 belt : the best troops were stationed round it, and 4here was 
 frequently the hottest of the fight |. 
 
 * Rokndino however asserts that Padua 
 had a Carroccio in the time of Attila; 
 and the supposed Archbishop Tui-pin 
 gives it an eastern origin amongst the 
 Sai-acens (Vide cap. xix., Cronica di 
 Turpin) which however may rather 
 tend to prove the more modern date 
 of that Chronicle. (Vide Giulio Fer- 
 
 rario, Storia ed analisi degli Antiche 
 Romanzi di Cavalleria, &c., pp. 46, 
 
 258). 
 
 t Macchiavelli, Lib. ii«.— Makvolti, 
 
 Storia di Siena, Parte i°, Lib. iii., p. 
 
 25.— Sismondi, vol. i., p. 255.— Sigo- 
 
 nius, Hist., Lib. viii., p. 197. 
 
 J Muratori, Antichita Italiana, vol. iii., 
 
216 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 The Carroccio seems to have been admirably adapted to 
 preserve the incipient discipline of those early times when the 
 Italian repubhcs were only commencing their military' career, 
 by preventing inexperienced troops from tumultuously breaking 
 their ranks either in advtmcing or retiring with undue pre- 
 cipitation : the station of each company depended on that of 
 the car which was generally placed in the rear as a mllpng 
 point from whence a new and more determined attack could 
 be made. It sened well to connect the troops, to give the 
 civic infantry- a degree of confidence in themselves, and spirit 
 enough to withstand the heavy cliarges of the men-at-arms who 
 were all gentlemen, and formed the great strength of armies 
 at that period. It perhaps first showed that steady infantiy 
 would deprive both knights and barbed steeds of a ix)rtion of 
 their terror ; but they never dreamed in those chivalrous days 
 of the great suj»eriority that more recent tactics have imparted 
 to infantry over the cavalrj- of later times, a secret which 
 Oonsalvo di Cordova fii-st revealed to modem horsemen. 
 
 Although the Italian bullocks walk more rapidly than the 
 northern race yet the movements of these armies were neces- 
 sarily slow, but the troops were kept well in hand and the whole 
 force concentrated on one point; which, when we consider 
 that victory then depended less on tactics than individual 
 strength and courage, was a considerable advance in dis- 
 cipline. 
 
 The colours belonged to the whole army not to any particu- 
 lar colun^p or company ; they were tlie banners of their city 
 and all the troops were citizens ; to support the point on which 
 they waved was the object, the duty, and the safety of all ; no 
 smoke prevented the sUuidard from being seen ; the mast that 
 carried it was thirty feet in height, and all the physical and 
 
 Dissert, xxviii, who cites Amolfo, and others.-Sigonius, Lib. viii., n 
 
 ^ntl'calT s\''""Tf^'^^^"^' 197.^toriade|li Amiche Romanzl* 
 Antouio Campi, Stona di Cremona p. 259. 
 
 CHAP. X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 217 
 
 moral force of the army was directed towards it. Where the 
 movement of the Carroccio was to be followed, rapid evolutions 
 of infantiy could not be expected, but neither was there more 
 celerity on the enemy's part, and the troops once ranged, 
 the battle was commonly decided by hard fighting : the Fedi- 
 tori who began the onslaught, if unsuccessful, generally fell back 
 on the second Ihie for support, or retreated through it and rallied 
 on the third, and the battles before the time of the Condottieri 
 were often obstinate and bloody -i^ Besides the Carroccio the 
 Florentine army was accompanied by a great bell called ''Mar- 
 tinella " or " Campaua degU Asini " which for thirty days 
 before hostilities began, tolled continually day and night from 
 the arch of " Porta Santa Maria " as a public declai'ation of 
 war and as the ancient clironicle hath it "/or greatness of mind 
 that the enemy miyht have full time to prepare himself \ ." At 
 the same time also the Carroccio was drawn from its place in 
 the offices of San Giovanni by the most distinguished knights 
 and noble vassals of the republic, and conducted in state to the 
 " Mercato Nnovo " where it was placed upon the circular 
 stone still existing, and remained there until the army took 
 the field. Then also the Martinella was removed from its 
 station to a wooden tower placed on another car, and with the 
 Carroccio served to guide the troops by night and day. 
 '' And xdth these two pomps, of the Carroccio and Campana'" 
 says Malespini, " the pride of the old citizens our ancestors was 
 
 ruled y 
 
 The death of Frederic liberated many Florentine prisoners 
 and hostages, and determined the Anziani, after a solemn 
 
 ♦ The situation of the Carroccio varied according to the custom of the city to 
 which it belonged : thus we find in Tassoni's " Secchia Rapita " (cap. v., 
 stanza 53) that « j| Carroccio restb com 'era usanza 
 
 Trai Bolognesi, appo il sinistro corno " &c. 
 Its station was in the left wing of the army. Also see Muratori, Antichita 
 Dissert, xxvi. 
 + Malespini, cap. clxiv. — Macchiaveli, Lib. ii. 
 
213 
 
 FLORENHNE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 pacification between hostile factions, to recal the Guelplis 
 who were on several accounts less unpopular than their livals ; 
 for independent of their caniage being less haughty and over- 
 bearing both politics and religion united in making' the cause 
 of the Church most agreeable to the ni^ijoiity. They were 
 A. D. 1251. ^^^^^^^^ i» the beginning of ].!:>1 after two yeai-s of 
 exile but found their power abridged and their influ- 
 ence diminished ; for the late revolution had anniliilated the 
 exclusive government of an aristocracy ; the democratic rule now 
 commenced, the city was at once calmed mid united and the 
 republic increased in dominion riches and grandeur*. It is 
 says Maccliiavelli, impossible to conceive the extent of force 
 and authority acquired by Florence in a verj- short period 
 after this revolution when she rapidly mounted up not only 
 to be the first city of Tuscany but one of the first class in 
 Italy itself. 
 
 An expedition against Pistoja in favoui" of the exiled Guelphs 
 of that city was strongly opposed by the Ghibelines who 
 refused to take the field against their friends in an aggressive 
 and unjust war which, however veiled in plausibility? was a 
 manifest breach of the peace by a direct att^ick on the Ghibe- 
 line faction. The Guelphs on the contrary- maintained that 
 they meant no harm to the imperialists, but merely to unite 
 parties in Pistoja as they were at Florence : the Ghibelines 
 maintahied their opposition, but the expedition proceeded ; the 
 Pistoians were defeated at Monte Robolini but preserved their 
 town, and the Florentines returned unsuccessful though victo- 
 rious. The government bent on union and the due assertion 
 of its authority drove the refractory Ghibelines into exile and 
 made a closer union with the Guelphic party who in the 
 triumph of the moment resolved to change the standard of 
 Florence from a white lily in a red field to the red lily in 
 
 * Malespini, cap. clii. 
 
 CHAP. X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 219 
 
 a field of white ; a flag which there seems some reason for 
 supposing they had previously adopted in their civil con- 
 flicts with the Ghibelines who still retained the ancient 
 
 banner*. 
 
 These new exiles joined the Ubaldiiii and maintained a pre- 
 datorj' but misuccessful warfiire in the Mugello ; then shifting 
 to the Val d' Amo and uniting with some German remnants of 
 Frederic's anny they defeated the Florentine Guelphs and took 
 the town of Montida : treaties were afterwards concluded by 
 the captain of the people and podesta of Florence, with Lucca 
 Genoa, San IMiniato, and Orvieto ; and the Anziani prepared 
 for a vigorous campaign. Alarmed at the \icinity of a purely 
 Ghibeline town a restoration of the Pistoian Guelphs was 
 their principal object ; the recent success of their own exfles 
 touched their pride, and the loss of Montaia was a disgrace to 
 their arms. In the depth of a severe ^nnter they took the 
 field, regained Montaia hi face of the united armies of ^^ ^^^^ 
 Pisa and Siena, marched on Pistoia, besieged Tizana, 
 and while still before it, heard of the defeat of the Lucchese 
 army by the Pisans at Monopoli ; terms were mstantly made 
 with the besieged, and a sudden march brought them on the 
 victor s flank at Pontadera where encumbered by prisoners and 
 spoil the Pisans were totally defeated with great slaughter. 
 Many of them were dehvered over to the Lucchese as an 
 indemnification for their recent loss, and the podesta with 
 3000 of his beaten troops was carried in triumph to 
 
 Florence!. 
 
 This battle presents a curious example of the mutability of 
 
 *S. Ammirato, Lib. ii<>.~-Gio. Vil- Flam« del Borgo confirms this ac- 
 
 lani Uh, vi., capi. xxxiii. xxxiv., count by citing the Senese Chronicle 
 
 T\J^^PnrnJho Cinto xvi of Andrea Dei but with a slight dif- 
 
 fT^ofZfoU^^^^^^ Senese fercnce as to time. (Vide Diss Quinta, 
 
 and Pi a^ revenged this defeat by p. 287. Malavolti Parte i% Lib. 
 
 driving the Florentines nearly to the Quinta, p. 6..)--Malespmi, cap. cl. 
 
 gates of Florence and carrying off -Gio Villam, Lib. vi., cap. xlix. 
 much booty and many prisoners : and 
 
220 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 221 
 
 fortune, for at one moment the Lucchese soldiers were drafrrred 
 away in bonds amidst the scotls of the victorious Pisans ; the 
 next saw them leading their captors captive and returning their 
 unmanly insults as they moved in chains to the capital*. 
 Without a halt the victorious army marched against Count 
 Guido Novello and the exiled Gliibelines in Fighine which 
 surrendered on condition that they were to l)e restored and the 
 Comit set free ; these conditions were obsened but the town 
 was destroved. 
 
 ft 
 
 In this manner the popular govenmient of Florence moved 
 steadily fonvai'd for ten years gathering honour and riches and 
 spreading its influence over the greater part of Tuscany: 
 Count Guido Xovello who had joined the Gliibelines and 
 excited the people of Figlini to revolt was attiicked tuid beaten 
 and the town recaptured ; Pistoia, after repeated fliilures was 
 A.D. 1253 ^"^^b' reduced to subjection ; the Gueli)hs were re- 
 stored, and the Florence gate of that city turned into 
 a citadel and placed in the hands of the Anziani. 
 
 The dominions of Volterra where the Gliibelines were 
 A. D. 1254. P^''^°i^^^i^ was next assailed, and the country^ laid 
 waste up to the ver}- walls of the city : this proved 
 too much for the inhabitants to bear ; they sallied with a 
 great force of infantiy and were nearly victorious when the 
 Florentine horse dashed gallantly over the rocky and uneven 
 ground and with a terrible shock drove back their army in con- 
 fusion to the town, but so closely pursued that victors and 
 vanquished rolled in together, and the strongest city in Tuscany 
 was taken in an instant. Here bloodshed ceased ; no robbery, 
 no violence, not an insult was allowed; the vanquished sub- 
 mitted without a blow and Volterm became ever after a vassal 
 of the Florentine republic. The anny then marched on Pisa, 
 passed the river Era and devastated the surrounding country 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. ii", p. 96.— M. di Coppo Stcfano, Rub. ci. 
 
 while the Pisans weak from domestic jars be(?ame alarmed and 
 disheartened ; they sued for peace on any conditions : and the 
 victoi-s accepting every preliminary returned home to dictate 
 the definitive treaty. It was settled, without much appearance 
 of moderation, that all Florentine merchandise should be free 
 wliile in Pisan territories ; that several towns should be sur- 
 rendered to the Genoese, Lucchese, and Florentines, and 
 others emancipated; besides several articles of less import- 
 ance all too severe not to be infringed on the first favourable 
 
 occasion. 
 
 The success of Florence had been constant since democracy 
 first gained the ascendant there, and the unusual good for- 
 tune of the year Uoi had procured for it the emphatic de- 
 nomination of " Anno Vittoriosor yet it was darkened by the 
 permanent institution of the Inquisition, an act supported by 
 the government more perhaps from political than religious 
 motives because all heretics were naturally attached to the 
 emperor s party, and under Innocent IV. for the first time the 
 stake and the faggot were seen in Florence ^. 
 
 Conrad son of the late emperor arrived in Puglia the year 
 after his father's death and immediately attempted a recon- 
 ' ciliation with the pope : this was rejected by Innocent, at whose 
 insticration the countiy rose in arms against him ; war and its 
 usual cruelties succeeded, until the death of Conrad in the 
 spring left the whole kingdom at his mercy and depressed 
 the Ghibeline spirit throughout Italy. 
 
 Except Pisa and Siena all Tuscany was either sincerely or 
 politically Guelph ; even the Counts Pepo de' Visconti of 
 Campiglia and Guglielmo Aldobrandeschi, though Glnbelmes 
 themselves, had found it necessary to join the Guelphic re- 
 public. Pisa was therefore forced into an ignomimous peace 
 
 ♦ Lami, Lezioni, pp. 527, 531, 544, Lib. ii«, p. 101. -Flam, ^al Borgo, 
 570.-R. Malespiui, cap. clv.-G. Vil- Diss v«, p. 296.-Mecatt., Stor. Cron. 
 lani, Lib. vi., c. Iviii.-Sc. Ammirato, -Muratori, Annah. 
 
222 
 
 FLOKENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 and Siena principally in consequence of this state of things 
 submitted to terms scarcely less humiliating : these last were 
 hastened by a vigorous and successful campaign on the part of 
 Florence who at the pontic's death expected some unwelcome 
 changes in the south of Itiily : the negotiations with Siena 
 were carried on principally by the celebrated Brmietto di 
 Buonaccorso Latini, the friend and master of Dante, and in- 
 cluded the relinquishment of all rights asserted by Siena over 
 the petty republics of iMontalcino and Montepulciano with the 
 guarantee of their independence by Florence : these were the 
 most difficult and importiuit articles of this treaty which in 
 addition to another with Arezzo concluded the transactions of 
 this triumphant year *. 
 
 Florence was now rich powerful and (juiet, wherefore Count 
 Guido Novello finding the difficulty of retauiinfj his 
 feudal authority in the immediate vicinity of so am- 
 bitious a republic, wisely disposed of his rights in the towns of 
 Empoli, Monterapoli, Vinci, Cerreto, Collegonzi and others, to 
 the Florentines for ten thousand Pisan lire. 
 
 The rising influence of Manfred natural son of Frederic II. 
 now first aifected Viterbo which making war on Orvieto in- 
 volved Florence in the cause of her ally, and a body of five 
 hundred men-at-arms were dispatched under Count Guido 
 Guerra to the latter's assistance : these necessarily passed by 
 Arezzo, which like the rest of Italy was divided by the two 
 contending factions but not so violently as to cause imy open 
 rupture. Tempted by such a favourable occasion the Aretine 
 Guelplis demanded assistance of Count Guido to expel their 
 rivals, and he, seduced by a promise of tlie citadel as a 
 reward, disregarded the existing alliance of both parties with 
 Florence and lent himself ^rithout hesitation to the fonner. 
 
 * Scip. Ammirato, Lib. ii., p. 104, in the following year.- 
 diffcrs from all other Ijistorians in his Parte i", p. 65. 
 date of this treaty, which he places 
 
 -Malavolti, 
 
 CHAP. X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 223 
 
 When the rumour of this event arrived at Florence the 
 people, although hating the Ghibelines, honestly expressed 
 their indignation at so flagrant a breach of faith and were not 
 without feai-s of its consequences on Pistoia and other cities 
 where the Ghibelines were powerful, and whose obedience de- 
 pended in a great measure on their security ^. The citizens 
 therefore armed at once and with a contingent from Siena 
 moved on Arezzo ; but Count Guido an independent chief- 
 tain, would not tamely resign such a prize as the citadel and 
 therefore prepared to defend it : the Arretine Guelphs had no 
 other reward in their power, and were unwilling to forfeit then- 
 word to him, upon which Florence from a sense of justice and 
 policy immediately lent them 1-2,000 lire, and restored the 
 
 Ghibelines. 
 
 The Ghibeline power which Frederic's death and the in- 
 ferior capacity of Conrad had materially reduced, began to 
 acquire new life under Manfred Prince of Tarento natural son 
 of the late emperor : this prince inherited the talents courage 
 and energy of his fether as well as his personal graces and 
 amiability ; and he has equally though perhaps with even less 
 reason shared the unmeasured abuse of Guelphs and church- 
 men. Left regent of the two Sicilies, his talents soon began 
 to attract sufficient attention to raise his brother Conrad's 
 jealousy, from the last efl^ects of which it is probable that 
 nothing but extreme prudence saved him : at the latter's 
 death he re-assumed the government, became tutor to his 
 infant nephew Connuliue, trie<l in vain to conciliate the pope; 
 who Uikiug advantage of existing circumstances overran the 
 kincrdom ; and after much hard lighting and a succession of 
 rommitic adventures reestablished the royal authonty so fully 
 and faii-ly that when a false report of Conradine s death reached 
 Naples, of which he is accused of being the author, he was 
 elected king by the clergy, the great barons, and inferior gen- 
 
 • Orl°. Malavolti, Parte i», Lib v«, p. 67.-Villani, Lib. vi^, cap. Ixi. 
 
224 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 tlemen; for the people in our modem sense were unheard of 
 except as tools for war or objects of especial ra[)acity. On the 
 truth about Conradine being announced by his messeiigei*s Man- 
 fred's reply was that the Sicilian kingdom had been lost to liis 
 nephew, and that he had recovered it by his own exertions 
 alone; that German nileand Gennan troops were alike hateful to 
 the people who were determined not to suffer tlie one or the 
 other ; that consequently a boy like Conradine could never hold 
 the sceptre a moment, and finally that having once mounted, he 
 Manfred could not now descend from the Sicilian throne ; but that 
 his nephew should succeed him and if he would come to Naples, 
 should be treated as his own child, and instantly acknowledged 
 as his heir. This offer being refused Manfred continued to 
 reign, and a primary object of policy was to strengthen his con- 
 nexion with all Gliibeline cities and become the head of that 
 faction in Tuscan v *. The firm and prosperous 
 
 A D 125^ * 
 
 administration of the Guelphs excluded him from 
 Florence ; he therefore it is said incited Pisa, still smarting 
 with the liard conditions of her recent peace, to try tlie chance 
 of war ; and under his powerful protection it was an easy task f . 
 Not daring a direct attack on Florence the Pisans invaded 
 Lucca but were met by the Guelphic army near Ponte a 
 Serchio and defeated with such slaughter as to force an instant 
 submission and request for peace, which they obtained on 
 harder conditions than before J. 
 
 Several towns of consequence were ceded to the victors and 
 
 • Pietro Giannone, Istoria Civile 
 
 del Regno di Napoli, vol. viii., Lib. 
 
 xix., p. •2*24. 
 
 •f- Scip. Ammirato, Lib. ii'', p. 105. 
 
 Folio Ed. 
 
 ;J It seems very doubtful whether 
 
 Manfred was the cause of this war : 
 
 the Genoese certainly began it and 
 
 according to Tronci were assisted by 
 
 the Lucchese, which enraged the 
 
 Pisans so much that they instantly 
 
 attacked Ripafratta ; on this the 
 former called in the Florentines and 
 overcame them. At San Jacopo in 
 Poggio the latter, as a sign of sove- 
 reignty, cut down an enormous pine 
 tree and coined money on its trunk 
 with the impression of a leaf of trefoil 
 planted like a small tree at the feet of 
 the Baptist. These were called 
 " Zecchini Gigliati.^ 
 
 If 
 
 CHAP, X.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 225 
 
 amongst them Mutrom which as a sea-port might in the 
 hands of a commercial people like the Florentines become a 
 dangerous rival to that of Pisa not only in commerce but naval 
 warfare, and lience its loss was one of the hardest conditions of 
 this peace. 
 
 A council having met at Florence to arrange the definitive 
 treaty, Aldobrandino Ottobuoni an old, poor, and respectable 
 citizen, voted strongly in favour of the destruction of Mutrone 
 ;is a place of no utility to the republic, and this decision (which 
 l)y the preliminarv' articles was left to the will of the Flo- 
 rentines,) was precisely what Pisa was most anxious for, 
 as quieting her apprehensions on the score of commerce. 
 <^ttobuoni had nearly persuaded all his colleagues to adopt his 
 view and the question was to be decided on the following day ; 
 meanwhile the Pisan envoy with less discretion than zeal, in 
 order to make all sure sent through a friend to offer Aldobran- 
 dino four thousand golden florins for the successful termination 
 of his measure. The old man immediately perceiving his 
 mistake dismissed the messenger with civil words and next day, 
 without mentioning what had happened, asked pardon for his 
 sudden change of sentiments and spoke so strongly on the 
 other side as to bring his colleagues round, but with consider- 
 al»le difficulty to his new opinion : Mutrone was therefore saved, 
 much to the annoyance of Pisa. Ottobuonis disinterested- 
 ness transpired in despite of his own silence and gained him 
 such applause that at his death, which happened shortly after, 
 a magnificent public funeral was decreed and a monument 
 erected to his memoiy in the church of Santa Reparata*. 
 
 * Malespini docs not mention this 
 anecdote and Tronci tells it differently 
 without taking away the merit of Otto- 
 buoni: but as the Pisans wished Mutro- 
 ne's destruction their subsequent anger 
 would prove its preservation. Tronci 
 however says that it was destroyed to 
 
 VOL I. 
 
 the great regret of the Pisans. They 
 took an unworthy revenge after the 
 disaster of Monte Aperto by dragging 
 his body from the tomb and after 
 ignominiously trailing it through Flo- 
 rence cast it into the Arno. — S. Am- 
 mirato, Lib. ii., pp. 107 — 123. — Gio. 
 
226 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 227 
 
 A.D. 1257. 
 
 Ottobuoni acted like an honest man and liis silence proved 
 him to be an unpretending one ; but such fume, and such 
 honours paid to one of the chief magistrates of the republic for 
 a common act of public honesty argue either the rarity of this 
 virtue or a verj- different notion of it amongst the Florentines 
 from that of the present day. 
 
 Manfred's successful campaigns and recovery of his kingdom 
 from the Church had revived the im[>erial s[)irit in 
 Tuscany, some slight indications of which awakened 
 Guelphic jealousy lest the Ghibeline to\viis should be excited 
 to tumult : wherefore Florence knowing the political bias 
 of Poggilx)nzi and fearing that witli the aid of Siena public 
 tranquillity might be distui'bed, detemiined to destroy its 
 defences both for present secuiity and future example ; and 
 although the principal citizens begged with ropes round their 
 necks for a remission of this sentence the Florentuie govern- 
 ment remained inexorable-. 
 
 Hitherto by a sagacious policy supported 1)y great militar}^ 
 vigom* the Florentine government through fear or 
 inclination had managed to avail themselves of the 
 services of both factions in Tuscany and we have already shown 
 how the Ghibelines for refusing to join in the expedition 
 against Pistoia were driven from Florence and subsequently 
 restored by the capitulation of Fighme ; neveitheless the 
 Guelphic ascendancy had taken such deep root tliat although 
 nommally there was no party distinction, their rivals were in 
 fact practically excluded from any share in the government 
 and watched with the utmost jealousy. The Uberti an able 
 proud and ambitious race, descended as they boasted, from 
 Cataline, were stUl the acknowledged leaders of the GhibeHne 
 party but jealous and discontented that eight long years of 
 
 Villani, Lib. vi., cap. Ixii.— Tronci, Gio. Villani, Lib. vi., c. Ixiii. — Orl. 
 
 Annali Pisani, Tom. ii", p. 132.— Malavolti Storia, di Siena, Part i% Lib. 
 
 Flam, del Borgo, Dissert, v , p. 299. v., p. 68. 
 * Mar. di Coppo Stefani, R. 112.— 
 
 A.D. 1258. 
 
 national triumph should have been acliieved not only by a 
 government of tradesmen but principally at the expense and 
 even shame of themselves and their Tuscan allies : the success 
 -)f Manfred against the chm'ch mspired them with better 
 hopes, and accordingly Giovanni degli Uberti was dispatched 
 to implore his assistance hi changing the government of Flo- 
 rence*. Whether the king gave them any promises does not 
 exactly appenr ; it is probable that he was too cleai'- sighted 
 not to perceive the little prospect of success that would attend 
 the efforts of an unpopular faction against a strong and popu- 
 larly elected govenmicnt ; but he is accused by all the Floren- 
 tine historians of fomenting the Uberti plot. 
 
 This conspiracy could not long escape democratic vigilance, 
 and accordingly that family was cited before the Podesta 
 Jacopo Beraardi of Lucca ; the mandate was disregarded, the 
 Podesta's force opposed and repulsed; an attempt was even 
 made to seize the government, when the populace, ever 
 ready on the side of liberty, seeing the authorities defied and 
 the defiance come from a family they detested, immecUately 
 flew to anns and attacking the quarters of the Uberti killed 
 their cliief Schiatuzzo with many of his followers, then seizuig 
 Caini degli Abati and ]\Iangia degli Tnfangati forced what 
 confessions they wimted from them by torture and chopped 
 their heads off in the Place of Orsanmichele ; nor would 
 popular hatred have rested here if the remaining Ghibelines 
 liad not saved themselves by a timely retreat. 
 
 Seventeen of the principal femilies escaped from Florence 
 besides many others not named, and the Al)bot of Vallombrusa 
 being accused as accessory was in despite of the pope and his 
 own sacred office first tortured to confess and then beheaded 
 on that confession ; but hi the opmion of many perfectly inno- 
 cent of the crime f. 
 
 * Filip. Villani, Vite d' Uomini il- f Malespini, cap. clviii. — M. di. C. 
 lustri Fiorentini, p. 51. Stefani, Rub. cxii.— S. Ammirato, 
 
 Q-2 
 
 -^a^ra 
 
228 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book r. 
 
 I^CHAP. X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 229 
 
 Pope Alexander IV. placed the whole city, all Guelphic as 
 it was, under an interdict for this audacious violation of eccle- 
 siastical rights, directing his censures especially against the 
 official authors of the sacrilege ; but a l»old and severe spirit at 
 this time animated Florence, a determination in the government 
 to vimUcate its authority at any cost, and a minute and rigid 
 attention to the appearance at least, of scmpulous honesty in 
 public officers which set all danger at defiance. For an instance 
 of the latter it mav be mentioned that one of the Anziani or 
 ministers of state was this vear fined one thousand lire as a 
 public peculator for sending to his villa an old broken door 
 which once belonged to the cage of the public lions of Flo- 
 rence, but useless and neglected had been long tossing about in 
 the streets: the property was public and therefore considered 
 inviolable ; yet 'from the loud and long-coiuiiuied applause 
 showered on Aldobrandino Ottobuoni, who was called the Flo- 
 rentine Fabricius. this extreme nicety would not appear to have 
 extended itself to the exterior relations of the commonwealth. 
 In this revolution the Guelphs failed not to take a lesson 
 from the defeated faction, and palace and tower went to the 
 in'ound under their destnictive fury : some amends were 
 however made by employing the materials to complete the 
 city walls beyond Anio to the southward an object of vast 
 importance in the approaching contlict with Siena -"^ 
 
 Lib. ii., p. 109.— The principal fanii- ba])ly on an average there could not 
 lies that left Florence on tliis occasion have been less than one hundred of 
 were the Uberti, Sifanti, Lamberti, the same name to each, besides their 
 Circini, Amidei, Scolare, Cai>onsachi, retainers, &c. As regards Don Te- 
 Migliorclli, Infangati, Ubriachi, vith sauro di Beccaria of Pavia Abbot of 
 a portion of the Abati, Guidi, Solda- Vallambrosa, Dante at least has pro- 
 nieri, Tedalnini, Galigai, Buonaguis-i, nounced him guilty. — {Inferno, Canto 
 Razzanti and Giuochi with many xxxii.) 
 others, noble and citizen ; and pro- 
 
 " Tu hai ilal lato quel di Beccaria, 
 Di cui segb Fiorenza la gorgiera" &c. 
 
 Thou hast beside thee him of Beccaria 
 Whose head was chopped at Florence. 
 * Malespini, cap. clix. 
 
 i^That Ghibeline republic had received the fugitives with open 
 
 }, for its hopes began to revive with the growing power of 
 
 Manfred ; but as Florence considered their reception a 
 
 - breach of the treaty of 1255 by Avhich no exiles from either 
 
 \ state could be protected an embassy was immediately sent to 
 
 demand their expulsion ; this had no cifcct, for the Scncse 
 
 ikirly insisted that their Iciiguc was witli the whole Florentine 
 
 y- nation of which these were a pnncipul part, and until some 
 
 crime were proved that miglit bring thoni directly within the 
 
 I ■ meaning of the treaty it would bo an absolute breach of 
 
 kospitality to refuse them shelter. The Florentines would not 
 
 readmit such reasoning, liut being aware of Siena's communica- 
 
 v tions with the Sicilian prince at once declared war and marched 
 
 g, troops to the frontier*. Nothing liowcver occurred during tlie 
 
 following year, partly because the army was opposed to the 
 
 iishop of Arezzo, under whose auspices the Aretines had sur- 
 
 Sprised Cortona an ally of Florence of which he claimed both 
 
 ^temporal and spiritual sovereignty ; and partly because it was 
 
 j|held in readiness to keep the Pisans in check who were pre- 
 
 ^' pared to assist Venice against the Genoese in consequence of a 
 
 quarrel in the Levant, which was subsequently arranged by the 
 
 J pontifff. It however became necessary for Florence to push 
 
 * Malavolti, Lib. v^ Prima Parte, p. to it after its father's death : the father 
 
 68. had been stabbed in a private feud and 
 
 ^' t.Michaelangelo Salvf, Hist, di Pis- this child was her only consolation. 
 
 * toiae Faiionc d' Italia, Parte ii', Lib. On seeing him in this situation she 
 
 ^ iii., p. 99.— Tronci, Annali Pisani. — with a loud slirick darted at the lion 
 
 T Malespini, cap. clvi. — Malavolti, Lib. and snatched her infant from his claws. 
 
 !•, Parte ii% p. 2.— There isan interest- The noble beast made no resistance 
 
 ting anecdote related by Malc«piiii as nor did he harm the child, only stood 
 
 [kaTiug occurred this year in Florence, and stared at the mother as she carried 
 
 iOne of the lions which were main- off her babe in triumph. It became 
 
 itained at the public charge eMai>ed a question says Malcspini (who lived 
 
 Ifttm his cage and ranged over the ot tlic time) whether this arose from 
 
 f whole city: every body was in alarm, the noble nature of the animal or 
 
 which was not diminished when in Orto because fate had preserved the infant 
 
 Son Michele he seized a child, the only to revenge his father's death, which he 
 
 f' ion of iU mother who had given birth afterwards did, and was named Or- 
 
230 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [fOOK I. 
 
 on this w.'ir with vij^our in consrqurnco of Miinfrcd's increasing 
 inllucncc aiul if possil)lo niatc-h the luttor hy some prince whose 
 o^vn interest shouM attach him to her cause. 
 
 The imperial throne being still vacant a principal stay of 
 the Italian Ghihelines was wanting; Manfred follo\Yed fast in 
 liis father's steps, hut still in the actual state of Italy the 
 imperial countenance hecame indispensable. Pisa felt this, 
 for even the want of ^lanfrcd's aid had already compelled her 
 to receive the dictation of Moroncc and Lucca while Genoa 
 harassed her on the othor si«lo ; wlicroforc it was resolved to 
 promote as she best could the cloctitm of nn emperor. 
 
 Although Innocent the Fourth at the deposition of Frederic* 
 wishing probably to weaken the ties of Germany and Italy, 
 had invested sovrn (Icrman princes under the name of 
 " Electors' with the po\v«n* of noniinating a king of Italy and 
 the Romans, it docs not appear that the Italian cities had ever 
 renounced this privilege; therefore in I25r» Pisa by a bold 
 and decided act named Mijhonsd tlic Wise, King of Castile, to, 
 these high dignities and sent a solemn embassy to inform 
 him of this decision >!=. Four German electors supported 
 Alphonso's cause, the rest votcil for llichard Earl of Cornwall 
 brother of Henry III. of Kngland ; Alexander IV. remaining 
 neuter until Ilichard's death when he opposed Alphonso's 
 pretensions. - 
 
 While this matter was in suspense the Ilorentmes from 
 different motives followed the example of Pisa ; they wanted i 
 coimterpoisc for I\lanfrtd and believed the ixjiitiff not indi^ 
 posed to Alphonso : Bmnetto Latiui was again em- 
 ployed, but ere he could fulfil his mission the battle 
 of T^Ionteaperto put an end to all diplomacy and drove him as 
 
 A.D. 12G0. 
 
 landuccio dfl Lcmc, This inridcnt 
 occurred in OHo San Mlchdc close to 
 the houses of the Buona;/uisi and 
 CompioUsi. {^f(tk8pinif JJist'. Fio- 
 rcntina^ c-ip. clxi.) 
 
 « Muntori, AntichitA Italiane, Di*- 
 scrt. iii. — Khin. dal Borgo, Dii»eil 
 p. 303.— Paulo Tronci, An. Pi- 
 
 sani, vol. ii**, p. 134. 
 
 CilAP. X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 231 
 
 exile into France where he published liis "Tesoro" in the 
 language of that country. 
 
 Trusting to the talents of their envoy in Spain, the Floren- 
 tines resolved to make vigorous war in the Senese states ; the 
 Carroccio was drawn out -•-, the forces mustered, and in the 
 month of May mai'died under the chief command of the 
 Podesta Jacopmo Rangoni, assisted by twelve captains of the 
 
 public besides the gonfaloniers of Sestos : sk Anziani accom 
 
 re 
 
 panied the troops but had no military command, and it does 
 not appear that the Captain of the People stirred from the 
 metropohs f . Siena soon felt the scourge ; town and castle 
 fell before them, \ illage and hamlet were trodden under their 
 feet as they advanced towards the Maremma, where Grosseto 
 city and the strong fortress of Montemassi were in a state of 
 open insurrection. At Colle of the Val d'Elsa the Carroccio 
 was deposited with the real or feigned intention of marching 
 more rapidly to the Maremma; the Senese, fearful of this, 
 rehiforced their army in that quarter retaining only what was 
 sufficient to defend the capital, and even \rithdrew Count 
 Guido Novello's force from the Valdichiana for the same pur- 
 pose. Probably expecting such a movement the Podesta, 
 ac^companied by the Carroccio, turned short to his left and 
 after securing his communications by the capture of Menzano 
 and Casole, suddenly appeared and encamped before the 
 CamuUia gate of Siena itself \. 
 
 On the Florentme declaration of hostilities in 1258 the 
 Senese prepared for active war, and in consequence of Man- 
 fred's friendlv disposition as announced by his two ambassadors 
 Ser Niccolo Mustaglia of Cremona and Ser Paulo Usa, they 
 dispatched oratoi-s in return to secure a still closer alliance. 
 
 * Ammirato save the 19tli Apil and army was in the field that caused the 
 
 Malavolti the dOth. restoration of the Podesta in 1251.- 
 
 t It ^vas probably in consequence of S. Ammirato, Lib. u., p. 11^. 
 
 the incon^xnience of leaving the city J Malespini, cap. clxiv.- Malavolti, 
 
 without a supreme justiciary when the Lib. i", Parte u., p. o. 
 
232 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Manfred anxious to strengthen his party in I'uscjuiy promised 
 everytliuig, but required an oath of fealty tu himself which the 
 envoys were instantly desired to offer in the public name. 
 -Vn instnmient was accordingly drawn up in May 1-250, by 
 which Manfred promises to take the city under liis particular 
 l>rotectiou ; and early in the following December Count Gior- 
 dano d'Anglona, Manfred's vicar-general, airived at Siena with 
 eight hundred German horse and a body ..t infantry ; he was 
 honourably received by the iiilei-s who for the convenience of 
 his men ordered that the " Ounce,'' (a coin <.l" which the name 
 alone remains at Na])les) should pass current fur six lire 
 or golden florins, but the troops as appears from public docu- 
 ments, were paid entirely by Manfred, his interest and that of 
 Siena being identic^ -. Count Giordano fearing that the 
 revolt of Grosseto. Monteano and jMontcraassi might produce 
 serious mischief if assisted 1)y Florence, i>n)[.u^e>l their imme- 
 diate reduction with a powerful force mid thl^ was fonnally 
 decreed in public council, Giordano being invested with the 
 chief command. On the nineteenth of Jaimary the anny 
 marched from Siena: Grosseto soon capitidated, Monteano 
 and Montemassi were invested, and everj'thing appeared pro- 
 mising when the fonnidable preparations of Florence alarmed 
 them. Provenzano Salvani and other ambassadoi-s were in- 
 stantly dispatched to implore a reinforcement from Manfred ; 
 the siege of Monteano was to be relaxed, i.r if necessary 
 abandoned; and the count taking hostages and seeming Gros- 
 seto was ordered back with most of his troops to the defence 
 of the capital. The delay of the Florentines before Menzano 
 and Casole afforded time for this movement which by forced 
 marches was successfully completed, so that with other neigh- 
 bouring detachments and the naturally strong position of Siena 
 no anxiety remained. 
 
 • Malavolti, Parte ii., Lib. i., p. 3.— Six lire were 8 grains above the value 
 of the OnciUf if then at its full weight. 
 
 CHAP. X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 233 
 
 As a sudden capture was impossible and a regular siege 
 might have unexpectedly brought down the army of Monte- 
 massi at a critical and inconvenient moment, the Florentines 
 contented themselves with a wide-spread devastation and a 
 harassing of the citizens by continual alarms in order to force 
 them to terms. 
 
 A lamentable want of dates and the discrepant accounts of 
 authors render all movements previous to the battle of Monte- 
 aperto extremely luicertciin : Malespini, the only source of all 
 the Florentine authorities, relates that Faiinata degli Uberti 
 with a deputation of dhibi 'lines repaired to Naples and im- 
 plored the aid of ^Manfred but after considerable hesitation 
 and delay on the king's })art were about to leave him in disgust, 
 when he promised tlieni a hundred men-at-arms : affronted at 
 this mockeiT they were on the point of refusing when Faiinata 
 exclaimed '• IJe not vast down, nor reject his assistance however 
 "'small, let us oithj jiersuade him to (five the royal banner along 
 " with them ajul at Siena we will jmt both in such a situation 
 " that for his own h(enour he will be compelled to send us more.'' 
 This advice was followed, the (jernian cavaliy were gratefully 
 accepted, the banner accorded, and they returned to Siena with 
 their petty escort amidst the jeers of the Senese and the 
 regrets of their exiled countiymen. 
 
 Manfred lia\ ing much on Ins hands ; with a large force 
 already in Siena, and probal)ly drawing a wide distinction 
 between a powerful republic and a small and desperate body 
 of refugees wliose sanguine promises were seldom justified by 
 facts, naturally hesitated, and unwillingly granted even tliis 
 assistance to an irresponsible body of private individuals inde- 
 pendent of Senese government. 
 
 Malespini goes on to say, that one day Farinata invited 
 these hundred knights to a repast where good wine and the 
 promise of double pay increased their eagerness for action ; m 
 this conjuncture an alarm was given and these excited cavaliers 
 
234 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 235 
 
 rushed impetuously fonvard : the enemy, despismg the Senese, 
 were negligent, and the Germjms breaking through all obsta- 
 cles drove even-thinfj before them in confusion. The Floren- 
 tines seeing their small and imsu}>ported number soon rallied 
 and closing round the devoted squadron put ever)' man to the 
 sword : Manfred's banner was taken and after having been trailed 
 insultingly through tlie dirt was borne in triumph to Florence . 
 
 Fiirinat*a lost no time in gi^'ing the king notice of this 
 disaster with the insult offered to his flag and by means of 
 20,0( florins borrowed from the Salimbeui (rich bankers of 
 Siena) he succeeded on condition of paying half their expenses 
 for tliree months, in having a body of 800 horse dispatched to 
 his assistance under Comit Giordano d'Anglona*. 
 
 It is very probable that mos>t of the above story is tnie and 
 that the sally might have been made as narrated, but it would 
 be difficult to fix the exact time ; that the part relating to 
 Count Giordjiiio and the ^00 men-at-arms is an error seems 
 clearly proved by Malavolti from public documents ; and a 
 Seconal reinforcement which anived after the retreat of the 
 Florentines appeal's to have l)een the effect of Provenzano 
 Salvani's negotiations ; they were commanded by Agnolo da 
 Sepontino and probably made up the number of I si hi hoi*se in 
 the Senese army, the gi'eater part of which says Malespiui 
 were Germans. 
 
 We may believe that this sally could easily have taken place 
 in the inter\'al between the investment of Siena and the junc- 
 tion of Count Giordano with tlie Marenmia force if any such 
 interval occurred ; or even in some of the numerous skirmishes 
 after that event, and that this and the more serious afltiir of 
 the eighteenth of May have been confused : it will appear that 
 in both accounts the German horse were most conspicuous and 
 even in the great attack these hundred cavaliers might have 
 pushed rashly on and been cut to pieces by the enemy. The 
 
 
 Malcspini, cap. clxiii., clxiv., clxv. 
 
 account most relied on by Malavolti who must have had access 
 to more cotemporaiy documents than he has quoted, is that 
 the Florentines being resolved to bring their enemy to a battle 
 or else a peace on their own temis, maintained a war of fire 
 and sword in the circumjacent country, destroyed the small 
 to^vns of Sugara, Montarrenti, Rosia, SoviciUe, Marignano, 
 Montecchio, and several others, and kept the capital itself m 
 continual alaniis mitil the eighteenth of May ; the Senese 
 then finding that their enemy, fatigued by such devastating 
 ser^-ice and with an utter contempt of themselves kept a negh- 
 gent guard, determined to try their fortune in a general sally. 
 Uniting therefore a part of their o^n cavaliy and a strong 
 band of Gennans under Comit Giordano's camp-marshal, they 
 suddenly fell upon the Florentine intrenchments broke through 
 eyerj obstacle tmd completely suri^rised the enemy, driving 
 eveiything before them in teiTor and confusion. The Ger- 
 mans in particular charged with such impetuosity that few of 
 their immediate opponents were able even to arm themselves, 
 and had they not been supported in time an immense carnage 
 would have followed with little loss to the victors ; but as it 
 was, cotemporary author according to Malavolti, assert that 
 about thirteen hundred of the Florentines were killed, and 
 only two hundred and sixty of the Senese army; and all his- 
 torians agree in describing the terror and confusion of the day, 
 which could hardly have been produced by a hundred unsup- 
 ported Germans. Villain says that Florentine knights and citi- 
 zens made but a poor figure ; and Leonardo Aretino asserts that 
 the camp was in great confusion and in some parts the soldiers 
 fled shamefully : but however caused, this affair was afterwards 
 cited in the stormy debates at Florence al)out a second expedi- 
 tion, as a strong argument against the measure. " Some others 
 have said," says Malavolti, " that the Senese who were with 
 the army round Montemassi having received more particular 
 notice of the quantity of people who were in the camp of the 
 
236 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Florentines and of their allies where (as it is said) were 
 assembled Lucchesi, Pistolesi, Aretini, Onietani, Pratesi, San 
 Gimignanesi, Culligiani, the Count Aldobraiulinu of Pitig- 
 liano, Pepo Visconte of Campiglia and others their adlierents ; 
 consideiing in what great peril and difficulty their city was 
 placed ; and moved not solely by the general intore^t. but each 
 indi\'idual also by his particular welfore : luiNuig befure their 
 eyes the apprehension and terror that tliis must have caused 
 in the minds of their children, of their wivt >. of their mothers 
 and of every other person connected with them, all remiiining 
 abandoned in such a horrible and frightful peril. Leaving 
 therefore some of their captains witli the local troupe iind Q(K> 
 horse, as well as some companies of infantry which Count (iior- 
 dano had sent them, and having persuaded the P«)desta, who was 
 general of the anny, to agree, they dejiarted with him from that 
 siege to go and succour their own people. ILning arrived at 
 Siena and an occasion offering, several sc^uadrons of Germans 
 made a sally from the Porta a Ovile to attack the head of the 
 enemy on one side, and the Senese issuing at the Camullia gate 
 assailed them at the same moment on the other with such 
 spirit and vigour that after great slaughter that aniiy was put 
 into so much fear tmd disorder that they began to tly and the 
 Senese followed a part of them as far as Castel Fiorentino, as 
 Messer Afjostino Patritij also rehitc^. othcis >ay not that day 
 but the day after, that iu*my broke up laid lied, and retired with 
 their Carroccio into the Florentine territory * . 
 
 This sortie was made on the 1 8th of ]May the dav on which 
 Farinata's Gennan knights are supposed to have fallen so 
 bravely ; but as on the 1 0th the Senese council decreed that 
 the German soldiers and their marshal should have their 
 wounded in the last day's action cared for at the public ex- 
 pense, and that they should be presented with 500 lire for 
 their gallant bearing in the fight, it may l)e supposed that they 
 
 • Mubvolti, Parte ii% I^b. i", p. 9. 
 
 CHAP. X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 237 
 
 were not all killed in this engagement and that the affair of 
 the hundred horse must have been a distinct and previous 
 
 thinc'*. 
 
 The consequences of a battle are commonly the best proof 
 of victorj^ where both sides claim it, and the results of this 
 attack were a sudden retreat of the Florentine amy without 
 having gained the object of the war, a separation of the 
 auxiliarj' troops, an immediate devastation of the Colli temtory 
 by detiichments of the Senese army, and the simultaneous 
 relief of IMontelatrone which the Orvietani aided by Counts 
 Aldobrandini and Visconti had attacked in their homeward 
 retreat, after separating from the Florentines. Besides these 
 results there were the reduction of Staggia and Poggibonzi 
 to obedience, a reinforcement of the besieging army before 
 ]Montemassi, a ravaging of the IMontalcino country ; the unsuc- 
 cessful attempt of Counts Aldobrandino and Ugolmo Visconte 
 to reconcile themselves with Siena and the investment of 
 Montepulciano. Montemassi soon after fell, and Count Gior- 
 dano even made an inroad on the Florentine territory ; but as 
 all these events occurred within twenty-five days after the 
 above combat it seems evident notwithstanding the silence of 
 their historians that the Florentines were completely dis- 
 
 comiited. 
 
 The Orvietani exerted themselves to make peace between 
 Montepulciano and Siena and demanded a safe conduct for their 
 ambassadoi-s ; passports were Accordingly given hut from a mutual 
 want of sincenty the mediation failed : the besieging army 
 
 * The words of this decree are. "Con- 
 silium est in Concordia quod vulnerati 
 medicentur omnibus expensis commu- 
 nis Senensis et quod medici cogantur 
 medicare vulneratos pro competente 
 precio, et salario, et solvator de pecunia 
 communis, et quod Mariscialco et mili- 
 tibus Theutonicis pro remuncratione 
 probitatus quam fecerunt heri contra 
 
 inimicos communis Senensis debeant 
 <lonari, et dari de pecunia communis 
 quinquaginta libras dcnarionim Sencn- 
 siuni, et quod hoc non intelligatur pro 
 menda equorum et armorum ; sed pro 
 remuncratione probitatis, quam fece- 
 runt tantum." (Vide Malavolti, Stoiia 
 di Siena, Lib. i", Parte ii% p. 9.) 
 
23S 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book f. 
 
 CHAP. X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 239 
 
 marched on the twelfth of June from Siena ; but altered their plan 
 by investing Montalcino, and the necessity of relieving this city. 
 a place under the immediate protection of Florence, was siihse- 
 quently put forth as the ostensible object of that gieat Flurentine 
 armament which terminated so disastrously in September l-^^OO. 
 
 We now come to an important and interesting portion of 
 Florentine or rather Tuscan historj-, for the shock of Monte- 
 aperto was felt throughout that country by Guelph and Ghibe- 
 line; it vibrated even to the Sicilian shores and influenced 
 to a considerable extent the general fate of Ital3\ All summer 
 was spent by the Senese in ravaging the district of Monte- 
 pulciano, making inroads on the Florentine tenitorv, and 
 cuttmg off succours from Montalcino which was kept closely 
 blockaded : this town since its rejection of the Senese yoke in 
 l!234 had remained under Florentine protection and l»ecame a 
 conspicuous party in eveiy subsequent treaty between those 
 republics whose early wars were mainly occasioned by conten- 
 tions about that town and Montepulciano*. The Florentuies 
 therefore considered themselves bomid to raise the siege of 
 Montalcmo, but the manner of doing it became a subject of 
 warm dispute and finally led to the memorable battle of 
 Monteaperto f . 
 
 In tracing the principal causes that led to this conflict we 
 cannot trust unplicitly to the Senese historian Malavolti who 
 on all occasions seems as little inclmed to allow any eicdit to 
 Florentine exiles as to place confidence hi Florentme writers : 
 he does not even mention the name of Farinata degli Uberti 
 to whom every other author gives the credit of what was done ; 
 and bhnded by nationiU prejudice reasons weakly where he 
 
 * Montalfino and Montepulriano are is no longer what the poet describes 
 
 particularly celebrated for their wines it in his dav. The '' Moscaddletto di 
 
 in that exquisite little poem of Fran- Montalcino'' still retains its flavour. 
 
 cescoRedi called "^atrom7'o«c««a" f Malespini, cap. clxvi.— Malavolti, 
 
 but the pro<luction of the Montepul- Lib. i«, Parte ii", p. 1 3. 
 ciano vineyards though still excellent 
 
 
 attempts to conceal part of the truth because it raises the 
 diplomatic reputation of the exiles : Malavolti claims all the 
 honour for Siena, while the Florentine writers, unable to avoid 
 acknowledging their fiiilure, endeavour to bestow the credit of 
 it exclusively upon their own banished countrymen. But Mala- 
 volti wrote when the recent subjugation and existing misery of 
 Siena still fretted the hearts of his compatriots ; when ancient 
 hatred was sharpened by the conscious impotency of rage, 
 when the feelings of the conquered added new bitterness to 
 the present, new honour to the past, and the impassioned 
 mourner hmig in melancholy fondness over the departed glories 
 of liis countiy*. 
 
 It was of paramount conseiiuence to the exiles that a decisive 
 blow should be immediately struck ; a war of incursions they 
 argued w^ould only waste time and money without advancing 
 their cause, and they saw that the Senese government, 
 naturally intent on recovering tlieir own revolted towns, was 
 not disposed to risk a bold invasion of the Florentine territory. 
 Under this impression they determined if possible to draw the 
 enemy with a large force into tliat of Siena and finish by 
 one decisive battle. Montalcino was under a close siege and 
 although Florence became desirous of relievhig it the govern- 
 ment hesitated ere they ventured to march an army across the 
 heart of an enemy's country, and commence operations with a 
 city like Siena in their rear, and a necessarily long line of com- 
 munication exposed to all the garrisons between that capital 
 and the Florentine territory f . It was however the object of 
 Farinata that they should do this, and to accomplish it he and 
 Guardaccia de' Lamberti by means of two friars commenced a 
 
 * Altbougb Malavolti dedicates his the Grand Duke of Tuscany. Thi^* 
 
 history to Ferdinand theFirst in 1596 he was clinging to a straw, the gilding 
 
 yet draws a marked distinction between was there ; but it did not mitigate the 
 
 the notion of Siena being a subject bitterness underneath, 
 
 province of Florence, and its being as + Scip. Ammirato, Lib. ii", p. 114. 
 he asserts a separate dominion under 
 
240 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book t. 
 
 CHAP. X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 241 
 
 false negotiation with that goveniraent, apparently with the 
 knowledge of the Senese authorities, in which their enemies 
 were assured that the Florentine exiles disgusted with the 
 domineering manners of Provensano Salvani who governed the 
 republic, and also wearied out l.y misfortune, were ready to make 
 their peace ; that they had the means and were wiling to deliver 
 into Horentine hands the gate of San Vito leading towards 
 Arezzo, if they would only send ten thousand florins and march 
 a powerful anin to the Ari)ia, a stream ahout six miles from 
 Siena, under pretence of raising the siege of .Montaleino. The 
 friars who were themselves deceived, immediately proceeded to 
 Blorence, declaring their secret mission without divulging its 
 nature, and two of the Anziani were (Urectly chosen to rectivo 
 tliis communication with full powers to act on behalf of the 
 government. The commissioners, Spedito di Por San Piero, 
 a bold ignorant and presumptuous man of mean extraction, and 
 Giovanni Grancalcagni, a doctor of laws, after having heard 
 the friars, prepared the money and with their colleagu^es' con- 
 sent assembled the great council at wliich people of every 
 rank assisted, and proposed to victual Moiitaleino under the 
 escort of an army even more numerous than iliat of the pre- 
 ceding spring. Their plan was to invest Siena and reheve the 
 besieged town while the enemy was occupied in self-defence : 
 It was easy to persuade a people flushed ^^'ith so miny triumphs, 
 that their araiies had only to march and conquer ; but Count 
 Guide Guerra and the militarj- nobles had not forgotten the 
 combat of the preceding May : German valour was still fresh 
 m their memor}% and the dastardly conduct of the people on 
 that occasion made them apprehensive for the future. The 
 Anziani boasted of ten years of victory ; the nobles replied that 
 the community was then strong and united but now divided ; 
 the Ghibeline families, composing almost half the city, were 
 then with them, but now on the side of theii' enemy ; Siena was 
 in those days comparatively weak ; she was now powerful from 
 
 
 / 
 
 I' 
 
 concord and aided by a formidable body of brave and disciplined 
 straugei-s whose prowess they had already experienced to their 
 c^st ; but the nobles were not in the secret and therefore spoke 
 loudly agamst the imprudence and uselessness of this enter- 
 prise. Count Guido hrst, and then Tegghiaio Aldobrandi, an 
 experienced chief and eloquent debater, insisted on the danger 
 of marching into the heart of a hostile country and risking 
 their troops for an object that might be more easily and cheaply 
 accomplished by their allies of Onieto who had offered to per- 
 form it quietly at a trifling cost*: by this they said there 
 would be no risk and time would be gained, an object of vital 
 importance because the German auxiliaries being only paid for 
 three months as they erroneously believed, and half that time 
 having already elapsed, they would soon return into Puglia 
 leaving their allies in a weaker condition than before f- Aldo- 
 brandi was instantly answered by Spedito who opposed only 
 coarse and vulgar invective to his reasoning, taunted him with 
 cowardice and insulted liini by repeating a beastly expression 
 
 * These two nobles accordiDg to Dante partook of the vices of the times : he 
 places them in the seventh circle in hell, Canto xvi. 
 
 Questi, r orme di cui pestar mi vedi, 
 Tutto che nudo c dipelato vada, 
 Fu di gi-ado maggior che tu non credi : 
 
 Nepote fu della buona Gualdrada : kc. 
 
 He whose foot-prints thou seest me trample oi 
 Although thus naked and despoil'd he goes. 
 Held higher rank tlian thou dost now believe : 
 
 The good Gualdrada's grandson once he was : 
 And Guido Guerra nam'd, who in his life, &c. 
 
 oil. 
 
 k 
 
 t This mistake probably arose from 
 the custom of paving the men-at-ai*ms 
 every three months and the Germans 
 were probably paid in advance on this 
 occasion; but that it was an error is 
 proved by Malavolti who shows that 
 Count Giordano had already been five 
 months at Siena, and also gives the 
 decree of council for lending Giordano 
 a certain sum to pay his troops :ind 
 
 VOL. I. • 
 
 a minute of the repayment of it; which 
 proves that these auxiliaries were 
 maintained by Manfred. The minute 
 and tiresome details of all connected 
 with the battle of Monteaperto is 
 perhaps the reason why his statements 
 Imve been so little considered, but the 
 public documents which he quotes 
 substantiate his principal assertions. 
 
 R 
 
242 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHIP. X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 243 
 
 of the day, to which he replied with great dignity, and not long 
 afterwards had the sad opportunity of retorting when they met 
 as fugitives under the portico of San Triano of Lucca. 
 
 Cecci di Gherardini undaunted by power or the unpopularity 
 of his cause followed up the same argument with such vehe- 
 mence of rhetoric that the Anziani commanded him to be 
 silent under the penalty of a hundred florins ; heedless of this, 
 the penalty was doubled and he then offered to pay three 
 hundred for the privil^e of freely expressing his opinion ; obsti- 
 nately continuing his chscourse the penalty at last reached four 
 hundred florins when the Anziani perceiving that he would 
 submit to any fine mther than discontinue, peremptorily com- 
 manded him to be silent on pain of death ; and thus the cUscus- 
 sion tei-minated. The people supported their magistrates 
 against the military experience of the nobles whom they were 
 ever ready to mortify ; the decree was passed, and an impatient 
 shout of popular ignorance brought down min on the country*. 
 
 As there were however many disafl"ected Ohibelines in 
 Florence it was decided to make them ser\e with the army as a 
 safer course lest they should take the opportmiity to foment 
 disturbances : their allies of Arezzo more prudently expelled 
 all the adverse faction from the town and closed every gat« 
 but one until their return from Siena. 
 
 A summons to meet in arms went forth to all the Guelphic 
 league and every allied city bristled with war : the power of 
 Lucca was quickly hi the field ; Prato, Pistoia, and San 
 Miniato poured out their troops ; San Gimigmmo and CoUe of 
 the Vale of Elsa armed their battahons ; Genoa and Bologna 
 united then' Guelphic banners on the banks of the Arno ; 
 Modena was not lukewarm in the cause, and the more distant 
 plains of Lombardy sent their squadrons across the Apennines 
 
 * R. Malespini, cap. clxvi. — Scip. 
 Ammirato, Lib. ii**, p. 114. — Sis- 
 mondi. Rep. Ital., vol. ii., p. 311. — 
 
 Leonardo Ilrimi Aretino, Tradotto 
 da Acciabli, Lib. ii". — Dal Borgo, 
 Diss, vi., p. 253. 
 
 ( 
 
 to enrol themselves under the standard of Florence. Besides 
 these, Arezzo and Orvieto were ui full movement ; and even 
 Perugia is said to have jomed in this formidable armament. 
 Visconte of Campiglia and Aldobrandino of Santa Fiore mus- 
 tered their vassals and lent a willing hand to destroy the 
 power that curbed their greatness ; and Count Guido Guen-a, 
 although against the war, had already assembled his followers, 
 not indisposed to break a lance with his Ghibehne kinsman the 
 chief of the Florentine exiles. This was the auxiliary force. 
 In Florence eight hundred men-at-arms, all nobles or rich 
 citizens, pranced through her streets and arrayed themselves 
 under the republican standard, while six hundred foreign 
 veterans were already in then: saddles quietly awaitmg the 
 orders of their chief '=. Heavy-armed infantry with pon- 
 derous bucklers slender lances and helmets of burnished 
 steel ; archei-s cross-bowmen and irregulars, poured in succes- 
 sive streams from the sLx divisions of the capital, each under 
 its baimer and peculiar chief ; nor was there a single family in 
 Florence whether noble, popular, or plebeian, but sent forth 
 one or two of its sons to try their spirit in the coming war, on 
 foot or hoi-seback according to its power and opulence. The 
 Martinella was still toUingwhen the Red Carroccio, the military 
 PaUadium, rolled heavily from the precincts of the Baptistry to 
 its war-station in the centre of the Mercato-nuovo. The last 
 hours of August witnessed these two ''pomps'' of the Floren- 
 tmes move slowly over the Arno amidst the shouting of a mul- 
 titude tliat gazed with pride, but for the last time, on that 
 veteran banner which for ten successive years had led them on 
 to victory f. The rear-guard soon cleared the town, and all 
 
 • The men-at-arms were each at- Aretino, Lib. ii.-Giov Villani, Lib. 
 
 tended by two squires, often by three, vi., cap. Ixxviii. - Mar di Coppo 
 
 who generally did good service, so Stetano, R cxxui -Malavoli L b 
 
 that this body of troops would be i«, Parte ii\-S. Ammirato, Lib. n , 
 
 three times its nominal force. P- US. 
 t Malespini, cap. clxvii.— Leonardo 
 
 R 2 
 
244 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY 
 
 [book I. 
 
 the army was then seen winding amongst the hills in full 
 march to the enemy's capital : near this the bands of Arezzo 
 Orvieto and Perugia were expected to join them and move for- 
 ward to the Arbia as a convenient position for the meditated 
 capture of Siena. 
 
 But while these measures were in progress the banished 
 Ghibeliues had been actively arranging through the means of 
 two friars a secret plan of treason by which, when a favourable 
 occasion presented itself, their friends in the hostile camp were 
 to join the Senese banners : these malcontents led by the 
 families of Abati and Delia Pressa having been suspected by 
 the Anziani were forced to march and therefore in the true 
 spirit of faction did not feel themselves l>uund by the common 
 ties of national fidelity. 
 
 The Florentmes encamped on and aliout the hill of Monte- 
 aperto near the left bank of the Arbia, a small river which 
 falls into the Ombrone at Buonconvento : here they mustered 
 and reviewed the troops, which by the lowest accounts even of 
 the Florentine vmters amounted to 30,000 infantry and 3000 
 men-at-arms, but which some authors nm up to 40,000 com- 
 batants. This army however was drawn from different states, 
 with independent chiefs, and many disaffected men ; and 
 although all under the supreme command of the Anziani and 
 Podesta assisted by twelve experienced captains, there was not 
 that unity amongst them wliich is commonly the handmaid of 
 victory. 
 
 The allied camp was inclosed by palisades fixed upon a 
 range of elevated land overlooking a triangular valley from the 
 north-east, the other sides of this valley bemg confined Ijy 
 similar ranges inclining to each other in a pohit towards the 
 south-west, through which the road from Siena led to the castle 
 of Monteaperto on the right wing of the confederates. 
 
 Here they impatiently waited for the promised possession of 
 the San Vito gate and trusting to tht ir good intelligence 
 
 CHAP. X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 245 
 
 within, never dreamed of being attacked where they were : 
 numerous messengers passed and repassed, ostensibly on 
 account of this treason but really in concert with the Ghibe- 
 liues of the army, to settle the moment of open rupture. 
 Many taunting messages and insulting propositions were sent 
 to the council of Siena, who merely rej)lied that they would 
 maintain their countiy's honour to the death with equal valour 
 and they hoped with the same good fortune as before, but they 
 would give them a final answer on the field *. 
 
 Siena (ever after tliis called " Clvitas Virginis ") was then 
 bestowed by a solemn act on the Virgin Mary accompanied by 
 some curious ceremonies that show the religious extravagance 
 of the age f . 
 
 * Conflicta di Monteaperto. Com- 
 posta da Lanzilocto Politi Sencsc. 
 Siena 1502. Dedicated to the cele- 
 brated PandolfoPetrucci. A very rare 
 book. 
 
 f Messer Buonagiiida, verily a good 
 and excellent guide to the health and 
 perpetual health of his country ; the 
 moment he was almost forcibly elected 
 chief and prince of Siena, incited by 
 that glorious queen who never rests 
 from favouring and stimulating miser- 
 able mortals until she conducts them 
 to the true and straight road, (how- 
 ever in the beginning it may be rough 
 and difficult its asperity is wont to be 
 mitigated by the certain hope of the 
 abundant premium) stripped himself 
 of every part of his daily garments, 
 even to his shirt, and clothed in an 
 incredible warmth divine, ample 
 ;irdour and a most flagrant affection 
 for his country, pronounced before all 
 the people these pious and affecting 
 ■words. " Most dear and eminent 
 citizens, since by your singular benig- 
 nity you have, trusting to my loyalty, 
 trusting to the unbounded love that 
 1 have had, have, and will always 
 
 have towards our Siena, committed 
 her safety, and that perhaps I too im- 
 modestly have accepted it ; it appears 
 to me, (as unworthy of such a gift,) that 
 for the common utility and the public 
 glory it should be given to the most 
 illustrious Virgin, before every other 
 the delight of God : so that if you 
 wish our faith to be firmly established 
 as it ought to be, concede to me all of 
 you with one tongue and one heart 
 this honest favour and follow me." 
 When Ms short and modest speech 
 was finished, as a man transported by 
 too much desire fixes his whole mind 
 in one sole object and hears, sees, and 
 considers it alone ; without waiting for 
 an answer, his bosom bathed with 
 many tears, thus barefoot and in his 
 shirt, with frequent sighs pressed 
 and drawn from his exalted breast 
 and moving with rapid pace the 
 keys of the city in his hand accom- 
 panied by the weeping citizens, and 
 with loud exclamations, imploring 
 mercy, arrived at the temple ; where 
 Messer Buonaguida having entered 
 thus with a voice that penetrated the 
 starry heaven he lamentably said. 
 
246 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHIP. X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 24; 
 
 The secret expectations of the Anziani then in camp now 
 began to transpire, and the supposed betrayal of the city came 
 to the knowledge of the Ghibeline chiefs who instantly dis- 
 patched Razzanti of Porto San Piero, to give secret notice of 
 this treason, to represent the formidable power of the confe- 
 derate army, and adnse their friends against the hazard of a 
 battle. Farinato and Gherardo Lamberti who first received 
 him immediately perceived his mistake and the great danger 
 of his mission transpiring ; they accordingly undeceived him, 
 with injunctions to keep the enemy's real state a profound 
 secret and even to give a totally different complexion to his 
 tale. Ptazzanti willingly complied, and crowned with garlands 
 cheerfully accompanied these chiefs to the public palace where 
 the citizens were assembled, and told them that the allies were 
 badly commanded, disunited, and all ready to disperse, and that 
 if suddenly and vigorously attacked they would be easily de- 
 feated. His address was answered by cheers and loud cries 
 of " Battle — Battle,'' — The whole assembly flew to arms and 
 all their military strength was quickly marshalled : the people 
 were then harangued ; they were reminded that their honour, 
 their lives, and their liberty, depended on that day's conduct ; 
 
 (Here follows his prayer). And thus 
 sajing he approached the bishop aiid 
 prostrating himself with all the vulgar 
 at his feet implored for peace and be- 
 nediction ; which he had : afterwards 
 rising and taking the prelate's right 
 hand with his left they went to the great 
 altar and there on their bare knees 
 ther remained astonished and half 
 inanimate for a long space of time. 
 Afterward when they recovered their 
 minds and lost strength, Buonaguida 
 rose and gazing on the altar, with timid 
 but high-sounding expressions hardly 
 intelligible to the bystanders, and with 
 joined hands, he sobbing pronounced 
 these words. (Another prayer to the 
 
 Virffin which ends,) " Here are the 
 keys of your city which I along with 
 my fellow citizens freely and simply 
 give to you." After a long supplica- 
 tory prayer "he turned his eyes towards 
 the stupificd crowd and repeated these 
 words, received as he affirmed with his 
 own ears from the Virgin," {who accepts 
 theffift,) Then after a long exhortation 
 to peace and mutual forgiveness of in- 
 juries, the bishop takes off his clothes and 
 runs naked about Siena. " With all the 
 prelates and other priests, and with all 
 the converted people, men and wo- 
 men, great and little, that it was an 
 astounding marvel to behold !'* — Con- 
 fiicta di Monteaperto. 
 
 m^. 
 
 
 that wives and daughters iinplorod their protection from all 
 
 he brutal violence of war; and linally, tln'y were bid to sUuid 
 
 firm and never doubt of victory. llulfrcdo da Isoln, the cnp- 
 
 5 « tain of the people, was posted on the walls with the few old 
 
 la^aud boys that could be spared, and cveiy man, of whatever 
 
 ige, that remained in the rity, choerfully took his i)ost on the 
 
 ramparts if his shrunk limbs could bear the weight of arms. 
 
 ;Thenuns, matrons, and daughters of the citizens, all robed in 
 
 ■white, moved softly through the streets in long procession fdling 
 
 the air and temples with their song as they tremblingly im- 
 
 'jlpred the protection of that Virgin on whom they had so 
 
 :)ately bestowed themselves. 
 
 ^»As Florence into " -SV-f//," so was Siena divided into 
 'fjerzi," each with its (lonfMlonier fnid band of armed men, 
 ttnited under the Podesta I'ranecsco Troghiso : five thousand 
 citizens tlms served without jiay, jnid three thousand Contadini 
 from the surrounding country *. The rest of the army was corn- 
 ed of about 3000 mercenaries ; amongst these were the 
 Florentine exiles led on by Count Guido Novello, besides 
 fifteen hundred German horse with two thousand veteran 
 infantry under Giordano d' Anglone Count of San Severino ; in 
 ill about 14,500 men. 
 Malavolti denies that any assistance came from Pisa 
 though the historians of that state speak confidently of a 
 contingent of three thousand men. 
 'Ihe troops were high in spirit and the whole city echoed to 
 the^ sounds of war ; at length the moment arrived when the 
 gate of San Vito was to be opened, but instead of treason an 
 army of well-appointed soldiers issued to the war. After a few 
 miles' march tliey crossed the Arbia and halted near Mon- 
 
 • 
 
 • The Contadino was the inhabitant the same signification as at present, 
 
 of the " Co 71 /a<£o" or county of the which is that of a mere peasant living 
 
 dtj, and might also be a citizen and a on a ** Podcrc" or farm, 
 gentleman, for the name liad not then 
 
4K1 
 
 248 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [boos i. 
 
 selvoli to cxaimnc the allies* iiosition ; Count Giordano then 
 demohcd his marshal with four hundred cavaliy and eight 
 hundred Scuese infiuitry under Xiccolo da Bigozzo, by a cir-. 
 cuitous route to lurk unseen hehiud some bare hillocks i^j 
 rear of their left wing, and there await the events of the dayjj 
 The main body leaving Monsclvoli to the right resumed their 
 march by the left-hand road leading to the Valdibiena and 
 Monteapeilo, and immediately formed their line in the vallej 
 beneath the Florentine camp. At the fu-st glimmering of theij 
 speais tlio confcdcmtcs believed thom to bo only a body <4 
 skirmishers sent from tlio city ; but when tliey beheld column 
 after column in fiim and silent march covering the adjacent 
 plain a sudden apprehension overcame them: none had be«^ 
 lieved they would be attacked ; the chiefs found themselvesT^ 
 overreached, some of them were known to be disalTected, an(i|:^| 
 the rest were too confident. They innnediately quitted their^^ 
 camp and formed in order of battle about half way down \h^i 
 southern slope of the hill, their right wing rcsthig on tha •■ 
 castle of Montoapcrto which appeal's to have been unoccupied:; 
 the men-at-arms were posted ui the centre of either army, and | 
 the Canoccio of Siena halted opposite to that of Florence, both: 
 bemg surromided by a chosen guard of gallant gentlemen j\ 
 armed to the teeth and proud of the high distinction. There was '■ 
 a dead silence. The champing of bits or the jar of a cuirass as 
 the troops closed up in the still lluctuating line were the only 
 intermptious ; all was then steady; and immediately the 
 Senese riglit wing was seen in forwaid movement, while a low 
 murmur of mutual encouragement passed from man to man as 
 the word was given to advance, and rose gradually to a shout 
 when they neared the opposing height where the adverse 
 legions like a wall of iron stood ready to receive them. The 
 whole line was now in motion, when a pause, a steady cheer 
 and a rapid cliargc brought the infantiy of the left wing half J 
 way up the acclivity ; nor were they tamely welcomed ; a shout 
 
 CHAP. X.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 as long and loud, and a shock as rough, soon bore them back; 
 and left the hill as yet unconquered : the Senese ralhed on 
 the plain, where they were pressed by the enemy, and there the 
 sword and the spear were plied with equal spirit and equal advan- 
 tage. Meantime the Florentine general endeavom'ed to avail 
 himself of superior numbers by bringing up a strong body of 
 troops on his right, and pushing them along a line of rising 
 ground near the castle, which trended towards the rear of the 
 enemy's left, and thus tmn their flank ; but this manoeuvre 
 was not unperceived by the German who quickly cro\N*ned the 
 hill with fresh troops, and a severe repulse of the enemy suc- 
 ceeded in foiling him after an obstinate resistance, which long 
 maintained the balance in that quarter. 
 
 Duiiiig these events the centre of neither host was idle ; 
 Jacopo de' Pazzi with the Guelphic banner and three thousand 
 men-at-amis impatiently waited to charge : at a signal given 
 thi-ee thousand lances were in their rests, three thousand visors 
 shut, and three thousand hardy Imights ready to stiike into the 
 heart of the enemy, when a sudden loweiing of the banner and 
 a slight commotion round the Pazzi betokened some mischance: 
 Bocea degli Abati^:- had severed the leader's aim with a single 
 blow as he waved the flag aloft, and then followed by all his 
 Ghibelines galloped over to the enemy. The treason was mani- 
 fest, but its extent concealed, and confidence was entirely lost ; 
 no man felt sure of his comrade, fear and suspicion unsettled 
 them, and the charge was feeble. At this crisis Giordano's 
 horse came up at a rapid pace and completed the disaster ; 
 
 » And for this Dante plunges him up frozen by the coW flapping of Lu- 
 to the neck in the '* thick-ribbed ice " cifei^'s pinions. (Injerno, CarUo 
 of Gocytus the place of wail and woe, xxxii.) 
 
 " Piangendo mi 8grid5 : perche mi peste ? 
 
 Se tu non vieni a crescer la vendetta 
 
 Di Mont' Aperti, perchti mi moleete ? " &c. 
 
 Weeping he cried : Why doet thou bruise me so ? 
 
 If thou com'st not the vengeance to increase 
 
 For Mont' Aperti, why molest me thus ? 
 
FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 jverything went (1o\sti before their sounding charge as they fell 
 like a cataract on the disheartened Florentines : but when 
 yielding in disorder and about to fly, a band of gallant gentle- 
 men who had kept steadily together now couched their lances 
 and with spear and spur bore rudely on the Germans : their 
 staves were soon in splinters, but horse to horse and man to 
 man they contested every inch with swords and maxies, and so 
 roughly did they handle Manfred's soldiers as to allow full time 
 for their friends to rally and renew the combat. Along the 
 whole line the struggle was again maintamed with fresh 
 vigour ; the Florentine cavalrj' could now distinguish between 
 friends and foes and battled well and bravely, while the Germans 
 supported their ancient reputation. 
 
 The Senese right wing was still in stubborn conflict with the 
 confederates' left, while at the extreme left the struggle con- 
 tinued bloody and obstinate. The day was yet doubtful, when 
 the German marshal and Niccolo da Bigozzo who had been 
 watching all the current of the fight ; seeing the rear of the 
 allies without a reserve of horse exposed by their descent to 
 the plain broke suddenly from their concealment and charged 
 mth such speed that the shock was felt, even before they were 
 seen, and Bigozzo s infantry following after them carried terror 
 and confusion through the field. The cavalr)' believing them- 
 selves betrayed soon gave way and fled ; the infantry still fought 
 courageously; but all broken and disordered, every soldier trusted 
 to himself alone, resolved at least that national honour should 
 not suiffer from his individual conduct. A desperate band of 
 devoted warriors under old Giovanni Tomaquinci, gathered 
 around the sacred Carroccio, the yet imconquered standard of 
 Florence which still waved over the gentle animals that carried 
 it unconscious of the passions that surrounded them. Here in 
 compact circle an iron barrier was opposed to every attempt of 
 the victors ; with determined eyes they glared fiercely upon 
 each other ; no dust arose, for the soil was wet with blood ; 
 
 CHAP. X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 01 
 
 but the bow twanged and the arrow flew, and soldiers fell ? 
 and the cut and the stab were given and returned mth equal 
 furj^ : the shouts of the victors, the silent resolution of their 
 opponents, the groan of the stricken, the rattling of staves, the 
 crash of the battle-axe and the heavier clang of the cuirass as 
 horse or Imight went to the ground, betokened the mortal 
 struggle about the bloody Carroccio. Tired out, wounded, 
 dying ; but still unconquered ; man after man sank under the 
 coming blows, until this remnant of gallant spirits was finally 
 oveqiowered by the victorious assailants. 
 
 Yet for more than an hour did this defence of the Carroccio 
 continue : at last, every hope being gone, the veteran Toma- 
 quinci, whose natural force was not abated by the action of 
 seventy years, thus addressed his son and three young kins- 
 men who fought by his side. 
 
 " What are we to do my sons? To fly? But where? 
 " Perhaps to Florence : — where we shall find the \ictorious 
 " enemy before us ! There were those that of yore envied the 
 " death of Rustico Marignelli who fell in his native city when 
 " we were driven the first time from our homes : let us now^ 
 " make others envy our fate by dying in harness on the Arbia 
 " sooner than allow the banner committed to our charge to 
 " fall, as it never yet has done, into the hands of the enemy : 
 " and as I was bom before you, so will I, as I ought, show 
 " you the way to a most honourable death." Thus saying he 
 spurred his horse onv^ard and with his four companions died 
 bravely fighting in the midst oi the enemy. 
 
 The Carroccio and Mailinella were led away in triumph but 
 the day was not yet won ; the battle still raged upon the hills 
 and the right of the confederates held together although 
 their fii-st line was driven from its position, and the Senese 
 legions pushed forward with a spirit well worthy of their com- 
 rades on the plain : the success of these infused new vigour 
 into those that battled on the heights ; one more shout and a 
 
FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. S.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 determined charge bore down the now dispirited and }ielding 
 (ty^; retreat soon hurried into flight, and one wiM stonn of 
 fumult slaughter and confusion, swept madly across the plain. 
 
 The battle was won : a small body of troops threw them- 
 selves into the castle but were soon cut to pieces ; and had not 
 the victors remained to plunder, scarcely a soldier of that vast 
 armament, wliich only four days before had quitted their homes 
 in all the confidence of success, would have escaped to tell tht^ 
 tale to his countrj^men ! Florence alone by the most moderate 
 computation left '2oOO dead on the field besides the wounded 
 and prisoners, and there was scarcely one of her numerous 
 families that had not reason to bewail that dav, when ten tliou- 
 sand bloody \'ictims to civil discord made the next year s harvest 
 wave gi'eenly on the banks of the Arbia. 
 
 Nothing in those times was perhaps more doubtful than the 
 returns of killed and wounded, and the conflicting accounts i.t 
 authoi*s about this battle take a wide range : it was certainly 
 one of the most sanguinaiy encounters of the age and the most 
 important in its consequences. It was the Canna? of Florence I 
 
 The loss of the victorious army is said to have been from six 
 hundred to a thousand men in killed and wounded, and fifteen 
 thousand captives crowded the joyous streets of Siena ; while in 
 Florence nothing was heard but the wailing of wives and mothers 
 demanding sons and husbands ; consternation pervjuleil the 
 town, an indistinct sense of annihilation was impressed on tlif 
 public mind ; the gates were closed, the shops and houses shut, 
 and men looked sad and silent ^ each other : fugitives flocked 
 in hourly but brought no hope: despair in their heart and 
 death in their aspect, a downward glance on their bloody 
 garments was the only reply to loud and frantic inquiries : 
 the widow, the orphan, the sister, and the promised bride 
 had no other comfort; but to the graver questions and ill- 
 repressed tears of bearded men they sorrowfully answered. 
 *' It is not for them who have bravely died m battle for their 
 
 4 
 
 country's cause you should weep, but for us who have survivec 
 the conflict : they have fallen with gloiy as soldiers ought, but 
 Wi! are spared only to become the objects of scorn and mockery 
 to our bitterest foes."— Thus ended the battle of Monteaperto*. 
 
 Coicmborary Monarchs.— England : John (1216), Henry III.— Scotland : 
 Alexander II. and III. (1249).— France : Louis VIII., Louis IX. (1226).— 
 Castile and Leon : Henry I., Ferdinand III., Alphonso X. (1252).— Aragon : 
 .lames I.— Germany : Frederic II., Conrad IV. (interregnum from 1254).— 
 Popes. Honorius III. (1216), Gregory IX. (1227), Celestine IV. (1241), Inno- 
 cent IV. (1243), Alexander IV. (1254).— Portugal: Alphonso IL, Sancho II., 
 Alphonso III. (1248).— Latin Emperors of Constantinople: Peter (1216), 
 Robert (1221), John of Brienne (1229), Baldwin II. (1237.) 
 
 * Malcspini, cap. clxiii., clxiv., &c. — 
 G. Villani, Lib. vi., cap. lxxvi.,lxvii., 
 Ixxviii. — Mar. di Coppo Stefano, Rub. 
 120, 6cc. —Leonardo Aretino, Lib. ii°. 
 Volgariz** da D- Accaioli. — Scip. 
 Ammirato, Lib. ii«, p. 112, &c. — 
 Orl". Malavolti, Hist, di Siena, Lib. i", 
 Parte ii% p. 1, c^ siq. — Muratori, An- 
 
 nali, 1260. — Flam, dal Borgo, Dissert. 
 vi% p. 352. — Tronci, Annali Pisani. 
 — La Sconficta di Monteaperto, Siena, 
 A.D. 1502. — Sismondi, Rev. Ital. 
 vol. ii., p. 306.— Roncioni, "1st. 
 Pisane," Lib. x°, p. 548.— Vol. vi., 
 Ar. Stor. Ital«.— Sardo, Cronaca 
 Pisana, cap. xxxix. 
 
FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. Xf.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1260 TO A.D. 1282. 
 
 A.D. 1260. 
 
 The battle of Monteaperto bowed Florence to the ground; 
 and so withering was its effect on the remaining citizens 
 that the whole Guelphic faction resolved to abandon 
 their country ; not from inability to defend the town, 
 for it was strongly walled, the ditches broad deep, and well 
 filled with water ; and blood must have flowed and spears have 
 been broken ere its gateways echoed to a hostile footstep ; but 
 along with Ghibelme treachery came a dread of future treason ; 
 many of that faction remained and insulted the miiversal grief 
 by dieir open exultation; recrimination between Guelphic 
 citizens and Guelphic nobles began ; the campaign was the 
 headstrong work of the former, and the latter did not spare 
 
 them. 
 
 Besides this some of the richest citizens were becoming too 
 aristocratic, and raised the jealousy of their poorer neighbours 
 at the same time that they were in open enmity Nvith 
 greater families of their own party, wliile the plebeians, de- 
 prived of honour and office, were indifferent as to which faction 
 governed : for the victory being gained by their countrymen, 
 as tliey behoved, did not stain the national honour, wherefore 
 it was absurd in their opinion to endanger the city by endea- 
 vouring to exclude these exiles from their homes : they were 
 Florentines returning to Florence, not a foreign enemy at her 
 
 
 i'^vli 
 
 •I),' 
 J' t 
 
 gates, and whethex Guelph or Ghibeline ruled, they themselvl 
 would be equally excluded from a place in the commonwealth] 
 
 This state of public feeling was well known to the govemii 
 party who were also aware that their own lives as well as pr! 
 perty would be perilled by remaining, wherefore every principal 
 family, popular and noble, to the number of sixty and morel 
 retii'ed from the town and with their women and children' 
 sought refuge at Lucca and Bologna: the Guelphic families 
 of tlie other allied cities, with the single exception of Arezzo, 
 in like manner abandoned their country and swelled the popu- 
 lation of Lucca which became a place of general refuge for the 
 Guelphs until three years after, when forced out by Ghibeline 
 confederation they sought elsewhere for an asylum. 
 
 The Guelphs retired on the thirteenth of September, and 
 on the sixteenth the allied army marched to Florence. An 
 unusual quiet reigned in the suburbs ; no sound, no stir, no 
 sign of animation ; the city gates were open, the houses closed, 
 the streets desolate, and the whole town a vast and striking 
 solitude. Not a living creature was to be seen, no murmur 
 heard except here and tliere the low articulation of assembled 
 voices issuing from a church or hospital and then melting in 
 univei-sal silence. The victors struck with awe and full of 
 suspicion entered cautiously, apprehensive of danger fi*om this 
 strange tranquillity ; they marched directly to the public palace 
 observing the strictest discipline, and there fixing their head 
 (juarters occupied the remamder of the town : at length some 
 lx)lder citizens confiding in this peaceful demonstration issued 
 from their concealment and throwing themselves at Count Gior- 
 dano's feet implored protection f . Few outrages were committed 
 except on the houses and other property of the absent Guelphs 
 
 * M;ilespini, cap. clxviii. — Gio. Vil- Lib. ii., p. 122. 
 
 lani, Lib. vi., cap, Ixxix. — Leonardo f Oil. Malavolti, Parte ii**, Lib. ii°, 
 
 Aretino, Lib. ii". — Mar. ili Coppo della Storia di Siena, p. 23. 
 Stefani, Rub. 124.— Stip. Aoimirato, 
 
FLOEENTI>'E HISTORY. 
 
 [booh 1 
 
 CHAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 257 
 
 fhich were plundered and confiscated ; but the hatred of fac- 
 \m carried some so far as to insult tlie dead, ind, as already 
 dated, the tomb of Aldobrandino Ottobuoni was shamefully 
 Violated. The treatment of this worthv citizens remains 
 jxasperated the people, and their discontent was augmented 
 ^by the abrogation of many laws passed during the ten years of 
 Guelpliic government to secure public liberty : supreme autho- 
 rity was now exclusively vested in the nobles but under the 
 protection of Manfred, to whom all were compelled t*. take an 
 oath of allegiance. Count Guido Xovello was made Podesta 
 for two years and the German troops under Giordanu were to 
 l^e maintained by Florence. The Ghibeline^ immediately 
 dispatched ambassadoi-s to thank King ^Manfred for his aid. 
 and request that Coimt Giordano might be continued as his 
 representative, mider whose authority they had no doubt of 
 soon being able to aiTange the affairs of Tuscany. Arezzo \va> 
 speedily attacked by her banished Ghibelhies assisted by 
 the Senese and Florentines, and as stoutly defended by the 
 remnant of Guelphic citizens who had escaped from ]\Ionte- 
 aperto. A new gate was opened at Florence to communicate 
 more rapidly ^^'ith Count Guido s vassals in the Casentino dis- 
 trict, which with the adjoming street leading directly to the 
 public palace took and still keeps the name of the ascendant 
 faction*. 
 
 By this time the ambassadors had returned from Naples 
 and announced that the Count of San Severino could only be 
 spared for a few months, so that it Iteeame necessaiy to 
 organize a general pbui of government l)efore his dejiarture : 
 a diet of the Tuscan Ghibelines was therefore summoned to 
 meet at Empoli a small town about twenty miles from Flo- 
 rence, where besides the Count Giordano and deputies from 
 all the principal cities, every Lord or Baron uf any distinction 
 
 • Malavolti, Lib. ii% Parte ii*. — Leonardo Aretino. Lib. ii°.— Malespini, 
 cap. clxviii. 
 
 power or tct-ntorial authority repaired and assisted in the 
 deliberations. This congress was opened by the Count of San 
 Severino who informed the assembly that as he was recalled 
 by his sovereign into Puglia it became necessary to adopt a 
 line of conduct calculated to secure King Manfred's authority 
 and the Ghil)eline ascendancy in Tuscany =:^. Upon this the 
 deputies from 8iena and Pisa arose and declared that they 
 could conceive no other means so effectual for the general 
 security as the destruction of Florence : it was an opulent 
 powerful and imbitious city which always was and ever would 
 be attached to the party of their adversaries, a city whose 
 ramparts were e\er their citadel and which would infallibly 
 reserve its resources for the day of vengeance : nothing there- 
 fore but the demolition of her walls and the dispei'sion of her 
 people they said could insure safety to the Tuscan Ghibelines. 
 There was doubtless much truth in this proposition, and its 
 barbarity did not prevent its being favourably received, more 
 especially by those small towns which Florence had subdued, 
 as well as by many noble Florentines who saw a fair oppor- 
 tunity of recovering their independence by the ruin of that 
 power wliich had tamed them. The decree seemed likely to 
 pjiss when Fariuata Degli Uberti rose, and in a shoit energetic 
 speech opposed himself to the whole assembly and saved his 
 country. 
 
 " It would have been better," he exclaimed, "to have died 
 " on the Arbia than sunive only to hear such a proposition as 
 " that which they were then discussing. There is no happi- 
 " ness," he contiimed, "in victory itself, that must ever be 
 
 * This at least is asserted by Males- 
 pini, Villani, Leonardo Aretino, and 
 other writers but distinctly denied by 
 Malavolti who certainly proves by 
 public documents that Count Giordano 
 was made Podesta of Siena in 1261 
 and therefore could not have returned 
 into Puglia. The fact is of no conse- 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 qucnce in itself but tends to throw a 
 doubt upon the accuracy of those his- 
 torians. Giordano might however 
 have been recalled first to Naples and 
 afterwards appointed Podesta of Siena 
 by Manfired. (Vide Malavolti, Lib. ii**, 
 Parte ii% p. 25). 
 
253 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 (( 
 
 ft 
 
 sought for amongst the companions who helped us to gain 
 the day, and the injury we receive from an enemy inflicts a 
 far more trifling wound than the wrong that comes from the 
 hand of a friend. If I now complain it is not tliat I fear 
 the destruction of my native city for as long as I have life 
 ' to wield a sword Florence shall never be destroyed ; but I 
 ' cannot suppress my indignation at the discourses I have just 
 ' been listening to : we are here assembled to discuss the 
 • wisest means of maintaining our influence in Florence, not 
 ■ to debate on its destruction, and my country would indeed 
 be unfortunate and I and my companions miserable mean 
 spirited creatures, if it were tme that the fate of our city 
 depended on the fiat of the present assembly. I did hope 
 that all former hati*ed would have been banished from such 
 a meeting and that our mutual destruction would not have 
 been treacherously aimed at from under the false colours of 
 general safety ; I did hope that all here were convinced that 
 counsel dictated by jealousy could never be advantageous to 
 the general good ! But to what does youi* hatred attach 
 itself? To the gi-ound on which the city stands? To 
 its houses and insensible walls? To the fugitives who 
 have abandoned it? (3r to ourselves that now possess 
 it ? Who is he tliat thus adWses ? Who is the bold bad 
 man that dare thus give voice to the malice he hath 
 engendered in his soul? Is it meet then that all your 
 cities should exist unharmed and ours alone be devoted 
 to destruction ? That you should return in triumph to your 
 hearths and we with whom you have conquered should have 
 nothing in exchange but exile and the ruin of our country ? 
 Is there one of you who can believe that I could even hear 
 such things with patience ? Are you indeed ignorant that 
 if I have carried arms, if I have persecuted my foes, I 
 still have never ceased to love my country, and that I 
 never will allow what even our enemies have respected, to be 
 
 ii 
 
 CHAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 259 
 
 •' violated by your hands, so that posterity may call them the 
 " saviours, us the destroyers of our country? Here then I 
 *' declare, that although I stand alone amongst the Florentines 
 " I will never permit my native city to be destroyed, and if it 
 *' be necessary for her sake to die a thousand deaths I am 
 " ready to meet them all in her defence * ". Farinata then 
 rose and with angry gestures quitted the assembly ; but left 
 such an impression on the mind of his audience that the 
 project was instantly dropped and the only question for the 
 moment was how to regain a chief of such talent and 
 influence f . 
 
 When this decision was known Farinata proudly resumed 
 his place at the public request and it was resolved that 
 their cause should be strengthened by those measures alone 
 which were generally approved, the first step being to place a 
 thousand men-at-arms under the command of Count Guido 
 Novello, and maintain them at the common expense of the 
 league, independent of the ordinary contingent of each mem- 
 ber. This alliance of all the Tuscan Ghibelines against the 
 Guelphic faction was afterwards formally ratified at Siena, and 
 from the contribution of each chief and state took the appella- 
 tion of " La Taylia di Toscana " J. 
 
 Count Giordano according to the Florentine writers returned 
 
 * " A ci6 non fu' io sol, disse, ne certo 
 Senza cagioii sarci con gli altre mosso. 
 Ma fu' io sol cola, dove sofferto 
 
 Fu per ciascun di torre via Fioreuza, 
 Colui, che la difesi a viso aperto." 
 
 I was not there alone, lie said, nor certes 
 Without cause would I have mov'd with otherB : 
 But when all w^ished to ruin Florence, then 
 I 2vas alone, and stood in her defence 
 With open undisguised countenance. 
 
 t Leon. Aretino, Lib. ii°. — Scip. Am- Cant. x. 
 
 mirato, Lib. ii., p. 124. — Dal Borgo, J Scip. Ammirato, Lib. ii®, p. 125. — 
 
 Dissert, vi., p. 365. — Dante, Infer. Flam, dal Borgo, Diss, vi., p. 366. 
 
 s2 
 
 \ 
 
260 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 261 
 
 A.l». 1261. 
 
 to Naples and Giiido Novello. with the title of Manfred's Vicar 
 General and Chief of the League, established him- 
 self in Florence : the Tuscan Guelphs were dispersed, 
 or leading a miserable existence within the walls of Lucca ; 
 the power of Manfred was strengthened and extended by the 
 victory of Monteaperto, while he and his Saracens commanded 
 the South of Italy : the Torriani of Milan had deserted the 
 Church ; Mastino della Scala led the Veronese Ghibelines ; 
 Eccelino had fallen ; but it was more from tvrannv than Ghi- 
 beline politics and principally by the enmity of certain chiefs 
 of his own faction. 
 
 ^NLmfred and his party were thus prosperous when the death 
 of Pope Alexander IV. suddenly removed a feeble enemy and 
 made way fur a pontiff that veiy soon altered the aspect of 
 aifaii*s in Italv. Urban IV. was the son of a shoemaker of 
 Troyes in Champagne, whose talents raised him to the bishopric 
 of Verdun, the patriarchate of Jerusalem, and finally to the 
 Popedom : Manfred was too little disposed to reverence priests 
 ever to be on friendly terms with such a haughty ambitious 
 pontiff as Urban, who attacked him with a pereevering bitter- 
 ness hartUv inferior to the enmity of Innocent the Fourth. 
 His crying sm was mdependence of the Church : in itself 
 deadly and mipardonable ; but his Saracens had also appeared 
 in the Campagna of Rome and Urban instiuitly published a 
 crusade against hun, giving the command of his troops to 
 Roger of San Severino a Neapolitan refugee, whom he ordered 
 to assemble all the rebels of that kingdom and make cruel war 
 on Manfred. Not content with this he cited the king to appear 
 and justify himself against a long catalogue of crimes, and endea- 
 voured to break off an alliance then negotiating between Man- 
 fred's daughter Constance, and the son of John King of Aragon, 
 wliich originated the claims of that family to the two Sicilies *. 
 
 * Ricor. Malespini, cap. clxxv. — Sismondi, Rep. Ital., vol. ii,, p. 374. — Gio. 
 Villani, Lib. vi., cap. Ixxxvii. 
 
 I 
 
 \ 
 
 \1 
 
 Most of the year 1-261 was consumed by Count Guido in 
 consolidating the internal government of Florence ; but the 
 month of September found him in the field with 3000 men-at- 
 arms and a strong force of infantry : Lucca the only remaining 
 strength of the Guelphic party was the object of this expedi- 
 tion ; Castello Franco, Santo Croce, and other places fell 
 before it ; several more were restored to Pisa ; but Fucecchio 
 was bravely defended and resisted every attack so that the 
 Ghibelines retired without much honour to Florence. 
 
 In the last efforts of despair the Guelphs sent ambassadors 
 to Conradine who as legitimate heir to the crown of Sicily they 
 hoped would espouse their cause ; but he was still a child ; his 
 mother would not part with him ; and his furred mantle, given 
 as a pledge of futm-e assistance was the only result of this 
 embassy : yet their misery may be conceived when we learn 
 that the mantle was publicly exliibited at Lucca and worshipped 
 like the brazen serpent in the wilderness as a type of things to 
 come. Once they surprised and attempted to keep ^^ ^.^^^ 
 the town of Signa, six miles from Florence, but 
 Comit Guido after driving them from the place advanced to 
 Castiglione where the Guelphs met him with inferior forces 
 and were defeated : the capture of more towns and the devasta- 
 tion of more territory cooled the friendship of Lucca for her 
 Guelphic inmates and produced a secret negotiation with 
 Count Guido : it however dragged slowly on until the follow- 
 ing year when the Guelphs again saw themselves ^^ ^^^ 
 driven with their wives and children to seek a more 
 distant home. Lucca by this treaty was to join the league ; 
 receive a Podesta in the name of King Manfred ; regain her 
 prisoners taken at Monteaperto ; and to have no class of her 
 own citizens of either party molested ; but all foreign Guelphs 
 to be instantly banished from her walls. Three days only 
 were allowed to these unfortunate people to remove and after 
 severe suffering on the mountains between Lucca and Modena 
 
262 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XI. 3 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 263 
 
 the greater part arrived at Bologna in a state of extreme miser}'. 
 Here their fortune changed ; for a civil war having broken out 
 between the Guelphs and Ghibelines of Modena they were 
 invited by the former to lend them assistance and did so with 
 such effect that their adversaries were driven from the town and 
 the Florentine exiles rewarded and enriched with their spoils. 
 Similar dissensions soon after began at Reggio ; the exiles' 
 assistance was again sought and they were again victorious ; but 
 this time with such an increase of wealth as enabled them to 
 appear in knightly harness and form a veteran band of four 
 hundred men-at-arms, wliich afterwards did good service in the 
 
 Sicihan wars. 
 
 In this last affair a certain Carca da Keggio, a knight of 
 gigantic stature and prowess, with a ponderous iron mace bore 
 down every opponent and almost alone sustained the combat, 
 for none approached witliin reach of his weapon that was not 
 instantly felled to the earth: the Florentine gentlemen ob- 
 serving this, selected twelve the most valourous of their com- 
 pany, and under the name of the twelve Paladins sent them 
 anned ^ith daggers only against the terrible Carca : a bloody 
 struggle ensued in which many sunk beneath the giant s arm, 
 but he finally pelded to their close assault and died where he 
 fell in the market-place of Reggio. This decided the victor)% 
 every Ghibeline fled from the city and the Florentines received 
 their reward under the young Forese degli Adimari by whose 
 hand the giant is supposed to have fallen*. 
 
 The fat€ of Lucca hastened that of Arezzo where the Guelphs 
 had made a long and gallant defence; but worn out and 
 pressed by their own exiles, by Florence, and Siena; they 
 finally yielded to an adverse fortune and retired. 
 
 The abasement of Guelphic Tuscany seemed now com- 
 plete and the star of Manfred high in the ascendant ; but a 
 
 * Leon. Aretino, Lib. ii" — Villani, clxxiv.— S. Ammirato, Lib. ii°,p. 127, 
 Lib. vi., cap. Ixxxvi. — Maleepini, cap. &c. 
 
 I. 
 
 cloud arose in the west which at first dimming its lustre finally 
 extinmiished it in blood. Urban stimulated from within and 
 without, both by his own hatred and the Guelphic exOes ; 
 strained every nerve to accomplish the fall of Manfred : he 
 began a secret negotiation with Saint Louis of France and 
 ofl'ered the crown of Sicily to his son ; the gift was refused by 
 that conscientious monarch as it was the inheritance of Con- 
 radine ■ but the decree of a council had anathematised Frederic 
 and all his posterity, and though Urban charged himself with 
 the sin. yet would not Louis be tempted. His brother the 
 Count of Anjou more ambitious and far less scrupulous, coveted 
 the prize and was well seconded by the vain temper of his wife 
 Beatrice Countess of Provence : this lady having three sisters 
 enioj-ing the queenly dignity could not brook an inferior title, 
 although ranking in power and riches next to the crowned 
 heads of Europe. Her husband, says ViUani, " was wise and 
 prudent in coimcil, of great prowess m arms, severe, and 
 greatly feared by all the kings in the world ; magnammous, of 
 aspiring thoughts, and equal to the greatest enterpnses ; un- 
 tamed in adversity ; firm and faitliful m all his promises ; speak- 
 ina little and doing much : scarcely ever smilmg ; decent as a 
 monk: a zealous Catholic; severe in justice, and fierce m his 
 aspect His figure was tall and muscular, his colour ohve, 
 his nose long, and he seemed more adapted than any other 
 lord to the kingly office. He scarcely slept. He was generous 
 to liis followers, but rapacious in amassmg lordships lands and 
 money on every side to supply the expense of his ente^rises, 
 and never took any pleasure in jesters troubadours and other 
 court followers*." The negotiations with Charles of ^^ ^^ 
 Aniou were attended by much difficulty and delay ; 
 the pope was too exax:ting and the prince firm in his purpose 
 to make himself as Uttle dependent as possible on the Roman 
 pontiff, so that one year was thus unprofitably wasted, and 
 
 • ViUani, Lib. vii., cap. i". 
 
264 
 
 l-XORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1 
 
 A.D. 1265, 
 
 another consumed in military preparations for the enterprise. 
 The announcement of these intentions was the first shock to 
 Ghibeline power and his arrival at Rome with a thousand 
 men-at-arms the signal for hostilities: Charles had escaped 
 from a Pisan fleet equipped to intercept him, and 
 after seeing his own squadron dispersed arrived 
 almost alone at a convent outside the walls of Rome, where 
 however he was soon joined by his followers and entered the 
 city on the *24th May 1265 amidst general acclamation. 
 
 Urban IV. died in 1264 while Charles was in the midst of 
 his preparations and a vacancy of five months threw a damp 
 on Guelphic hopes; but Urban who had found only eight 
 cardinals at his accession completed the list with his own 
 friends, and his counterpart the Cardinal of Xarl)onne then on 
 a mission to the court of Provence, was chosen pontiff under 
 the name of Clement IV*. The enteqirise therefore proceeded 
 as vigorously as before and Charles with the aid of his brother, 
 who perhaps was not sorry to see so unquiet a spirit out of 
 his kingdom, besides the riches and even jewels of his wife, 
 assembled an army of 5000 cavalry 15,000 infantry, and 
 10,000 cross-bowmen, but impatient to arrive at the scene of 
 action he hurried on to Rome as already related. 
 
 Charles was publicly acknowledged as King of Sicily and 
 Puglia by the new pope ; and the Roman people wishing to 
 have some powerful prince for their senator, who at that time 
 had great authority, also appointed him to this dignity in 
 preference to Manfred or the Prince of Aragon. The pope 
 only favoured this election because he was enabled to secure 
 his own temporal power by annexing certain conditions that 
 the Count of Anjou s eagerness for the Sicilian crown induced 
 him to accept. His arrival infused new spirit into the Floren- 
 tine exiles, now rich and powerful through their own gallantry; 
 they therefore sent a formal embassy to the new pope with an 
 
 * Scip. Ammirato, Lib. ii°, p. 129.~Muratori, Annali. 
 
 CHAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 265 
 
 offer of their services for the king, and demanding the blessing, 
 and recommendation of the church : they represented their 
 band as bemg composed of 400 gentlemen well armed and 
 mounted besides a considerable body of footmen, and added 
 that they would appear with increased dignity before that 
 prince if as soldiers of the church they were presented with a 
 banner bearing the arms or some other device of his holiness. 
 Clement of course granted all their requests furnished them 
 with money, and gave them a standard emblazoned with his 
 own arms ; namely a red eagle in a white field holding a green 
 dragon in its talons, and the exiles afterwards placed a red lily 
 over the eagle s head which thenceforth became the peculiar 
 badge of the " Party Guelph " a faction that acted so important 
 a part in the subsequent history of Florence*. Under these 
 auspices the exiles prepared for war and advanced towards 
 Mantua to unite with the Provencal cavalry commanded by 
 Guy de Montfort fourth son of the Earl of Leicester who had 
 fled to France after the battle of Evesham. The Florentine 
 Guelphs under Count Guido Guerra led them through Romagna 
 and La Marca to Rome where they arrived about Christmas, 
 and were received by Charies with peculiar favom- not only on 
 account of their own strength and military reputation, but 
 because they were the first Italians that had joined his 
 standard, were deadly enemies of Manfred, and demanded no 
 reward except a speedy restoration to their country. The rest 
 of the troops joined their sovereign in the month ^^ ^^^ 
 of January 1266. Charies after the ceremony of a 
 coronation, in which he acknowledged himseK a vassal of the 
 church, with exhausted resources humed on to the frontier 
 where he took the pass of Ceperano, crossed the Garigliano 
 without a check, in consequence of the treachery of Manfred's 
 kinsman the Count of Caserta, and occupying a considerable 
 part of the country prepared for a speedy termination of the 
 
 ♦ Leon. Aretino, Lib. ii«>.— Msdespini, cap. clsxvi.— S. Ammirato, Lib. ii., p. 129. 
 
266 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 an 7' 
 
 contest. Manfred alarmed by the disaffection of his brother- 
 in-law and the subsequent disloyalty of others endeavoured to 
 come to terms and sent an embassy for that purpose; but 
 Charles perceiving his advantage scornfully rejected all com- 
 munication. - Tell the Sultan of Nocera with him I will 
 '• have nor peace nor truce, but that ere long I Mill either send 
 *' him to hell or Jie shall send me to Paradise." The war was 
 a crusade and Charles had persuaded his followers t*hat as they 
 fought for the Catholic faith against an excommunicated heretic 
 and a Saracen, they were sure either of the crown of martyr- 
 dom or the glorious triumph of victory. The unexpected 
 capture of San Germano and consequent slaughter of some of 
 his bravest Moslems still further depressed Manfred ; treacheiy 
 appeared on every hand and even the very season seemed to 
 side with the enemy; nevertheless he took up a position at' 
 Benevento and resolved on battle. 
 
 The river Calore flowed l)etween the armies and the fate of 
 pnnce and kingdom was decided in a few hours : there were 
 from three to four thousand lances on each side according to 
 tile lowest statements ; the infantry began the attack ; the 
 Saracen archers passed the river and with loud shouts assaulted 
 the French ; shooting so well that the latter could scarcely 
 withstand them ; the cavalry rode up to their support blest by 
 the Pope's legate with uplifted hands in the midst of the 
 tumult; the Saracens were repulsed and then the German 
 cavalry gaUoped over the plain of GrandeUa to encounter the 
 Proven9al knights. - Montjoie Chevaliersr - Suabia Cheva- 
 l^s was shouted on either side ; the Germans bore every- 
 thmg before them, but the French were successively supported 
 at every repulse by their second, third, and fourtli lines : they 
 out^numbered Manfred's brigade and striking at the hordes, a 
 foul proceeding amongst knights, succeeded in disordering if 
 Manfred ordered his reserve to their support; it was a critical 
 moment and was not lost on the disaffected; his grand 
 
 
 treasurer ; the Count della Cerra ; the Count of Caserta, and 
 and nearly fourteen hundred men-at-arms who had never been 
 engaged shamefully fled and sacrificed their master and the 
 
 kingdom. 
 
 With a handful of still faithful gentlemen Manfred resolved 
 to die gloriously rather than }ield the day : while in the act of 
 adjusting his helmet, a silver eagle which formed the crest feU 
 on his saddle-bow. " Hoc est signum Dei;' said he ; "I fixed 
 on this crest with my own hands : it has not fallen by chance." 
 Immediately plunging into the thickest of the fight, but unable 
 to raUy his disheartened soldiers, he fell dead amidst a heap of 
 enemies and remained three days before the body was dis- 
 
 covered. 
 
 Thus died King Manfred, a victim to his own treacherous 
 barons : the ambition of reigning led him into errors that have 
 been distorted by papal hatred and ecclesiastical intolerance 
 into the characteristics of a cruel, faithless and irreligious 
 barbarian ; but says Giannone, " If it had not been for his 
 ambition he might be compared with the most famous captams 
 of passed ages ; magnanimous, energetic, liberal, and a lover 
 of justice, he always maintamed his kingdom flourishing and 
 abundant ; he violated the laws only to ascend tiie throne but 
 in everything else was just and compassionate. Learned m 
 philosophy, a consummate mathematician ; not only an en- 
 courager of literature but himself most accomplished " * * 
 - He was fair and handsome, of gentie aspect, affable with 
 even-bodv, always smiling and cheerful, of admirable and 
 deUahtfui wit, so that he has by several been compared to Titus 
 son of Vespasian for his liberality, his beauty, and his courtesy." 
 And Muratori, himself a churchman, agrees substantially mtlns 
 
 character 
 
 Benevento soon fell and many of King Manfred's most 
 faitUul adherents were cruelly put to death or reserved for 
 lasting imprisonment. The Florentine exiles bore themselves 
 
268 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 SO bravely at the battle of Grandella that Manfred could not 
 help exclaiming with some bitterness, ** where are the Ghihe- 
 lines for whom I have done so much ! Whatever may be the 
 fortune of the day that band of Guelphic gentlemen cannot 
 loser 
 
 Dead as he was, the enemy's hatred still pursued him ; his 
 body was thrown across the back of an ass ; Charles and the 
 Pope's legate refused him a tomb in consecrated eaitli because 
 he died excommunicate ; his remains were laid at the foot of 
 Benevento bridge where every soldier in the victorious army 
 threw a stone, and thus a monument was suddenly raised to the 
 memory of a prince a hero and an accomplished gentleman, by 
 the natural sATnpathy of generous enemies, when the liatred of 
 kings and cardinals sternly refused him the common offices of 
 mortality. Even this resting-place was denied, for the Arch- 
 bishop of Cosenza with the pope's approbation, on pretence of 
 its lying in papal ground, ordered Manfred's body to be dis- 
 interred and carried away in darkness to the banks of the 
 Verde J now the Marino river, and exposed to the inclemency 
 of the weather so that all traces of its existence were speedily 
 lost to the inhabitants*. 
 
 The victory of Grandella was bloody but the pursuit still 
 more so ; the kingdom remained at the conqueror's mercy and 
 he soon entered Naples in triumph : the Florentine auxiliaiies 
 still followed his standard while their Ghibeline rivals alarmed 
 at these events drew closer together and resolved on measures 
 of precaution against the fatal consequences of this campaign. 
 
 * Dante alludes to this — R. Malespini, cap. Ixxvii. to clxxxi. — 
 
 ** Poi sorridendo disse : loson Manfredi ^- Villani, Lib. vti., from cap. iii. to 
 
 Nipote di Costanza Imperadrice : cap- x- — Leon. Aretino, Lib. ii". — Mu- 
 
 Ond' lo ti priego," &c'. ratori, Annali, An. 1266. — Giannone, 
 
 {Dantey Purgo; Canto iii.) Stor. Civile di Napoli, vol. viii., Lib. 
 
 Then he smiling said: I am king xix., cap. iii., p. 261.--Si8mondi, vol. 
 
 Manfred ""» P* ^"^' — Costanza, Istor. del Regno 
 
 Nephew of the imperial Constance : ^' ^*P^^' ^^' ^°' P" ^^' ^ *^?- 
 Wherefore I pray thee, &c. 
 
 CHAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 269 
 
 The fall of Manfred was likely to drag them from that pedestal 
 on wliich the battle of Monte Aperto had placed them; yet there 
 seems to have been no good reason for apprehending a reverse 
 in Tuscany if their affairs had been ably conducted, and with an 
 impartial administration of justice in Florence where public 
 opinion ran fearfully against them, the ancient freedom of a 
 popular government being still fresh in the public mind. 
 
 All the Tuscan cities were nominally Ghibeline, but a strong 
 and silent mass of Guelphic matter existed within each, and a 
 stronger and more enterprising set without who only waited for a 
 favourable opportunity to right themselves : Florence above all 
 was essentially Guelph ; the citizens openly rejoiced at the 
 death of Manfred, and Count Guide perceived when too late 
 that it would be politic to try and acquire the public favour 
 with some show of beneficial intentions after having forfeited 
 it by every kind of injustice. Since the victory of Monte 
 Aperto the government had nominally been in the hands of 
 the nobles, but Count Guido both as Podesta and royal Vicar 
 was little less than absolute : the names of Guelph and 
 Gliibeline now began to express something more definite and 
 local than the general Italian meaning of these words. 
 Guelph in Florence now signified popular government ; Ghibe- 
 line that of the aristocracy : and as the latter party in 
 adhering to the empire strove for an oligarchy, so the former 
 being attached to the church desired a democracy, into which 
 by a wider gate all the most able and virtuous of the conunu- 
 nitv whether noble or plebeian would be permitted to enter. 
 Count Guido saw clearly that things were fast drawing to the 
 same state as in r250 and likely to be attended by similar 
 consequences unless some timely sacrifice were offered to 
 popular feeling: his resolution though wise was useless, for 
 public opinion began to express itself openly without fear or 
 equivocation and liis own motives were exactly estimated. 
 A short time before tliis a new order of religious knight- 
 
270 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 271 
 
 hood under the name of " Frate Gaudenti " began in Italy : 
 it was not bound by vows of celibacy or any very severe 
 regulations, but took the usual oatlis to defend widows and 
 orphans and make peace between man and man : the founder 
 was a Bolognese gentleman called Loderingo di Liandolo who 
 enjoyed a good reputation, and along \sith a brother of the 
 same order named Catalano di Malavolti, one a Guelph the 
 other a Ghibeline, was now invited to Florence by Count 
 Guido to execute conjointly the office of Podesta. It was 
 intended by thus dividing the supreme authority between two 
 magistrates of different politics that one should correct the 
 other and justice be equally administered ; more especially as, 
 in conjunction with the people, they were allowed to elect a 
 deliberative council of thirty-six citizens belonging to the 
 principal trades without distinction of party. This little 
 senate aware that apprehension alone had called it into being 
 felt itself under no obligation to Count Guido and detentiined 
 on a political reformation independent of his authority. 
 Amongst other useful regulations the seven superior '* J/ts" 
 or Trades seem to have been more regularly organised than 
 formerly and greater powers given to the consul or chief 
 magistrate of each, who administered justice amongst all those 
 belonging to his particular calling or connected with it ; and 
 to this was added a standard under which every member 
 assembled when the public service required their aid. These 
 were called the '* Arti Maggion' to distinguish them from the 
 inferior trades which were subsequently embodied under the 
 denomination of ''Arti Minori"*. Although apparently a 
 
 * There appears to be some confusion 
 in all the accounts of this reform, from 
 Malespini downwards ; because by a 
 document of the year 1204 the seven 
 superior ^rto are distinctly mentioned 
 with their Consuls^ who also appear to 
 have formed the government (Vide S. 
 
 Amrairato, Lib. i", p. 67.) Three of 
 these Consuls were especially named 
 " Priora of the Arts" One was 
 '* Chief of the Adminigtration of 
 Justice ;" two were " Consuls of the 
 Army,"'' and one was called " T%e 
 Scnatory' the nature of whose oflSce 
 
 ) 
 
 I 
 
 trifle this reform was extremely important and afterwards 
 proved the great instrument of emancipating the people from 
 the fetters of the aristocracy, as it gave them a constitutional 
 right to assemble in arms wheneyer their own interests 
 required it. 
 
 As the causes of discontent were similar to those of 1250 so 
 were the feelings of the people and the measures of redress; 
 names alone had changed ; the thirty-six chiefs and the 
 Anziani were then created, the same number of governors 
 and seven consuls now ; but increased strength and experience 
 made them more determined. On the other hand the nobles, 
 who were far from blind to the consequence of these altera- 
 tions began openly to condemn them, and Guido taking advan- 
 tage of this feeling which he secretly encouraged warned them 
 against allowing any more prejudicial measures to be concocted 
 under the plea of maintaining public tranquillity : they were 
 advised to assemble their friends and retainers without delay 
 while he reinforced his garrison by the contingents of several 
 neighbouring cities to the amount of 1500 men-at-arms: money 
 was necessary to pay the troops, a first attempt to register 
 property for taxation was introduced ; additional contributions 
 were imposed; the new assembly demurred; the collection 
 was unusually tardy, the tax unpopular, and Guido full of fear 
 and suspicion resolved on an open demonstration of his force. 
 His intentions could not long be concealed ; the nobles were 
 already armed, and the Uberti and Lamberti began the tumult 
 by sallying from their houses in Mercato Vecchio and driv- 
 ing the thirty-six governors from their neighbouring place of 
 
 does not appear. Macchiavelli and 
 those who follow him seem therefore 
 to be mistaken in saying, " CostorOy 
 come prima convennero, distinsero 
 tvUta la citta in Arti,"" unless he 
 means that every citizen was at this 
 time compelled to enrol himself in 
 
 one of these corporations; an event of 
 later date : but it seems clear that 
 neither the corporations of trades nor 
 their Consuls were now created for 
 the first time. (Vide Bruto, Sis- 
 mondi, Pignotti, and Ammirato him- 
 self on this subject.) 
 
372 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [booe I. 
 
 CHAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 273 
 
 embly. All Florence was soon in arms under the banners of 
 the " Trades,' as formerly under those of the ** Sesti ;" the people 
 met in Piazza Santa Trinita a wide street which gave room for 
 their numbers and was easily barricaded at all its approaches : 
 Count Guido took up his position in the Piazza of San Gio- 
 vanni : he and his nobles moved fonsard to the attack and the 
 people did not refuse it. Led by Gianni de' Soldanieri *, a 
 noble who for private ambition was false to his own party and 
 not true to any, they poured down showers of stones and other 
 missiles from towers and houses ; cross-bows played briskly 
 from the barricades, one German knight cleared them with a 
 bound, but was not followed, and the troops retired with some 
 loss of men and reputation to their previous position. The 
 principal struggle took place ak)ut the Loggia of the Toma- 
 quinci now occupied by the palace of the Corsi, and decided an 
 event that governed the future destinies of Florence ; for 
 Guido alarmed at the general indignation and extent qf the 
 movement and disheartened by its result ; fearing as well the 
 disaffection of some nobles of his own party as a night attack 
 from the citizens, determmed to evacuate tlie town \\ithout 
 delay. Thus panic-stricken he mustered the troops, and 
 against the advice of his own officers and the two rectors who 
 engaged to tranquilhse the people, he hastily called for the 
 keys and on the eleventh of November issued from Porta 
 Bovina six years after his triumphal entry and, with some 
 molestation in Borgo Pmti then outside the walls, was soon in 
 full retreat to Prato. 
 
 • G. Villani, Lib. vii,, cap. xiv. — Dante does not forget him : in the icy crust 
 of Cocytus he places him near Bocca degli Abbati. {Inferno, Canto xxxii.) 
 " Gianni del Soldanier credo che sia 
 
 Pill la con Ganellone e Tebaldello, 
 Ch' apri Faenza quando si dormia." 
 
 Gianni del Soldanieri I believe 
 
 Lies off with Ganellon and Tcbaldell, 
 Who oped Faen7a when the people slept. 
 
 ) 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
 No sooner was he in safety than apprehension vanished 
 and error became palpable ; he tried to retrieve his position by 
 immediately moving on Florence, but the people were wide 
 awake, the city all in arms ; wherefore seeing that neither 
 threats prayers nor promises made any impression on them he 
 sullenly retraced his steps to Prato, and thence to his feudal 
 possessions while the other Ghibeline nobles dispersed to their 
 several castles *. 
 
 Thus relieved the citizens hastened to organise a government, 
 the two Frati Gaudenti who had forfeited all public confidence 
 by their peculation and hypocrisy f were dismissed; a single 
 Podesta was appointed on the application of Florence with a 
 hundred men-at-arms from Orvieto a Guelphic city. Twelve men 
 were named to execute the duties of the former Anziani ; and 
 as almost all the nobles of both factions were now absent it was 
 at once decreed that political crimes should be obliterated and 
 the gates thrown open to every exile of either party. 
 
 The people beheld with pride the return of their distin- 
 guished countrymen whose fame in arms had shed a 
 new lustre on the Florentine name ; and to strengthen 
 the present peace numerous marriages were promoted between 
 
 * R. Malespini, cap. clxxxiii., &c. — f Hence Dante gives them a conspi- 
 
 G.Villani, Lib.viio,cap.xiii. andxiv. — cuous place in his Inferno (Canto 
 
 Leo. Aretino, Lib. ii». — Macchiavelli, xxiii.) amongst the leaden-mantled 
 
 Lib. ii° — S. Ammirato, Lib. ii», p. 1 3 1 . hypocrites of the sixth Bolgia. 
 
 " Frati Gaudenti fummo, e Bolognesi, 
 lo Catalano, e questi Loderingo 
 Nomati, e da tua terra insieme presi, 
 
 Come suol esser tolto un uom solingo 
 Per conserver sua pace, e fummo tali, 
 Che ancor si pare intomo dal Guarding©." 
 
 Frati Gaudenti we, and Bolognese, 
 I Catalano, he Lod'ringo named, 
 And by thy town together were pickM out 
 
 As men are wont to choose a single judge 
 Expressly to keep peace ; but proved such 
 As still appears about Guardingo's site. 
 The "Guardingo" was a street writers say was destroyed by these 
 where the Uberti lived which some two Oaudenti. 
 VOL. I. T 
 
 A.D. 1267. 
 
274 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 the adverse families, so that the whole city rang with mer 
 riment : but the factious spirit was deep, the joy shallow and 
 transient, and the Guelphs could never forgive six long years of 
 banishment and sorrow. Public feeling was entirely with 
 them; internal power and external support made them bold 
 and insolent; while the fear of Conradine's arrival in Italy 
 gave point to their enmity. Charles, whose political interests 
 were now, except in name, the same as Manfred's, looked to be 
 paramount in Tuscany and an invitation from the Florentine 
 Guelphs gave him a legitimate opening that he was not dis- 
 posed to neglect. The military preparations of Conradine to 
 recover his Italian states were now heard plainly and alarmed 
 the pope for the fate of those countries ; the empire was 
 vacant, the kingdom of Italy left without a chief ; and Tus- 
 cany composed of various independent republics became in a 
 manner insulated; so that until a new imperial election 
 occurred the pontiff easily persuaded himself that he as the 
 father of Christendom was a proper person to assume the vacant 
 ofl&ce. Charles also, not being without apprehension and 
 equally anxious to secure himself on the side of Tuscany was 
 appointed vicar-general of that province and according to some, 
 on this authority alone without any invitation from the Guelphs, 
 m-irched a body of 800 men-at-arms to Florence under Guy de 
 Montfort and Malatesta da Verruchio, one of whom was ap- 
 pointed his vicar in that city. They were received with public 
 rejoicing by every class, for the Ghibelines scared at their 
 approach had hastily retired and assembling in force round 
 Pisa and Siena established themselves permanently at Santo 
 Ellero whence they made a war of mcursions up to the 
 very gates of Florence. This became insufferable, where- 
 fore the united French and Florentine forces besieged and 
 took their stronghold after a sharj) resistance in which eight 
 hundred Ghibeline gentlemen fell a sacrifice to the rancour of 
 faction and private feuds, hatred at this epoch so deep and 
 
 
 ^•d 
 
 CHAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 275 
 
 deadly that one of the Uberti w^ho had taken refuge in the 
 belfry tower, leaped desperately from its battlements and 
 dashed his brains out, rather than yield to his private enemies 
 of the Buondelmonti race *. 
 
 Siena next became the seat of hostilities ; Poggibonzi, where 
 the Ghibelines were strong in numbers and position, was 
 besieged, and the arrival of King Charles in August as Vicar 
 of Tuscany gave a higher and more brilliant character to the 
 war. He was welcomed with peculiar honours ; the Carroccio 
 issued in full state and accompanied him in triumph to 
 Florence. 
 
 Tliis prince was far too energetic to remain long inactive ; 
 wherefore after having knighted several citizens, an honour 
 then of the most distinguished class, he repaired in person to 
 the siege of Poggibonzi which the Pisan and Senese armies 
 with a body of Ghibelines had united to raise : but skilful as 
 he was it occupied him for four months incessantly and then 
 only surrendered by capitulation from a total want of 
 provisions. Pisa next felt the Guelphic lash, Porto 
 Pisano was taken and its two defensive towers destroyed ; the 
 country ravaged and the strong town of Mutrone finally capitu- 
 lated to the king in person. 
 
 The Guelphs with some justice demanded compensation 
 from government for the confiscation of their property after the 
 battle of Monte Aperto and a similar sacrifice of the Ghibe- 
 line possessions was demanded; some opposition took place 
 and the dispute referred to Charles by whose judgment all 
 confiscated property was divided into three parts, one to be 
 given as compensation to the sufferers, one assigned to the 
 state, and one intrusted to the magistracy of the *' Party 
 Guelph ; " about which a few words are necessary. A public 
 committee had been appointed in 1266 to ascertain the extent 
 
 • S. Ammirato, Lib. iii**, p. 138. — Malespini, cap. clxxxvii. and cxciv. — 
 Leon. Aretino, Lib. ii". 
 
 x-2 
 
276 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 277 
 
 of this damage, whose still existing report makes it amount to 
 132,160 or according to others 130,736 lire perhaps equal 
 to near two hundred thousand pounds of our present money ; 
 but there are great doubts about the precise epoch when the 
 permanent magistracy of the Party Guelph was created : 
 accorduig to Leonardo Aretino ij had certainly existed before 
 this time though under a different form and most likely was 
 abolished during the Ghibeline administration : its origin is 
 however generally ascribed to this period when by a realisation 
 of solid property in a body corporate it assumed a force and 
 character which did not previously exist: this was due to 
 Clement IV. and Charles of Anjou who in working zealously 
 together for the ruin of Ghibeline principles promoted every 
 measure that gave strength to their own faction *. By their 
 command this tribunal was now composed of three Knights- 
 Rectors chosen from each sesto in succession for two months, 
 and at first denominated " Consuls of the Knights,'' but after- 
 wards " Captains of the Party Guelph ;" under which title with 
 accumulated riches and authority they exercised extreme 
 influence and finally oppressed the Commonwealth. By them 
 too the antagonist faction was annihilated; for power and 
 enmity concentrated and embodied in a corporation, lynx- 
 eyed, sleepless, backed by the force and spirit of the people, 
 and directed exclusively against the Ghibehnes, was too much 
 for that faction both within and without the city f . 
 
 Except Pisa and Siena, all the Tuscan states followed the 
 politics of Florence and a Guelphic league was soon organised 
 on the plan of the Ghibelines, commanded as before by the 
 Florentine Vicar of the King of Sicily and Puglia ; so that the 
 whole revolution both in the north and south was a simple 
 change of actors, but the same drama. 
 
 * Lorenzo, Cantini. — Saggi, Istorici lespini, cap. clxxxvi. — Gio. Villani, 
 d'AntichitA Toscane, tomo iii., p. 192. Lib. vii., cap. xvii — Leon. Aretino, 
 t Ammirato, Lib. iii., p. 137.— Ma- Lib. ii°.— Macchiavelli, Lib. iio. 
 
 iJ 
 
 The Florentines anxious for peace and wishing to reorganise 
 
 their constitution in safety, thought they could accomplish both 
 
 objects and also manifest their gratitude to Charles by an 
 
 offer, which was made in 1267 of the Florentine sovereignty 
 
 for ten years : Anjou at first refused ; declaring himself well 
 
 contented with their good will without further jurisdiction : he 
 
 however subsequently accepted it as simple chief of the 
 
 republic, declining the extraordinary powers with which they 
 
 were willing to invest him. This dignity involved the right of 
 
 appointing a vicar to administer the affairs of war and justice 
 
 in his name, all other offices and the power of changing 
 
 the form of government still remaining with the citizens ; for 
 
 Charles on being invested with the Seignory only entered into 
 
 the constitutional authority of that office in whatever form the 
 
 people were pleased to mould it. The thirty-six governors of 
 
 Guido Novello were now reduced to twelve '' BuonominV or 
 
 Good Men, whose term of office was two months : along 
 
 with these was a council called the *' Credenza'' of eighty 
 
 citizens ; and also an assembly of one hundred and eighty of 
 
 the people, thirty from each " Sesto," which with the Credenza 
 
 and Buonomini formed the Council General. Another council 
 
 of one hundred and twenty members created at the same 
 
 period and composed of every privileged class perfected all 
 
 measures pre\iously discussed in the preceding assemblies and 
 
 distributed the various offices of the republic. This at least is 
 
 MacchiavelU's account, but there is considerable discrepancy 
 
 in the statements of different writers about the constitutional 
 
 reforms of this epoch : Malespini a contemporary author, does 
 
 not mention the Credenza nor Macchiavelli that of the 
 
 Podesta which is noticed by the former and Villani, who 
 
 themselves are silent about the council of one hundred and 
 
 twenty, asserting that the general council consisted of three 
 
 hundred members. Cantini, a good authority, te^s us that the 
 
 deliberations of the Buonomini had no effect unless previously 
 
278 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 279 
 
 approved of in the popular council of a hundred ; afterwards 
 in that of the consuls of Trades ; then in the Credenza ; subse- 
 quently in the Podesta's council of ninety, and finally in the 
 council general of three hundred. Sismondi follows Can tin i 
 and Villani, therefore differs from Malespini and Macchiavelli ; 
 he tells us that the first council for consultation was that of 
 the people, then on the same day the matter went to the 
 Credenza where the consuls of the seven superior trades had a 
 place, but no nobles or Ghibelines : the next day the same 
 matter went first to the council of the Podesta where nobles 
 and people and consuls of the arts all took part, and then to 
 the council general composed of citizens of every rank. Other 
 disagreements might be quoted from different authors, but 
 Macchiavelli is clear in his statement that all these coimcils 
 united, (to which may be added the consuls of arts,) formed the 
 general council ; and that the council of one hundred and twenty 
 was that which completed any public business under discussion. 
 The reader may choose which account he pleases ; but the 
 general result was that a body of continually changing repre- 
 sentatives divided into four classes and giving their opinion on 
 all subjects of legislation, each being a check on the other, 
 formed a sufficiently liberal exposition of the public will and 
 maintained a free democratic spirit in the community in 
 opposition both to the aristocracy and any undue power of the 
 Podesta. The machinery of the " Party Guelph'' consisted of 
 a secret council of fourteen and a general one of forty or by 
 some accounts sixty members of both classes, which latter 
 elected the ** Captains' by ballot besides six priors as trea- 
 surers, a public accuser of the Ghibelines, and a keeper of the 
 seal ; and so penetrating was its influence that in the course of 
 time all the Ghibeline property which had been confiscated to the 
 public treasury found its way into that of the Party Guelph *. 
 
 • G. Villani, Lib. ril, cap. xvi. and Macchiavelli, Lib. ii, — Cantini, Saggi 
 rvii. — Malespini, cap. clxxxvi. — Mar. Istorici, toI. iii., p. 191. 
 di Coppo Stefani, Rub. 139, 140.— 
 
 1 
 
 t'f 
 
 Such was the domestic occupation of Florence under the 
 auspices of Charles of Anjou who had now acquired almost all 
 the authority enjoyed by his predecessors Frederic and Man- 
 fred, both in the south and Tuscany with the exception of 
 Pisa and Siena which still maintained their positions. Both 
 however would probably soon have fallen had not his course 
 been suddenly checked by Conradine's advance to Trent, and 
 intelligence of insurrections in Rome and the two Sicilies. 
 Henry and Frederic sons of Alphonso King of Castile having 
 joined the Spanish barons against their father were obliged to 
 fly to Tunis where becoming rich and weary of exile they de 
 termined to try their fortune in Italy: Henry came over to his 
 cousin Charles of Anjou who received him the more favourably 
 because he was able to lend large sums of money, and supported 
 his prayer to Pope Clement for the investiture of Sardinia: he 
 gained the hearts of the Romans while residing amongst them, 
 and in one of their frequent insurrections was made senator 
 of Rome an office which he filled so justly and popularly as to 
 raise the jealousy of Charles who consequently demanded the 
 kingdom of Sardinia for himself, and refused to repay what 
 he had borrowed. These and other injuries raised Prince 
 Henrj^'s anger and revenge. After an immediate alliance 
 with Conmdine he sent for Prince Frederic from Tunis who 
 landed at Sciatta in Sicily with eight hundred Tuscans, Ger- 
 mans, and Spaniards; published a manifesto of Conradine 
 calling on the inhabitants to rise in liis favour, and in a short 
 time the whole island with the exception of Messina Palermo 
 and Syracuse, was in a state of revolt. The Saraxjens of Nocera, 
 Calabria, almost all the Abnizzi, Rome and its whole cam- 
 pagna soon caught the flame, and the Ghibelines of Tuscany 
 sent a hundred thousand florins to Conradine who after some 
 difficulties anived at Pisa in the month of May 1268. 
 
 Long before this Charles had hurried to the south leaving 
 William de Belselve with eight hundred men-at-arms as his 
 
280 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 vicar in Tuscany ; Conradine meanwhile marched towards 
 Lucca where Belselve with a strong body of troops was in 
 garrison ; the former had been excommunicated, a crusade was 
 even preached against him, and many such crusaders had 
 joined the French and Florentines in Tuscany : both armies 
 drew up at Ponterotto two miles from Lucca on each bank of 
 the Guiscianella ; but neither ventured to begin the fight and 
 soon retired out of all danger from each other : Poggibonzi 
 revolted and Conradine marched to Siena where he established 
 himself; upon this Belselve moved on Ai'ezzo to impede his 
 advance to the southward accompanied by the Florentines, 
 whom however he dismissed at Montevarchi, being foolishly 
 confident in his own strength and equally negligent of dis- 
 cipline. At Ponte-a-Valle on the Amo he fell into an 
 ambuscade formed by a detachment of Conradine s army under 
 the Uberti and other exiles and was completely defeated with 
 the loss of many soldiers. This although a slight affair had 
 considerable effect on the spirits of either party and excited 
 more revolts in Puglia. Conradine soon after marched to 
 Rome where he was received in triumph by Don Henry and 
 the citizens in despite of repeated anathemas from Pope Cle- 
 ment at Viterbo*. 
 
 This young prince, then only sixteen years of age, who is 
 said to have given good promise of rivalling the spirit and 
 abilities of his uncle and grandfiither, marched from Rome on 
 the 18th of August with five thousand men-at-arms and cross- 
 ing the Abruzzi mountains arrived without any opposition at 
 the plain of Saint Valentino in the district of Tagliacozzo : 
 Charles immediately raised the siege of Nocera and advanced 
 to meet him with only three thousand men-at-arms but strong 
 in having the experienced council of an old French knight 
 
 * Malespini, cap. cxc, cxci. — Villani, — Giannone, Stor. Civile di Napoli, 
 
 Lib. vii., cap. rxiii., xxiv. — Leon. Lib. xix., c. iv., p. 281. — Costanza, 
 
 Aretino, Libro iii". — S. Ammirato, Lib. i", p. 53. 
 Lib. iii., p. 142. — Muratori, Annali. 
 
 CHAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 281 
 
 :j 
 
 A.D. 1269. 
 
 called Alard de Saint Valery who was returning from twenty 
 years' service against the Infidels and happened to touch at 
 Naples in this critical moment. This veteran being well 
 acquainted with German soldiers advised Charles to choose 
 eight hundred Lances and remain concealed while the rest 
 of his army in two divisions began the battle, one being com- 
 manded by Henry de Cosence dressed as was then 
 customary in the king's apparel and resembling him 
 in person. Conradine supposing these two divisions to be the 
 whole force of his antagonist attacked them with such vigour 
 that they were soon routed and Henry de Cosence being slain 
 the victory was supposed complete and the Germans as Saint 
 Valer}^ expected, dispersed to plunder. On seeing this the 
 old knight exclaimed " Now Sire let us charge, for the victory 
 is our own.' The vigour and moral effect of these fresh troops 
 told fatally on the dispersed and heedless Germans and a 
 complete defeat with dreadful carnage was the result^-. Con- 
 radine fled \\ith a few followers, but Charles fearful of a similar 
 stratagem by Alard's advice remained under arms until night 
 to assure himself of the victory : the young monarch's destiny 
 pursued him ; with his friend the Duke of Austria and other 
 lords he was soon taken and delivered into the hands of his 
 merciless conqueror who on the 29th of the following October 
 brouf^ht his head to the block in the market-place of Naples. 
 
 It is said and apparently with good reason that Charles con* 
 suited Pope Clement IV. as was his custom on important 
 occasions, al)Out the fate of young Conradine and received the 
 following laconic answer " Vita Corradini, mors Caroli; mors 
 Corradini, vita Caroli f." But he himself was summoned in the 
 following November to answer for this counsel, if ever given, 
 at a far more awful tribunal than that of mundane history. 
 
 ♦Thisbattlewaa fought on 23d August authors amongst them Sismondi and 
 
 12QS. especially Costanzo, who designates it 
 
 t This story is believed by Giannone as « Falsissima'' and the pure invcn- 
 
 but denied and doubted by other tion of CoUenuccio. 
 
282 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 283 
 
 Charles's success was accompanied by the most cruel 
 executions throughout Naples and that unstable people again 
 sighed for the juster sway of a Manfred : but the house of 
 Suabia was no more ; with Conradine it became extinct and 
 opened the way for the more fortunate dynasty of Hapsburg 
 which with better auspices has hitherto maintained its position 
 amongst the crowned heads of Europe*. 
 
 These great events gave new courage to the Tuscan Gueiphs 
 without however discouraging their adversaries, for in the month 
 of June Provenzano Salvani chief of the republic of Siena 
 accompanied by Count Guido Novello and other Ghibelines 
 took the field with 1400 men-at-arms and 8000 infantry and 
 threatened the town of CoUe by encamping about the Abbey of 
 Spugnole not far from that city, where their own Guelphic 
 exiles had taken refuge : the French and Florentines imme- 
 diately marched under the orders of Charles's \4car Gianni 
 Bertaido and uniting with the Senese exiles and some citizens 
 of Colle came suddenly upon them while in the act of clianging 
 their ground. After a weak resistance the whole army gave 
 way; Count Guido fled, Provenzano was killed by one of the 
 Tolomei, a private as well as public enemy ; and as Montea- 
 perto had not yet been revenged no quarter was given, so that 
 the slaughter is described to have been terrible : this battle 
 occasioned the subsequent return of the Gueiphs to Siena 
 through the mediation of Guy de Montfort Vicar of Tuscany, 
 also the present destruction of Ghibeline power in that republic 
 and a more lasting peace with Florence f. 
 
 The remainder of 1'269 was consumed in military inroads 
 on the Pisan country in conjunction Avith Lucca, and accom- 
 panied by the usual boasts and insults common to the age ; 
 
 • Malespini, cap. cxcii. and cxciii.— Sto. Civile, Lib. xix., cap. iv.—Sis- 
 
 Annali di Simone della Tosa.— Gio. mondi Ital. Rep., vol. u., p. 412.— 
 
 Villani, Lib. vii., cap. xxvi., xxvii., Costanzo, Lib. i", p. 34.— Platina Vite 
 
 xxviii. — Leon. Aretino, Lib. iii**. — de' Papi. 
 
 Scip. Ammirato, Lib. iii", p. 142.— t Malespini, cap. cxciv.— Orl. Mala- 
 
 Muratori, Annali, 1268.— Giannone, volti, Part ii*. Lib. ii°, p. 38. 
 
 A.D. 1270. 
 
 such as coining money under the enemy's walls and contemptu- 
 ously celebrating games and festivals as if in profound peace. 
 
 These incursions were followed by the execution of Neracozzo 
 and Azzolino degli Uberti, with other Ghibelines taken 
 in their flight from Siena when that faction was ex- 
 pelled, every one of which Charles immediately ordered to be 
 decapitated: on their way to the scaffold young Neracozzo 
 asked Azzolino the son of Farinato where they were going : 
 " To pay a debt,'' replied his brother, *' which our fathers 
 have left to us." 
 
 The extreme youth of a third brother Conticino degli Uberti 
 who was also taken, only saved him from death to linger in 
 perpetual imprisonment ; such was the bitter effect of faction 
 on the fierce disposition of the age, and Charles of Anjou 
 was even beyond the age in cruelty. 
 
 Another instance of this revengeful spirit occurred in the 
 year 127 1 at Viterbo where the cardinals had assembled to 
 elect a successor to Clement the Fourth, about whom they 
 had been long disputing : Charles of Anjou and Philip of France 
 with Edward and Henry sons of Richard Duke of Cornwall had 
 repaired there, the two first to hasten the election, which they 
 finally accomplished by the elevation of Gregory the Tenth. 
 
 Durmg these proceedings Prince Henry, while taking the 
 sacrament in the church of San Silvestro at Viterbo, was 
 stabbed to the heart by his own cousin Guy de Montfort in 
 revenge for the Earl of Leicester's death, although Henry 
 was then endeavouring to procure his pardon. This sacrilegious 
 act threw Viterbo into confusion, but Montfort had many 
 supporters one of whom asked him what he had done. " / 
 have taken my revenge'' said he. " But your fathers body was 
 trailed ! " At this reproach de Montfort instantly reentered 
 the church walked straight to the altar and seizing Henry's 
 body by the hair dragged it through the aisle and left it still 
 bleeding in the open street : he then retired unmolested to the 
 
281 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 <ICHAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY- 
 
 283 
 
 castle of his father-in-law Count Rosso of the Maremma and 
 there remained in security ! Prince Edward, says Malespini, 
 indignant at Charies for allowing the murderer to escape un- 
 punished, instantly quitted Vitevbo and passing through Tus- 
 cany remained a while at Florence ; he then departed for 
 England carrying his brother's heart with him in a golden vase, 
 which was subsequently placed on a column, or as some say in 
 the hand of a statue, erected on London Bridge as a memorial 
 
 of the outrage *. 
 
 Although human passions ran thus high amongst the great 
 and their dependants, there were many citizens of a more 
 humble rank that suffered the evil consequences without 
 sharing the fiercer moods of their superiors ; on such minds 
 the extraordinar}^ phenomena of nature ; storms, floods, and 
 meteors, struck with a melancholy foreboding of national misery. 
 But neither the power nor the cruelty of Chai'les which were 
 both excessive ; nor the severe judgments against themselves, 
 nor their evil fortune, nor the amity of Florence and Pisa the 
 last hold of their party, could subdue the angry spirit of the 
 Ghibelines or stop their rash assaults on the Florentine 
 Guelphs backed by popular authority and public opinion. 
 Amongst these the Pazzi who had the year before incited the 
 town of Ostina to revolt, now with only the assistance of a few 
 unfortunate exiles in addition to their own retainers urged the 
 people of Pian di Mezzo into open rebellion and led them 
 against the whole power of the republic ; but they were more 
 
 • Muratori, Annali 1271 .— Ammirato, Lib. iii., p. 145.— Malespini, cap. 
 cxcvi. ; but some authors date this event in 1270. — V. Simone della Tosa, 
 Mecatti, Ammirato, &c.— Dante (Inferno, Canto xii.) alludes to this : — 
 
 " Mostrocci un' ombra dall' un canto sola, 
 Dicendo : Colui fesse in grembo a Dio 
 Lo cuor che'n su Tamigi ancor si cola." 
 
 " A ghost he shewed us all apart, alone. 
 
 Saying : He in God's lap did rive the heart 
 Still honour'd, moulding above Thames' s stream. 
 See Holinshed also, about tills murder. 
 
 'J 
 
 troublesome than formidable and soon reduced to terms, 
 when the town was dismantled along with that of Ristuccioli, 
 another stronghold of the same Ghibeline family. 
 
 After this feat the army returned to Florence but imme- 
 diately marched on Poggibonzi where Ghibeline principles had 
 taken deep root and sprouted on every favourable occasion, not- 
 withstanding the heavy trampling they had always suffered 
 from the Florentines. Poggibonzi was not only dismantled 
 but destroyed; its walls and towers, remarkable for their 
 strength beauty and commanding position, were almost entirely 
 demolished, yet some old grey ruins still indicate their an- 
 cient position to the traveller; its magnificent churches, 
 marble fountains, rich abbeys, commodious dwellings and 
 manufactories, all were razed to the ground and the inhabitants 
 compelled to descend and settle on the plain : the destruction 
 of this city, considered equal in beauty to some of the first in 
 Italy, was even in those times denounced as a cruel measure 
 but necessary for Guelphic security, besides which the in- 
 habitants had brought down their own destruction by breaking 
 the articles of capitulation which they had signed with Charles, 
 recei\ing the Florentine exiles, and uniting themselves with 
 every Ghibeline city in Tuscany*. 
 
 In 1271 a comparative calm succeeded to these struggles; 
 Florence was tranquil, and Tuscany everywhere quiet under 
 the searching eye of Charles, who cruel, rapacious, 
 and insatiate had mastered all his enemies without 
 satisfying his own ambition : monarch of the two Sicilies, para- 
 mount at Rome ; at once the creature and the master of the 
 church ; Vicar of Tuscany, and strongly influencing all northern 
 Italy, he yet looked forward to a more decided sway over that 
 devoted kingdom and even intended to make it an instrument 
 of future aggressions. 
 
 • Malespini, cap. cxcv. — Simone della Tosa, AnnaH. — S. Ammirato, Lib. 
 iii., p. 146. 
 
 A.D. 1271. 
 
236 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 The house of Suabia was extinct, or existed only in the 
 female illegitimate branch of Spain : Henzius the natural son 
 of Frederic II. expired after twenty years' confinement at 
 Boloctna ; and although a natural son of Manfred still existed, 
 a poo^'r blinded prisoner in the Castello dell' Ovo, he was lost 
 to the worid and ultimately died of old age and suffering *. 
 
 All these things therefore conspired to favour the existing 
 tranquiUity when Tiobaldo Visconte, of Placentia, although 
 absent m Palestine, was elected pope in 1'271 after a vacancy 
 of thirty-three months; he returned to Italy in 127-2 and 
 assuming the appellation of Gregory X. was the first 
 A.D.1272. p^^g^^^g ^t checked the ambitious career of 
 Anjou. A long residence in Syria had separated him from 
 the poison of Itahan strife and an earnest desire to succour 
 the eastern Christians turned his mind almost exclusively to 
 the deliverance of Palesthie : with the extinction of the Sua- 
 bian family he considered the primitive cause of dissension 
 between Church and Empire to have ceased ; pontiffs no longer 
 feared imperial power, and the peace of Christendom was 
 essential to the salvation of Jerusalem. With tliis ^^ew he con- 
 vened a general council at Lyon for the year 1274 and deter- 
 mined to employ the interval in calming the fury of faction and 
 reconciling man to man : the maritime states were most neces- 
 sary to his project ; but Pisa was uneasy and irritable, Genoa 
 and Venice at war, and the latter threatened by Bologna : all 
 these differences Gregory attempted to reconcilef. 
 
 Intent on this object he arrived at Florence on the 18th of 
 June 1273 accompanied by Charies of Anjou and the Greek 
 Emperor Baldwin II. ; where finding party spirit high 
 ^•^- ^^ and the Ghibehnes banished he immediately com- 
 menced the great work of pacification : Gregory was received 
 in the Mozzi palace by that rich and powerful family then 
 
 * Malcspini. 
 t S. Ammirato, Lib. m°, p. 47.— SismondijRep. Ital., vol. iii., p. 12. 
 
 CHAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 287 
 
 collectors of the revenue and bankers to the Church ; Charles 
 lodged with the no less potent family of the Frescobaldi, and 
 the emperor was a guest of the bishop. After a consultation 
 with the king, who gave his consent with a secret determina- 
 tion to counteract the measure, the public ceremony of a gene- 
 ral pacification took place on the stony bed of the Amo by the 
 Rubaconte bridge, and was confirmed by the chief families of 
 either faction through theu' deputies with the kiss of peace 
 and deliveiy of several hostages, under the penalty of excom- 
 munication. Besides this the Ghibelines were compelled to 
 surrender certain castles into Charles's hands which they pro- 
 bably agreed to with smcerity because their object was self- 
 restoration, while the Guelphs acted throughout with all that 
 hollowness that would have accompanied the conduct of 
 their adversaries had the case been reversed. Passions ran too 
 strongly agamst the benevolent intentions of Gregory, and 
 Charles either spontaneously or at the secret mstigation of 
 the Guelphs quietly intimated to the other party that they 
 would all be massacred if they remained another day in 
 Florence, and the latter knew him too well to doubt a punc- 
 tual execution of the threat. After informing the pope of this 
 they all suddenly withdrew, and the holy father himself soon 
 follo^ving their example indignantly retired to the Castle of 
 Cardinal Ubaldini in the Mugello where he passed the 
 remainder of the summer, leaving Florence under an 
 interdict. A hatred of this treacherous conduct fiUed Gre- 
 gory's mind, and probably influenced his desire for the speedy 
 election of a German emperor strong enough to check the 
 king's ambition : this led to his approbation of Rodolph of 
 Hapsburg's election in 1273 and its confirmation by the gene- 
 ral council of Lyon the following year. 
 
 The feverish sensibility of Florence exposed it to perturba- 
 tion from any external accident, and the present year was 
 signalised by an expedition to assist the Guelphs of Bologna 
 
28^ 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 289 
 
 A.D. 1274. 
 
 who were then struggling ^"ith the opposite faction for the 
 mastery of that city : when the Florentines arrived the 
 dissension had ceased by a Nictory of the former, 
 who however refused to admit them within the town lest their 
 furious party spirit should ruin Bologna as it had done 
 Florence, and the Florentine commander showing some 
 natural resentment at this unamiable reception was uncere- 
 moniously murdered by the people -=. The effect of these 
 unhappy disputes appeared again in the secession of Simone 
 de' Conti Guidi who separating from his brother Count Guido 
 Novello and the Ghibeline party placed himself under the 
 protection of Florence : Pisa too was in the same agitated 
 stite from the two factions which mider their chiefs the 
 Visconti, judges or lords of Galium in Sardinia, and the 
 Counts of Gherardesca and Donoratico eternally tormented 
 
 the community. 
 
 It lias already been mentioned that the former did homage 
 to the pope in order to free themselves from the Ghibeline 
 republic and acquire a protector against Henzius King of Sar- 
 dinia natural son of Frederic II. This was considered as 
 rebellion by Pisa ; but more expressively condemned by their 
 rivals the Ghibeline Counts of Gherardesca who hitherto had 
 governed the city while the Guelphic Visconti confined them- 
 selves to their insular domains. Two of the Gherardeschi, 
 zealous Ghibelines, had followed Conradine and shared his fate ; 
 but Ugolino della Gherardesca ; a name immortalised by Dante ; 
 now chief of the family, had marked for liimself a different 
 career : he had given his sister to Giovanni Visconti judge of Gal- 
 lura and without openly renouncing his own party endeavoured to 
 gain an influence with both. His ambition was feared, for its 
 object was the lordsliip of Pisa ; and neither his friendship nor 
 enmity with the Judge, (who had returned to his country after 
 its reconciliation with the pope,) were favourably regarded by 
 
 * R. Malcspini, cap. cc. 
 
 1 
 
 the Gualandi, Lanfranchi, Lismondi and other ancient Ghibe- 
 lines then directing the Pisan government : the attempts of 
 both were dangerous to the commonwealth and both were 
 punished ; Visconte with banishment, Gherardesca by incar- 
 ceration. The fii*st took refuge at Florence, was warmly 
 received and assisted with troops ; he made an aggressive war 
 on Pisa, captured the town of Montelopoli and soon after died 
 at San Miniato leaving his son Giovanni or Nino de' Visconti 
 in possession of all his powder and all his ambition. 
 
 A.D. 1275. 
 
 Ugolino was banished shortly after with the principal 
 Guelphs of Pisa, and making common cause with the Lucchese 
 and Florentines assisted in devastating his native countr)\ A 
 more regular war now became inevitaVde ; Pisa took the field ; her 
 army was attacked at Asciano by the united forces of Florence 
 and Lucca and defeated with considerable loss ; the castle of 
 Asciano soon surrendered, and being immediately ceded to Lucca 
 the whole country relapsed into its usual state of war and mutual 
 animosity. This perverse opposition to his benevolent inten- 
 tions incensed the pontiff, now returning from France, and 
 contrary to his wishes he was compelled by a flooding of the 
 Ariio to pass through Florence on his way to Rome : determined 
 to show his anger he only took off the interdict for the few 
 minutes necessaiy to pass through the city and, with a menac- 
 ing vei-se from the psalmist, left it still trembling under his 
 displeasure-''. Gregoiy X. expired at Arezzo on the 
 1 0th of January 1276 after a short and busy pontificate 
 in which he had vainly exerted himself to tranquillise Italy : he 
 had filled the long vacant imperial throne ; united the Greek and 
 Latin churches, and held a general council by which many salu- 
 tar)^ regulations are said to have been passed, amongst them a 
 decree for shutting up the cardinals in Conclave at the popes 
 
 * Malespini, cap. cc, cci., ccii., cciii. — Aminirato, Lib. iii., p. 149. — Sismondi, 
 Rep. Ital., vol. iii., p. 24. 
 
 VOL. I. U 
 
290 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 291 
 
 decease and suLjocting them to certain privations until a new 
 election were completed. The last long vacancy had alanned 
 all Christendom and made Gregory almost as eager in pre- 
 ventinfT the recurrence of such an abuhe as he was in sending 
 Rodolph of Hapsburg with no less than four monarchs under 
 his auspices to the deliver}^ of Palestine: he had already 
 accomplished much good and was providentially cut off at the 
 veiT moment when his honest but mistaken zeal was leading 
 him into miscliief*. 
 
 Adhering to the new system of election the Cardinal of 
 Tarantasia was chosen witli the name of Innocent V. He 
 had but just time to restore peace to Genoa ere he followed 
 Gregory to the grave, and a successor was chosen on the IQth 
 of July under the name of Adrian V. who idso died in little 
 more than a month making room for John XXI. Neither did 
 this pontiff long survive, and Nicholas III. who succeeded liim 
 in lt>77 being alarmed at the increasing power of 
 Charles, played the latter off so dexterously against 
 Ro<lolph that he dimmished the authority of both f. Charles 
 under vaiious titles was absolute master of Italy ; l»ut Rodolph 
 
 * Malespini, cap. ccii. — G. Villani, sini family and had an excellent cha- 
 
 Lil). vii., cap. i. — Muratori, Annali rac tor before he became [tope. Dante 
 
 1276. is said to have been too severe on 
 
 t Nicholas III. is accused of simony him but he speaks truth of his nc- 
 
 by the old writers : he was of the Or- potism. (/n/trno, Canto, xix.) 
 
 " Sc di sapor ch* io &ia ti cal contanto 
 
 Che tu abbi pcro la ripa scor>a, 
 
 Sappi, ch' io fui vestito del gran manio : 
 E verauiente fui figliuol delT orso 
 
 Cupido SI per avanzar gli Orsatti, 
 
 Che su, I'avere, e qui mi misi in borsa." 
 
 If to know who I am doth press so hard. 
 
 That this alone hath brought thee down the bank ; 
 Know thou, that the grand mantle once I wore : 
 
 And a true offspring proved of the Bear, 
 
 For in my keenness to advance the cubs, 
 
 On earth, my wealth I pursed ; and here myself. 
 
 A.D. 1277. 
 
 \ 
 
 annomiced his intention of marching to Rome for the purpose 
 of assuming the imperial crown, and the fomer ^ j^^^ts. 
 could not contemplate this event without uneasiness, 
 while the pontiff's friendshij) became necessary to each; 
 Charles had no title to the vicarial dignity in Tuscany and 
 both that and the senatorial rank of Rome were by the tenns 
 of his investiture to be renounced on the simple demand of the 
 church. The possession of Lombardy and Tuscany was the 
 cause of dispute between the king and emperor but Charles 
 renomiced both along with his Roman honours at the pope s 
 conmiand : peace was then made between them and the king s 
 moderation offered as an example to the emperor, who finally 
 consented to grant a formal charter for separating the provmces 
 claimed by the church from those of the empire. This deed, 
 vvithout immediately generating any active assertion of autho- 
 rity on the pontiff s part, or being much noticed by the people, 
 who saw in it no diminution of their freedom, was yet the 
 foundation of the present temporal power of Rome which had 
 been graduallv consolidating itself by a succession of nominal 
 axiknowledgments, hght and fleecy in the beginnmg, but finally 
 hardening into weight and density. 
 
 While Nicholas thus followed the uniform policy of the 
 church he at the same time was zealously attentive to the 
 pacification of Italy, and employed his own nephew Cardinal 
 Latino Bishop of Ostia, in La Marca, Romagna, Tuscany and 
 Lombardy, with authority to reconcile the conflictmg factions. 
 Aft^r a successful termination of his mission in Romagna, where 
 the Geremei and the Lambertazzi of Bologna were the most 
 conspicuous, he anived at Florence with an imposing escort 
 of tliree hundred Roman knights, and was received with the 
 honours of the Carroccio by all the magistracy, clergy, ^^ ^^to. 
 and citizens, who met him in public procession at 
 some distance from the gates. Scarcely a state in Italy needed 
 so much the presence of a peace-maker ; but where human 
 
 u '2 
 
292 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [bjok I. 
 
 CHAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 293 
 
 passions or fancied interests are opposed to public tranquillity 
 it must be force not forms, after reason fails, that will preserve 
 even its semblance. Florence at this time was relapsing into 
 its usual state of turbulence ; the Guelphic nobility had become 
 powerful from union, and msolent from success; they protected 
 murderers and every other species of criminal from the visita- 
 tion of justice while assassinations and crimes of all descrip- 
 tions filled the streets of the capital : power and riches had 
 banished forbearance and augmented pride ; private war was 
 common ; the Adimari, one of the most potent families of the 
 repubUc, were at variance with the Donati who miable alone 
 to oppose them were aided by the Pazzi and Tosinghi : as 
 these clans, numerous in themselves, were still more powerful 
 in adherents, fierce and frequent encounters disturbed the town, 
 frays that were calculated to draw a whole population not dis- 
 posed to tumult, into their quarrel and thus again endanger the 
 Guelphic interest. The chief magistrates and captains of the 
 Party Giielph therefore determined to repress such disorders 
 and had early implored the assistance of Nicholas, while the 
 Ghil>elines seized the same auspicious occasion to have the 
 pacification of Pope Gregory completed and enforced : both 
 were in accordance with the pontiff's general objects and 
 received with corresponding favour, more especially as the old 
 jealousy of Anjou s power had lately been augmented by a 
 scornful rejection of the holy father's proposal for the union of 
 their families ; and the pacification of Florence he knew would 
 render Charles less necessary to a community where he had 
 artfully fomented dissension to preserve his own influence *. 
 
 The popes feared ever)i;hing greater than themselves in Italy 
 even though it were of their own creation ; by attempting to 
 reduce the powerfid they filled the peninsula vrith war, and 
 
 • Leon. Aretino, Lib. iii". — Sim. 152.— Mecatti, Stor. Cronologic.i 
 
 della ToKi, Annali. — Malespini, cap. di Fircnze. — Sisinondi, Rep. Ital., vol. 
 
 cciv. and ccv. — Villani, Lib. vii., cap. iu.,chap. xxii. — Macchiavelli, lib. ii. 
 liv. and Ivi— Ammiruto, Lib. iii., p. 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 4 
 
 often raised weakness to such strength as in its turn became 
 an object of poUtical jealousy and apprehension. Manfred 
 was not mined for Charies but the church, and this prince had 
 now to become a mark for papal indignation. The Cardinal 
 Latino entered Florence on the eighth of October 1279, and 
 was received by the Dominicans of Santa Maria Novella, the 
 convent of his order ; he laid the first stone of the present 
 church, and on Sunday the 19th November before the assem- 
 bled commonwealth, Scurta della Porta being the royal vicar, 
 explained his mission and demanded absolute authority from 
 the people to secure its faithful and efficient execution : this 
 being instantly granted the whole assembly retired from the 
 ancient square of Santa Maria high in expectation from the 
 character and vast influence of this able churchman *. 
 
 Until the eighteenth of the following January the legate 
 was occupied in reconciling private interests, allaying appre- 
 hensions, and removing individual suspicions; but on that 
 day accompanied by the Archbishop of Bari, the Bishop of 
 Lucca, and several Tuscan prelates ; having previously deh- 
 vered an eloquent discourse on the necessity of con- ^^ ^^^ 
 cord; he commenced his arduous task. The same 
 spot where the former assembly was held being now magni- 
 ficently adorned for the occasion, the pope's legate before the 
 Podesta, the party Guelph, the council-general of three hun- 
 dred, that of the ninety, the Credenza, the twelve Goodmen, 
 with every other magistrate and member of the commonwealth, 
 gave his solemn judgment on the conditions of political and 
 private peace between the Florentine citizens. A general 
 reconciliation was proclaimed between Guelph and Ghibeline 
 within and without the town, to be sworn to by both parties 
 under the severest spiritual and temporal penalties. Confis 
 cated Ghibeline property with the interest due was to be 
 restored by government and all losses made good on either 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. iii., p. 153. 
 
2Q4 
 
 FLOREiNTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 295 
 
 side ; every sentence against Ghibelines was to be cancelled 
 and the records of them publicly burned : the exiles were to 
 return, be eligible to office, and free from arrest for debt 
 during four months ; and besides the syndics or deputies of 
 the two factions then present, a number of the heads of fiimilies 
 were selected to give the public kiss of peace. 
 
 Many other con(htions, amongst which the ecclesiastical 
 interest was not forgotten, were devised to insure the peima- 
 uent success of this measure, but a number of Ghibelines, 
 whose pacific disposition was rather doubtful, were to remain 
 at the frontier during the pope's pleasun a- hostages; yet 
 with a promise of release the moment that by marriage or 
 otherwise their private feuds should be extinguislied. The 
 legate then endeavoured with force or persuasion to reconcile 
 the Guelphic families amongst themselves, chiefly by inter- 
 marriages between the Adimari, Pazzi, Donati, Tosinghi and 
 many others ; but especially the Buoudelmonti and Uberti, 
 who however continued such determined foes that all the Car- 
 dinal's authority was insufficient to force tlie former even into 
 the outward forms of a treaty. 
 
 On the seventh of February- both factions in great numbers 
 publicly ratified the conditions, and on the eighteenth of the 
 same month they gave securities for the payment of 50,000 
 marks of silver in case of their violation, half of which was to 
 be paid to the pope's treasury and the rest to that party which 
 had been faithful to their promise : particulai' securities were 
 moreover required and given on the twenty-seventh of Feb- 
 ruary, by the Counts Guido, the Counts of Mangone, the Pazzi 
 of Valdamo, and the Ubaldini della Pila ; who all bound 
 themselves m a bond of a thousand marks each to observe the 
 articles of pacification. After this the consuls of the arts 
 entered into some further engagement on the seventh of 
 March, and thus finished this great attempt, the effects of 
 which we shall be able to judge of hereafter. 
 
 [\ 
 
 In order to secure a fair division of political power Cardinal 
 Latino new-modelled the government by creating fouiteen 
 Buonomini, eight Guelphs and six Ghibelines, or according to 
 Macchiavelli seven of each faction, chosen by the pope : their 
 term of office was two months or perhaps a year, for writers 
 differ. Under these officers assisted by Giovanni di Santo 
 Eustachio proconsul of the Romans and captain of the people, 
 Florence began to enjoy some tranquillity, not however un- 
 mixed with apprehension from the power and talents of Rodolph 
 of Hapsburg whose projected descent on Italy disturbed all 
 
 * 
 
 j parties either with hopes or fean 
 
 The emperor and pope were friends, but long experience 
 had proved that such friendships sooner or later were dis- 
 \' solved, and it became a question of prudence whether it were 
 safer to refuse or receive such a visitor ; even Charles himself, 
 powerful as he was, seemed to dread the imperial visit and 
 endeavoured to unite his family by marriage with the house of 
 Hapsburg. Besides this some of the Ghibeline cities of Tus- 
 cany showed signs of agitation ; the pope died in August ; the 
 Ghibelines were urging Rodolph to make good his pretensions 
 in Italy, and the imperial vicar with a small escort had already 
 taken up his residence at San Miniato al Tedesco. The Flo- 
 rentines and Lucchese refused to obey him, denying any 
 imperial jmisdiction in their cities ; and he not being sup- 
 ported by the emperor who was more wisely occupied, fell 
 quickly into contempt; but the Florentines perceiving that 
 considerable advantages might be quietly gained by a trifling 
 expenditure, managed to send him back contented into Germany 
 after formally confirming all the privileges they had ever 
 received from the emperoi-s f . 
 
 Charles instead of being the lord and arbitrator of Italy now 
 saw with anger that he was reduced to the simple monarchy of 
 
 * Malespini, cap. ccv. — Gio. Villani, rate, Lib. iii", p. 153. 
 
 Lib. vii., cap. Ivi. — Macchiavelli, Lib. f Ammirato, Lib. iii", p. 157. 
 
 iio. — Leon Arctino. Lib, iii".— Ainmi- 
 
296 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 A.D. 1281. 
 
 the Two Sicilies ; even the seignoiy of Florence had passed 
 from his hands ; his enemies were everv^here restored, and 
 the Florentines governing themselves under the protection of 
 a pope whose authority had reduced him to this state of com- 
 parative weakness. But in the midst of his mortification 
 Nicholas III. suddenly died of apoplexy at Suriano near 
 Viterbo and Charles determined if possible to influence the 
 coming election in his own favour. HuiT^ing instantly from 
 Florence to Viterbo where the cardinals had alreadv assembled, 
 and finding all the It^ilian prelates were against him, he made 
 an insurrection in the city, earned oft' the two Orsini and 
 Cardinal Latino, whom he confined, while the rest were urged 
 to make their choice, and after six months' hesitation, being 
 intimidated by the continued imprisonment of their colleagues, 
 it fell on Simon Cardinal of Saint Cecilia a Frenchman 
 completely devoted to the Sicilian monarch. The new 
 pope took the name of Martin IV. and became the tool of his 
 imperious patron : Bertoldo Oi-sino a brother of Nicholas was 
 immediately compelled to resign the government of Romagna 
 into the hands of John d 'Appia one of Charles's dependents, 
 with instructions t^ make sharp war against the Ghibelines 
 of that country, while in Tuscany the Lucchese and Florentines 
 had attacked Pescia which the latter were inclined to spare but 
 being reproached with their slackness in the Guelphic cause 
 they yielded to harsher councils and destroyed it *. 
 
 Charles, again elected senator of Rome, was fast recovering 
 his former power, and schemes of higher ambition carried his 
 thoughts to Greece when a sudden explosion in Sicilv dashed 
 his aspiring edifice to ruins. Ambition, cruelty, and insatiable 
 avarice had rendered him hatefid to his subjects who too late 
 regretted Manfred's just administration and their own infi- 
 delity ; human patience was nearly exhausted and all things 
 
 ♦ Leon. Aretino, Lib iii'>.-Scip. Am- AnnaJi, Anno I281.-Mecatti, Storia 
 nurato, Lib. i„o, p. 157.-Muratori, Chn>nologica Fiorenta. 
 
 (HAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 297 
 
 > 
 
 I 
 
 tended to a change ; Sicily which had so boldly and generally 
 declared for Conradine was the peculiar object of Charles's 
 hate ; new taxes, new duties, new contributions ; confiscations, 
 insults, rapes, and every sort of licentiousness, marked in dis- 
 gusting characters the rule of Frenchmen in that unhappy 
 island. In vain did this miserable people implore the protec- 
 tion of the church ; in vain did the popes remonstrate ; the 
 stem and insatiate Charles kept steady in his course and from 
 the wretchedness of one nation tried to extract the means for 
 rendering others as miserable. 
 
 Giovanni di Procida a nobleman of Salerno devotedly at- 
 tached to the house of Suabia determined to liberate his 
 countr}' from the cruel yoke of Charles and his tyrannical 
 governors : he was a man of great wisdom and profound talent ; 
 bold, secret, and indefatigable ; an eminent physician, for in 
 those days, and particularly at Salerno, medicine was one of 
 the peculiar studies of the aristocracy and even the highest 
 dignitaries of the church. He had been the intimate friend 
 and physician of Manfred and his father Frederic and had 
 taken up anns for Conradine : in consequence of this or pre- 
 viously, his estates were confiscated, and after the melancholy 
 end of that young prince he sought refuge at the court of 
 Aragon under the protection of Queen Constance the daughter 
 of Manfred. Peter the Great, king of Aragon gave him 
 honours and estates, but attachment to the memory of his 
 friends, hatred of the living tyrant, and pity for his country, 
 moved the heart of John of Procida more than the allurements 
 of ease and opulence, and led him to stimulate the Spanish 
 princes to the rescue. When Conradine was beheaded ; after 
 a short address he threw down a glove amongst the people as a 
 sort of gauge of battle, to revenge liis death, or as some say as 
 an investiture of the kingdom to his sister Constance wife of 
 Peter of Aragon. Procida is supposed to have picked up the 
 glove, or ling, for both are mentioned ; and now in all the 
 
29S 
 
 FT^ORENTTNE inSTORY. 
 
 [book I, 
 
 CHAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 299 
 
 romantic spirit of the day brought it to Constiinee as a proof of 
 her right to the Two Sicilies*. 
 
 Peter heinjr thus fullv satisfied mih his consort's 1 estimate 
 claims only mistrusted his individual power to cope with so 
 potent an adversaiy ; but Procida encouraged him to the enter- 
 prise and first selling his own remaining property promised to 
 find money for the cause. He went in disguise to Sicily 
 and thence crossed over to Ciilabria in I'.^TO but he was soon 
 convinced that nothing could be accomplished on the Con- 
 tinent; the power of the French barons had become too firm 
 and the monarch's eye and presence were everywhere. The 
 island presented a ditferent picture ; there the conquerors were 
 more scattered ; the mountain districts almost clear of them ; 
 the native barons not entirely dejjrived of tlieir authority, 
 and still retauiing considerate inlluence ; the couit far distant, 
 and the three great officers who governed the rountry acting 
 with all the savage insolence of delegated and irresponsible 
 tyranny were at the same time hated and «!♦ -i i^d. 
 
 Cliarles had assembled immense forces to invade Greece 
 and place his son-indaw Philip on tlie tlirone of Michael 
 Palseologus whose subjects had revolted because he enforced 
 too strict a conformance witli the rites of the Roman church 
 to which he had become a political convert ; on the other hand 
 he had been excommunicated by Martin IV., nominally for his 
 slackness in performing those religious dutie>, but really to 
 assist Charles's enteri)rise, and a crusade against him was 
 accordingly proclaimed f . The costly preparations for this ex- 
 pedition fell heavily on Sicily, and the eloquence of Procida 
 kindled the latent spirit of revenge : from Sicily he repaired 
 to Constantinople and convinced the Emperor of the necessity 
 of fighting the imperial battle in his enemy's dominions and 
 
 ♦ Giannonc, Stor. Civile, Lib. xx., stowedhcr rights over tliat city on him. 
 cap- ^' Vide Costanzo, Stor. di Napoli, Lib. i", 
 
 t The Queen of Jerusalem had he- p. 79. 
 
 not on the plains of Greece. Pieceiving secret assurances 
 of support and a considerable sum of money, Procida returned 
 by Malta where he had an interview with some Sicilian nobles ; 
 they confirmed his previous statements in presence of the 
 imperial commissioners who accompanied him, and from Malta 
 he proceeded to Eome, had a secret conference with Nicholas III. 
 who after much discussion and as it has been supposed, with 
 the assistance of the Emperor's byzants, was finally persuaded 
 to give his written consent that Constance sliould attempt the 
 vindication of her claims to the throne of Sicily*. Armed 
 with this fonnidable sanction he returned to Spain but the 
 death of Nieholas almost immediately after his arrival at Bar- 
 celona threw a damp on the expectations of the kmg while it 
 seemed only to redouble John of Procida 's energy : preparations 
 continued under the pretext of an expedition against the 
 African Moors and Pedro did m fact make some descents on 
 the Barbary roast wlule awaiting tlie commencement of a 
 Sicilian insurrection . 
 
 Although widely spread the secret was preser\'ed inviolate 
 for more than two years : so deep was the suffering, so deter- 
 mined the revenge ! John of Procida visited Constantinople 
 a second time in 1281 bringing back with him twenty-five 
 thousand ounces of gold for the use of the expedition, and the 
 promise of more ; but without any delay he again passed into 
 Sicily and under various disguises, by means of this gold, a 
 good cause, and an eloijuent tongue, soon raised the enthu- 
 siasm of the j)eople to the same level as his own. Without 
 organising any specific plot he left the passions of the whole 
 nation ready for the Ih'st spark that the breath of fortune might 
 blow into the excited mass, and amidst the imiversal tyranny 
 this was not long in coming. On Easter-Monday the 30th 
 or according to some, the last day of March P282 the people of 
 
 * Dante probably alludes to this transaction in his Inferno, Canto xix., 
 verse 98. (See Sismondi). 
 
 \ 
 
300 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORT. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XL] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 301 
 
 > 
 
 A.D. 1282. 
 
 Palermo agreeable to their custom assembled for vespers at 
 the church of Montreale three miles from the towii : 
 a young Sicilian lady was there insulted l>y a French 
 officer who instantly fell before the ready weapons of the 
 multitude. " Death to the Frenchmen' immediately resounded 
 on ever}^ side, and not a single individual present of that 
 nation escaped : the storm now drove on to the city; no age or 
 sex were spai'ed, all that was French or likely to be French, 
 died under the poniards of an injured people ; even native 
 women pregnant by French husbands shared their fate lest 
 any of that detested blood should l)e warmed by a Sicilian sun. 
 Four thousand victims fell that night in Palermo alone, and the 
 flame spread wildly over all the island, Bicaro, Corileoni, and 
 Calatafimo took up the bloody work and eight thousand of 
 Charles's followers paid the forfeit of their tyranny. 
 
 One bright gleam of benevolence plays across this storm of 
 human passions and exhibits man in the position for which no 
 doubt he was intended by the Creator : William of Porcelets a 
 nobleman of Provence, had alone amongst his countiymen 
 governed justly and humanely ; and he with all his family 
 were, in the midst of the tumult, sent honourably across 
 the straits and safely landed in Calabria. The insun*ection 
 extended over every proWnce ; the banner of the church was 
 everywhere displayed ; the spirit of Procida peiTaded all, and 
 the arrival of the Aragonese monarch was hailed as the con- 
 summation of Sicilian liberty. Messina, where the royal vicar 
 lived and the greatest force was concentrated, remained quiet 
 for a month ; then burst with an explosion tliat shook the 
 French power to atoms and soon became the first object of 
 royal vengeance. Charles, astonished at the first news of this 
 insurrection, was utterly confounded at the loss of Messina ; 
 he implored Heaven for a gradual fall, if he were doomed to 
 faU, from his high estate, and instantly turned the strong 
 current of his Grecian armament on the rebellious island : the 
 
 i 
 
 ^, 
 
 ^/l 
 
 ^ 
 
 shock was tremendous ; but the soul of an injured people was 
 still opposed to the tyrant; yet the French were scarcely 
 repulsed, and only compelled to retire by the timely aid of 
 Spanish auxiliaries. Roger de Loria destroyed their fleet ; 
 the two kingdoms were separated, and the Island of Sicily fell 
 to the house of Aragon*. 
 
 Such were the famous " Sicilian Vespers " which finished 
 the prosperity of Charies : Italy from the first became agitated; 
 the Lambertazzi and Ghibelines of Romagna who liad been 
 expelled from Bologna and fled to Forii ; after making the 
 most humble submissions to Marthi were repelled with insult : 
 they were afterwards attacked by Jean d' Appia with all the 
 bitterness of the tyrant whom he served ; but in a treacherous 
 attempt to get possession of Forii he was completely bafiled 
 and his troops nearly annihilated by Guido di Montefeltro the 
 Ghibeline chief of that city f. 
 
 These and other events excited uneasy feelings in the mmds 
 of the Florentine Guelphs, who notwithstanding a nominal 
 impartiality in the distribution of offices, really governed the 
 republic : bound therefore both by treaty and mclination they 
 had exerted themselves to assist the Neapolitan monarch in his 
 present need and reinforced his army at Messma with a 
 company of knights and gentlemen, more remarkable for its 
 
 * We here take leave of Ricordano 
 Malcspini,of whose simple chronicle we 
 have used Giunti's Florentine edition of 
 the year 1568. His nephew Giachetto 
 continued it until the year 1286. — 
 Giachetto Malespiui, cap. ccix.— R. 
 Malespini, cap. ccvi., ccvii., ccviii. — 
 Gio. Villani, Lih. vii., cap. Ixi., &c. 
 — Muratori, Annali, 1282.— Gian- 
 none, Stor. Civ., vol. ix.. Lib. xx., cap. 
 V. —Gibbon, vol. vii., chap. lxii.--Sis- 
 raondi, vol. iii., chap, xxii.— Mariana, 
 Historia de Espagna, vol. i", Lib. xiv., 
 cap. vi.— Leon« Aretino, Volguriz/u da 
 
 Donato Acciaioli, Lib. iii°, fol. 72. — 
 Costanzo, Lib. ii°, p. 79 tt seq. 
 t Dante alludes to this defeat in the 
 xxviith canto of his Inferno as well as 
 to the crime of advising Boniface VIIL 
 how to get the city of Prenstina from 
 the Colonna (" Lunga promessa con 
 r attcnder corto'") which placed him 
 in the flames of hell with other de- 
 ceivers. — 
 
 " La terra che fc'gia la lunga prova, 
 E dei franceschi sanguinosa mucchio 
 Sotto le branche verdi si ritrova." 
 
302 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 303 
 
 quality than numbers, under the command of Comit Guido de 
 Battifolle to whom with six hundred companions was intrusted 
 the grand pa\iHou of the repuldic as a peculiiu* mark of respect 
 to the royal idol of their faction *. 
 
 Still however bein^ uneasy at the increasing confidence of 
 the adverse party, and the continued success of Guido di Mon- 
 tefeltro in Romagna, two hundred men-at-arms were dispatched 
 to assist the church in that province under Sinibaldo de' Pulci 
 and Gherardo de' Tonia(]uinci, and then a rigid inquirj- was 
 ordered about the social condition of the state, where murders, 
 oppression, and every sort of injustice were common, and in- 
 creasing with alarming rapidity. To restore order, the Podesta 
 Matfeo di Maggi was hivested with more extensive authority, 
 not only over civil otfenders but those against the church and 
 religion, and the captain of the people was admonished to 
 maintain the peace of the city as settled by cardinal Latino in 
 1279. In addition to this it was enacted that all the idle and 
 indigent who were generally parties to eveiy outrage ; unless 
 they could exhibit some means of honest living, should^ as 
 formerly in Athens, be expelled from the city and dominions of 
 Florence. 
 
 The members of noble families were at the same time com- 
 pelled to find security for their general conduct as well as for 
 the cessation of their private wars which filled the town with 
 tumult : but as it was necessar}- to give foivc and action to 
 these laws, the fourteen Buonoimini with certain other re- 
 putable citizens were authorised to select one thousand men 
 of good repute, friends of public peace and order and taken 
 unequally from the six divisions of the town, its a civic guard, 
 each company having its peculiar banner and Gonfalonier. 
 
 * This pavilion, which was only given retreat of Charles into Calahria and 
 on great expeditions to the com- was long exhibited as a trophy by the 
 mander- in -chief of the republican inhabitants of Messina. — (Vide Leon- 
 armies, fell into the hands of the ardo Aretino, Tradotta da Acciaioli, 
 Measinians at the repulse and hasty Lib. iii".) 
 
 ) 
 
 ) 
 
 t 
 
 That of the Sesto beyond the Amo with the bands of San 
 Pancrazio and Borgo S. Apostolo which bordered the river on 
 the hither side, in all about five hundred men, were com- 
 manded by the cai)tahi of the people, but the rest obeyed the 
 Podesta : they were annually renewed in great form, and while 
 under arms it was declared milawfiil for any of the inhabitants 
 of Florence to ass(3i]ible in a body or even quit the street they 
 inhabited. 
 
 The establishment of this strong police left the government 
 more leisure to strengthen their external relations ; and under 
 the Podesta Jacopino da Ilodelia ; Niccoluccio degli Uguccioni 
 being captain of the people ; an offensive and defensive league 
 was concluded for ten years with Prato Pistoia, Lucca, 
 Volterra, and Siena; with room for San Gimignano, Poggi- 
 bonzi and Colle, if they pleased to join : by this a confederate 
 force of five hundred men-at-arms was to be in constant readi- 
 ness under the command of Count Guido Salvatico of the 
 Guidi family. None of the allies could legally begin hostilities 
 \vithout the concurrence of two-thirds of the league, and all 
 were bound to assist a state once at war whether foreign or 
 domestic : tolls and duties of eveiy sort either on goods or 
 person were abolished between the confederates and neither 
 truce nor peace could l)e concluded except by common con- 
 sent. Thus externally fortified but still tremblingly alive to 
 every Ghibeline movement, the Guelphs applied themselves 
 with new vigour to the reorganisation of the Florentine con- 
 stitution, and established a form of goveiTiment which with 
 some alteration contiimed until the dissolution of the republic 
 in 153-2. 
 
 Much confusion and inconvenience were experienced from 
 the necessity of assembling fomteen citizens daily to discuss 
 the slightest or the gravest matters of general government ; 
 where conflicting ranks and factions lengthened debate and 
 obstructed the public service : a more decided form of civic 
 
304 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 305 
 
 democracy was therefore resolved on, by which none were to 
 have a place in the commonwealth that did not really or 
 nominally belong to one of the incorporated trades of Plorence. 
 It was impossible that the grating enmity of two such factions 
 as Guelnh and GhibeUne could ever allow of anv concurrent 
 and harmonious movement, and the jealousy which all parties 
 entertained of the aspiring nobles, several of whom were in 
 the council of fourteen, gave an additional check to the opera- 
 tions of government. Although the citizens were not as yet 
 prepared to deprive the great families of political power, they 
 still hoped by compelling them to assume the homely appella- 
 tion of tradesmen, to tame that pride which had been generated 
 by the vain title of nobility, so that any future distinction arising 
 amongst the citizens from riches or worth should now be 
 reduced to a nominal e^iuality under the general title of Trades 
 which would be common alike to patrician and plebeian. This 
 says Scipione Ammirato *' has been well preserved to the 
 present time in the word " Citizen ;" so that the title of gentle- 
 man is assumed now more as a foreign than a native distinc- 
 tion." Instead therefore of the fourteen Buonomini, three 
 citizens of known wisdom and moderation were appointed to 
 form the Seigniory or supreme government of the republic 
 under the title of *' Priors of the Arts," a name given to them 
 because they were chosen before their companions for the 
 pohtical mission, as Christ selected his apostles for the sacred 
 mission with the words '' vos estis priores' ^ . The design of 
 this new constitution came from the council of the trade of 
 *' Calimala' or foreign cloth merchants, who at this period 
 were considered the wisest and most powerful of the Floren- 
 tine citizens, and whose extensive connexion with foreign 
 countries had probably enlarged and liberalised their ideas 
 beyond the common standard. 
 
 • Giac. Malespini, cap. ccxxvi. and Ixiv. and Ixxix. — Scij.. Ammirato, 
 ccxxxi, — Giov. VUlani, Lib. vii.. cap. Lib. iii., p. 160. 
 
 '1 
 
 M 
 
 The first Priors were Bartolo de' Bardi, Bosso Bacherelli, 
 and Salvo Girolami, for the respective trades of Calimala, 
 Bankers and Woolmerchants : they remained in office two 
 months and were entitled the '' Seignory :'' at the second 
 election they were increased to six, one for each sesto which 
 also gave the medical, the silk, and the fur trade a repre- 
 sentative prior, while the seventh ''Art,' that of the Law, had 
 its peculiar imd separate influence in the public coimcils. 
 This Seignory, which with the captain of the people repre- 
 sented the majesty of the Florentine republic, was obliged to 
 inhabit the chambers appointed for its residence, at first in 
 the Badia of Florence, then in the Palace afterwards built for 
 the especial seat of government : they lived in great state at 
 the public charge and had six bailiffs and six messengers at 
 their orders besides superior officers and domestic serv^ants : 
 they were not allowed by day ever to leave their residence 
 except on public service, rarely at night, and then only with 
 the express permission of their president. 
 
 Thus were they magnificently imprisoned for two months, 
 with great power but no pay, solely intent on the public 
 senice ; and ineligible for two years ; a period which was 
 called the '' Divieto'' or prohibition: the government was in 
 this way renewed six times a year from the middle of June 
 128'2 ; and for a long time no great inconvenience seems to 
 have resulted from the frequent changes ; but when their wars 
 became more extensive and complicated, alterations suited to 
 the emergencies were found necessary and adopted. The 
 priors were eligible from all classes gentle or simple provided 
 they were registered on the books of some trade ; and thus the 
 constitution of the executive government continued until the 
 formation of what was called the " Secondo Popolo^' hereafter 
 to be spoken of when the nobles were entirely excluded from 
 power and a Gonfalonier of Justice created. 
 
 The Seignoiy chose its successors by ballot and at first did 
 
 VOL. I. X 
 
306 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 well ; but soon changed and became partial in its administm- 
 tion ; attended more to the corruption than the obser\'ation of 
 the laws, screened kinsmen, peculated, neglected the helpless, 
 overlooked the crimes of nobles, and committed other mis- 
 demeanors, to the great scandal of all good citizens who soon 
 began to find fault with a government where the Guelphic 
 aristocracy had supreme power. 
 
 Yet this institution proved the ruin of the Florentine nobles, 
 because they were under various pretences at different times 
 entirely excluded from oflBce, which from jealousy of each 
 other they suilered, and by grasping at too much lost all : it 
 also opened the way to an ambitious crowd of rising fomilies 
 who with increasing riches and influence overshadowed the 
 ancient races and gave a new complexion to the city. Old and 
 noble names, and even arms were changed when pride once 
 ceded to ambition and a strong desire for republican honours ; 
 as if ashamed of mixing their time-honoured titles with a body 
 of simple tradesmen. This also assisted in reducing every 
 class to equality, so that which in other states was counted an 
 honourable distinction, in Florence was considered, for the 
 most part, vain useless and even hurtful. But many still 
 preserved, in pride and poverty, their ancient names and cus- 
 toms sooner than mix in the society or be dependent for 
 public honours on a comnmnity of merchants *. 
 
 Cotemporary Monarchs. — England : Henry III., Edward I., 1272. — 
 Scotland : Alexander III., 1249.— France : Louis IX., Philip III., 1270.— 
 
 r 
 
 •<■" 
 
 CHAP. XI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 307 
 
 Castile and Leon: Alphonso X., 1252. — Aragon : James 1. (the Con- 
 queror), Pedro III. (the Great), 1276. — Portugal : Alphonso III , Denis, 
 1279. — Germany, Interregnum. — Rodolph of Hapshurg, 1273. Popes: 
 Alexander IV., Urban IV., 1261.— Clement IV., 1265.— Gregory X., 1271. 
 -Innocent V., 1276.— Adrian V., 1276.— John XXL, 1276.— Nicholas 
 III., 1277.— Martin IV., 1281.— Latin Emperor Baldwin IL, 1237 to 1261. 
 — Greek emperors restored: Michael Palasologus, 1261. — Andronicus, 1281, 
 
 • Thus the family of Tomaquinci, 
 divided into the Popoleschi, Toma- 
 buoni, Giachinotti, Cardinali and Ma- 
 rabottini; the Cavalcanti into Mala- 
 testi and Clampoli ; the Imortuni 
 changed to Cambi, &c. The principal 
 families now rising into poUtical im- 
 portance were the Strozzi, Acciajuoli, 
 
 Albizzi, Bucelli, Mancini, Rinaldi, 
 Guicciardini, Soderini, Pitti, Ricci, 
 and Altuiti. — Dino Compagni, Storia 
 Fiorent., Lib. i", p. 5. — Scip. Ammi- 
 rato, Lib. iii", p. 162. — Cantini Saggi 
 d'Antichiti^ Toscane, vol. iv., p. 1. — 
 Macchiavelli, Stor. Fior., Lib. ii**. 
 
 X 2 
 
30S 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I 
 
 / 
 
 CHAP. Xll.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 309 
 
 A.D. 1283. 
 
 CHAPTER Xll. 
 
 FROM A.D. J282 TO A.D. J292. 
 
 The year 1283 commenced at Florence with unusual tran- 
 quillity ; the new constitution was popular and respected, and 
 the sweets of equality and freedom were tasted by 
 the great mass of citizens : but like other precious 
 things their preser>-ation was coupled with great anxiety, 
 and the course of political events was scanned with a degree 
 of piercing jealousy that left nothing unexamined or indif- 
 ferent. For this reason the now declining fortune of the 
 Ghibelines and consequent peace of Romagna, as well as some 
 recent hostilities between Pisa and Genoa were events that 
 gave as much undisguised satisfaction as the Sicilian Vespers 
 did, in secret, to the Florentine nation : not that Charles had 
 lost their affections or that they desu*ed to see any new poten- 
 tate commanding m Italy, but his military' talent, his fortune, 
 and his extreme ambition alarmed them for their own inde- 
 pendence. In his rage against Peter of Aragon he had defied 
 him to stake the fate of Sicily on single combat at Bordeaux 
 before Edward Plantagenet, and the crafty Spaniard imme- 
 diately accepted tliis challenge too hai)py at having such an 
 opportunity of ^vithdrawing his adversar}^ from the immediate 
 direction of a war in which he was so much superior in re- 
 sources ; but predetermined never to brmg the duel to an 
 issue. Charles visited Florence on his way to France and was 
 
 i^:^ 
 
 f 
 
 received with high honour by a people who besides being per- 
 sonally attached to him were in full enjoyment of a prosperity 
 to which he had mainly contributed. The town abounded in 
 festivities, and Anjou promoted them by knighting several of 
 the most distinguished inhabitants, the honour of knighthood 
 being then considered the greatest dignity that could be con- 
 ferred and scarcely less prized by the city than the individual 
 citizen. 
 
 Native industry and the last few years of peace had done 
 much for Florence, riches were abundant and extensively dis- 
 seminated, families were thriving and hearts were gay and 
 contented ; conviviality of all kinds enlivened the town " Corti 
 Baiidite " or open houses, were common to the age and no- 
 where more frequent or splendid than in Florence. The 
 extent of these entertainments was sometimes excessive; 
 amongst others the Rossi with their friends and companions 
 amomiting to one thousand persons dressed in white under one 
 chief called the ''Lord of Love,'' gave a constant succession of 
 festivities for two months; every stranger of any note that 
 visited the city was received like a prince, feasted and attended 
 upon with marked courtesy during his sojourn amongst them 
 and made a distinguished guest at all their convivial meetings. 
 Balls, suppers, dinners, music, a parading of the town in bands 
 with flags and trumpets, military exercises and every species 
 of amusement foimed the occupation of this joyous company. 
 Amongst the military exercises was that of the " Armeggiatori " 
 so prevalent about this period, and borrowed probably from 
 the Saracens ; " a number of young nobles assembled on horse- 
 back m a species of uniform with light-coloured floating mantles 
 and veiy short stirrups in the Moorish fashion, and when 
 wishing to break a lance they stood upright in these stirrups, 
 showing off their fine figures and activity to the greatest 
 advantage *. " 
 
 * Giac. Malespini, c. ccxix.— Giov. — Scip. Ammirato, Lib. iii., pp. 153, 
 Villani, Lib. vii., c. Lxxxii. and Ixxxvi. 1 62. 
 
310 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book f 
 
 CHAP, xi:.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 311 
 
 Such festivities, the most splendid ever seen until then in 
 Florence, were but brief, a mere pause in the storm of discord 
 which ended the follo\sing year by the returning blast of 
 strife. 
 
 Hostihties as above mentioned had recently broken out 
 between Genoa and Pisa ; the latter although nearly alone in 
 the late Guelphic war had displayed great courage and re- 
 sources ; her riches were on the waters, her dominions on the 
 coast and Iwsora of the Meditermnean : from Corvo to Ci\ita 
 Vecchia she nded the Italian shore ; Corsica, Sardinia, Elba, 
 and other islets in the adjacent sea for the most part obeyed 
 her, and ui the Levant and Euxine she had her conmiercial 
 establishments*. She could ann from one to two hundred 
 gallies and other vessels (►f war, and rivalled Genoa and Venice 
 as one of the three great maritime powers of Italy : this em- 
 broiled her with the former but need not have raised any 
 jealousy of Florence, which not being a naval but an inland 
 manufacturing state was almost dependent upon Pisa fc»r the 
 principal transit of her merchandise. It was therefore the 
 interest of both republics to be on friendly terms, and this 
 seemed well understood as long as Florence was decidedly 
 inferior; but when the latter began to unfold her growing 
 powers, the countenance of Pisa changed, and being of opposite 
 factions they became the most deadly enemies. The interests of 
 Venice and Pisa clashed but faintly and common hatred to Genoa 
 prevented greater collision : they had fought together severely 
 and successfully against her in the Levant, and Pisa had suc- 
 ceeded in impressing such a salutary respect on the mind of the 
 Genoese as served to maintain a sort of shadowy peace until 
 the year 1282 when the restless temper of Sinoncello judge of 
 Cinarca in Corsica, a traitor to both nations, first roused them 
 from this state of dormant hostility. Sinoncello had been 
 justly driven from Coi-sica by the Genoese and implored the 
 
 * Flam, dal Borgo, Diss, iv., p. 201.— Giac. Malespini, c. ccxvi. 
 
 ( 
 
 protection of Pisa, which in spite of his former treachery, 
 through mere hatred to Genoa embraced his cause, and derided 
 her ambassadors who were sent to remonstrate : insult was 
 returned with insult and a war was the consequence, which 
 ruined Pisa as a naval power, destroyed her commerce, and 
 finally subverted her liberty. 
 
 Porto Venere was sacked by the Pisan squadron, seventeen of 
 which were immediately afterwards lost in a gale ; the malcon- 
 tents in Sardinia, who had shown symptoms of revolt were awed 
 by a fleet of fifty-four gallies which on its return was blockaded 
 and partly destroyed by the Genoese; another squadron was 
 defeated in 1285, and then assistance was asked of the Vene- 
 tians, but refused. 
 
 The energy of rage and disappointment animated Pisa, a 
 fleet of seventy-two galleys was rapidly equipped and manned 
 with her bravest and noblest citizens, every^ family was afloat 
 under the command of Count Ugolino della Gherardesca ; but 
 all they did was to threaten Genoa with idle boastinc[ and 
 shoot silver arrows into the town as a token of contemptuous 
 superiority. The Genoese galleys were dismantled ; but stung 
 with the insidt they soon armed a fleet of eighty-eight sail 
 under Uberto Dona, appearing off the Porto Pisano with 
 but fifty-eight, the rest being kept out of sight to deceive 
 the Pisans and induce them to give battle : the device sue 
 ceeded and both fleets were engaged on the 6th of August 
 1284 off the itjhind of Meloria in one of the most famous and 
 sanguinary conflicts recorded in the annals of Italy. 
 
 The Pisans were inferior in force but strong in valour, and 
 the battle was long doubtful when the captain-galley sur- 
 rendered after a desperate struggle hand to hand ; for the 
 vessels were closely grappled and the fight was less like a 
 naval than a land action. At a critical moment the detached 
 squadron dashed into the fight, Count Ugolino with three 
 galleys fled, the rest were disheartened and the glory of Pisa 
 
312 
 
 FLORENHNE HISTORY. 
 
 [book i. 
 
 CHAP. XII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 313 
 
 set for ever in the bloody waters of Meloria. From four to 
 five thousand are said to have been killed, from ten to fifteen 
 thousand were made prisoners ; an immense number of galleys 
 surrendered, and the bravest of Pisan chivalry perished in this 
 sanguinary conflict. Pisa never rose from the blow ; for 
 Genoa with a cruel but certain policy refused all ransom, and 
 the few captives that remained after fifteen yeai*s' imprison- 
 ment, returned a broken and dejected remnant to their 
 countiy *. 
 
 This disaster which left Pisa in mourning and desolation 
 was considered as a judgment of heaven for the sacrilegious 
 capture of the prelates at the first battle of Meloria in 1*241 : 
 but to Ugolino, who aspired to the lordship of the republic, it 
 is supposed not only to have been welcome but he is accused 
 of having fled from the combat on purpose to produce such a 
 result ; a fact which it would be difficult to substantiate f. 
 
 The helpless state of this unhappy people was taken direct 
 advantage of by Florence and Lucca who backed by 
 all the antagonist force of Tuscany made common 
 cause with Genoa for their destmction : a treaty was therefore 
 concluded by Brunetto Latini and Manetti di Benecasa on 
 the part of Florence, which was to continue for twentv-five 
 years after the conclusion of peace. In this her mercantile 
 interests were not forgotten either with Genoa or Lucca, or 
 even with the Bishop of Volterra who ceded several places 
 under his jurisdiction to the Florentines, which had been 
 recaptured from Pisa |. The result of all this was an imme- 
 diate invasion of the Pisan territory by the allied Tuscan 
 
 A.D. 1284. 
 
 * After this battle it became a com- 
 mon saying that if any one wished to 
 see Pisa they must go to Genoa. The 
 accounts vary as to the number of gal- 
 leys on either side in this battle but 
 all agree in the inferiority of the Pisans 
 in physical force ; a minute and inte- 
 resting account of it may be seen in 
 
 Giustiniani, Lib. iii", Carta cvii.— 
 
 Tronci. Annali Pisani. — Giustiniani, 
 
 Ann. di Genoa. — Dal Borgo, Dissert. 
 
 xi. — Interiano, Istoria di Genoa, Lib. 
 
 iii", p. 82. 
 
 •f* Muratori, Annali, 1284. 
 
 X Ammirato, Lib. iii", p. 164. 
 
 forces while the Genoese attacked the coast and especially 
 Porto Pisano with success. Pisa now reduced to the last leaf 
 looked to Count Ugolino della Gherardesca as the citizen 
 of most ability in this exigence. He strongly advised imme- 
 diate peace with Florence which never could rival Pisa as a 
 naval power, but had need of her for commerce, and which 
 really sought no mcrease of territory but made war from mere 
 party hatred, whereas Genoa had ever been a rival and impe- 
 diment to their greatness. Others were of a contraiy opmion 
 and prevailed ; terms were offered to and rejected by Genoa ; 
 conditions were then granted by the Florentines, but of ex- 
 treme rigour and not without briber}^ : Count Ugolmo being 
 podesta of Pisa and captaui of the people, also a Guelph and 
 friend of Florence, was considered most fit to conduct this 
 negotiation and readily undertook the task as seconding his 
 endeavours to become mler of his countiy. He with- ^^ ^^ 
 out hesitation surrendered Santa Maria a Monte, 
 Fuccechio, Santa Croce, and Monte Calvole to Florence ; exiled 
 the most zealous Ghibelines from Pisa and reduced it to a purely 
 Guelpliic republic : he was accused of treax^hery, and certainly 
 his own objects were admh'ably forwarded by the continued 
 captivity of so many of his countrymen, by the bamshment of 
 the adverse faction, and by the friendship and support of 
 Florence. But whatever might have been Ms ruling motive 
 he acted wisely for Pisa which must have immediately fallen 
 under the united force of three such antagonists : Genoa was 
 not consulted, Lucca would not be a party to this peace, and 
 Florence was blamed by both for saving Pisa and breakmg 
 her solemn engagement. She was m fact becommg jealous 
 of the Ligurian republic and felt the want of Porto Pisano as 
 a commercial outlet : yet there was much difficulty m the 
 work of peace, and it is even asserted that the Florentme 
 commissioners were bribed with wine-flasks full of golden 
 florins sent with other refreshments by Ugolmo during the 
 
3*4 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XII. 1 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 315 
 
 negotiations 
 
 The conduct of this ambitious chief seems 
 however to have been con*ect and pohtic ; he certainly saved 
 Pisa from destruction, and if by a lucky accident his own 
 private views and the safety of his country were identified it 
 makes no difference in the immediate policy of the act and an 
 able man would naturally take the best means of preserving 
 that which he intended for his own subsequent aggrandise- 
 ment *. 
 
 During Charles's romantic expedition to Bordeaux Roger di 
 Loria had been active on the Calabrian shore, and afterwards 
 by repeated insults succeeded in drawing the Prince of Salerno 
 from his anchorage at Castel-a-Mare to give him battle in the 
 open sea where on the fifth of June 1284 the latter was de- 
 feated and made prisoner with nearly all his squadron. As the 
 victors afterwards passed by the promontor}^ of Sorrento a de- 
 putation from the inhabitants came on board with an offer- 
 ing of money and fruit : but seeing the Prince of Salerno on 
 deck in splendid armour siurounded by his barons they mistook 
 him for Loria and kneeling presented their gift, saying, " My 
 '* Lord Admiral deign to receive this little present from the 
 " people of Sorrento and may it please God that as you have 
 " taken the son so may you also take the father : and remember 
 " that we were the first to come over to you.' The Prince, un- 
 happy as he was could not forbear laughing, and turning to the 
 Admiral said, " These people are wonderfully faithful to my lord 
 *' the kinfj.'' Charles returned to Naples a few days after 
 with a reinforcement, and finding both in that town and other 
 parts of the kingdom a strong disposition to revolt, became 
 so exasperated by these repeated misfortunes that in his fury 
 he was with great difficulty prevented from setting fire to 
 
 * Giac. Malespini, c. ccxvi., ccxx., 
 ccxxi., ccxxv. — Gio. Villani, Lib. vii., 
 cap. Ixxx., xc, xci., xcii., xcviii. — 
 Muratori, Annali, 1285. — Dal. Borffo, 
 
 Diss*, xi. — Amniirato, Lib. iii., p. 
 165. — Leon. Aretino, Lib. iil. — 
 Dante, Inf., Canto xxxiii. 
 
 f^^ 
 
 the former city : he indignantly hurried on to Brindisi and 
 collecting all his army sailed to Reggio which with other places 
 had fallen into the hands of his enemy : but too much rime had 
 been lost in the wild chase of Don Pedro ; the town resisted, 
 the siege was soon raised, and the baffled monarch returned to 
 Brindisi and dismantled his armament for the winter. On his 
 return to the capital he heard of more disasters in Calabria, 
 but still unconquered although oppressed by misfortune, he died 
 at Foggia in January 1285 just as he was makmg a final 
 effort for the recovery of his lost dominions. 
 
 Pope Martin IV. who had been the humblest of his slaves in 
 this worid soon followed him to the next, and in the following 
 April was succeeded by Jacopo Savelli a noble Ptoman, under 
 the name of Honorius IV. Charles was a bold determined 
 and aspiring prince, of that high-reaching and vindictive spirit 
 that relentlessly trampled down every form of humanity when- 
 ever it moved between him and the strong excitement of 
 his ambition. : He was sincerely regretted by the Guelphs 
 of Florence who although they began to feel some apprehen- 
 sion of his increasing power were always attached to his person, 
 for diaries was wise in council, firm in promise, grave and 
 decent in his habits, generous to his followers, and zealous 
 in ever}i;hing that he once undertook to accomphsh. He was 
 a favourite because they had all the benefit of his good qua- 
 liries without his tyranny, and his great personal strength 
 and courage were no small recommendations in an age of 
 chivali7 like the tliirteenth century*. 
 
 The unusual tranquillity of tliis and the following year at 
 Florence induced the government to attend to domestic im- 
 provements and one of the most urgent of them was to restrain 
 the woridly habits of the clergy within such decent bounds 
 as might at least insure some quiet to the community ; for 
 
 * G. Villani, Lib. vii., cap. xciii.— Leon. Aretino, Lib. iii«.— Ammirato, 
 Lib. iii", p. 165. 
 
316 
 
 FLOEENTINE inSTORY, 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 CHAP. Xll.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 317 
 
 whether arising from the extreme power of the church and the 
 consequent insolence of its minions, or from the continual feuds 
 of a pugnacious age, it was not only the clergy themselves that 
 habitually carried offensive and defensive arms beneath their 
 frocks, but theii' dress served to screen less sacred ruffians from 
 the visitation of justice. A decree was therefore made which, 
 as the priests were inviolable, condemned their nearest male 
 relation by the father's side to bear the punishment awarded 
 for such crimes as having arms concealed under the clerical 
 habit Continued peace now afforded leisure for inquiiy and 
 several other grievances pressing in divers ways on various 
 parts of the community were removed ; amongst other thmgs 
 was the appointment of slx commissioners to inquire mto the 
 double payment of a property- tax mider the name of " Alli- 
 razione" to which many had become illegally subject from 
 havmg possessions both in the Contado and metropolis, the 
 taxes levied in the latter under the above denomination freeing 
 all rural possessions within the former, so that the infiinge- 
 ment of this regulation had been attended with considerable 
 hardship. Some harder restrictions were placed on debtors 
 who were now deprived of the freedom from arrest which they 
 enjoyed at fairs and under other peculiar circumstances, be- 
 sides being denied the hberty of defence m couits of justice 
 unless sufficient security were offered for theu- appearance. 
 The selling price of bread was also meddled with in this year 
 of pecuHar scarcity, and seems to be one of the earliest notices 
 of that direct official interference which afterwards became so 
 frequent and mischievous. Nor did the spirit of regulation thus 
 confine itself; the aristocracy was always an object of jealous 
 vigilance, and its continual and overbearing insolence was too 
 sensibly felt to leave it long untouched by some biting legisla- 
 tion. The better to protect the people all nobles were now 
 compelled to find security for their conduct towards artisans ; 
 and if the property of the latter were damaged the offender was 
 
 *^i 
 
 ¥' 
 
 > 
 
 bound to purchase it at the requisition and probably at the 
 price of the owner. That these pinching laws were necessary- 
 to check the oppressive conduct of a fierce nobility there can 
 be little doubt, but that the latter had abundance of provoca- 
 tion from the gross manners and truculent insolence of a body 
 of untutored artisans who mistook brutahty for independence 
 seems equally probable. 
 
 The population of Florence had now so much increased that 
 the ancient town formed only the centre of a larger city em- 
 bracinf^ it on every side ; so that a new curcuit of walls became 
 an object of positive necessity and were so designed as to 
 inclose all the suburbs, leaving a considerable space for build- 
 ings which still have to be called into existence: Amolpho the 
 famous arcliitect of the cathedral was intrusted with the work, 
 and this j-ear he first laid the foundation of the principal gates 
 and existing walls of Florence. 
 
 The primitive edifices beyond Amo were scattered dwellings 
 interspersed with gardens ; afterwards three regular streets or 
 suburbs rose gradually into notice, two of them lying along the 
 river above and below the old bridge, and the other leading 
 directly to it : these remained long without walls and therefore 
 private towers were built for self-defence, but ultimately the 
 whole suburb including the adjacent hill was protected by a 
 wide sweeping rampart with three fine gates leading to Arezzo, 
 Pisa, and Siena. Several other useful works were undertaken 
 at the same time, such as the restoration of the Badia then 
 crumbling from age, the erection of Orto-San-Michele and the 
 fortification of several towns in the Florentine territory *. 
 
 During these domestic transactions some changes had oc- 
 cun-ed in the neighbouring states as well as the foreign 
 Idngdoms immediately connected with Italian politics : Peter 
 of Aragon died from a wound received in an affair with a 
 
 ♦ Gio. Tillani, Lib. vii., cap. xcix.— Leon. Aretino, Lib. iii.— Scip. Ammirato, 
 Lib. iii., p. 165, et seq. 
 
318 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 A. D. 1286. 
 
 French detachment during the siege of Gerona, and Phihp 
 himself died soon after : Sicily was left to James, the second 
 son of the Aragonese monarch ; Guido di Montefeltro finally 
 submitted to the pope leaving the church paramount in Ro- 
 magna, and Count Ugolino continued his ambitious schemes at 
 Pisa. Raised to the highest ofiBces of the republic for ten 
 years, he would soon have l)ecome absolute had not his own 
 nephew Nino Visconte judge of Gallura contested this supre- 
 macy and forced liimself into conjohit and equal authority : 
 this could not continue and a sort of compromise was 
 for the moment effected by which Visconte retired to 
 the absolute government of Sardinia. But Ugolino still cUs- 
 satisfied sent his son to disturb the island ; a deadly feud was 
 the consequence, Guelph against Guelph, while the latent 
 spirit of Ghibelinism wliich filled the breasts of the citizens 
 and was encouraged by priest and friar, felt its advantage : 
 the Archbishop Ruggiero Rubaldino was its real head, but he 
 worked ^vith hidden caution as the apparent friend of either 
 chieftain. In 1*287 after some sharp contests both of them 
 abdicated for the sake as it was alleged, of public tranquillity ; 
 but soon perceiving their error again united and scouring the 
 streets with all their followei-s forcibly reestablished their 
 authority. Ruggieri seemed to assent quietly to this new 
 outrage, even looked without emotion on the bloody corpse 
 of liis favouiite nephew who had been stabbed by Ugolino ; 
 and so deep was his dissimulation that he not only refused 
 to believe the murdered body to be his kinsman's, but zealously 
 assisted the count to establish liimself alone in the government 
 and accomplish Visconte s ruin. The design was successful ; 
 Nino was overcome and driven from the town, and in 1'288 
 Ugolino entered Pisa in triumph from his villa, where he had 
 retired to await the catastrophe : the archbishop had neglected 
 nothing and Ugolino found himself associated vnth this prelate 
 in the public government ; events now began to thicken, the 
 
 CHAP. XII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 319 
 
 count could not brook a competitor much less a Ghibeline priest : 
 in tlie month of July both parties flew to arms and the arch- 
 bishop was victorious. After a feeble attempt to rally in the 
 public palace. Count Ugolino, his two sons Uguccione and 
 Gaddo; and two young grandsons Anselmuccio and Brigata 
 surrendered at discretion and were immediately imprisoned in 
 a tower afterwards called the " Torre delta fame "*, and there 
 perished by starvation. Count Ugolino della Gherardesca^ 
 whose tragic story after five hundred years still sounds in 
 awfiil numbers from the lyre of Dante f was stained with the 
 ambition and darker vices of the age ; like other potent chiefs 
 he sought to enslave his country and checked at nothing in his 
 impetuous career : he was accused of many crimes ; of poison- 
 ing his own nephew, of failing in war, making a disgraceful 
 peace, of flying shamefully perhaps traitorously, at Meloria, 
 and of obstructing all negotiations with Genoa for the return 
 of his imprisoned countrymen. Like most others of his rank 
 in those frenzied times he belonged more to faction than his 
 country and made the former subservient to his own ambition ; 
 but all these accusations even if well-founded would not draw 
 him from the general standard; they would only prove that 
 he shared the ambition, the cruelty, the ferocity, the reckless- 
 ness of human life and suffering, and the relentless pursuit of 
 power in common with other chieftains of his age and country. 
 Ugolino was overcome and suffered a cruel death ; his family 
 was dispersed and his memoiy has perhaps been blackened 
 with a darker colouring to excuse the severity of his pmiish- 
 ment; but his sons who naturally followed their parent's 
 fortune were scarcely impUcated in liis crimes although they 
 shared his fate, and his grandsons though not children were 
 still less guilty ; though one of tliese was not unstained with 
 
 ♦ The remains of this tower still exist ing to the Gualandi family. (Vide 
 
 in the Piazza de' Cavalieri on the right Tronci, Annali.) 
 
 of the archway as the spectator looks f For a translation of this passage of 
 
 towards the clock. Its former name the Inferno see Appendix. 
 
 was" Lj, Torre delk Sette rie," belong- 
 
 - niWPE^^p^rr 
 
320 
 
 FLORENTINE UISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 (HAP. XII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 321 
 
 A. D- 1287. 
 
 hlood*. The archbishop had public and private wrongs to 
 revenge, and had he fallen his sacred character alone would 
 probably have procured for him a milder destiny f . 
 While these transactions were going forward at Pisa an incident 
 occurred in Florence which exemplifies both the man- 
 ner and difficulty of executing justice against powerful 
 citizens in those tiu'bulent times of nominal liberty and real 
 licence. Totto Mazzinghi of Campi chief of a ferocious race, was 
 condemned for murder but on his way to the scaffold a rescue 
 was attempted by Corso Donati at the head of a numerous follow- 
 ing : before tliis could be accomplished the Campana sounded 
 the citizens ran to their arms and horse and foot rallied round 
 the Podesta crying aloud for justice ; seeing himself so sup- 
 ported this magistrate immediately changed the nature of his 
 sentence, such was their notion of liberty, and instead of the 
 more dignified punishment of decapitation ordered Mazzinghi 
 to be drawn ignominiously through the public streets and then 
 hanged hke a common malefoctor. After imposing a fine on 
 the ringleaders of this outrage the Podesta Matteo da Fogliano 
 of Reggio dropped all further proceedings " and wan much com- 
 mended by every body, as well for the spirit he displayed in 
 
 Dante has used a poet's license in 
 describing them as innocent children. 
 — (Vide Dal Borgo, Dissert, xi., p. 
 40a deir Istoria Plsana.) In '' Frag- 
 menta Historicf Pisanre'^ (tomo 
 xxiv,, " Scrip. Ber. Ital.'^) we learn 
 " That the archbishop and the said 
 Ghibeline chiefs kc. with battle and 
 fire took the public palace, and took 
 Count Ugolino and his sons and 
 grandsons and kept them confined 
 and prisoners, and put them in irons 
 and guarded them in the public palace 
 more than 20 days until the tower of 
 the Gualandi of the seven streets was 
 prepared ; and then placed them in the 
 sai<l prison which was afterwards called 
 * of Famine.'^ " — We here take leave 
 of Giachetto Malespini's continuation 
 of the Chronicle of Ricordo Malcspini. 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. vii., cap. cxxi. — 
 Tronci Annali Pisani. — Dal Borgo, 
 Dissert, ii", p. 99, and xi., p. 373. — 
 Dante Inferno, Can. xxxiii. Roncioni. 
 Ist. Pisa. Lib. xi., pp. 63*2, et seq. — 
 Sardo. Chron. Pisa., cap. xliv. — Guido 
 di Corvaria, torn, xxiv., p. 694. — Scr. 
 Rer. Ital. 
 
 + An unknown author (quoted by 
 Muratori and Dal Borgo) asserts that 
 Ugolino was fined 20,000 lire and 
 foo<l denied to him until the fine should 
 be paid : but this is scarcely credible 
 and if true does not diminish the 
 atrocity of his punishment. Ugolino's 
 grandson Brigata had however assas- 
 sinated Giano Scomigiani one of Vis- 
 conti's friends a short time before, 
 which completed the rupture between 
 the latter and Count Ugolino, so that 
 
 i' « 
 
 ■ic*.Q- 
 
 nrrnjiug the sentence into execution as for his prudence in de- 
 vlininii to hrare the power of so great a citizen as Corso Donati 
 hy a criminal prosecution against his person^.'' 
 
 Another law of this period exhibits an example of the blind 
 s(>verity of punishment awarded to a crime which was becoming 
 very prevalent throughout Italy in the thirteenth century, and 
 which in Florence may periiaps have been encouraged by the 
 increasing amount of marriage portions, a circumstance which 
 rendered it difficult for any but the opulent to marry their 
 daughters, as Dante makes Cacciaguida lament in the fifteenth 
 canto of his Paradise f. The custom of concubinage though 
 not strictly moral even in its most decent aspect and which is 
 so subversive of all the generally received principles of civi- 
 lised society, was not in that rough age visited with the same 
 indulgence as at present; population in those times was 
 esteemed the strength of a country, and as this pernicious 
 habit diminished the number of marriages it was visited >rith 
 the cruel punishment of the stake and the faggot. How much 
 of this severity was due to pure monility and how much to 
 the cupidity of the clergy whose fees were proportionally 
 diminished, no documents infonn us, but it may be fairly sup- 
 posed that each had its peculiar influence l 
 
 Towards the beginning of the preceding winter some wariike 
 symptoms began to appear in and about Arezzo a city whose 
 political movements were closely connected with the welfare 
 of Florence in consequence of the numerous Ghibeline faction 
 in that neighl)Ourhood : the Ghibelme Bishop Guglielmino, a 
 
 * Gio. Villani, cap. cxiv.. Lib. iii.— Scip. Ammirato, Lib. iii., p. 167. 
 
 + Non faceva nasccndo ancor paura 
 
 La figlia al Padre, ch(i il tempo e la dote 
 Non fuggian quinei e quindi la misura. 
 
 A daughter's birth as yet instill'd no fear ^ 
 Into the father's heart, lest age and dow r 
 Should pass just measure on the part of eacli. 
 
 + Scip. Ammirato, Lib. iii., p. 168. • 
 VOL. T. ^ 
 
 ^^ns^wwwi^^ 
 
322 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 323 
 
 powerful and ambitious prelate more fitted for the sword than 
 the Breviar}', had surprised the strong-hold of Saint Cecilia in 
 the contado of Siena as a step towards further operations 
 against the Guelphic administration of that state, which in 
 r-^83 had imitated Florence in the fonnation of its executive 
 goverament, mider the name of the ''Nine Governors and 
 Defenders of the community and people of Siena,' or as they 
 were commonly called ''The Nine'' ^'. Pope Honorius IV. who 
 had followed the politics of his family rather tlian those of the 
 church expired in April 1*287 unregretted by the Florentines; 
 but his vast power coupled with -the Xeapolitun monarch's 
 captivity and the long vacancy of the holy see, had inspirited 
 the Ghibehnes, so that the warlike Bishop of Arezzo with 
 great temporal dominion was eager for any movement, and Flo- 
 rence deemed it expedient to renew the Guelphic league and 
 increase its force to lifteen hundred horsemen. Arezzo, whe- 
 ther less embittered by faction, or from having the two par- 
 ties more equally balanced in public opinion, was about this 
 epoch governed by an union of both and peace sworn to 
 between them: the citizens however after the example of 
 Florence and Siena were not disposed to sleep over their 
 liberty but rising in a l)ody elected a man of Lucca as 
 Governor under the simple denomination of " Prior.'' 
 
 This officer held the reins with a determined hand ; he 
 humbled the Pazzi of Val d'Anio, reduced the Ubertini, and 
 besieged their castles: invested the Bishop himself in his 
 stronghold of Civitella, and made the laws respected every- 
 where : but the capture of Civitella would have fallen too 
 heavily on the whole aristocratic body ; wherefore they sus- 
 pended all private quarrels and excited a mutiny in the 
 investing army which obliged the Prior to raise the siege and 
 return to Arezzo ; still following up their blow they suddenly 
 entered that city, killed this worthy magistrate, and usurped 
 
 • Orl. Malvolti, Lib. iii", Tarte ii",p. 50. 
 
 <?» 
 
 the supreme power, with the usual severities of death and 
 banishment -I'. 
 
 Thus left to themselves their old quarrels revived, for the 
 nobles agreed in nothing but their hatred to popular govern- 
 ment; the Guelphs after the example of Florence, and perhaps 
 stimulated by her secret councils, attempted to overpower the 
 Ghibelines ; but Guglielmino with the aid of his kinsmen the 
 Pazzi, the Ubertini, and other adherents, drove their opponents 
 from the town and remained its masters. Two parties were 
 thus expelled, that of the murdered Prior, or of popular 
 government, and that of the Guelphic nobles: both were power- 
 ful, a common interest united them, with combined forces they 
 captured the towns of Rondine and Monte San Savino, and 
 even menaced Arezzo itself. The aid of Florence was solicited 
 on the strength of former friendship and a common hatred of 
 Ghibelinism ; they maintained that her true policy was to 
 establish a Guelphic government in Arezzo, and more especially 
 to prevent their constant enemies the Pazzi and Ubaldini 
 from becoming paramount in that state which would inevitably 
 happen if now allowed to consolidate their power. Although 
 the Florentines ever alive to the dangers of a Ghibeline 
 ascendancy were predisposed to the task, there is still reason 
 to believe that both entreaties and menaces were first tried 
 without effect in behalf of the exiles but the bishop exaspe- 
 rated at the recapture of Saint Cecilia to which Florence had 
 mainly contributed rejected ever}^ proposal. Five hundred 
 men-at-arms were therefore sent to their assistance and the 
 whole strength of the League was promised, but coupled with 
 a stipulation that no peace should be made without the consent 
 of Florence and the Guelphic confederation!. 
 
 War, thus ready to break out between these two states, 
 
 * Leon. Aretino, Lib. iii«, Dino Cam- Leon. Aretino, Lib. iii°, p. 55.— Dino 
 
 pagni. Lib. i«. Compagni, Lib. i% p. 6.— Scip. A mmi- 
 
 t Giov. Villani, cap. cxv., Lib. vii«.— rato, Lib. iii**, p. 167. 
 
 Y 2 
 
324 
 
 FLOKENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XII ] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 325 
 
 exhibited a more favourable aspect to the Ghibelines ; the Im- 
 perial Vicar Prezzivalle dal Fiesco of Genoa, chaplain 
 A.P. 1288. ^^^^ favourite of Pope Honorius IV., was through his 
 mriuence appointed to that office two years before and vainly 
 endeavoiu-ed to reestablish the emperors ancient ri^^hts in 
 Tuscany : at Florence liis pretensions were haughtily repelled, 
 nor did he then succeed better at Arezzo, where the Guelphs 
 rejected him as an imperialist, and the Ghibelines from a par- 
 ticular dislilie to liis Guelphic family tmd nation. He wa> ii<>n\ 
 however invited to Arezzo and soon joined the bishop ^Yith some 
 troups and all the imperial intluence : to this was added the im- 
 plied favour of Pope Nicholas IV. whose opinions were gene- 
 rally supposed to be Ghibeline. 
 
 In February 12s7 Guglielmino opened the campaign by 
 desultorv inroads on the Senese and Florentine territories, 
 strencrtheninc himself by close alliances with all the Tuscan 
 Irhibelmes that ventured to declare themselves : he governed 
 Arezzo despotically, drew succours from Ilomagna La Marca 
 and Spoleto, drove the Guelphs from Chusi and triumphed 
 over a great portion of Tuscany*. Florence perceived the 
 runiing stonn and instimtly prepjxi-ed to meet it ; feeling the 
 need of a vigorous eftbrt they assembled the tinest army that 
 hail ever left their state since the return of the Guelphic 
 faction and determined to make war in the enemy's eountr}'. 
 The confederates had about three thousand hr»ise and twelve 
 thousand foot, all, according to some writers, under command 
 of llinuccio Famese, general of the league ; eight hundred 
 men-at-arms led bv the Podesta Foseracco of Lodi were com- 
 posed of the " CaraUate'' or train-bands of Florence, in wliich 
 every opulent citizen enrolled himself, clothed, armed, and 
 mounted at his own expense. 
 
 Towards the end of May P288 war was fonnally declared 
 
 ♦ Gi«»v. Villani, Lib. iii", cap. cxv.— tino, Lib. iii".— Scip. Ammirato, Lib. 
 Dine Campagni, Cronica, — Leon. Are- iii", p. 1 69. 
 
 <'1 
 
 w 1 
 
 ;i gainst Arezzo by displaying the republican standard on the 
 al)bey of Eipoli for eight days previous to taking the field : and 
 this, says Villani, " was the custom of the Florentines in those 
 (lays through a lordly pride and greatness of mind, for they 
 wished that their issuing forth to war might be made known to 
 their enemies and all the world." 
 
 In the beginning of June the confederates invaded Arezz<» 
 ;uid being too strong for any opposition soon reduced about 
 forty places in the Val d'Ambra with the usual devastations : 
 Laterino alone withstood them for eight days but finally sur- 
 rendered at discretion through the treacheiy of Lupo degli 
 Uberti the governor while Guglielmino, a prince of the empire 
 in liis quality of bishop, and tlie most powerful prelate of Italy 
 remained in Arezzo, not being strong enough to take the field 
 against them. The allies soon appeared before that city and 
 accordmg to the prevalent manners insulted the Aretines by 
 celebrating the usual Florentine game of the '' Palw^ on 
 Saint John's day under their very gates ; by cutting down their 
 great elm tree which it was then the custom to preserve outside 
 the walls of towns and cities as a spot of recreation for the 
 inhabitants, and by amusing themselves in other peaceful 
 diversions as if no enemy were at hand. Arezzo however was 
 too strong for a sudden assault and after a while all the forces 
 but those of Siena returned in triumph to Florence, the latter 
 commanded by Rinuccio Famese moving by Val-di-Chiana 
 where two of the enemy's captains Buonconte da Montefelto 
 and Guglielmo de' Pazzi, undertook with two hundred men-at- 
 arms and two thousand infantry to discomfit them : this was 
 accomplished by an ambuscade at the Pieve del Toppo when 
 three hmidred of the principal citizens of Siena were killed or 
 taken ; and the loss was more aggravated by the death of 
 Famese himself, one of the best commanders of the day 
 although here out-generalled *. 
 
 * G. Villani says that Count Alexa7ider of Romena was at this time Cap- 
 
326 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. Xll.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 327 
 
 As an example of the public spirit in these wars it may be 
 mentioned that a citizen of Siena named Lano, who had 
 expended all his property in order to appear with some distinc- 
 tion in the confederate camp, hiiving the power of saving him- 
 self in this encounter chose rather to die in the ranks than 
 return poor and dishonoured to his native city and fell in a 
 desperate attack which he made singly against the factors *. 
 
 This defeat, which was soon followed by the death of Ugolino 
 and the destruction of the Pisan Guelphs, gave fresh spirit to 
 their adversaries whose faction, identified with that of the 
 emperors, by a curious anomaly now prospered under the 
 auspices of two powerful bishops, while the pope himself was 
 imagined to be secretly attached to it; so much had the original 
 source of these party names ceased to influence them while 
 the angry spirit still remained active and unmitigated. 
 
 Notwithstanding their powerful league the probable union 
 of Pisa and Arezzo discomposed the Florentines, for young 
 Charles of Naples still occupied the prisons of Aragon and both 
 pope and emperor were supposed to be entirely against tliem : 
 nevertheless they showed a bold countenance, and granted the 
 ambassadors of Lucca and Nino, or Ugolino Visconti, a hundred 
 men-at-arms, while they interdicted all communication with 
 Pisa, commanding every Florentine subject to leave that city 
 within eight days. Lucca lost no time about commencing opera- 
 tions and in August took Asciano only three miles from Pisa, 
 the latter being too unsettled to prevent its surrender. The 
 Florentines followed this up by defeating a reenforcement of 
 two hundred horse coming from the Maremma imder the Con- 
 ticino d' llci of that countrj' who with most of his people was 
 
 tain of the I^eague and Malavolti, * Giov. Villani, Lib. vii., cap. cxx, — 
 
 jMTobably with truth, that Farncse was Leon. Aretino, Lib. iii°. — Scip. Ammi- 
 
 leader of the Senese and that the rate. Lib. iii", p. 170.— Pignotti, Stor. 
 
 battle was lost by the treachen- of Tosc., vol. iii", p. 169. — Orl. Mala- 
 
 Nello da Pietro of Siena who 'fled volti, Lib. iii". Parte ii*, p. 54. 
 early with his men. 
 
 .1 
 
 ii ,'** 
 
 \ 
 
 made prisoner after a bloody conflict, an exploit considered of 
 such consequence that the captured banners were hung up in 
 the principal churches and the constable Bernardo da Ptieti who 
 commanded the Florentines was dubbed a knight and other- 
 wise distinguished. Nor was Arezzo inactive ; for the Guelphs 
 having incited the inhabitants of Corciano, a town in that 
 contado to revolt in favour of Florence the former rapidly 
 assembled an army for its recapture while the latter felt its 
 own reputation equally involved in its preservation. This was 
 an aff^air of time, wherefore only about a thousand cavaby^ and 
 four thousand infantrj^ assembled of which about two hundred 
 and fifty were paid troops, the remainder beuag the regular 
 battalions of independent citizens. In this expedition was first 
 unfurled the royal banner bestowed on the Republic by Charles 
 of Anjou, an honour which the Florentines prized so much that 
 they gave it m charge to one of their most distinguished citizens 
 Berto de' Frescobaldi, and it ever after was borne as a standard 
 of supreme dignity. Corciano being now closely pressed the 
 Florentines hurried on to its relief, and the Aretines unwilling 
 to hazard a night assault in the neighbourhood of such an 
 enemy retreated to Arezzo, but to save themselves from the 
 imputation of a shameful flight defied their adversaries to a 
 pitched battle : the Florentine general accepting this took up 
 a position near Laterina on the left bank of the Amo about 
 ten miles from Arezzo in expectation of their arrival : he did 
 not wait long, for the enemy was soon observed to occupy a 
 piece of rising ground on the opposite bank, the river being so 
 dr}^ that neither cavalry nor infantry could have found much 
 difficulty in crossing, but as the Ghibeline force was composed 
 of seven hundred men-at-arms and eight thousand foot, the 
 Florentine spared liis troops a double fatigue in passing the 
 river, mounting the hill, and going breathless into action: 
 wherefore challenging his antagonist to descend and fight on 
 equal terms he was answered by the wary Ghibeline who had 
 
328 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 been busily reconnoitreing, that it was not his custom to choose 
 a position at the pleasure of an enemy, and the latter returned 
 to iVrezzo with what in those days was considered little honour. 
 After remaining under arms until nightfall tlie Florentine anny 
 pursued its march, and with the capture of some to'^NHS and 
 much additional injury to the country, finally anived at Flo- 
 rence. But scarcely had they withdrawn when wild (jhiheline 
 hands from Arezzo and the Casentino poured into the plains 
 and ravaged all the country as far as Sieve within ten miles of 
 the capital : thus went the war, the peasantry' suffering equally 
 from friend and foe ; for the Masnadien of either host main- 
 tained a tolerable impartiality m their inflictions, and neither 
 mercy nor discipline were their peculiar attributes *. 
 
 The year 1*288 finished by a tremendous tlood which over- 
 flowed great part of Florence, demolished the palaces of the 
 Spini and Gianfigliazzi with many other houses, aiitl devas- 
 tating much of the contado made a melancholy terniiiKition to 
 the calamities of war : this was the fourth of sudi sweeping 
 visitations in less than twentv vears, alternatinjj with con- 
 flagrations of a more destructive nature, which coupled with a 
 new attempt to register property for increased tjixation threw 
 a general gloom over the community. 
 
 The new year began as the last had terminated with 
 miiversal war, Florence being the great centre of hos- 
 tile movement: in conjunction with Siena she op- 
 posed the Aretines in the south, and assisted by Lucca fought 
 Pisa in the west : the new Podesta Ugolino de' llossi of Parma 
 had much upon his hands, for the whole count r}- was in arms 
 and the fortune of war various and fluctuating. Tliere were 
 many Ghibeline families at Florence, and it may be imagined 
 that in the surrounding tumult and the prosperous state of 
 
 A.D. 1289. 
 
 • Gio. Villani, Lib. vii., cap. cxxii. 
 cxxiii. cxxiv. — Leon. Aretino, Lib. 
 \vP. — Scip. Ammirato. Lib. iii**, p. 173. 
 
 — Sim.della Tosa, Annali. — Muratori, 
 Annali, 1-288, 1289. 
 
 CHAP. XII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 329 
 
 their faction beyond the walls they were not unconcerned 
 spectators withm ; the Guelphs were so well aware of this, that 
 when the Aretines at the beginning of March invaded them, 
 cariying fire and sword almost to the gates, they did it with 
 impunity; for the citizens were afraid of interaal tmnults 
 if they issued out to chastise an enemy whom they suspected 
 of having a secret correspondence within. A rigid investiga- 
 tion was^ consequently instituted into the conduct of all Ghi- 
 belines and the most suspicious banished: active prepara- 
 tions for a \igorous warfiire were made by all parties, the 
 Pisan army being commanded by Count Guide of Montefeltro 
 a chief who after his gallant conduct in Romagna had been 
 banished by the late pope, but now broke every restriction and 
 with all his family was excommunicated ; the anathema includ- 
 ing even the city of Pisa itself. 
 
 In November P2s.^ Prince Charles of Anjou received his 
 liberty, the conditions of which had been long under dis- 
 cussion but rejected as too severe by the late pontiff : the 
 reigning popi^ Nicholas IV. who in conjunction with Edward 
 I. hiterested himself like his predecessor aboiit the prince's 
 freedom had better success. The principal articles were that 
 Chaiies of Anjou should move the French king's brother 
 Charies of Valois to renounce all claims on the kingdom of 
 Aragon, which had been given to him by Pope Martin IV. 
 when he excommunicated Pedro : to leave James brother of 
 Alphonso in quiet possession of Sicily, pay thirty thousand 
 marks of silver, and deliver up his three sons with sixty 
 Provencal nobles as hostages, and if he failed in the first 
 condition he was to return in a year and be again a 
 
 prisoner*. 
 
 His cousin of Valois would not consent to any such compro- 
 
 * Mariana, Hist, de Espa^iia, Lib. ance of these conditions and the 
 
 xiv., p. 514, and Giov. Villani, Lib. former asserts that the pope disap- 
 
 vii cap cxxv., say that three years proved of the whole treaty as having 
 
 was the time allowed for the perform- been concluded without his sanction 
 
 i"HJPW? 
 
330 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I 
 
 CHAP. XII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 331 
 
 mise of his rights, and Nicholas like Honorius was much too 
 sagacious to allow the Sicilian article to remain ; even James 
 urged his brother of Aragon not to consider him as he could 
 take good care of himself, wherefore that article was expunged 
 from the treaty. Charles passed through Florence where he was 
 received with marked distinction in May I^hO and after three 
 days proceeded towards Rome with a weak escort ; but the 
 Florentines healing that the people of Arezzo intended to 
 waylay him, quickly assembled three thousand uifantrj- and 
 eight hundred men-at-aims, overtook him on his road and 
 escorted him safely to Bricola on the confines of Or\ieto and 
 Siena. For this serNice permission was asked to cany his 
 banner at the head of their armies as they had already done, 
 and for one of his nobles as their general ; both requests were 
 granted and Americ de Narbonne a young man of distinguished 
 rank was appointed to that office. Charles continued his jour- 
 ney to the papal court then held at Rieti where on the twenty- 
 ninth of May he was crowned King of Sicily Puglia and Jeru- 
 salem, and reinstated in all his father s rights ; for Nicholas 
 although at heart a Ghibeline knew too well the value of a 
 prince'^who acknowledged the pontiff as his liege lord and held 
 his dominions only by peraiission of the church. By the same 
 authority was he absolved from all his oaths to Alphonso, who 
 with James of Sicily was excommunicated, and the ecclesias- 
 tical tenths granted to Charies for three years to recover that 
 island. James in order to keep the wai- out of Sicily attacked 
 Calabria but unsuccessfully, then besieged Gaeta where he was 
 hemmed in by Charles, and so embarrassed that had not ambas- 
 sadors from England and Aragon arrived on a mission of peace 
 he could have scarcely escaped. 
 
 By the King of England's mediation a truce was concluded 
 
 and therefore annulled it altogether, translation of the original articles 
 I have followed Muratori and Gian- from Rymer. (Acta. Puhl. Angl., 
 none especially the latter, who gives a pp. 149, 150.) 
 
 1 
 
 i< 
 
 fiu 
 
 ¥ 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 %'\ 
 
 #1 
 
 H 
 
 for two years to the great discomposure of the Count of Artois 
 who had governed Naples during Charles's captivity and now 
 widi several other French barons quitted him in disgust as a 
 man who would never do anj^hing worthy of record. Charles 
 nevertheless governed his kingdom in comparative peace and 
 wisdom; encouraged arts and learning, and gained more 
 real gloiy than his stern and relentless sire with all his 
 
 victories ^. 
 
 After this monarch's departure Florence assembled all her 
 legions ; as the great Guelphic families whose mfluence had 
 begun the war were still eager for its continuance ; but many 
 of "the more peaceable citizens, being as doubtful of its justice 
 as they were jealous of its authors, held contrary opinions : 
 Gughelmino on the other hand foresaw that the ensuing cam- 
 paign would endanger his own possessions and wished to 
 negotiate ; he was disposed to abandon Arezzo and give some 
 of liis principal towns in pledge to the Florentines on having 
 an annuity secured to him of three thousand florins m lieu of 
 their revenue. But we are informed by Dino Compagni that 
 there was at this moment a good deal of dissension amongst 
 the Florentine priors, of whom he was one ; some wished to 
 treat, some not ; while others were anxious to avoid the certain 
 miserj^ of war : it was at last decided to accept the proffered 
 garrisons but not dismantle them : Prior Dii- di Giovanm a 
 citizen of great influence was accordingly intrusted with full 
 powers to treat and immediately dispatched Messer Dura^zo, a 
 lately dubbed knight ; to secure the most favourable conditions 
 from Gualielmino. This prelate now wavered, feeling that his 
 negotiath^g alone might be considered as treachery ; wherefore 
 assembhng his supporters of the Pa^zi, Ubaldini, Tarlati, and 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. vii., cap. cxxiv., vol. ix., cap ". ' ^^^^ j^^lli^'r 
 
 cxxv and cxxx.— Simone della Tosa, Ammirato, Lib. in», p. 1 / a-— Leon, 
 
 Ann^li!-Mu"tori, Annali, 1288-9 Aretino, Lib iii".-Bonmsegni, Stona 
 
 -Giannone, Stor. Civile di Kapoli, Fiorentina, Lib. i , p. 91. 
 
332 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY, 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. XH.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 333 
 
 other powerful families, with Bonconte di Montefeltro brother 
 to the Pisan general, besides many bai'ons (^f Spoleio and La 
 Marca, he advised them to conchide a peace with Florenc' 
 declaring that he could not risk Bibbiena, which if tliev did not 
 reinforce he would make hif, own terms. Thes»^ auspicious words 
 filled them with doubt and anger both of which would howt\er 
 soon have been allayed by assassinating the bishop if liis kins- 
 man Gughelmo de' Pazzi had not opposed it : Pa/.zi ini,'enuously 
 declared that he could have been well contented liad the thing 
 been done without his knowledge, but being once consuhed he 
 would never consent to the shedding of his own bloo.l .' 
 
 Intelligence of these events ha\4ng reached Florenc an 
 immediate invasion was the result, but the precise point of 
 attack remained undecided until put to the bidlot, when an 
 mroad on the province of Casentmo canned the greater number 
 of suffrages. 
 
 The new royal banner was now intrusted to Gherardo Vcn- 
 traia de' Tomaquinci, and the republican standard hoisted as 
 before upon the towers of Ripoli Abbey with the apparent 
 intention of penetrating into the Aretuie state by Incisa and 
 the upper Valdamo. The anny under Xarboime marched on the 
 •2nd of June, but instead of following up the river-line suddenly 
 crossed it, moving by Ponte a Sieve and the raoimtain roads, 
 though with considerable danger, and after mustering on Monte 
 a Pruno halted near Poppi on the high road to Bibbiena. The 
 combined forces amomited to nineteen hundred men-at-arms 
 and eight thousand infantry, all old soldiers and equal to any 
 warlike enterprise : amongst them were a hundred Bolognese 
 knights and the young Ghibelme chief Maghinardo da Susinana 
 with all his followers, who notwithstanding his adverse faction 
 had attached himself to the Florentines from gratitude, for 
 their honest admmistration of his domains while a minor under 
 their guardianship*. 
 
 • Gio. Villani, Lib. vii., cap. c.\iix. 
 
 The possessions of their old enemy Count Guide Novello, 
 now Podesta of Arezzo, were the first to feel the Florentine 
 brand : all this green and beautiful district with its gushing 
 streams and woods and breezy hills now lay at their mercy ; and 
 Bibl>ieiia must soon have surrendered if the Aretine forces had 
 not rapidly advanced to its relief. The relative strength of 
 these ai-mies is variously stated ; the Ghibelines do not appear 
 to have assembled more than nine hundred men-at-arms and 
 eight thousand foot; but flushed with last year's victory and 
 (^onfident in the skill of their generals' and their solcUers' 
 valour, tlioy taunted the Florentmes with paying a womanish 
 regard to jjcrsonal apjiearance rather than to the manly occupa- 
 tion of i>olibhhig tiieir arms, and scoffingly dared them to the 
 combat '■'•'' . 
 
 The two armies met on the plain of Campaldino in the 
 district of Certomondo just under the walled town or " CasteW 
 of Poppi and not far from Bibbiena. The confederates were 
 drawn up in four divisions of unequal strength; the front was 
 .•ouiposed of a hundred and fifty Imights called '' Fediton' 
 who mider Vori de' C'crehi were destined either to give or 
 receive the first assault ; these were supported on each flank 
 by cross-bowmen and heavy armed foot carrying long and 
 slender lances, and marshalled in the form of a crescent, the 
 centre of which was a compact body of chosen mfantrj^ and 
 mpu-at-arms. The second fine was called the " Heavy Division;' 
 
 ^ * No mcnliou is made in tliis war of 
 
 the Carroccio which may liavc now 
 begun to fall into disuse. I have fol- 
 lowed Scip, Ammirato's statement of 
 the confeilerate force in this campaign, 
 as mustered on Monte a Primo ; but 
 Dino Compagni one of the priors, who 
 M-rites as if he were present in the 
 battle, and Giov. Villani another co- 
 temporary author make the cavalry 
 amount only to 1300 and the latter 
 
 says there were 10,000 infantry. All 
 authors agree in the inferior numbers" 
 of the Aretine anny; but Leonardo 
 Aretino makes their cavalry 900, other 
 authors 800 men. Marchionne di 
 Coppo Stefano magnifies the force of 
 both hosts, the Florentines to 2500 
 horse and 9500 foot ; the Aretincs to 
 1700 horse and 9900 foot. (Vide 
 Rubric Ixxxi., Lib. iii°., p. 47.) 
 
334 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [boor I. 
 
 and arrayed at a short distance in rear of the Feditori to 
 support their advance or cover their retreat ; and behind all 
 stood a third line where the baggage under a sufficient guard 
 was so arranged as to constitute a sort of defensive work behind 
 which the front divisions might retreat and reform their line. 
 Apart from these three divisions was a reser\'e of two hundred 
 men-at-arms and a strong body of Lucchese and Pistoian 
 infantiy under the famous Corso Donati, then Podesta of 
 Pistoia, who had orders not to stir from his post without orders 
 from the general on pain of death. 
 
 The Aretines made a similar disposition of their troops, but 
 put three hundred hoi'semen in their Ime of skinnishers and 
 amongst them twelve knights of great prowess whom they 
 called their Paladius. Thus marshalled, both armies awaited the 
 signal of battle, " Narhotme,'' '* Cavaliers,'' being the Guelphic 
 cry and ** San Donato " the rallying word of their enemies. 
 Almeric used few expressions of encom'agement further than 
 reminding his men that in front were the same Ghilelines 
 whom they had so often overcome ; but Messer Barone de' 
 Mangiadori of Samminiato, a veteran soldier, thus addressed the 
 men-at-arms. ** Gentlemen, in our Tuscan battles it was once 
 *' the custom to seize on victoiy by an impetuous onset, they 
 *' lasted but a brief space and few were killed, for it was 
 *' not then usual to shed much blood : now these things are 
 *' changed and victory is secured by remaining steady in our 
 " ranks ; wherefore 1 advise you to stand firm and let your 
 " adversaries begin this day s attack." On the other side the 
 bishop, who commanded in person and was probably forced 
 into the field by the suspicions of his colleagues, made a long 
 encouraging harangue, urging the Aretines to remember their 
 ancient greatness and fight gallantly for their own glory and 
 the imperial cause *. The Senese still burned with the shame 
 
 • The Bishop was so short sighted that he asked, " What white trail is that 
 before mef*" " The Florentine bucklers^' was the answer. 
 
 CHAP. XII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 335 
 
 of their late discomfiture ; Almeric de Narbonne was indig- 
 nant at the recent insult to his king ; and the bishop's life, 
 honour, and estate ; all depended on that day's combat. It 
 was like most of these conflicts, a battle of individual courage 
 and almost personal hatred, therefore the more deadly; the 
 mere frenzy of internal war : the cliiefs of either army were 
 well known to eachother; many of the soldiers must have 
 been intimate ; theyspoke the same language, professed the 
 same faith, were alike in manners customs and country ; con- 
 nected by ties of kindred and commerce; even choosing 
 their governors from amongst each other, and only divided by 
 a spirit of discord whose source had long vanished, whose 
 existence was desolation, and whose object was incompre- 
 hensible. 
 
 Both armies now only awaited the signal, the trumpets blew 
 a charge, and their brazen notes reverberated from rank to 
 rank until the air was filled with the warlike clangour : the 
 Aretines spmug boldly forward; the Guelphs stood firm 
 fierce and resolute : the fonner charged so vigorously that the 
 Guelphic Feditori were driven back and recoiled on their 
 second line : knighthood was bestowed on both sides, the battle 
 now became rough; the Guelphic Feditori rallied and the sup- 
 porting wings closed round their antagonists ; but the bishop 
 and his chiefs pushed fiercely forward and the Gliibeline knights, 
 flushed with success by a vigorous charge, broke boldly through 
 the Guelphic infantry : the dust now rose in one dense mass 
 dimming the light of day, and beneath this murky cloud, amidst 
 the storm of battle many Gliibeline soldiers crawled under the 
 horses' bellies and with long sharp knives ripped them asunder; 
 divei-s knights were thus treacherously unhorsed, and the day for 
 a whfle went hard with Florence : her second line was borne 
 back on the third and the shouting Gliibelines were pressing 
 on bravely though carelessly, as being assured of the vic- 
 tory. At this crisis Corso DonaU who bound by the rigid 
 
336 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOBY 
 
 [book I. 
 
 orders of his cliief luul remained an impatient >speetator of the 
 tight, could no lonjijer contain himseh'. "What! ^olditrs," he 
 exclaimed, '* are we to look thus tiimely <>n in order to relate 
 *• the accidents of this days battle to the Priors .if Florence 
 
 after our comrades have perished, or must I risk my head 
 " for tilt -afety and honour of the army '.' llather let us charge 
 *' bravely, and if we fail, why then let us die gloriously with 
 ** our companions like valiant men and in the thickest of the 
 ** fight : but if, as I hope, God gives us the victor}', let who 
 -' will come to Pistoia for my head." So saying, \N-ith his two 
 hundred knights he dashed deep into the enemy's Hank and 
 l>eing rapidly followed by his own uifantiy ere that of the 
 Ghibelines could support their horse, he checked the enemy's 
 onset and rallied the Gueli)hic legions. The bishop ordered 
 up his reserve under Count Guido Novello who lir>i delayed, 
 and afterwards fled when he saw the Ghibelines batfled and 
 retreating. The gallant ]»ishop tried hard to rally his followers 
 but in vain, the day was lost : so seeing his uion tailing on 
 ever}- side he charged madly hito the thickest of the fight 
 when he could easily liave escaped, and died like a soldier. 
 Guslielmo fell noblv bv his side; Buonconte and Lotto da 
 Montefeltro were also slain with other chiefs of note ; many 
 Guelphs had not even come mto action until the rout began, 
 and the Ghibehnes overcome by superior numl»ers lost the day 
 through the cowardice of Guido Novello and the skill and 
 courage of Corso Donati. 
 
 The carnage was great in battle, greater in the pursuit ; the 
 peasantr}-, plundered by l)Oth sides, had no pity on the losers, 
 and seventeen hundred Gliibeline soldiei-s lay bleeding in the 
 green woods and valleys of the Casentino. Many Guelphs 
 were wounded, but few killed, and liad they promptly marched 
 on Arezzo the war might have been finished by its capture : 
 but delay gave time for preparation, and the Aretines proved 
 as they did after the battle of Monteaperto, that there was still 
 
 CHAP, xn.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 337 
 
 spirit enough left to defend their city when everything had 
 perished in the field *. 
 
 The immediate effect of this victory was the surrender of 
 Bibbiena Civitella, Rondine and many other strongholds, and 
 a wider range for plmider devastation and bloodshed : eight days 
 were thus wasted against the express orders of the Florentine 
 government which directed an immediate march on Arezzo, and 
 when that city was at last invested the army found an ill- 
 fortified place, but brave defenders, all under the command of 
 Tarlato a chief of spirit and abiUty who now governed the 
 Aretines. Twenty days did they remain before Arezzo, wasting 
 the country round and continually insulting the people ; thirty 
 dead asses with mitres on their heads were thrown in derision 
 over the ramparts ; games were celebrated and a Palio was run 
 for under the walls ; every means of conquest were tried, with but 
 little impression on the place, and none on the hearts of the 
 citizens. Some of the Florentine leaders appear to have been 
 bribed, for when an opening was at last made in a weak point 
 and the storming party already in the breach they suddenly 
 
 * This battle was fought on Sunday 
 11th June and, says Giov. Villani, 
 " The news of the said victory arrived 
 at Florence the same day and the self 
 same hour that it was fought : for after 
 dinner the Lords Priors having retired 
 to sleep and to repose themselves after 
 their anxiety and late consultation of 
 the previous night; a knocking was 
 suddenly heard at their chamber door 
 with the cry of * Rise up for the 
 Aretines are defeated:'' and having 
 arisen, and opened, they found nobody, 
 and their servants outside heard no- 
 thing; hence there was great marvel, 
 and it was held to be wonderful before 
 any one had anived from the army 
 with the intelligence ; it was at the 
 hour of vespers. And this is the truth, 
 for I heard it and saw it ; and all the 
 
 VOL. I. J 
 
 Florentines wondered whence this 
 could have come, and they were in 
 agitation. But when those arrived that 
 came from the army and reported the 
 news in Florence there were great re- 
 joicings" &c (Vide G. V. Lib. vii., cap. 
 cxxxi.) Dino Campagni, one of the 
 Priors, does not mention this curious 
 tale; but both Leonardo Aretino and 
 Scip. Ammirato relate it as an un- 
 doubted fact, and all well authenti- 
 cated facts are worth relating if it were 
 only for the chance of some future 
 explanation. It was in this battle of 
 Campaldino that the Poet Dante first 
 used his sword and proved his courage. 
 Gio. Villani, Lib. vii., cap. cxxxi. Dino 
 Campagni, Lib. i°, p. 8. — Leon. Are- 
 tino, Lib. iv. — Scip. Ammirato, Lib. iii. 
 p. 176 ; Simone della Tosa, Annali. 
 
338 
 
 ^LORE^'TI^'E histokt. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 339 
 
 turned and retreated, no man knew why, and the Aretines 
 making a vigorous sally during the same night demolished 
 engine, tower, and camp, and forced tlieir enemy to raise the 
 
 siege. 
 
 Leaving garrisons in all the captured towns the army 
 returned to Florence with diminished triumph, but its recent 
 feilure covered by the splendour of previous exploits, and was 
 received with great pomp in the capital : Almeric de Narbonne, 
 with the Podesta Ugolmo de' Rosso of Parma made their entry 
 under rich canopies of cloth of gold held by the knights of 
 Florence, and the gallimt Bishop of Arezzos helmet was 
 suspended as a trophy in the church of San Giovanni where it 
 remained until the reign of the Medici. The Guelphic influence 
 rose high by this fortmiate campaign; Chusi expelled the 
 Ghibelines ; Lucca attacked tlie Pisans with the aid of four 
 hundred Florentine horse ; a party in Arezzo became jealous 
 of Tai'lato ; they offered to betray the city and the Florentine 
 troops were already on their march when all was discovered 
 by the dying confession of a conspirator, so they returned 
 to Florence. But that republic being still bent on 
 subjugating Arezzo, fresh armies were equipped 
 without better success; fifteen hundred horse and sk thousand 
 infantry made no impression on anything except the defence- 
 less inhabitants; they wreaked then- vengeance on Guido 
 Novello's town of Poppi, burned his palace and brought off his 
 armoury in triumph, an armoury that had been furnished with 
 cross-bows from the stores of Florence while he revelled there in 
 all the enjoyment of supreme Ghibeline power. The Florentines 
 now required their own with usury, as had been foretold him 
 by Count Tegrino when he ostentatiously exhibited these stolen 
 arms : some assistance was afterwards afforded to Nino Visconti, 
 and a desultory warfare waged in the Pisan state: Leghorn and 
 Porto Pisano were taken, four towers which stood in the sea at 
 the latter place, and the lighthouse of Meloria, were demolished; 
 
 A.D. 1290. 
 
 I 
 
 A.D. 1291. 
 
 A.D. 1292. 
 
 and villas and palaces and even the port itself shared the same 
 destiny, for vessels filled with stones were sunk at its mouth in 
 order to render it impassable to ships of burden. 
 
 Sunilar scenes were acted duruag the next year 
 when Almeric de Narbonne was chosen to command 
 the League: m 1292 the Pope endeavoured to reestablish 
 tranquillity but died ere he could accomplish it, and 
 under Gentile Orsino a Roman Guelph, an army of 
 2500 horse and 8000 foot was led against the Pisans. 
 
 In the last expedition to Arezzo the Feditori received a pen- 
 non from the state bearing the arms of Charles of Anjou quar- 
 tered with the red lily of Florence; in the present, this 
 pennon and the royal standard of Anjou were given in charge 
 to Narini de' Mozzi and Geri de' Spini, both of them knights 
 and of distinguished families : the army then invested Pisa but 
 accomplished little although Guido was too weak to oppose it 
 in the field, and after the usual round of insult and devastation 
 for three-and-twenty days, returned to Florence which they 
 found in all the ecstasy of religious excitement. A painting of 
 the Virgin on one of the pilasters of Orto-san-Michele had per- 
 formed miracles, and the whole population bowed in reverential 
 awe ; the domenican and minor orders had the honesty or 
 jealousy to doubt the fact and oppose themselves to the uni- 
 versal delusion but only lost the good opuiion of the Floren- 
 tines for their pains*. 
 
 While rejoicings still ran high for the victory of Campaldino 
 a deputation of two hundred inhabitants of the Mugello 
 country made a complaint against the chapter of Florence 
 cathedral to which they owed some suit and service: it 
 appeared that the canons wanted to sell them to the Ubaldini 
 family, much to the injury of themselves and the republic, and 
 they prayed that two thousand five hundred lu:e might be 
 
 * Villani, Lib. vii., cap. cliv. — Leon. Aretino, Lib. ill — ^S. Ammirato, Lib. 
 iii.,pp. 180, 182, &c. 
 
 Z 2 
 
 1 
 
340 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAF. XII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 341 
 
 paid to the chapter in order to free them from such bondage : 
 their request was granted and a law immediately passed pro- 
 hibiting either Florentine or foreigner from presuming to pur- 
 chase any such jurisdiction in the republican dominions under 
 penalty of a hundred lire for every legal agent employed and 
 the nullity of the purchase. 
 
 TVTien enthusiasm had somewhat abated and the expenses 
 of war began to sober pubhc feeling, new cares, new fears, 
 and old jealousies sprang up apace and shadowed for a wliile 
 the general brightness : the whole war charge amounting 
 to tliirty-sLx thousand golden florins was to be defrayed 
 by Florence, and a tax of six and a quarter per cent, on pro- 
 perty was to be levied to meet it : but the people suspect- 
 ing the nobles of a design to throw most of this burden on 
 the shoulders of merchants and artisans lost no time in pre- 
 paring new measures of defence against this expected aggres- 
 sion : the result was that five more trades, called *' Arti 
 minori " or inferior arts, with arms and shields and banners, 
 were added to the original seven and formed a body of twelve 
 powerful corporations united and equipped for mutual support 
 and protection*. 
 
 Florence was now in a more flourishing condition than it 
 had ever before attained ; wealth had augmented, population 
 increased, every class of the people could easily live and 
 thrive by their own industry, and this growing prosperity 
 lasted for some years : in consequence of such joy, says Vil- 
 lani, " Every year at the beginning of May parties of young 
 gentlemen freshly attired and holding temporary courts in- 
 
 • The seven superior trades, called the Retailers of Cloth ; the Butchers ; 
 " Arti maggiori" were the Law ; the the Shoemakers; the Masons and Car- 
 " CcUimala " or foreign cloth mcr- penters and the Farriers and Lock- 
 chants ; the Bankers ; the Wool trade ; smiths. — G. Villani, Lib. vii., cap. 
 the Physicians ; the Silk trade ; the cxxxii. — Scip. Ammirato, Lib. iii., 
 Furriers ; the five inferior arts now p. 182. 
 added, called "ilrti miTwn," were 
 
 I 
 
 closed with boards and covered with drapery, were to be seen 
 in various quarters of the city ; and others of dames and dam- 
 sels dancmg through the streets with comely youths in graceful 
 order with instruments, and garlands of flowers upon their 
 head, and in a continual round of enjoyment of dmners, and 
 suppers, and games, and other diversions *." This prosperity 
 had however been considerably affected by two events which 
 occurred the preceding yeai' in the East and West ; one was 
 the storming of Acre by the Sultan of Egypt, in consequence 
 of an infamous breach of peace by the Christians, and the con- 
 sequent destmction of that great commercial centre of the two 
 extremities of the civilised worid. The other was the seizure 
 of eveiy Italian in his kingdom by Philip-le-Bel of France, on 
 pretence of usury, but really to extract enormous ransoms for 
 their release ; now the Florentine merchants were exceedingly 
 numerous in that country and the commonwealth almost en- 
 tirely depended on its foreign trade, wherefore this act of 
 tyranny was sensibly felt throughout the whole state, and by 
 such slender threads is the welfare of a purely commercial 
 nation bound together ! How precarious such prosperity, how 
 unstable, how fleeting such national power If 
 
 CotemporaryMonarchs.-England: Edward L-Scotland : Alexander IIL, 
 Margaret, John Baliol (129-2).-France : P^^P JIJ-' ^^'^ ^^^^^^''IW 
 Caslle aid Leon: Alphonso X., Sancho IV. ( 284).-Aragon : Pedr^II 
 Alphonso IIL (1286), James II. (1291).-Portugal: I>f ^/^ (1279).-Oer. 
 many: Rodolph, Adolphus (l292).-Popes : Martm IV. (1281), Hononus 
 IV. (1285), Nicholas IV. (1287).-Grcek Emperors: Andronicus (1281). 
 
 • Gio. ViUani, Lib. vu., cap. cxxxii. t G. Villani, Lib. vii., cap. cxlvii. 
 
3i2 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1293 TO A.D. 130l». 
 
 A.I). 1293. 
 
 Continual wars had in some measure repressed the spirit 
 of civil discord in Florence ; but as outward enemies became 
 weaker and the republic stronger ; as trade augmented 
 the general wealth, and plunder enriched individuals ; 
 the same weapons which liad been blmited in external con- 
 flict were soon readjusted for internal quarrels. The mass of 
 people wishing as was their interest to live under the law, 
 while the great struggled to get above it, long-continued har- 
 mony was impossible : hitherto the fear of Ghibeline govern- 
 ment had partially stifled all other disorders, but the moment 
 that party ceased to be formidable bad blood broke loose and 
 scarcely a week passed without some insolence or injury to a 
 weaker neighbour. 
 
 Proud from their wealth, fierce from their warlike habits ; 
 sudden and quick with their weapon, and careless of blood ; 
 wounds and death were common incidents amongst nobles 
 whose power defied the law and insulted its ministers : there 
 was no individuality in crime when a whole femily, its friends 
 and kinsmen, espoused the cause of a culprit ; not in the 
 tribunals, but armed cap-a-pie, with lance in hand and helmet 
 on the head. The penalty of crime was exacted, severely 
 exacted, by the private vengeance of noble families, but the 
 hand of law was a mere shadow, and public example worse 
 
 CHAP, xni.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 343 
 
 than a nullity. While respect for each other produced some 
 show of order amongst themselves it imposed no restraint 
 on their insolence or violence to weaker and less opulent 
 citizens; so that contumely, outrage, spoliation, and even 
 personal chastisement were common occurrences amongst 
 these lordly republicans. The people had frequently tried to 
 abate this, aaid bit by bit some little was accomplished, but 
 more in form than substance ; for while their political pnvi- 
 leges were nominally diminished by creating Priors as well as 
 by the recent incorporation of mmor trades ; the anger and in- 
 solence of great families were proportionably augmented. Some- 
 thing more became necessary to curb the power of clanship and 
 overcome an habitual respect for ancient blood, heightened 
 as it was by military services, an audacious spint, and the 
 power of wealth and numbers : few therefore were bold enough 
 to accuse a noble, still fewer dared to bear witness agamst 
 one • and even when condemned by the tribunals the judges 
 would rai-ely venture to execute a sentence. Thus while the 
 people cried aloud against this grievance and demanded re- 
 dress, not one was found hardy enough to lead the cause of 
 justice against aristocratic tyranny; and even when the ques- 
 tion was discussed hi popular assemblies, the mode of relief 
 was not so easily discovered. The nobility ridicuhng such 
 scenes of impotent declamation continued to domineer over the 
 many ; that many dreadmg aristocratic resentment even more 
 than the loss of their own individual property ; and abject 
 slavery would probably have succeeded if dissensions amongst 
 the nobles themselves had not saved the country *. Yet that 
 
 » The principal families at private 
 war with each other at this period 
 were the Adimari and Tosinghi ; the 
 Rossi and Toniaquinci ; the Bardi and 
 Mozzi ; the Gherardini and Manieri ; 
 the Cavalcanti and Buondelmonti ; 
 part of the Buondelmonti and Gian- 
 
 donati ; the Bisdomini and Falconieri ; 
 the Bostichi and Foraboschi ; the Fo- 
 raboschi and Malespini ; the Frcsco- 
 baldi between themselves ; the Do- 
 nati the same ; besides many others. 
 Vide Gio. Villani, Lib. viii., cap. i*^. 
 
344 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 I'i^;!^ 
 
 CHAP. XIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 345 
 
 country was called a republic, and was a republic as far as 
 this ; tliat the power of choosing the form of government and 
 making their own laws was in the hands of the people : but 
 the enacting of good laws, and the power of executing them 
 afterwards, are wide asunder; and it was in the latter that 
 Florence failed and suffered. She was compelled to be un- 
 just to secure justice ; cruel to insure humanity ; and tyrannical 
 for the enjoyment of liberty. The crisis required this, for 
 when men place themselves above the law a power beyond the 
 law becomes necessarj' to restrain them, and the severe but 
 honest spirit of the Florentine reformer can scarcely be ques- 
 tioned : extreme cases need extreme remedies, and generally 
 produce those who have the head to conceive and the hand to 
 administer them. Such was Giano della Bella a patrician of 
 ancient race, of some opulence, and a respectable following; 
 but enrolled amongst the citizens and devoted to popular 
 government: a gross personal insult from Berto Frescobaldi 
 first kindled the spirit of this patriot into action, and his sense 
 of human dignity revolted from the imperious domination of 
 the nobles, whose pride he resolved to humble while he raised 
 the people s authority to its legitimate standard *. 
 
 For the sake of perspicuity it may be now mentioned that 
 the whole population of Florence was at this time separated 
 into two great classes, the " Grandi " and the " Popolo : " or 
 the Nobles and People : but as the latter was itself sub- 
 divided mto " Popolani " and '* Plebei " three distmct classes 
 really existed, namely " Graftdi," '* Popolani;' and " Plebei " 
 or Nobles, People, and Plebeians, by which names they will 
 for the present be distinguished. The first were denominated 
 *' Grandi " from a feeling of reproachful envy : the second 
 were rich merchants, traders, and other professional men who 
 usually shared in the government: the third was the mere 
 
 ♦ Dino Compagni, Lib. i«, p. 10.— Leon. Aretino, Lib. iv", p. 62.— 
 Oio. Villani, Lib. viii", cap. i".— Scip. Ammirato, Lib. iv«, p. 187. 
 
 ^fci 
 
 '/I 
 
 t 
 
 "■ Plehs " for whom every access to public honours was virtually 
 closed. These last naturally sided with their immediate 
 superiors, more perhaps from common hatred to the nobles 
 than any peculiar attachment or cordiality of feehng, as they 
 aftei-wards proved when disappointed in their more sanguine 
 expectations -'. 
 
 In this state of things Giano della Bella, who is described 
 by his friend Dino Compagni as a ''wise, valiant, and good 
 ma?i," began to accomplish his work: privately reasoning with 
 every individual of spirit or influence he dwelt painfully on 
 the increasing an'ogance of the nobles and correspondmg 
 apathy of the people ; he endeavoured to convince each auditor 
 that tamely bearing such wrongs in his own person was a 
 virtual aid to the aristocracy in abasing the whole nation, which 
 was rapidly sinking into servitude by the action of this most 
 poisonous mfluence. The evil though augmented had not yet 
 become too inveterate for cure, but if one stood idly waitmg 
 for another they would all be overtaken by irreparable ruin. 
 These words worked silently through different ranks until the 
 whole popular mass fermented and a common spirit of resistance 
 agitated the commonwealth. Public feeling being thus pre- 
 pared, Giano, then one of the Priors, in conjunction with many 
 powerful citizens assembled the people and harangued them on 
 the general ineptitude of Florentme government for repressing 
 aristocratic licentiousness which intimidated judges, despised 
 rule, scared witnesses, dragged plaintiff and defendant by 
 armed force from the tribunals, and with an inflated spirit 
 soared proudly above every law of the commonwealth f. " If 
 
 SH 
 
 * Mich. Brute, Stor. Fior., Lib. 1°, 
 
 p. 77. . ^ 
 
 f The principal pereons that united 
 with Giano della Bella were Duccio 
 and Lione Magalotti— Toso Mancini — 
 Lapo Talenti— Doudto Alberti— Al- 
 bizzo CorbinelU — Buomnsegna Becca- 
 
 ^ughi — Baldo Ruffoli — Giovanni Agli- 
 oni and Rosso Bucherelli. Giano en- 
 tered oflace as one of the Priors on 15th 
 February, 1292, (1293) according to 
 an old MS. " Priorista;' agreeing 
 with Dino Compagni' s statement. 
 
1 
 
 346 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
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 I were not," said he, " to judge of your condition by my own, 
 which notwithstanding my rank, my power, and my following, 
 has not escaped the insolence of the great, I certainly would 
 never have meddled with this enterprise, because I should 
 have found a fitting opportunity to revenge my private 
 injuries; but well knowing your helplessness and unable 
 any longer to look calmly on the destruction of our state, 
 which preserving delusive forms, has lost all the substance 
 of freedom, and is in a worse condition than those miserable 
 cities that are ruled by the caprice of a single tyrant : for 
 instead of one, we tremble at the nod of many ; and where 
 they have hope that the death of a monster may one day 
 end their sufferings, we on the contraiy have no such con- 
 solation, for our t}Tants hydra-like are continually sproutmg 
 and thus rendering our pains immortal. Let us then in- 
 stantly quit all womanish complaining and scotch this serpent 
 ere it gather strength enough to strangle us. As all our 
 wo proceeds from evil government, from a combination of 
 weakness in the judges and strength in the culprits, we 
 must reinforce the one while we diminish the power of the 
 other, for not imtil we do this will our sufferings terminate. 
 I know well the danger of my words, but a citizen's duty is 
 to speak boldly, ay and act so too when the good of his 
 country demands it: Public liberty is composed of two 
 ingredients ; of good laws and their just administration ; 
 when these are stronger than individuals then is liberty 
 maintained ; but when there are citizens powerful enough to 
 defy both, then is it abandoned. Such truths will be best 
 appreciated by those who have the great for their neighbours 
 either in town or country, for what things have we that they 
 have not coveted ? And once longed for by what law have 
 they ever been restrained from robbing us? Nor are our 
 persons less in danger: have we not seen the citizens 
 scourged, and driven barbarously from their homes; have 
 
 ti 
 
 CHAP. XIII,] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 347 
 
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 we not beheld rapine, fire, wounds, and even death itsel f 
 inflicted with perfect impunity by this dangerous nobility ? 
 the culprits are known ! Reckless, insolent, contemptuous, 
 they ride through our streets dreaded even by the chief 
 magistrates of the republic ; and this is what some of us call 
 liberty ! You have numerous laws existing against violence, 
 murder, robbery, and other outrages, let these be called into 
 immediate action and let more be added if requisite. They 
 will be requisite ; for you cannot bind a giant with pack- 
 thread : cords therefore for the little, but chains and cables 
 for the great, as our present ties are too feeble to restrain them. 
 Be neither cold nor negligent, neither make complaints of 
 your legitimate rulers if you will not step forward to support 
 us. Let us bestir om'selves, the government requires a 
 head; let us create one to whom the standard of justice shall 
 be intrusted as well as the power to make it respected. Let 
 a thousand citizens be enrolled as his guard, taken in succes- 
 sion from every sesto, who will compel the great to obey those 
 long-neglected laws which from time to time have been 
 promulgated to curb their insolence and repel their audacity. 
 Let them be deprived of every public honour and office, that 
 to their private prepotency may not be added the weight of 
 public authority : let public fame be sufficient to condemn 
 them who by terror drive every accuser and witness from 
 the courts, and let each individual be responsible for the 
 crimes of his kinsman, since all unite in opposition to the 
 laws. Such laws would be cruel in any well-ordered society 
 but in extreme evils pity is more dangerous than rigour. 
 Would to heaven that we could all live amicably ; but this 
 proud aristocracy not only scorns our society and tramples 
 on our laws, but like some wild ferocious animal lashes its 
 own sides and roars with ungovernable fury : look at its own 
 fierce conflicts and deadly feuds, struggles for power led on 
 by private hate : look at the broils, the wounds, the murders 
 
348 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 349 
 
 *' in oiir streets and then tell me if we can safely delay our 
 " remedy. The state is now at peace ; no foreign enemy 
 " hangs on our frontier to divert attention from domestic 
 " good, let us therefore improve an occasion the neglect of 
 *' which may doom us to everlasting sorrow*." 
 
 This address was heard with that deep interest which a com- 
 mon sentiment of danger instils into the multitude, filling each 
 individual heart with a genenxl spirit of resistance to the 
 oppressors : a commission was immediately appointed to revise 
 the statutes and report on the efiBciency of existing laws for 
 the maintenance of order and prompt execution of justice. 
 Such commissions were not new; by an ancient custom of 
 Florence these courts, then called " Ordini cVArhitrato'' or 
 " courts of arbitration," were periodically formed A\ith com- 
 plete legislative authority for such a resisal and alteration of 
 the laws as the progress of society or other change of circum- 
 stances rendered necessary. The Podesta Taddeo de' Bruxati 
 of Brescia and Currado da Soncino of Milan, captain of the 
 people, were joined to the Priors in this office and the result of 
 their labour was a code of regulations called the " Ordinances 
 of Justice" ('* Ordinamenti della Giiistizia') by which the aris- 
 tocracy was at once reduced from its palmy state of insolence 
 to complete subjection. It was decreed that none but real 
 merchants or tradesmen should thenceforth be elected priors, 
 and that every nobleman, even every family, if any of its mem- 
 bers enjoyed the dignity of knighthood, should be excluded 
 from the government : the office of prior could not be refused, 
 and an oath faithfully to execute its duties was ordered to be 
 taken before the Captain of the People who with the old priors, 
 the consuls of the superior trades, and the assistance of such 
 respectable citizens as they pleased to call in, was to elect a 
 prior from each sesto every two months as usual. Two mem- 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. viii®, cap. i°. — Aretino, Lib. iv.— Scip. Ammirato, 
 Dino Compagni, Lib. i«, p. 10.— Leon. Lib. iv., p. 1 86, 
 
 
 hers of the higher trades were joined with the above from ever;' 
 sesto and from amongst them was elected the gonfalonier of 
 justice, but by secret vote, which became null if any of his 
 family were amongst the seignory. Thirty-three of the noblest 
 families of Florence were permanently excluded from the office 
 of prior without even the power of recovering their civic rights 
 by the exercise of a trade ; and the government was authorised 
 to add the names of any others who by their conduct should 
 render themselves subject to the action of the new law, so that 
 the list soon augmented to seventy- two families*. This ex- 
 clusion from political power was founded not only on their 
 lawless insolence and contempt for every social obligation, but 
 also on their partiality as ministers of the country wherever 
 their own order was in question ; and it became a common sub- 
 ject of complaint with the people that no energy was ever dis- 
 played by the priors while a nobleman was amongst them. 
 
 When a crime was committed by one of the aristocracy 
 public fame alone, as Macchiavelli seems to assert, or the 
 notoriety of the fact supported by two witnesses as we learn 
 from every other writer, were sufficient to condemn him, and his 
 relations became answerable for his crime f: if fined they were 
 forbidden to aid him in discharging the penalty, and a subse- 
 quent peace with the offended party did not save the culprit. 
 If the punishment were pecuniary five years' prohibition from 
 office was added ; but if a citizen were killed or badly wounded 
 the gonfalonier and podesta mth. all the civic guard were or- 
 dered to proceed to the offender's house and destroy it without 
 mercy. 
 
 Finally to secure the liberty of accusation without fear of 
 personal consequences, two boxes called " Tamburi,'' were 
 
 * The catalogue is to be found in the Luigi, p. 14. 
 
 " Istoi'ic di Giovanni (7am6/." In f Macchiavelli evideiitlv means the 
 
 vol. XX. of " Delizie degli Eruditi same as other writers, but is often loose 
 
 Toscani'''' dal Fra lldefonso da San in his expressions. 
 
350 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 placed at the residences of the podesta and captain of the 
 people respectively for the reception of secret charges against 
 the great ; and the latter in consequence of their own quarrels 
 were unable to oppose such injustice*. 
 
 These laws were unjust because they entailed the offences 
 of criminal fathers upon unoffending children, and they were 
 impoHtic in leaving no room for repentance, but on the con- 
 trary they exasperated even to desperation a high-spirited and 
 powerful body whose faculties might have been employed to 
 the public advantage ; still they show how sharply the commu- 
 nity had been goaded into this course of vengeance when a man 
 of Giano's character became the author of so rigorous a decree. 
 
 A sheet of parchment filled with even the most admirable 
 regulations is still mere parchment unless supported by an 
 armed force, or else by public opinion, of which it is or ought to 
 be the concentrated expression ; but in this instance both were 
 necessary, and one produced the other. The citizens were 
 divided into twenty companies of fifty men each, afterwards in- 
 creased to a hundred, and ultimately to two hundred ; making 
 a national guard of four thousand men under the Gonfalonier 
 of Justice, so called from the ''gonfalon " or standard of justice 
 by which he was always preceded. This banner was marked 
 with a red cross in a white field and was substituted for the two 
 ancient " Vexilli " or flags of justice, as the present guard was for 
 the two thousand infantry previously attached to them : each 
 company had smaller flags with a simiLir device, and at the sound 
 of the Campana all were bound to assemble in arms (provided 
 at the public charge) under the window of the Gonfalonier 
 where the great banner of justice floated. 
 
 This magistrate was essentially civil, not military, though en- 
 compassed by all the circumstance of war : his force was the 
 embodied will of the community arrayed against the enemies of 
 
 * This act of accusation was called ** Tamburagione^* and the accused was 
 said to be " Tamburato."' 
 
 CHAP. XIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 351 
 
 justice and the disturbers of public tranquillity. It was neces- 
 sary to have attf'ned the age of forty-five before a citizen could 
 be elected to the office of gonfalonier of Florence, the highest 
 dignity of the republic : he was obliged to live with the priors 
 but had no power beyond them in debate ; his great authority 
 being at the head of armed citizens in execution of the laws. 
 Thus aristocratic vice not only strengthened the freedom it was 
 endeavouring to destroy but laid the foundation of its own ruin, 
 for the rank of noble now became a positive detriment and 
 almost a mai-k of infamy : it is possible that even the most 
 guilty amongst them may not have deserved such treatment, 
 (yet there is an old prejudice in favour of ancient lineage and 
 illustrious biith that tells strongly for the people) but it shows 
 how solicitous any privileged order should be to conceal those 
 ofiensive powers which an intelligent public only suffers while 
 unmolested by their exercise ; when made more prominent by 
 a contemptuous demeanour, without any peculiar excellence in 
 parties, they will undermine what they are meant to support 
 and ultimately ruui the edifice * . 
 
 The first decided act of the new government was against the 
 powerful family of Galigaj one of whom in France had killed a 
 member of the ignoble house of Benivieni: on the news of this 
 Dmo Compagni the historian, who was the third gonfalonier, 
 immediately proceeded to the dwellings of that family and 
 destroyed themf. This was a sharp beginning and not 
 universally approved of by the capricious spmt of the time, so 
 that it became difficult to act ; for when property was totally de- 
 molished according to law, it was exclaimed against as cruelty, 
 and if partially spared the gonfalonier was a coward : justice 
 was therefore frequently sacrificed to personal fear. 
 
 Although the great were so reprehensible the people them- 
 
 ♦Gio. Villani, Lib. viii,, cap. i".— Lib.iv.,p. 186.— Giov.Cambi, Istorie, 
 Dino Compagni, Lib. i«, p. 1 1 .—Leon. p. 9.— Macchiavelli, Lib. u«>. 
 Aretini, Lib. iv.— Scip. Ammirato, f Ancient Pnonsta Mb. 
 
352 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XIII,] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 353 
 
 selves were far from immaculate ; the former were bold, inso- 
 lent, tyrannical, but open ; many of the latter unjust, cumiing, 
 selfish and dishonest ; as well as turbulent proud and ambi- 
 tious : the legal profession in every- department was especially 
 noted for its misdeeds, and the judges interpreted the laws as 
 suited their own convenience ; the whole fraternity of butchers 
 was particularly notorious for its insolence, bnitality, dishonesty 
 and turbulence. To such people the conscientious and impar- 
 tial, but searching reforms of Giauo della Bella were anything 
 but welcome after the gi'eat aristocratic enemy had once been 
 humbled : many therefore who had joined liim agamst the 
 nobles began to tremble when the course of his public measures 
 was likely to impinge upon their ovm peculations ; jealous ad- 
 versaries started up on every side and the aristocracy was much 
 too sagacious not to Uxke advantage of the occasion. The 
 nobles hated him as a deserter from his order and the de- 
 stroyer of their power, and this hate was augmented by his in- 
 creasing severity ; for the people exulted in their humiliation 
 and the biting character of the laws against them, the effects of 
 which became so powerfiil and indiscriminate that no accused 
 person could now escape punishment without tlie government 
 being abused for its partiality ; thus the simple act of accusa- 
 tion was virtually sufficient to condemn a noble. 
 
 Indignant at this injustice the aristocracy complained that 
 ** if a nobleman s horse happened to whisk its tail in the face of 
 *• a citizen; or if one pushed another by accident in a crowd, or 
 »♦ even if children of different ranks quarrelled at their armise- 
 '' ments, accusations were instantly preferred: and were their 
 •* homes to be demolished for such trifles ? " But hate had de- 
 stroyed justice, humanity, and sound policy, and their griev- 
 ances were utterly disregarded : Giano seems to have pushed 
 rigour to excess, and it is even asserted that in one instance 
 his public authority was made subservient to private and per- 
 sonal revenge : whether this charge be just or not is now diffi- 
 
 / 
 
 N 
 
 
 ¥ 
 
 cult to prove ; he probably was not perfect ; but he belonged 
 to the unhappy race of reformers and fell a \^ctim to the malice 
 of implacable enemies and the treachery of pretended friends : 
 he fearlessly attacked abuses that others shnmk from, and de- 
 fended measures that others cowardly abandoned, but all in the 
 cause of justice ; wherefore being as much feared by his poli- 
 tical enemies as he was honoured by the people he pushed 
 boldly forward in the cause of freedom and reform. 
 
 Thus tormented, the great were deep in their threats of ven- 
 geance, and these being reported, both fear and anger umted in 
 giving a keener edge to the sword of retributive justice. The 
 Magalotti, a powerful race and kinsmen of Giano, were at the 
 head of the Popolani, many of whom although unadorned with 
 the title of nobles were ranked amongst the great in conse- 
 quence of their wealth and influence ; and some of them as 
 forward as the genuine nobility themselves, to rum Giano and 
 trample on their humbler countrymen. These faithless citizens 
 and indignant nobles held separate councils for a common 
 object: the first idea of both was to kill the refoi-mer; but as 
 his works were more formidable than his person and tlieir fear 
 of the plebeians great, a more effective and subtle course was 
 resolved on in both conclaves. 
 
 It so happened that the principal conspirator's amongst the 
 Popolani were united with Giano della Bella in the commis- 
 sion, then sitting in the church of Ognissauti, for the revisal and 
 reform of the laws ; and there, while absent, it was resolved to 
 make use of his public virtue for his own destruction. " He 
 *' is a just man,'' they cunningly exclaimed, " let 2is explain to 
 " him the ivicked actions of the butchers, an evil-disposed race and 
 ''fruitful in rillany:' At the head of this trade was a rich 
 butcher or cattle-dealer, called Pecora, who supported by the 
 Tosinghi family displayed infinite arrogance, menaced the 
 priors and openly practised every sort of deceit, to the great 
 detriment of the community. These things being brought 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 A A 
 
 > 
 
334 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 355 
 
 under the peculiar notice of Giano he impatiently exclaimed 
 " PerUh the city sooner than tolerate such villany,'' and im- 
 mediately devised new laws to restrain them. A similar appeal 
 was then made to his sense of justice against judges, notaries, 
 and all the legal profession, who intimidated the syndics tliat 
 periodically investigated their official conduct, and menaced those 
 that would expose their peculation and punish their misdeeds ; 
 who procured new and unnecessary appomtments, and main- 
 tained causes in court for three and four years without giving 
 judgment ; so that even if wishing to relinquish a suit, par- 
 ties could not do it in consequence of the dexterity with which 
 they entangled the proceedings and drew their profits from 
 delay. *' Let new laws he made to bridle so much iniquity,'' 
 replied Giano indignantly; whereupon information was instantly 
 given to the lawyers and butchers of Florence that he was 
 preparing for their destruction. Thus the ti-ain was laid. 
 
 This eagerness of lawyers to reform the very abuses by 
 which they throve, probably excited suspicion in their colleague 
 Dino Compagni who quickly detected the conspiracy and 
 informed della Bella; at the same time advising him not 
 to play their game by pushing these laws further for the 
 moment, but attend to his personal safety ; " Bather let 
 " the city perish than suffer such iniquity to continue " was still 
 the fearless answer of Giano. 
 
 Those of the commission who were not in the plot wished to 
 examine further ere they legislated ; but " with more boldness 
 than wisdom," says Dino Compagni, Giano threatened them 
 even with death and imprudently hurried the affiiir. Meanwhile 
 the nobles were discussing this same subject in the church of 
 Saint James beyond Arno, Messer Berto Frescobaldi, who had 
 formerly insulted della Bella, giving his voice for death. 
 •' These dogs of the people," said he, " have deprived us of 
 " honours and office, and not daring to enter the palace we 
 " cannot plead our own cause ; nay if we even venture to 
 
 >» 
 
 '* chastise a servant our houses are instantly demolished ! 
 " Wherefore I advise that we should break away at once from 
 '• such disgraceful bondage : let us arm for the attack and 
 " slaughter friend and foe amongst the people, nor hold our 
 *' hand as long as we can find any to slay, so that neither our- 
 " selves nor our children may be overcome by them." This 
 advice although approved and applauded was thought too 
 hazardous and they reso^red to try and disunite the community 
 by propagatmg the factious cry of ''The state being in danger 
 from the Ghibelines " and the establishment of secret agents to 
 corrupt the people and set them against Giano della Bella. 
 
 These machinations continued working until the beginning 
 of 1-295 when a sudden movement of the populace brought 
 everythuig to a crisis : Corso Donati in a private feud had 
 killed and wounded some of the followers of Simone Galas- 
 trone, and complaints were made to the Podesta by both par- 
 ties ; but either from the corruption of that officer or his 
 judge, Corso was acquitted and Galastrone whose servant had 
 been killed, was condemned. The citizens saw this injustice, 
 attributed it to bribery, denounced the Podesta as their 
 enemy, ran to the palace mth fire in their hands, and cries of 
 ''Death, death to the Podesta!'' and soon destroyed everj^- 
 thing within the building. Corso Donati and the magistrate 
 escaped by the roof but the whole tumult is said to have been 
 more the effect of hatred to the former than any regard for justice. 
 Giano della Bella who was with the priors when this riot 
 bef^an instantly mounted his horse and attempted to save the 
 Podesta, confident that the people would listen to ^ ^ ^^^ 
 him ; but on the contraiy he too was threatened 
 and compelled to retire : the confusion lasted imtil next 
 (lay, while nobles, judges, and notaries, with many of 
 the more powerful citizens, all detesting Giano, were indus- 
 triously laying the blame entirely to him. New priors 
 were suddenly elected, even before the old had finished 
 
 A A 2 
 
356 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 otBce, and all enemies of the reformer. No sooner were 
 they installed than an accusation was preferred tigaiust Giano 
 for insurrection, for attacking the Podesta, and other infractions 
 of his own ordinances of justice : the populace armed to pro- 
 tect him, and his brother had already put himself at their head 
 when Giano perceiving that he was betrayed by tliose he most 
 trusted, urged by his kmsman Magalotti who was secretly jea- 
 lous of his power, and being moreover averse to commence a 
 rivil war, retired on the fifth of March 1^95 not without ex- 
 I)ectations of being recalled by a people for whom he had thus 
 sacrificed hunself -. He was condemned >\ith all his family, and 
 died in exile ! His houses were ruined and several other 
 citizens shared his fate ; whence, says Vilhmi, " Much mis- 
 chief accrued to our city ; and especially to the people, be- 
 cause he was a more loyal and straightfonvard 'Popolano' 
 and lover of the public good than any man in I'lorence, and 
 one who added to the common prosperity without subtmcting 
 anything from it. He was presumptuous, and ^indictive, 
 and revenged himself on the Abati his neighbours with the 
 power of the community : and it may be that for these trans- 
 gressions he was, by his own laws, mifaiily and without a 
 crime condemned by the unjust f. And this is a strikmg 
 example for those citizens who are to come, to beware of 
 attempting to make themselves masters over their fellow citi- 
 zens and of being too presumptuous; let them be content 
 with an equality of citizenship. For the same people who 
 assisted them to ascend will certainly betray them and try 
 
 * pino Compagni, Cron. — Giov. Vil- 
 lani, Lib. viii., cap. i, and viii, 
 t I have followed Dino Compagni al- 
 most entirely in what relates to his 
 friend Giano della Bella : he only 
 differs from Villani (who in this speaks 
 doubtingly and from hearsay) in plac- 
 ing Giano with the priors when the 
 tumult began, instead of at his own 
 
 house, a circumstance which would 
 however go far to clear him of having 
 had any share in the tumult, even 
 that of only advising the people to as- 
 semble round the gonfalonier of jus- 
 tice (instead of taking the law into 
 their own hands) and sending his bro- 
 ther with them for that purpose. 
 
 CHAP. XIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 357 
 
 to pull them down : and in ancient and modem times it has 
 ever happened at Florence that whosoever made himself 
 head of the people has always been humbled by the same 
 people, who are never inclined to give due praise or acknow- 
 ledge merit." 
 
 Many of Giano's friends were fined, others banished like 
 himself for contumacy: he was praised and blamed by the 
 citizens as suited their faction or character, but sincerely 
 lamented by the poor who in his fall saw the ruin of their own 
 influence and the loss of their only disinterested advocate. 
 
 From that time all the authority of government remained 
 in the liands of the powerful and wealthy burgesses or " Popo- 
 lani Grassi;' as they now began to be called, and so bitter 
 was the feeling of the leaders of this faction against their 
 exiled countr3^nan that not being content with setting a price 
 on the head of him and liis adherents, they even included his 
 daughter Caterina, wife of Galassino de' Castellani, in her 
 father s condemnation *. 
 
 During these important transactions the substance of Floren- 
 tine peace and prosperity seems to have been scarcely affected ; 
 a few prominent actors opposed by a distinct faction, although 
 unsteady in their several parts performed a drama of deep 
 and agitating interest ; but except at intervals, the gi'eat body 
 of the people were off the stage, as mere spectators, or fol- 
 lowing their own private occupations. Peace was concluded on 
 favourable terms with Pisa, the war of Arezzo had virtually 
 
 ♦ Gio. Villani, Lib.viii., cap.viii.— Dino 
 Compagni, Lib. i.— S. Ammirato, 
 Lib. iv. By a MS. Priorista of an 
 ancient date now in the author's posses- 
 sion it appears that the names of the 
 Gonfaloniere and Priors who con- 
 demned Giano della Bella were Ghe- 
 rardo Lupicini— G**. Lippo del Velluto 
 — Banchino di Giovanni Tavemiere — 
 Gheri Paganetti — Bartolo Orlandini — 
 
 Andrea da Cerreto — Sotto del Mi- 
 glorc Guadagni who entered office on 
 15th February 1294 of the Florenre 
 Calendar and 1295 of ours, and this 
 agrees with Dino Compagni's state- 
 ment except in Banchino di Giovanni 
 being called a Tavemiere instead of 
 Beccaio, names used indiscriminately 
 by the ancient Florentines. 
 
33S 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHIP. XIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 359 
 
 ceased, and Tuscany was once more in profound tranquaiity • 
 the Guelphs and Count Ugolinos famUy were restored, Guido 
 of Montefeltro was ungratefully dismissed by the Pisans, and 
 a Podesta or captain of the people placed by the membere of 
 the Guelphic league for four years over that republic. A reci- 
 procal exemption from all tolls and duties whether on gcK)ds or 
 person (a remarkable feature in all Florentine treaties) was 
 agreed to by Pisa and the cities of this confederacy. Thus 
 peace and commerce were reestablished, and so little interrupted 
 by the mtemal broils of Florence that its gates were thrown 
 open by day and by night ; no tolls were demanded ; and the 
 government m order to avoid new ta.xes sold the ancient walls 
 and certam lands within and round the town to those whose 
 possessions were contiguous. Besides this the republican 
 dominions were increased by the submission of Poggibonzi 
 Certaldo. Gambassi, and Catignano ; by the capture of seven 
 towns with then- respective territories from the Counts Guido 
 and many more in the JIugeUo unjustly retained by that familv' 
 as well as the Ubaldini and other rural chieftains. New 
 hospitals were founded, new gates opened, new churches erected 
 aqueducts constructed, the Baptistry repaired and beautified' 
 and the convenience of the city improved ; all signs of a strong 
 current of national prosperity beneath the troubled surface for 
 the new walls alone were a work of e.xceeding cost and lalwur, 
 and the enormous fabric of Santa Croce was a monument only 
 surpassed by the more splendid eathedrel. Powerful, energetic 
 and feared by the neighbouring states Florence led the Tuscan 
 chivaky and submitted to no appearance of indignity A 
 criminal had absconded and taken refuge at Pnito ;°upon this 
 a smgle messenger was sent to demand the culprit under the 
 penalty of 10,000 lire for any minecessary delay : the people 
 of Prato, to assert their independence, and probably under some 
 s«;ret mfluence from Florentine faction, showed no sim 
 of obedience, upon which the republican troops were rapidly 
 
 *>^ 
 
 armed and ready to enforce submission when the malefactor 
 was delivered up and the fine immediately paid. 
 
 Amongst other regulations of this period the year U94 was 
 remarkable for the promulgation of a law which forbade women 
 to appear personally in any court of justice, and the Podesta 
 CapL of the People, or any other functionary were prohibited 
 under a severe penalty from listening to them, because they 
 were "a sea^ esteemed to he very davgerous »»/»»«";'''»i' ™* 
 Zne ofjmticer But there were other impediments besides 
 women ; the statutes of the city courts had become so numerous 
 and contradictory that under the eleventh Gonfalomer Buonac- 
 cmo Ottabuoni a committee of fourteen citizens ^^^o'^'ff 
 to reduce them to order and perspicuity by diminishing their 
 number and reconciling discrepancies*. 
 
 In July 1291 the empire became vacant by the death ol 
 Rodolph of Hapsburgh and considerable dissension arose between 
 the supporters of his son Albert Duke o Austna and hose of 
 Winceslaus King of Bohemia; but the dispute was set.1^ by 
 the Archbishop of Metz through whose influence Adolphus 
 Comit of Nassau was raised to the dignity of Kmg of the 
 
 Romans in May 1392. . , , . • xi,„„„v,tc 
 
 In the month of April 1292 while mdulgmg m thought, 
 of eastern wars and sacred conquests like many of his pre- 
 decessoi-s Pope Nicholas IV. was surprised by death he is 
 t n^U a^ attached to the Ghibelines, perhaps because 
 he was less of a partisan than other pontiffs, but his actions 
 d n" support this assertion. The Holy See remained 
 unoccupied until July 1294 when Pietro Moroni a ^r 
 hermit of the Abruzzi mountains, a man of great sancUty 
 was chosen and assumed the tiara under the name rf 
 Celestine V. but from his extreme age a^^ mexpenence Ins 
 habits of soUtude, and contempt of worldly grandeur , he 
 lounced the papacy in the following December and returned 
 
 « Scip. Aramirato, Lib. iv. 
 
360 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 to his cell *. Celestine was succeeded by Benedetto Gaetano 
 a man of learning and sagacity who took the name of Boni- 
 face VIII. played a consi)icuous part hi Itahan stoiy and 
 was damned, while yet living, by the bitter pen of Dante f . 
 
 After the fall of Giano della Bella the seignory renewed the 
 Guelphic League ; principally through fear of a French knight 
 of lK)ld and entei-prising character called Jean de Chalon who 
 being sent with the Pope's approval as imperial vicar m Tuscany 
 had joined the Ghibehnes of Arezzo : he was originally intro- 
 duced by the nobles with five hundred f<jllowers into Florence 
 to assist them against Giano ; but this aid proving unnecessary 
 they attempted to defmud him of his reward ; he then joined the 
 Aretmes and with the Pope's interference ultimately succeeded 
 in gaining the above |)ost : in return he agreed to betray the 
 Aretines, but on being discovered retired with all the wealth he 
 had amassed into Burginidy. 
 
 The nobles were now fully convinced of the pernicious effects 
 of disunion and hastened a general reconciliation, being deter- 
 mmed to vindicate the rights of their order : wherefore iissem- 
 bUug their retainers, or *• Fedeir as they were then called, and 
 adorned in all that pomp and magnificence of arms then so 
 prevalent, they demanded as a matter of form some mitigation 
 of the ordinance of justice; but having already alienated the 
 plebeians from the "Popolani Grassi" on account of the latter s 
 desertion and betrayal of Giano, they hoped to have the sup- 
 
 * Celestine V. is supposed to be meant 
 by Dante in " V(mbra di Colui che 
 fece per viltate il gran rlftito."'' 
 (Inferno, Canto iii ) The poet assur- 
 edly would not have acted so. 
 t Muratori, Annali, 1293. — Dante, 
 Inferno, Canto xix. 
 J The confederate force was 500 horse 
 as before, but it was recommended to 
 the different cities to send as many 
 " Cavalieri di Corrado'' as possible 
 
 and that each should have his " Cor- 
 vallo Armigerd" or war-horse, and 
 ronzino or hack. The former to be 
 harnessed in iron, cotton, or other 
 material fit for defence. Of these 
 
 cavaliers Florence was to supply 166 
 
 Lucca 114 — Siena 104 — Pistoia 47 
 
 CittA di Castello 20— Voltcrra 18— 
 Prato 15 — Colle 5 — San Gimignano 
 7 — and Poggibonzi 4. No Aretine 
 was admitted. 
 
 CHAP. XIII.] 
 
 FLOKENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 361 
 
 port of the former against a government which had so deceived 
 them, and moreover kept all the power to themselves. The 
 nobles were too sagacious to believe that the popolani were 
 really inclined without compulsion to relax these laws, merely 
 because they had found it convenient to unite with them in 
 ruinhig Giano della Bella ; but they entu'ely mistook the temper 
 of the plebeians who though more easily led astray by appear- 
 ances are yet generally correct in their object, and now sus- 
 pected a coalition of both parties against themselves ; wherefore 
 having previously sent six trusty men to join in and watch the 
 deliberations of the priors, one from each sesto, and resolving 
 to \vithstand the nobles, immediately took to their arms. 
 
 The nobles also assembled in three divisions : at the Mer- 
 cato-Nuovo under Geri Spini ; at the clim-ch of San Giovanni 
 mider Forese degli Adimari ; and under Vanni de' Mozzi at the 
 piazza of that family beyond Amo which commanded the bridge 
 of Rubaconte. The citizens drew up at the palace of the 
 Podesta opposite to the Abbey, and at that of the priors who 
 then occupied the houses of the Cerclii behind San Brocolo : the 
 nobles were superior in cavalr}% arms, and military skill ; the 
 people in numbers and determination, yet both were doubtful 
 of the event. At this crisis some friars and other moderate 
 men came foi-ward as the friends of either side and effected a 
 reconciliation: the nobles were reminded that they had lost 
 their power ; not from the presumption of the people but their 
 own crimes which had driven the latter to extremities ; that the 
 attempt to recover by violence what had been forfeited by mis- 
 conduct was an error worse than the first and would only ruin 
 the city without gaining their object ; but on the contrar}^ tend 
 to render then- condition worse : for as nobility was only a 
 name ; — a mere opinion, — sustained by reputation, not force ; 
 the ver}^ moment that a people suffering from its misused power 
 lose their habitual reverence for its antiquity, it becomes a 
 gaudy bubble and breaks with the breath of an infant. The 
 
362 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 363 
 
 plebeians on the other hand were advised to consider the claims 
 of the nobles ; to reject anj that threatened their own liberty, 
 but not to shut their ears to the rights of justice and lenity 
 which was all that their adversaries now demanded: the former 
 however were not so easily convinced, they had been oppressed 
 by one and deceived by the other party, and it was only the 
 authority of the Priors and Gonfalonier Veri Baldonini that 
 finally succeeded in restoring peace with this slender con- 
 cession; namely, that for the future three witnesses should 
 be necessary to prove the notoriety of aristocratic crime ; even 
 this was too much for the plebeians and shortly after annulled, 
 yet it completely unveiled aristocratic weakness and the growing 
 strength of the people. Both parties thenceforwai-d only sought 
 the means of overcoming each other, the people being ever 
 uppermost, and for further security partly disarmed the nobles 
 by compelling them to sell their large cross-bows, (a veiy expen- 
 sive and much prized weapon) to the republic. 
 
 All this induced many of the quieter and less powerful 
 aristocrats to demand admittance into the class of popolani, a 
 favour willingly granted to those who could be trusted, because 
 it thinned the opposite ranks and increased general secu- 
 rity*. The plebeians, angry and disappointed at any compro- 
 mise having been made with the great, insulted the seignorj- 
 when they retired from office and called aloud for the return of 
 Giano della Bella : this alarmed the Popolani so much that the 
 Pope's interference was implored, and Boniface who hated Giano 
 for some bold proceedings agamst the church when Podesta 
 of Pistoia, threatened every body with excommunication who 
 presumed to advocate his cause. 
 
 Things however generally remained tranqml and the country 
 improved in commerce and prosperity until the year 1300 when 
 the spirit of civil discord again spread its sable puiions : taking 
 
 • Gio. Vilkni, Lib. viil, c. xiL— Dine Compagni, Lib. i.~Scip. Ammirato, 
 mo. iv« ' 
 
 
 ( 
 
 advantage of this calm, and fearful of an alliance between the 
 nobles and the potent famHies of Pazzi and Uberti ^ ^ ^^ 
 in the Upper Val d'Amo, the government resolved 
 to hold them in check by the erection of two strong towns on 
 their frontier ; the first between Figgine and Monte Varchi 
 which after the tutelar saint was called San Giovanni ; the other 
 on the Amo over against the states of the Uberti, named 
 Castlefranco : to the inhabitants of both was granted an ex- 
 emption from all public contributions for ten years which 
 soon nursed them up into places of considerable size and 
 
 importance. 
 
 Troops were sent in 1296 to the defence of Bologna which 
 had been for some time in hostility with the Marquis of Ferrara, 
 but being fearful of new troubles, with the express condition of 
 not being employed in offensive warfare. The next year ^^ ^^^^ 
 a treaty of alliance was concluded with Perugia ; the 
 Guelphic League was renewed, and the strong castle called the 
 Pa/rt;j^oPu6;ico(nowPalazzoVecchio) was commenced ^^ ^^^ 
 
 in 1298 for the residence and security of the seignory, 
 which in the late disturbances had been exposed to the attacks 
 of the nobles. By demolishing the houses of the Uberti and 
 other Ghibelines, and purchasing the dwellings of the Foraboschi, 
 space was gained for the present palace and the square before 
 it : the resources of Florence must have been at this time im- 
 mense, when notwithstanding wars and domestic broils she was 
 able to carry on nearly at the same time the building of Santa 
 Croce, the cathedral, the church of Ortosanmichele, the 
 Palazzo Vecchio and the vast circuit of ramparts ^^^^^^ 
 with all their numerous and lofty towers, besides 
 several other mmor improvements. These walls had been dis- 
 continued after 1285 but were now resumed with fresh ardour 
 in conjunction with the other great works which still remain, 
 to excite our admiration of their grandeur soUdity and beauty. 
 The city, says MacchiaYelli, was never in a more flourishing 
 
364 
 
 FLOREXTTNE HISTORY 
 
 li 
 
 [book f. 
 
 state than at this epoch ; full of people, riches, and reputation ; 
 all Tuscany, as friends or subjects, obeyed her; thirty thousmid 
 citizens able to carry- arms in the capital with seventy thousand 
 more m the rural districts were ready to take the field at the 
 shghtest signal from the government : and although anger and 
 suspicion separated the nobles and the people, their effects 
 were slight, scarcely even perceptible, and the great body of 
 inhabitants hved in peace and unity. 
 
 The result of this tranquillity was, that Uterature flourished, 
 men of talent appeared, paintmg revived, the arts were culti- 
 vated, the citizens vied ^vith each other m the splendour of their 
 domestic arcliitecture, and the name of a Florentine merchant 
 became respected throughout the worid : Florence feared 
 neither her own exiles nor the imperial power, nor any 
 single state in Italy ; but strong in her democratic rule and 
 free institutions, would have rolled smoothly forward if her path 
 had not been once more broken up by the violence of domestic 
 faction*. 
 
 Cotemporary Monarchs.— England : Edward I.— Scotland : John Baliol, 
 (1292).— Interregnum to 1 306.— France : Philip IV., (1225).— Castile and 
 Leon : Sancho IV. Ferdinand IV., (1295).— Aragon : James II., (1291).— 
 Portugal : Dennis, (1279).— Germany : Adolphus, (1292). Albert I., (1298). 
 Popes : Nicholas IV.,(12«7). Celcstine V., (1294). Boniface VIII., (1294). 
 Greek Emperor: Andronicus, (1281). 
 
 ♦ Gio. Villani, Lib. %nii., cap. xii.— Leon. Aretino, Lib. iv.— Scip. Ammirato, 
 Lib. IV. — Macchiavelli, Lib. ii. 
 
 n 
 
 CHAP. XIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 365 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1300 TO A.D. 13 08. 
 
 A.D. 1300. 
 
 The year 1300 commenced with great rejoicing throughout 
 Clii-istendora ; it was that of the first jubilee. By a natui'al and 
 sagacious union of religion and finance Pope Boni- 
 face the Eighth granted complete absolution to all 
 who passed a given number of days in visitmg the several 
 Roman shrines and confessionals with sincere and humble 
 repentance ; and as the existence of this virtue was believed 
 on the sinner's affirmation, it is probable that none were disap- 
 pointed ; wherefore two millions of fortunate souls were saved 
 from perdition during that happy year, and with man^ellous 
 gam to the treasury. Indeed so serious and universal was this 
 new devotion that for twelve months together Rome had 
 never less than two hundred thousand pilgrims within her 
 walls independent of the native population, wliile multitudes 
 of every rank age and sex thronged the Italian roads. And 
 in this well-imagined pilgiimage all the great thorough- 
 fares of Italy are described as presenting the appearance of a 
 contmual procession, or rather an army in full march ; pea^e 
 was universal, and perfect security, with abundance of every- 
 thin<T for everybody who had the means of payment : Rome 
 was plentifully supplied and enriched; its inhabitants made 
 fortunes by the vast concourse of visitors that crowded 
 their streets, where however numbers of both sexes were 
 
366 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 ii 
 
 [book I. 
 
 trampled to death in the midst of their sacred occupation *. 
 Contmual streams of gold and silver kept pouring into the 
 church-coffers, the spontaneous overflowings of religious love • 
 and two pnests were stationed night and day at the slirine of 
 bt. Paul with purse in hand to receive these incessant offer- 
 ings for eternal salvation. 
 
 To this singular display of festive piety repaired also the 
 annaJast Giovanni Villani; and there like his prototype Males- 
 pmi did the contemplation of ancient Rome inspire him with 
 the Idea of wntmg a histo^' of his own comitn-, which he com- 
 menced at his return to Florence f. 
 
 Peace still reigned in this capital, but a rich ambitious and 
 high-spmted nobility were unwilling to succumb, and the 
 source of cnil dissension was still unexhausted: Uie fire though 
 boned was not extinct; deep and still burning, but scarcely 
 mible, ,t threw out occasional warnings that were only lost upon 
 the young the gay and the thoughtless. Superstition also lent 
 Its aid : tlie old wasted statue of Mars, at the base of wliich 
 Buondelmonte was murdered, had been dismounted the vear 
 before to complete some new buildings, but by mistake instead 
 of lookmg east as formerly, it was replaced with the face north- 
 wards, and this was received as a shiister augury although no 
 S)-mptoms of misfortune then appeared. According to Dino 
 tompagm Florence was at this time niled with little justice • 
 some powerful and dishonest men had contrived to mise an in! 
 digent gentleman of Padua to the dignity of Podesta, a man 
 
 " Come i Roman per lo cscrcito molto, 
 L'anno del Giubbileo, su per lo Ponte 
 Hannoa passar lagente modo tolto : "" 
 " Che da un lato tutti hanno la fronte 
 
 Verso '1 Castello e vanno a San Pietro : 
 iJall altra sponda vanno in verso '1 monte." 
 t G. ViUani, Ub. viii., cap. xxxvi.-Muratori, Annali 1300. 
 
 CHAP. XIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 367 
 
 willing to be the tool of private vengeance and cupidity ; justice 
 was therefore openly sold, the innocent oppressed and the 
 guilty absolved at the will of these rulers which always was law 
 to their creature. But public spirit ran too high to bear this, 
 the citizens soon rose, and putting him and his minions to the 
 torture detected his iniquity: Monfiorito of Padua was there- 
 fore imprisoned and although he finally escaped, the republic 
 twice refused to deliver him over to the Paduans who had sent 
 successive embassies to demand the release of their countrjTnan. 
 The general calm of Florence was first disturbed by a private 
 quarrel between two neighbouring families. Vieri de' Cerchi 
 chief of a race, ignobly descended, but wealthy merchants, vdth 
 a princely establishment and numerous chents, was in common 
 with the rest of his family, a man of general popularity and of 
 an easy disposition not unmixed with talent : they were all liked 
 by the Popolani for their amiable and unambitious temper ; by 
 every class of Ghibeline because they were not persecutors 
 when in power ; by the poor nobility for the convenience of 
 their wealth ; and by the plebeians for their decided disapproval 
 of Giano della Bellas banishment: so that -without much 
 trouble, it was thought they might have mastered the republic 
 if talents and ambition had seconded the opportunity. The 
 Donati and Pazzi, near whom they had houses in town and 
 countiy, were of ancient and illustrious families but not near 
 so rich, and felt mortified by the overshadowing pomp of their 
 upstart neighbours, whom they despised for their vulgarity and 
 hated for their ostenbition. At the head of these was Corso 
 Donati the same who had fought at Campaldino, a man, accord- 
 ing to Compagni, resembling but more cruel than the Roman 
 Catiline : " gentle of blood, beautiful in person, polished in 
 manners, of pleasing conversation, a subtle intellect and a mind 
 ever intent on evil. By habit and genius a soldier, he carried 
 his warlike propensities into civil life and assembled a crowd of 
 followers, all obedient to the nod of this popular cliieftain. He 
 
 N U 
 
368 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 369 
 
 performed great services, did much mischief, caused numerous 
 burumgs and robberies, amassed considerable spoil, and raised 
 himself to high authority: vain-glory- was his idol, and from his 
 excessive pride he was suniamed " The Baron " so that when 
 he rode through Florence he was frequently saluted with cries 
 of *' Long live the Baron*.'' 
 
 The enmity between these potent families was augmented 
 by Corso s recent marriage with an heiress of the GavHle race 
 agamst the wishes of her own relations as well as her kmsmen 
 the Cerchi ; also by a subsequent suspicion of his ha^dng been 
 accessory to the death of two young men of the latter house 
 who were poisoned in the prisons of the Podesta wliile in con- 
 finement for a private affray. This mutual \\\-vd\\ continued 
 long without any overt act that disturbed the public peace 
 while both parties were assiduously strengthening their alli- 
 ances. Pope Boniface who, as was said, -got into the pontificate 
 like a fox, ruled like a lion, and died like a dog^ was closely 
 connected with his bankers the Spini, and other monied men 
 of Florence friends of Donati, therefore endeavoured to re- 
 concile the families, and sent for Vieri to Rome ; but the Cerchi 
 was intractable, assured the pontiff that he had no quarrel 
 with anybody and therefore needed no reconciliation : this 
 nettled the pride of Boniface, who was accustomed to prompt 
 obedience, and estranged him from that party. Matters con- 
 tmued gettmg woi-se : the Cerchi although Guelphs and Po- 
 polani had all the old Ghibelme famihes on their side, some 
 from hatred of Donati and others from private feuds or personal 
 lujuiy; amongst the last was Guido Cavalcanti, the celebrated 
 fnend of Dante, a bold melancholy man who loved sohtude 
 and hterature ; but generous brave and courteous, a poet and 
 philosopher and one that seems to have had the respect and 
 adnuration of his age. Corso Donati by whom he was feared 
 and hated, would have had him murdered while on a pOgrimage 
 
 * Dino Compagni, Ub. ii., p. 43. 
 
 \ 
 
 to Saint James of Galicia ; on Ms return this became kno\vn 
 and gained him many supporters amongst the Cerchi and other 
 youth of Florence : he took no regular measures of vengeance 
 but accidentally meeting Corso in tlie street rode violently 
 towai'ds him casting his javelin at the same time : it missed by 
 the tripping of liis horse and he escaped with a slight wound 
 from one of Donati's attendants. Cavalcanti was son-in-law to 
 Farinata degli Uberti and therefore perhaps not altogether 
 indisposed to the Ghibelines, but the Cerchi were his intimate 
 friends and accompanied liim in the assault on Donati : all this 
 embittered the feud ^' and Corso's continual sarcasms on Vieri 
 which were duly reported by the buffoons, (the gossips of that 
 age), were not calculated to soften their mutual asperity. Thus 
 was the stonn fast gathering when, like two angry clouds, the 
 stubborn factions of the Biancld and Neri poured in their 
 influence and brought it down in blood. 
 
 " Aiise ye wicked citizens filled as ye are with infamy: take 
 " the sword and the torch in your hands and spread wide your 
 " malevolence. Proclaim aloud your iniquitous desires, your 
 " infernal purposes. Delay no longer ; go, and destroy the 
 " beauty of your city ; shed the blood of your brethren ; divest 
 " yourselves of laitb and of love ; deny aid and service to each 
 other ; sow all your falsehoods, they will fill the granaries of 
 your children ; do even as Sylla once did in Rome : for all 
 the crimes he committed in ten long years Marius revenged 
 "ma single day. Think ye that almighty justice hath fainted '.' 
 " Even tliat of the world will render one for one. Look at 
 " your ancestors ; see if they gained by contention ! Delay no 
 '* longer miserable men, for one day of war consumes more than 
 " is regained in many years of peace, and small is that spark 
 " that brings a mighty empire to destruction! ". Such is the 
 
 • M. di Coppo Stefani attributes tins house with another lady the wife of 
 
 quarrel to some words spoken in jest Filippo de' Bianchi. 
 
 by Vieri de' Cerchi to the wife of + Dino Compagni, Lib. i*' and ii<^. — 
 
 Bernardo Donati while dining at his Giov. Villani. Lib. viii", cap. xxxix. 
 
 VOL. I. BE 
 
 i( 
 
 <( 
 
 <( 
 
370 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 niAP. XIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 371 
 
 impassioned burst of indignation -SNith which Dino Compagni 
 reproaches his countrymen, and it was no imaginarj^ picture ! 
 Very soon there was neither male nor female, gi-eat or small, 
 noble, poplano, or plebeian ; priest or friar ; that were not 
 di\ided on one side or the other of this unhappy quarrel, the 
 connexion of which with Pistoia now^ demands our attention*. 
 Twenty miles north-west of Florence under the mountains 
 that dinde Tuscany from Modena lies the city of Pistoia on a 
 spot traditionally mentioned as the scene of Catiline's defeat 
 and death by Petreius, and the ferocious disposition of her 
 earlier inhabitants might encourage a supei'Stitious belief in 
 the assertion ; for she is better kno\Mi in history by the 
 virulence of her factions and the peculiar malignity of her 
 private feuds than by any act of virtue or magnanimity in her 
 citizens f . One of these petty dissensions not only destroyed 
 her own peace, such as it was, but in kindling the inflamma- 
 bility of Florence spread over Tuscany and even contaminated 
 a great part of Ptomagna I. 
 
 The noble houses of Cancellieri and Panciatiche had early 
 assumed the leading of the Guelph and Ghibeline factions of 
 Pistoia, and during the whole of the tliirteenth centurj- had 
 continued fighting with such bitteniess that even these party 
 names, the cause of their original enmity, were lost in the fury- of 
 private war the two factions becoming distinguished by family 
 appellations alone. The chiefs of these parties were formidable 
 even to the republic itself, whose wars crimes and misfortunes 
 were all laid by the people to their charge : the democratic 
 government of Pistoia therefore natiu'ally detested the nobles, 
 
 * Istorie Pistolesi, p. 1. — Leon Are- 
 tino, Lib. iv., lol. 67. 
 
 f " Ah Pistoia, Pistoia, che non stanzi 
 D'incenerarti, si che piii non duri, 
 Poiche'n mal far lo seme tuo avanzi f 
 (Dante, Inferno, Canto xxv). 
 
 And Petrarca in bis beautiful sonnet on 
 
 Cino's death, 
 
 *' Pianga Pistoia, e i cittadin {K-rversi." 
 
 For more minute details of these disas- 
 trous times in Pistoia see the coterapo- 
 rary " Istorie Pistokse," Anno 1300. 
 
 X 6. Malavolti, Lib. iii", Parte ii", p. 
 
 61. 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 w 
 
 and in 1285 declared them ineligible to public office, pub- 
 lished a particular code of regulations affecting them alone, 
 and decreed that when any commoner disturbed the public 
 peace he should immediately be ennobled as the severest 
 chastisement for his turbulence. In the general revolution of 
 parties after Manfred's death, the Cancellieri had chased their 
 Ghil)eline adversaries from the town and a cruel war was 
 waged in the beautiful and romantic mountain of Pistoia, 
 where the possessions of both were situated. The Cancel- 
 lieri although excluded from government were rich and nume- 
 rous and the exile of their rivals gave them a complete 
 ascendancy: eighteen knights of the golden spur, and a 
 Imndred men-at-anns, all bearing the name, and none beyond 
 the fourth degree of blood, besides numerous allies and depend- 
 ants, rendered this family one of the most powerful of the 
 Italian nobility. They domineered over the city and contado, 
 outraged everybody, committed many cruel actions, put num- 
 bers to death, were tyrants every\vhere, yet none dared even 
 to accuse them ; so great was their power of vengeance ! * 
 
 It happened, about the year 1295, that several young kins- 
 men of the Cancellieri race were carousing in a wine-house, and 
 when heated by drink Carlino son of Gualfredi maltreated his 
 cousin Amadore or Dore son of Guglielmo : they belonged to 
 different branches of the same family long distinguished by the 
 surnames of Bianchi and Neri in consequence of an ancestor 
 bavin" married two wives one of whom called Bianca gave the 
 appellation to her descendants while the collateral race was 
 contradistinguished by the opposite colour. Saint Peter in his 
 definition of thank worthiness asks " What glory is it if when 
 " ye be buffeted for your feults ye shall take it patiently ? But 
 
 * G Villani, Lib. viii., cap. xxxviii.— Rep. Ital., vol. iii., cap. xxiv., p. 1 1 7.— 
 
 Istorie Pistolesi dalV Anno 1300, al Flam, dal Borgo, Diss. i. sopra la 
 
 1 348.— M. Angelo Salvi, Historic di Storia Pisana, p. 4, note. 
 Pistoia, Parte i% p. 262.— Sismondi, 
 
 bb2 
 
372 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 373 
 
 '* if when ye do well and suffer for it, ye take it patiently, tliis 
 " is acceptable with God." And something of this sort the 
 ancient Pistoians appear to have taken uiversely as their 
 standard of revenge: it was no satisfaction to wreak their 
 mahce on liiin who did the injur}- ; tliat was but simple retalia- 
 tion, an unoffending ^^ctim was in their code indispensable to 
 perfect vengeance. They argued that as an innocent person 
 had fii-st suffered there could not be complete reciprocity unless 
 avengement also stnick the guiltless head; the offender's 
 death was the simple vmdication of justice, and expected ; 
 therefore could not inflict so sharp a pang on his kindred as 
 the sudden murder of an unoffending man, mure especially if 
 he were peculiarly amiable and well-beloved. To carr}- out 
 this principle Amadore who was of the Black taction retired 
 from the company and hid hunself armed in a convenient place, 
 where the same evening seemg Carlino's l)rotlier Vanni 
 passhig, immediately called him, and ignorant of the quarrel 
 the latter approached without hesitation : Dore then suddenly 
 fell upon him, gashed his face, and nearly succeeded iii 
 cutting off a hand : thus mangled he escaped and his relations 
 prepared for revenge. Guglielmo apprehensive of fomily 
 strife at once delivered his son into Gualfredo's power to 
 receive any punishment that pleased him to inflict; the 
 latter insensible to the spirit of this condu.t coolly led the 
 offender into a stable and chopped off his right hand upon the 
 edge of the manger ; but revenge was not considered perfect 
 until he had also gashed his face. " Now;' said he, *' go and 
 inform thy father that with deeds, not words, such injuries are 
 revenged * ". 
 
 Tliis was considered too cruel even for Pistoian ferocity ; 
 Bianchi and Neri flew to arms intent on vengeance for the 
 double outrage ; and as the Cancellieri were connected with 
 
 n 
 
 almost all the noblesse of Pistoia the city was soon in a 
 general tumult : the spirit spread like a conflagration, their vas- 
 sals caught the flame, all the country armed, and from that time 
 forth civil war in various forms incessantly filled the Pistoian ter- 
 ritoiy mitil stopped by the iron hand of Cosimo de' Medici in the 
 middle of the sLxteenth century. If one man were more 
 particularly respected for his viitues and peaceable habits, or in 
 any way distinguished beyond his associates, he was sure to be 
 marked as the peculiar victim of adverse vengeance : thus the 
 judge Pero de' Pecoroni was murdered on the bench while in 
 the act of administering justice; Bertino de' Virgiolese an 
 adherent of the " Whites," the most noble and virtuous Imight 
 of Pistoia, was afterwards stabbed by the same parties ; Bene- 
 detto, or Detto, de' Cancellieri was in his turn sacrificed for 
 this, because he was the most beloved, the wisest, and the 
 ablest of the Neri ; Braccino de' Fortebracci fell in a similar 
 manner; houses and towers were armed and attacked with fire 
 and sword, darts, cross-bows, stones, and mangonels showered 
 death into the streets ; frequent sallies brought the factions 
 hand to hand, and then the lance the sword and the poniard 
 decided the day's encounter. Such was the habitual state of 
 this distracted town until 1'299, when even the Podesta's guard 
 was resisted, beaten, and one of his principal officers and 
 companions killed, by Chello de' Cancellieri and Vanni Fucci ; 
 upon this he instantly broke his official wand in presence of 
 the seignor}% renounced his high office and retired to his native 
 town of Bergamo. The city thus left without a governor 
 remained in complete anarchy ; a new Podesta arrived but 
 accomplished little ; the " Whites " gained ground and com- 
 pletely ruled Pistoia ; the Contado was equally distrax^ted and 
 the whole frame of society had nearly given way when the 
 leading popular citizens determined to call in the aid of 
 Florence. 
 
 It cannot be supposed that such violent contentions could 
 
 d 
 
374 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 £book I. 
 
 couunue, without affecting opinions in a city so closely connected 
 by neighbourhood, politics, and family alliances, as the latter 
 was with Pistoia : exiles from either faction had already been 
 received by Uieir friends, and the relationship of the Donati 
 wth the Neri, of the Circhi with the Bianchi, prepared the way 
 for a similar division of Florentine parties *. The wise and pru- 
 dent of either city at length assembled to devise some cure for this 
 increa^mg madness, and it benig of great importance to Florence 
 that Pistoia should remain tranquil, slie gladly accepted the 
 seiguopr or Balia of that republic for three years as offered by 
 Its ambassadors The lordship of a state in those days was an 
 extrajudicial and legislative power conferred for a given time 
 
 '"; .* r,?"^ °uT'' " "1'«'««<"-«'"P which concentrated 
 within Itself the whole power of the republic without beino 
 supposed to infringe its liberty or political rights : it was an 
 unsafe proceeding, yet often resorted to in perilous times, as if 
 to show more conspicuously the imperfection of pure republican 
 government. The Priors immediately nominated a newPodesta 
 and Captain of the People ; new Anziani were chosen in equal 
 numbers from each faction, elected monthly, and presided by a 
 . Oonfalonier of JusUce ; the chiefs on both sides were banished 
 to Florence, where it was vainly hoped a reconciliation might 
 
 me, IT ff r '^ "" '"'''°"'^' "' "'"' P^-^rf-' SoJm. 
 
 ment f Bu men are more prone to absorb the vicious passions 
 
 than the better qualities of their neighbours; the latter are 
 
 troublesome and mvolve some acknowledgment of inferiority • 
 
 the former are insensibly imbibed, more congenial, alas, to 
 
 man ; and Florence was notin that temperate state that mH t 
 
 eceive.-ith impunity an importation of sucli firebrands as ike 
 
 Cancelhen of Pistoia. Discontent was still deep, and a powerful 
 
 p. 17. ristolcsi, 18, &c--Leon. Aretino, Lib. iv., M. 
 
 t Hist. Pistolesi, pp. 1 to 19 -rj. onT c'^* ^'"°'"'^^«' Lib. iv., p. 
 
 CHAP. XIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 375 
 
 
 aristocracy deprived of its just share of public honours could 
 not long run smoothly with a stem determined democracy, mi- 
 less accompanied by some great external object tf common and 
 absorbing interest. In Florence there was an absorbing interest, 
 but it was the struggle for power; and begat turbulence. 
 Delia Bella was in exile, but discontent had not been banished 
 with him : the discontent of a nation is never the work of an 
 individual ; a smgle hand may collect and concentrate the ill 
 humoui-s of a state and adapt them to its own purposes good 
 or bad; but their root must have previously existed and 
 an individual's destruction or banishment will leave the evil 
 unabated '•'. 
 
 The Frescobaldi, friends of Corso Donati, were appointed to 
 receive the Neri while the Bianchi became inmates with Vieri 
 de' Cerchi and his Idnsmen : twelve of the principal famihes 
 supported Coi-so Donati besides many othei-s of inferior note, 
 and a multitude of the rich popolani divided on both sides ; 
 about eighteen great houses followed the Cerclii, including most 
 of the old Ghibelines, because this family having arisen since 
 the great struggle between the factions, its members although 
 Guelphs had no enmity against them and had spent much in 
 conciliating an impoverished nobihty. Thus the city was once 
 more divided ; the Guelphic party was itself divided; nay each 
 house was divided ; and Guelph and Ghibeline again frowned 
 in open hostility : from the nobles the poison dropt among the 
 people ; and here also were families divided against themselves, 
 father against son, brother against brother ; but as yet no blood 
 was spilt f. 
 
 * It is to this struggle of the Bianchi and Neri that Dante, who was a principal 
 actor, makes Ciacco allude in the sixth canto of his Inferno : — 
 
 " Depoi lunga tencione 
 Veranno al sangue, e la parte selvaggia 
 Caccera Taltra con molta ofFensione, &c." — (Bargigi*s Text.) 
 
 + Leon. Aretino, Lib. iv., fol 67.— Scip. Ammirato, Lib. iv., p. 205. 
 
376 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 m universal festivity; young men and maidens uniting in 4 
 
 aad festive companies sung and danced in the open places of 
 
 he cU,for man,da,s together: amongst others tl JlTone 
 
 n the Piazza of Santa Trinita on the 1st of May ^vhere all 
 
 dance and in consequence a great concuun.e of people had 
 crowded the street; amongst them were the Cerchi Ld Donatt 
 on ho^eback m complete annour, on account of their mut" 
 and increasing enmity. There were about thirty mZtTd 
 g ntlemen on each side besides sen.nts and followrid 
 
 an e, d^sdainfu^ glances were reciprocally exchanged, swords 
 ^I owed and after a shaip skirmish in which niany^ reTim 
 ^e combatants parted with increased bitterness of feeH^' 
 21^^ the fet blood dmwn, and both parties bent n ":: 
 
 tlrn W . they now first assumed the distinctive names of 
 
 Bun^Iu and '' Nerr which ^-ithout affecting their poHtica 
 P-ciples as Guelph or Ghibeline sufficiently marke'd S 
 
 Jwhoi?"^' I'V' ^'^^ """^^P^ '''' ^^^-^- ^^^--« seeing 
 ^e whole population engaged on either side and the greaf 
 
 Camet^l fT"" ^^ .^'^'^^^"^^ "^ ^^^ ^^^^ -S 
 a^d Id f^ . '^'"^'^ ^"'^^ ^^^^ ^1^1 ^"elphic chamcter 
 
 n.T. ^^^f^^"^^ «^ Acquasparta was accordingly dis- 
 patched ^th full authority to accommodate all differences 
 he demanded equal powers from the Florentines and th wire 
 
 Te^tf or am^ 'f ""^'^^ '' ^^P^'^ ^^^^^ ^^t when 
 
 refuses The C T' '" ''''"" ^^ ^^^^ ^* ^^^ P^^-ply 
 
 relused The Cerchi were predominant; the Legate wished 
 
 to distnbute honour and nffi^^ n -^^b^^^ wisned 
 
 Honour and office equally amongst all parties, 
 
 CHAP. XIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 377 
 
 and failing in this he departed, leaving the city under an in- 
 terdict*. 
 
 The Bianchi were well aware that their adversaries possessed 
 tlie Papal countenance, and became still more convinced of this 
 when on Saint John's Eve they saw the Consuls of the Arts, as 
 they walked in procession with their annual offerings, insulted 
 and beaten by a party of nobles who exclaimed, " We are the 
 »irn that (jaincd the victory of CampahUno and you have ousted 
 us front office and honour in our native city.'' Such an outrage 
 coupled \N-ith a secret meeting of Donati's faction, (who resolved 
 to ask the Pope's assistance in sending for one of the French 
 princes to assume the lordship of Florence and reduce the 
 Bianclii), roused the general anger f. The Priors ; and Dante 
 amongst the number ; called a meeting of the government and 
 many citizens, in wliich the historian Dino Compagni was in- 
 cluded, and there determined to banish several chiefs of both 
 factions ; the Neri to Castel della Pieve on the Roman frontier, 
 the Bianchi to Sarezzano : amongst those so exiled were Corso 
 and Sinibaldo Donati with some of the della Tosa, Pazzi, Spini, 
 and Manieri families : and of their rivals, Gentile, Torrigiano 
 and Carbone de' Cerclii with Guido Cavalcanti and others. The 
 latter immediately obeyed, but the Neri were more obstinate 
 and had even organised a conspiracy with the knowledge of 
 Acquasparta who had engaged a Lucchese army to cooperate ; 
 but they were finally induced to yield, and the Lucchese being 
 intimidated by the \igour of government Florence was saved 
 from a bloody revolution. 
 
 Some time before this however, ua the month of December, 
 many families had assembled to celebrate the obsequies of a 
 lady in the Piazza de' Frescobaldi : it was the custom at such 
 meetmgs for the citizens to sit m the lowest place on rush- 
 mats, and the cavaliers and doctors higher up on the surround- 
 
 • Gio. Villani, Lib. viii., c. xl.— Dino iv., p. 206.— Dante, Parad., Cant. vii. 
 Compagni, Lib. i«.— S. Ammirato Lib. t Antica Prionsta, MS. 
 
 I 1 
 
378 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CIUP. XIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 379 
 
 ing benches, so that the Cerchi and Donati who did not enjoy 
 this dignity were opposite to eacli other on the ground : it so 
 happened that one of them either to aiTarige his dress or for 
 some other purpose stood suddenly upright : full of suspicion 
 the advei-se party instantly started to their feet and laid hands 
 on their swords ; their rivals did the same and an aflray began, 
 but was soon arrested by the interference of other citizens*. 
 
 Florence nevertheless became more and more tumultuous, 
 for the poison had spread even to the country districts : 
 the Bianchi assembled and attacked the Donati, but were 
 repulsed with loss from Porta San Piero : soon after a band of 
 the Cerchi were intercepted on their return from the country by 
 a strong body of the Donati and many wounded on both sides : 
 for these tumults several of each faction were heavily fined ; 
 the Donati went to prison sooner than pay, and some of their 
 antagonists followed this example against the advice of Vieri : 
 the whole population even to the priesthood was now divided 
 between the two factions ; nobles, middle classes, poorer citizens, 
 all partook of the general frenzy : the Ghibelines in expectation 
 of better treatment held to the White Faction ; the friends of 
 Giano della Bella did the same from indignation at his fate ; 
 Guido Cavalcanti embraced this cause from hatred to Corso 
 Donati ; Naldo Gherardhii from a private feud with the Ma- 
 nieri, kinsmen of Donati; the Scali and Lapo Salterelli 
 because they were related to the Cerchi; Berto Frescobaldi 
 being in debt to the Cerchi, broke from his family and attiiched 
 himself to his creditors ; Goccia Adimari did the same from a 
 quarrel with his kinsmen ; Bernardo Adimari because he was 
 their companion ; and three of the della Tosa family from hatred 
 U) Rosso their chief, who had deprived them of certain honours : 
 besides these there were the Mozzi, the greater part of the 
 Cavalcanti, and several other noble families who followed their 
 standard. 
 
 * Gio. ViUani, Lib. viii., cap. xli. — Dino Compagni, Lib. i., p. 19. 
 
 1 
 
 The Donati's adherents were attached by similar ties, and in 
 this as in most political and religious factions, where public 
 good or the love of morality rarely enter, the Cerchi having 
 most wealth and most power had consequently most followers ; 
 but Corso Donati was far beyond Vieri Cerchi as the leader of 
 a party, although Macchiavelli asserts that the latter was equal 
 to him in every quality. 
 
 As the Bianchi w^ere only banished to maintain an appear- 
 ance of impartiality their recall was soon procured on pretence 
 of the unwholesome air of Sarezzano, where Guido Cavalcante 
 had already fallen sick, and died soon after his return. " It 
 was a gi-eat misfortune," says ViUani, " because he was a philo- 
 sopher and a virtuous man in many things, but a little too 
 sensitive and passionate - ". In the meantime Corso Donati and 
 his friends took advantage of their place of exile, and knowing 
 Pope Boniface s strong leaning towards the Neri, re- ^ ^ ^^^ 
 paired to Rome where they insisted on the necessity 
 of immediate support by the presence of a French prince. 
 
 At Pistoia whose citizens, says Dino Compagni, " are natu- 
 rally cruel, wild, and quarrelsome," the Neri were completely 
 discomfited and driven from the town: Siena escaped these 
 factions altogether, but at Lucca the Wliites in attempting 
 to expel their antagonists were themselves overcome and 
 banished; amongst them the Interminelli to which family 
 belonged the celebrated Castruccio Castracani then about 
 twenty years of age : they retired to Ancona ; there he lost 
 both parents and proceeded the same year to England, where 
 under the auspices of Edward the First he is supposed princi- 
 pally to have learned the art of war and laid the foundation of 
 his futm-e greatness. 
 
 The intrigues of Corso Donati had filled the mind of Boni- 
 face with apprehension for the fate of the Guelphic rule in 
 Florence, and Charles of Valois who happened to be then at 
 
 * G. Villani, Lib. viii., cap. xlii. — Dante, lufcrno, Canto x. 
 
380 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Rome on his way to Sicily, was easily persuaded to employ a 
 vacant interval in governing, no matter how, a city so wealthy 
 as Florence. A popular and well-intentioned seignory Iiad 
 been elected in October 1301, and the citizens indulged in 
 hopes of peace : the captains of the Party Guelph also sup- 
 ported them and they tried hard but without success to restore 
 tranqmllity: every^ overtiu-e was suspected by the Xeri; no 
 tranquillity they said could be permanent until the Cerchi were 
 destroyed ; and this could not be without the min of the city 
 itself, so extensive was their influence. 
 
 In this state of paities Charles of Valois arrived at Siena 
 and immediately dispatched an embassy to Florence, nominally 
 to aiinounce him as a peace-maker but really to sound the 
 public mind al>out his reception : they were very soon satisfied, 
 for the Bianchi had already become unpopuhir from the arro- 
 gance of power, and a thousand tongues were ready to welcome 
 the royal governor. The seignor}- determined to reply by 
 their o^Mi envoys and immediately ordered the council-general 
 of the party Guelph and the several trades that were governed 
 by consuls to state in writing whether it was tlieir pleasure 
 that diaries of Valois should be admitted into I'lorence All 
 answered in the affirmative both by acclamation and in writing 
 except the Bakers who boldly insisted that he neither should 
 be admitted nor honoured, for he only came to min the city 
 Messer Donato d' Alberto Restori was then dispatched to an- 
 nounce his free admission, but only, after having executed a 
 formal instrument in writing pledging himself neither to inter- 
 fere ^vith their laws nor liberties ; at the same time advising the 
 pnnce not to make his entiy^ on All-Saints-day, a festival at which 
 the populace were usually excited with new .vine whence 
 disagreeable consequences might ensue. 
 
 Dmo Compagni made one more attempt to reconcile parties 
 and for this purpose assembled all the chief citizens in the Bap- 
 tistry-, where with a short impressive speech he induced them to 
 
 CHAP. XIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 381 
 
 an apparent reconciliation which they confirmed with solemn 
 oaths at the very fount where they had all been baptized : 
 amongst these Rosso dello Strozza was the first to weep and 
 take the proffered oath, as he was soon the first that with cruel 
 acts and fmious aspect led on his frantic followers to the 
 destruction of their country. 
 
 Charles of Valois entered Florence on the fomth of Novem- 
 ber 1301 with eight hundred horse of his own immediate 
 retainei-s ; but on various pretences, from Lucca, Siena, Perugia 
 and other places, in sixes and tens and twenties he mustered 
 four hmidred more ; so that with the support of a recldess 
 foction and twelve hundred men-at-arms he was perfect master 
 of the city. He was received with great honour, and dis- 
 mounting at the houses of the Frescobaldi in the place of the 
 same name occupied that post along with the Spini Palace at 
 the opposite end of the bridge of La Trinita ; thus with the 
 possession of all the left bank of the river he commanded one 
 of the principal communications with the right. 
 
 So posted and prepared he nogotiated with and deceived the 
 Priors ; at his desire the Florentine guard of the Oltr' Amo 
 gates was withdrawn and replaced by Frenchmen : the people 
 were confounded and alarmed; the Bianchi prepared but not 
 vigorously for defence ; the government was weak and vacil- 
 lating ; fearful suspicious and aware of danger, they yet trusted 
 to royal protestations and were oveiTeached by royal villany *. 
 The rich fortified their towers and houses ; the Scali in whom 
 great confidence was placed by the Whites, lived opposite to 
 the Spini and both houses were strong and important : the Spini 
 tried to soften their neighbours by false declarations of their 
 own real object ; they called it the old cause of nobles against 
 the people, not Neri against Bianchi ; the Buondelmonti did 
 the same to the Gherardini, the Bardi to the Mozzi ; and thus 
 with many others. These arts succeeded in softening several 
 
 * Dante, Purg., Canto xx. 
 
 ' W^^M tPiP U %mWi 
 
I 
 
 332 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book r. 
 
 CHAP. XIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 383 
 
 adverse chiefs, and their followers began to lose courage ; the 
 Ghibelines seeing this apprehended treachery to themselves 
 by the very men in whom they had most confided, and a fearful 
 suspicion penaded all that faction. 
 
 The gate of San Brancazio was seized by the Tomaquinci 
 in despite of the government, which soon saw itself abandoned 
 and powerless; the baser-minded citizens made a merit of 
 protecting the Neri who now no longer wanted their aid ; or 
 compared with great complacency the late tumults with the 
 tranquillity they were now about to enjoy under the wing of a 
 foreigner : the republican standard was displayed at the palace 
 windows, but none came to defend it ; the rural forces were 
 ordered to arm ; but they hid their ensigns and dispersed ; 
 even the exiled Bianchi of Lucca in consequence of ill-usage 
 departed full of suspicion, and many other adherents went over 
 to the opposite party. 
 
 Such was the state of Florence when Corso Donati returned 
 from exile and by the connivance of Charles passed the Amo 
 from Ognano, but the gates of the old walls being shut he went 
 round to the postern of Pinti near San Piero Maggiore, situated 
 between his own houses and those of the Uccellini : bv the aid 
 of his friends inside he soon forced this barrier and with only 
 twelve companions entered the city. " Long live Corso, long 
 live the Baron' was echoed everj^here, and with a rapidly-col- 
 lected but numerous following he instantly proceeded to the 
 prisons and Podesta s residence l)Oth of which he forced open ; 
 and finally mastering the Prior's palace dismissed those 
 magistrates to their homes. 
 
 On the first news of his coming Schiatta de' CanceUieri who 
 commanded three hundred men for the city wanted to oppose him 
 and might easily have prevailed ; but Vieri de' Cerchi trusting 
 to public feeling, which however was no longer with the Bianchi, 
 would by no means suffer it and thus put the finishing hand to 
 his own destruction. The Priors had complained of Charles's 
 
 connivance at this outrage as an infraction of the treaty, but he 
 disclaimed any knowledge of Corso s proceedmg, spoke high 
 and loudly of taking vengeance on the culprit, and aided by 
 the Podesta deceived so skilfully as to induce Scliiatta Cancel- 
 lieri and Lapo Salterelli, two of the principal Bianchi, to propose 
 that hostages from the chiefs of both factions should be de- 
 livered over to him in order that he might have a clear field for 
 justice and put an end to the existing disorders. 
 
 The suggestion was adopted and the Neri submitted cheer- 
 fully, conscious that they were going to a friend, but .the Bianchi 
 witii fear : Charles instantly dismissed the former, the latter he 
 " kept that night without straw or mattress like condemned 
 criminals." This was the climax of public consternation ; the 
 Campana tolled and tolled but no citizen answered ; no horse- 
 man was seen ; no armed footman ; two of the Adimari alone 
 came with their retainers to the palace and liastHy retired at 
 sight of its desolation : the people were amazed and confounded, 
 for '* that veiy evening appeared in the heavens over the 
 public palace a vermilion cross a palm and a half in breadth 
 and twenty braccia long in appearance, with the arms some- 
 thing shoiter ; it remained about as long as a horse would take 
 to inin two courses in the lists ; whence those who saw it, and 
 I that cleariy saw it, could easily comprehend that God's anger 
 was kindled against our city*". 
 
 The priors at length resigned, and the Neri rode triumphant 
 over the whole city ; prisoners and vagabonds of every descrip- 
 tion were let loose and in full activity ; there was no govern- 
 ment ; man was left to himself and his passions, his own 
 prowess saved or his weakness lost him ; the timid hid from 
 their enemies, the brave fought, the innocent bled ; there was 
 no redress : the hand of murder was abroad and red ; the torch 
 flew wildly and rapidly on the storm ; plunder heaped up its 
 
 * No other author but Dino Compagni mentions this appearance. (Lib. 
 i^ p. 42.) 
 
384 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 3S5 
 
 bloody hoard; the Bianchi were despoiled, their daughters 
 married by force for their inheritance ; their sons slaughtered ; 
 and this continued six long days and nights without a pause ; 
 and ever and anon as the blaze of some fired palace suddenly 
 flared up against the sky, Charles would ask in mockery " What 
 bright light is that 1 " and smiled when told it was a common 
 hut or poor man s cabm, while screams and yells and lamenta- 
 tions filled the heated air. 
 
 Throughout this infernal drama the armed form of Donati 
 was seen hke a fiend at every turn, seeking in vain for the Cerchi 
 with furious aspect, and voice calling on them in loud and 
 passionate defiance. He was disappointed. The Cerchi amazed 
 at this bloody crisis and fearing the frenzy of the populace 
 more than the fury of the great, were for the most part in 
 safety; but Donati had revenge, for much and noble blood then 
 flowed to drown his hatred. 
 
 When food for murder, flames and plunder was exhausted 
 in Florence, this still insatiate maniac sallied mto the country- 
 and for eight days longer performed the second act of the 
 eventful tragedy ; robbing bummg and murders, rooting up 
 vines and ohves, ravaging a whole district without cessation or 
 remorse, were the dismal changes of the drama*. 
 
 Charles who during the above transactions had failed in a 
 plot to assassinate the Priors, thus completed his first step 
 towards the pacification of Florence ; a new set of priors were 
 appointed by the Neri, "infamous citizens, but powerful in 
 their faction," and to perfect the transaction Canti de' Gabrielli 
 d'Agobbio was made Podesta; a man who with much evil per- 
 formed some good ; and Tedici Manovelli became Gonfalonier 
 of Justice. 
 
 With these tools Charies of Valois, a prince of inordinate 
 expense and rapacity, began his work of cruelty and extortion, 
 
 ♦ Dino Compagni, Lib. ii.— Giov. Vil- tino, Lib. iv.— Scip. Ammirato, Lib 
 lani, Lib. viii., cap. adix.— Leon Are- iv.,p. 214. 
 
 ¥. 
 
 and at the very ''fountain-head of goW as Pope Boniface 
 designated Florence he asked the pontiff for a subsidy * ! 
 
 But the dreadful scenes in that unhappy town outstripped 
 even the pontiff's anger and at the prayer of Vieri and the 
 exiled Bianchi he again despatched Cardinal Acquasparta to 
 restore tranquillity: a formal but hollow reconciliation took 
 plaxie cemented as usual by intermarriages between the rival 
 families ; but when the legate again began to talk of office and 
 public honours, Donati and his party like their opponents 
 refused any compromise and the cardinal was once more com- 
 pelled to quit the anathematized city. 
 
 Parties thus nominally but not really at peace and money 
 being Valois' object, no means were spared, no nice scruples 
 prevented its accomplishment: death, exile, torture, fines, 
 imprisonment; all were put in activity under legal forms 
 and official authority, prince and podesta dividing the spoil 
 between them, while inferior chiefs were allowed to attend 
 to their own individual interest. Thus the Donati, Rossi, 
 
 * It is these melancholy transactions that Dante in the xxth Canto of his 
 Purgatory makes Hugh Capet foretel with such bitterness 
 
 " Tempo vegg' io, non molto dopo ancoi, 
 Che tragge un altro Carlo fuor di Francia 
 Per far conoscer meglio c se e i suoi. 
 
 Senz 'anne n' esce, e solo con la lancia, 
 Con la qual giostro Giuda, e quella ponta 
 Si eh' a Fiorenza far scoppiar la pancia. 
 
 Quindi non terra, ma peccata ed onta 
 Guadagnera per se tanto piu grave, 
 Quanto piu lieve simil danno couta." 
 
 " I see the time at hand. 
 That forth from France invites another Charles 
 To make himself and kindred better known. 
 Unarmed he issues, saving with that lance 
 Which the arch-traitor tilted with ; and that 
 He carries with so home a thrust, as rives 
 The bowels of poor Florence. No increase 
 Of territory hence, but sin and shame 
 Shall be his guerdon ; and so much the more 
 As he more lightly deems of such foul wrong." {Gary's Daiite.) 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 C C 
 
3S6 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. ] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 387 
 
 Tomaquinci and Bostichi were everywhere tyrants extortioners 
 and oppressors ; the last not even scrupling to apply the torture 
 at mid-day within their own palace in the Mercato Nuovo. 
 
 They undertook to protect the dwelling of a friend for a 
 hundred florins, received the money and plundered it them- 
 selves ; then offering to exchange this property for a certain farm 
 of superior value, they took possession and refused with a sar- 
 castic answer to pay the difference. This was friendship ! what 
 then was their enmity ? False accusations, peijury, rape, tor- 
 ture, robbery, threats, and incarceration ; ever}- evil that springs 
 from avarice, hatred, revenge, anarchy, and boundless power : 
 many in this way acquired state and riches while their victims 
 were pining in exile and poverty ; none escaped from private 
 or public rapacity ; no tie however sacred diminished it ; friend- 
 ship, kindred, marriage ; nothing could turn men from their 
 insatiate avarice and inextinguishable hate: friends became 
 enemies, brother abandoned brother, the son his father, all 
 affection*, all humanity was spent, and neither mercy nor pity 
 remained in the breast of any*. 
 
 On Christmas-day according to ancient custom, a sermon 
 was preached in the great square of Santa Croce to which 
 Simone Donato the favourite son of Corso was listening with 
 his armed attendants, when Niccola de' Cerchi, his mother's 
 brother, passed with some followers on his way to a villa at 
 Rovezzano : but scarcely had the latter reached Ponte ad 
 Affrico when he was unexpectedly overtaken and attacked by 
 Simone who without any quarrel, excited alone by fiery blood and 
 party spirit, without preconceived plan or provocation, in the 
 middle of a discourse from the pulpit on Christ's nativity, and its 
 blessings of peace and goodwill to man, suddenly determined to 
 murder his own maternal uncle ! He succeeded, but received a 
 mortal stab from the expiring victim, of which he died the follow- 
 ing evening ; and thus sowed new seed for next year's harvest. 
 
 * Dino Compagni, Lib. ii". 
 
 Although the Cerchi were entirely innocent of tliis affray their 
 rivals fomid many defenders in an administration di- 
 rected, though unofficially, almost entii-ely by them- ^'^' ^^^' 
 selves; and while the afiair was pending a real or false conspiracy 
 became public the object of which was to reinstate the Bianchi 
 by means of Pierre Ferrant one of Valois' officei-s : certain letters 
 were produced ; but supposed to have been forged by the Donati 
 to screen Simone 's guilt ; wliich inculpated the Cerchi, Adimari, 
 Tosinghi, Gherardini and all their white adherents : they were 
 cited to appear, condemned for contumacy, banished, their 
 houses i-uined and their estates confiscated. About six hmidred 
 citizens of distinction were by this and other decrees dispersed 
 over the world on various charges: amongst them Dante 
 AUfjhieri, who was condemned by a retrospective law which em- 
 powered the Podesta to take cognizance of crimes supposed to 
 liave been committed by any of the Priors during their official 
 capacity, notwithstanding the customary legal absolution given 
 at the expiration of office*. 
 
 The revolutionary judge of a successful faction could never 
 be at a loss for a crime wherewith to charge an absent enemy ; 
 and as Dante appears to have opposed a grant of public money 
 to that judge's rapacious master Charles of Valois, and also 
 leaned strongly to the white faction ; there is abundant reason 
 for this iniquitous i)unishment f ; but if any credit be due to the 
 novelist Sacchetti his misfortunes were remotely occasioned by 
 a piece of double-dealing with one of the Adimari whose pait 
 he promised to take before the Executor of Justice, and yet not 
 only deceived him by a malicious trick but suggested a fresh 
 
 * Delizie degli Eruditi Toscani, vol. 
 xii. — Monumenti, p. 250. — Vita di 
 Dante da Filippo di Cino. 
 •f* In a volume of records in the Ar- 
 chives of the Reformations at Florence 
 containing the minutes of Council 
 which debated on the expedience of 
 
 C 
 
 subsidising Charles of Valois, there is 
 written, in nearly the same hand, in 
 the margin these words " Becmise 
 Dante opposed tfiis provision^ was 
 the true secret cause of his exile'" 
 (Vide Delizie degli Eruditi Tosca^ii, 
 vol. xii., p. 259.) 
 
 C 2 
 
388 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 339 
 
 accusation by which the penalty was doubled ; an offence which 
 the Adimari never forgave *. Dante's first condemnation was 
 on the twenty-seventh of Januar}^ 1302 his second on the tenth 
 of March following by which he and fourteen more are faith- 
 fully promised to be burned alive if ever they should fall into 
 the hands of the Florentine government: there is a strange 
 mixture of Latin and Italian in the first decree as if they had 
 purposely chosen, says Sismondi, the most barbarous combina- 
 tion of language to condenm the poet and fomider of Italian 
 literature f . 
 
 This great poet's name is placed by Dino Compagni in the 
 same list of proscription \N-itli Petracco the son of Parenzo dall' 
 Ancisa and father of Peti-arca ; but as the stream of banish- 
 ment was kept continually flowing under the malign influence 
 of Valois, the exiles of many days are probably there included, 
 and at no time can the chronological order of tliis historian s 
 fiacts be entirely depended on *. 
 
 The Bianchi being thus in a manner destroyed as a faction 
 Florence remamed in the power of their rivals Corso Donati, 
 Rosso della Tosa, Pazzino de' Pazzi, Geri Spini, Betto Brunel- 
 eschi, the Buondelmonte, Tomaquinci Frescobaldi, Nerli, 
 Rossi, Pulci, Bostici, Agli, Bai'di, Bisdomini Rucellai and many 
 others in town and countr}', all stained by their participation 
 
 * This account is improbable, 1 st, be- 
 cause it is not in keeping with the bold 
 and liberal character of Dante, and 
 2nd because the " ExeciUore di (riv^- 
 tizia'"' was not then in existence but 
 t Dante (Infer., Canto xxiv.) makes 
 in the verse beginning 
 
 created five or six years later. Anything 
 is however possible to the spirit of poli- 
 tical faction, so the fact might be true 
 and the anachronism have slipped Sac- 
 chetti's recollection. (Novello, 1 1 4.) 
 Vanni Fucci predict these misfortunes 
 
 " Apri gli orecchi al mio annunzio, et odi : 
 Pistoia in pria di Negri si dimagra ; 
 Poi Firenze rinnova genti e modi." — 
 
 Also Deliz. Erud. Toscani, vol. xii., p. 1.— S. Ammirato, Lib. iv., p. 214, &c. 
 258.— Sismondi, vol. iii., p. 199. — M. di Coppo Stefani, Rub. 218, 
 
 .^ Gio. Villam, Lib. viii., c. xlix. and &c.— Macchiavelli, Lib. ii«. 
 
 in the recent outrages. Schiatta de' Cancellieri retired to 
 Pistoia wliich with several other places he put into a state of 
 defence ; Chai'les and the Neri attacked it and were repulsed ; 
 Montale was occupied, Serravalle taken by the Lucchese and 
 Florentines, the Pazzi andUbaldini of Val d'Amo were chastised, 
 and the Bianchi everywhere beaten ; after which the army, 
 seven thousand strong, returned to Florence. The arch-fiend 
 of Valois with teeming coffers and gratified passions finally left 
 that devoted city on the fourth of April 1302 followed by one 
 deep and miivei'sal curse : he had been sent there to make peace 
 and kindled a blaze of domestic war; he went to Sicily to 
 make war, and concluded an ignominious peace ; then slunk 
 back to France with eternal disgrace to himself and his country*. 
 
 The remainder of this year was spent in detecting real or 
 fancied conspii'acies between the exiles and their friends in 
 Florence, and under the Podesta Folcieri da Calvoli di 
 Romagna a fierce and cruel instrument of the black faction 
 many were tortured and executed without mercy and even a 
 poor idiot of the Galegai family was inhumanly beheaded : 
 Tignoso de' Macci expired under the tormentor's hands ; and 
 when the frantic mother of two young Donati (who had been 
 condemned) with dishevelled hair, and arms crossed upon her 
 breast, kneeled in the street, and in the name of God implored 
 Messer Andrea da Cerreto to save her innocent children. '* / 
 " am on my way to the Palace for that purpose,'' replied the inex- 
 orable judge and instantly led them forward to execution f . 
 
 In the month of March the exiles with m auxiliary force 
 from Bologna, the Ghibelines of Romagna, and the Ubaldini 
 clans, entered the province of Mugello with eight hundred 
 men-at-arms and six thousand infantry, and led by Scarpetta 
 degli Ordilaffi da Forli, took Pulicciano along mth another 
 fortress and endeavoured to reduce the whole province: the 
 Florentines quickly mustered their forces, and joined by the 
 
 * G. Villani, Lib. viii., cap. 1. f Dino Compagni, Lib. ii., p. 51. 
 
390 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 391 
 
 Lucchese, marched against them, but the Bolognese, who had 
 been deceived about the internal condition of Florence, on seeing 
 so vigorous a demonstration retreated in alarm, and the remain- 
 der of this formidable army retired as they best could with the loss 
 of their baggage, many killed, and some of the principal leaders 
 of the white Guelphs made prisoners. Amongst these was 
 the judge Donato Alberti a zealous Guelph : he was led into 
 the town tied on the back of an ass and cruelly tormented ; 
 then, while still hanging in agony to the mstrument of torture, 
 was exposed for the derision of the citizens and afterwards 
 beheaded by virtue of a law of which he himself was the 
 author *. All the prisoners were put to death and unjustly, 
 even according to the prevailing customs, which allowed refugees 
 to make such attempts for their own reestablishment without 
 l)emg more liiible to the extreme penalty than prisoners of war 
 who break from confinement. Guelph and Ghibeline captives 
 were nevertheless indiscriminately executed, and the conse- 
 quence was a closer union of the sunivors of both factions under 
 the common name of Bianchi ; for until then there never had 
 been perfect cordiality between these two branches of the white 
 faction, and tliis made Corazza Ubaldini of Signa observe, 
 *' There were so many Ghihelines, and so many more who wished 
 •' to be, that the makimj them by force was a foolish action." 
 
 The confidence of the Neri now was so much increased that 
 in concert with the Marquis of Ferrara they secretly attempted 
 to get possession of Bologna trusting to the cooperation of their 
 friends within that town : the wliite refugees however discovered 
 the plot and baffled them, so that the only result was an 
 accession of influence to this faction in Bologna and a league 
 with Forli Faenza, Pisa, Pistoia, Count Frederic of Monte- 
 feltro, Bernardino da Polenta and the Bianchi of Florence f . 
 
 These plots, persecutions, and destruction of banished men 
 scarcely affected the general tranquilHty ; Corso Donati alone 
 
 ♦ Gio. Villani,Lib. viii»,c. Ixi. 
 
 t Dino Compagiii, Lib. ii.,p. 83. 
 
 \1 
 
 
 A.D. 1303. 
 
 was discontented at not occupying that place in the state govern- 
 ment which he felt both his talents and rank deserved ; 
 for in despite of revolution the government was still 
 democratic, and Corso with all his influence, though he might 
 have made the priors his tools, could never change its character 
 nor materially alter the ordinances of justice. Rosso della Tosa, 
 Pazzino Pazzi and Geri Spini with a powerful train of rich 
 citizens or " Popolo grasso,'' completely directed the seignor}-, 
 and it was this party that Corso Donati attempted to pull 
 down : complaining that the people were oppressed with taxes 
 and other vexations, and despoiled of their substance, wMe the 
 great were enriched, he demanded an investigation of the 
 public accounts hi order to see where such enormous sums 
 had been expended. There was some foundation for the 
 charge ; great scarcity of food had reduced the city almost to 
 famine, and increased discontent was produced by general 
 suffering, while every one knew that large sums had been 
 levied which were never expended on war: the government 
 however had only been able to avert starvation by an enormous 
 outlay on com, and this was the principal source of the expense 
 and accusation, which was pressed in the various councils and 
 warmly applauded by the people. Donati now joined the 
 Cavalcanti and Lottieri della Tosa Bishop of Florence, both of 
 the white faction, besides several other nobles ; many remained 
 neutral while some few joined the priors and popolani who 
 between pride and anger were determined not to yield, so that 
 after satisfying the people by an inquiiy into each oppressive 
 and \dolent act that was alleged to have occurred, they 
 prepared to repel both Donati's accusation and ambition by 
 
 force of arms. 
 
 Towers and houses were instantly fortified, the bishop's palace 
 was turned into a stronghold, streets were barricaded, and every 
 thing prepared for civil war : many of the middle classes joined 
 Donati from a belief in his honest intentions and the necessity 
 
392 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 393 
 
 of controlling public expenditure, others because they had 
 the same views as himself; but the general government was 
 far from being unpopular. The Gherardini reenforced it with a 
 powerful following of their country retainers ; the Spini, Pazzi, 
 and Frescobaldi lent their aid ; Florence was tilled with rural 
 forces, returned exiles, and foreigners ; every house mustered 
 its vassals and clients, and terror was again busy in the town. 
 Battle, robber}', murder, and conflagration again roared tri- 
 umphant ; law, order, government, were again trampled in the 
 dirt; and another struggle of evil passions, of unmitigated 
 rrime, and universal wickedness began ; the flame once more 
 spread into the country where similar scenes were repeated, 
 and the whole frame of society seemed rent asunder when at 
 the request of the seignory a strong body of Lucchese troops 
 appeai'ed and reduced everything to order. 
 
 The '* Baiia " or Dictatorship of the republic was immedi- 
 ately decreed to them, and although with considerable jealousy 
 on the part of many Florentmes, they by a firm determined 
 conduct, without any bloodshed, succeeded in restoring tran- 
 quillity. New priors were appointed, both parties were dis- 
 armed, the people were left in full possession of their liberties, 
 and then the pacificators returned with distinguished honour to 
 Lucca *. 
 
 Corso Donati's attempt at supremacy was thus checked ; but 
 it cost nearly two months of civil war and sixteen days' sacrifice 
 of national independence to a powerful neighbour who might 
 have taken advantage of it to the detriment of the repubhc. 
 The priors and their party were indignant that any single 
 citizen should at his own caprice be able to plunge the 
 whole commonwealth into anarchy! now for the sake of a 
 minion, again for his own misdeeds ; sometimes for a faction, 
 sometimes for the disputes of nobles and people ; and above 
 
 ♦ Dino Compagni, Lib. ii°.--Gio. Villani, Lib. viii., cap. Ixviii.— N. Macchia- 
 velli, Lib. ii°. 
 
 i'l 
 
 all. for questioning their honest administration of the pubhc 
 money, in which according to Villani, they were perfectly 
 blameless. 
 
 Boniface VIII. was dead ; a life of pride ambition and intrigue 
 was closed in misfortune madness and suicide, but his successor 
 Benedict IX. a pontiff of mild and indulgent character and 
 free from party spirit, sent the Ghibeline cardinal of Prato 
 invested with full powers by the government to accommodate 
 matters at Florence, and for a while his exertions were success- 
 ful: he soon perceived that amongst nobles only was the 
 return of the Bianchi positively displeasing, while to the popo- 
 lani.it was not only indifferent but in a manner desired as a 
 countei-poise to the aristocracy of the black faction. Every 
 effort of banished men they argued, was directed against the 
 whole city, but if restored, their exertions would be exclu- 
 sively opposed to the nobility which would weaken both, and 
 leave the government still with the people. 
 
 The cardinal therefore cautiously introduced this subject, 
 and favoured by the popolani made some progress in set- 
 tling the conditions of restoration ; even Ghibeline deputies 
 from Arezzo ; where Dante, Petracco, and the Cerchi had as- 
 sembled ; were introduced, and the treaty drew towards a con- 
 clusion when the black nobles fearful of consequences forged 
 letters, as if from the legate to the Bianchi ; which they pre- 
 tended to have intercepted, inviting them to profit by actual 
 circumstances and surprise the town. This set the whole people 
 in a tumult, no explanation was suffered for an instant; the car- 
 dinal retired to Prato where he was equally unsuccessful and 
 even in personal danger; no better fortune awaited him atPistoia, 
 so that angry and mortified he laid the first city under an inter- 
 dict and returned to Florence where he was once more baffled 
 by the Neri. He nevertheless had strengthened the people by 
 reviving the old gonfaloniers of companies, and reestablished 
 concord between many families ; but tumults hourly augmented 
 and the cardinal seeing the impossibility of restoring order 
 
394 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 395 
 
 quitted Florence in despair exclaiming in an indignant tone to 
 the assembled j^eople, '* Since i/ou will have war atul anathemas 
 " and will neither hear nor obey the messenger of ilirist s vicar ^ 
 '* nor hare peace or repose amongst yourselves, remain as yon list, 
 " with the malediction of Heaven and the Holy Church upon your 
 " heads:" So saying he pronounced the sentence of excommuni- 
 cation, and joined the pope at Pei*ugia who confirmed the curse 
 and sanctioned all his proceedings *. 
 
 Scai-cely had the cardinal departed when civil war resumed 
 its terrors ; the party which had acted with him including all 
 the "AVhites" and (jhibelines in Florence both nobles and 
 popolani united against the Xeri, the Bianchi from hatred and 
 the rich popolani from a jealousy of aristocratic power which was 
 again fast increasing. The principal chiefs of the white taction 
 were the Cavalcanti, the Gherardini, the Pulci and Cerchi, 
 with the populiu- houses of the Magalotti, Peiiizzi, Antellesi, 
 Albizzi, Strozzi, Ricci, Alberti, Acciaioli, Mancini, Baroncelli 
 and many others, all strong in arms and followers. On the 
 other side were Rosso della Tosa, Pazzino Pazzi, Geri Spini, 
 Betto Bmnelleschi and the Cavicciuoli branch of the Adimaii : 
 Corso Donati was ill of the gout, and remained neuter from 
 anger against these chiefs as well as from a desire of weakening 
 both parties by mutual struggles while he prcpaied to take 
 advantage of their lassitude. Battles first began between the 
 Circhi and Giugni at their houses in the Via del Garbo; they 
 fought day and night and with the aid of the Cavalcanti and 
 Aptellesi the former subdued all that quarter: a thousand 
 
 * It is to this that Dante alludes in that fine burst of indignation against 
 Florence which opens the 26th Canto of the Inferno, 
 
 " Godi, Fiorenza, poiche se' si grande, 
 
 Che per inare e per terra batti V all, 
 
 E per lo Inferno il nonie tuo si spande." 
 
 Rejoice O Florence, since thou art so great 
 That both by sea and land j ou flap your wings, 
 And even in hell thy name is widely spread. 
 
 Also Gio. Villani, Lib. viii., cap. Ixix. — Dino Compagni, Lib. iii.,p. 62. 
 
 
 rural adherents strengthened their bands, and that day might 
 have seen the Xeri's destruction if an unforeseen disaster had 
 not turned the scale. A certain dissolute priest called Xeri 
 Abati pnor of San Piero Scheraggio, false to his family and in 
 concert with the Black chiefs; consented to set fire to the 
 dwellings of his own kinsmen in Orto-san-Michele ; the flames, 
 assisted by faction spread rapidly over the richest and most 
 crowded part of Florence : shops, warehouses, towers, private 
 dwellings and palaces, from the old to the new market-place, 
 from Vacchercccia to Porta Santa Maria aiid the Ponte Vecchio; 
 all was KA\<d broad sheet of fire : more than nineteen hundred 
 houses were consumed ; plunder and devastation revelled un- 
 checked amongst the flames, whole races were reduced in one 
 moment to beggar}% and vast magazines of the richest merchan- 
 dise were destroyed : the Cavalcanti one of the most opulent 
 families in Florence beheld their whole property consumed and 
 lost all com'age ; they made no attempt to save it, and after 
 almost gaining possession of the city were finally overcome by 
 the opposite faction. The artificial fire used by Xeri Abati on 
 this occasion was a peculiar composition which left a blue mark 
 on the earth where it fell ; it could be carried in a pipkin into 
 which arrows were dipped and shot off" to any distance so that no 
 house was safe ; and with this did Rosso della Tosa from the 
 Mercato Vecchio set all Via Calimala in a flame ; it was also 
 used as a torch or ball, and in such form Sinibaldo Donati wrap- 
 ped the Cavalcanti property in one wide sheet of inextinguishable 
 fire. The Podesta appeared during this conflagration with a 
 strong guard, but government was also a faction, or rather for 
 the moment annihilated : Maruccio Cavalcanti and others pro- 
 posed to fire the Xeri's houses and as the former were still 
 strong in arms though homeless, this would have probably 
 secured the victory, but being utterly cast down they slunk away 
 and concealed themselves among the dwellings of their friends, 
 but found no shelter ; so that again attacked and driven from 
 
390 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 the city they fled to Siena, or took refuge in their own castle of 
 the *' Stinche " and other places. 
 
 Meanwhile the citizens remained terror-struck and astounded 
 at the extent of their calamity yet feai*ful of complaining, he- 
 cause those wlio did it ; many of whom having alike suffered; 
 tyrannised at the head of the government : there was a gene- 
 ral apprehension too that the nohles would attempt to annul 
 the ordinances of justice and resume all their ancient power 
 JLS they had already their wonted insolence ; and this would 
 certainly have heen accomplished if jealousy and quarrels 
 amongst themselves had not compelled the whole to court the 
 people -''. 
 
 This catastrophe, which occurred on the tenth of June, con- 
 firmed and justified the legate's judgment and so discomposed 
 the pontiff that he summoned twelve of the principal cliiefs to 
 answer for their conduct. Amongst these were Corso Donati, 
 Pazzino de' Pazzi, Geri Spini and Rosso della Tosa, who heing 
 the great leadei-s in eveiT revolution the legate ad\'ised should 
 l)e with all their friends and followers, (a hundred and fifty 
 men-at-arms hesides retainers) detained at court in order to 
 leave a clear field for the operations of the Ghihelines whom 
 he was so anxious to reinstate in their honours and posses- 
 sions. For this puqx^se letters were clandestinely despatched 
 to Pisa, Bologna, Arezzo, Pistoia, and even Piomagna to all 
 the Ghihelines and white faction urging them t(» assemble 
 promptly and secretly on a given day near Florence and 
 make themselves masters of the town. As there was a hint 
 that the pontiff had sanctioned this proceeding every- exile 
 rose with fresh courage, and most of them, with more zeal 
 than wisdom, arrived two days hefore the time at Lastra, a 
 small village about two miles from Florence on the Bologna 
 road, yet with such conduct and secrecy that except by their 
 friends nothing was known in that city about their coming or 
 
 • Dino Compa^i, Lib. iu". — Gio. Villani, Lib. viii", cap. Ixxi. 
 
 CHAP. XIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 397 
 
 immbers, which amounted to sixteen hundred men-at-anns and 
 nine thousand infantry. 
 
 Tolosato degli Uberti with a considerable force from Pistoia 
 was to have taken the chief command but as this officer being 
 more true to his time, had not yet arrived, II Baschiera de' 
 Tosinglii, a young nobleman of no experience, pushed raslily on 
 next moniing with all but the Bolognese contingent and en- 
 teiing by the Portii san Gallo, for the walls were as yet unfi- 
 nished, carried a strong barricade across the street of that name 
 and established himself on the twentieth of Julv in the heat 
 of a burning sun, at the present Piazza di San Marco without 
 any means of procuring water. Here the troops remained 
 under arms with white banners, olive garlands, and naked 
 swords, shouting nothing but " Peace Peace,'' and using no 
 violence : they expected to be welcomed by a large body of 
 citizens and would have been so but for the number of Tuscan 
 Ghihelines in their ranks, all enemies to Florence, wherefore 
 every citizen held to the ruling party and determined to resist. 
 
 A detachment of Ghibelines pushed on and carried the 
 Poita degli Spadaj, then entering the Place of San Giovanni 
 they found scarcely seven hundred men of all arms to oppose 
 them : had they been supported complete success must have 
 followed, but being promptly attacked and galled with large 
 cross-bows they w^ere forced to retire : the bad news soon 
 reached Lastra with the usual exaggeration, whereupon the 
 Bolognese took flight and retreated. Meeting Tolosato degli 
 Uberti on their way they were detained by him for a moment 
 but neither pniyers, menaces, nor the truth of the fact would 
 induce them to return, and their conduct being by this time 
 known to the main body fdled them with a similai' panic, they fell 
 back in confusion abandonhig their arms without even being 
 followed by the townsmen. Some few masuadieii pursued 
 them, some prisoners were taken, many were lulled, and several 
 perished from excessive heat ; the whole anny finally dis- 
 
 TiW»» 
 
 iWJU^K^-W 
 
398 
 
 FLORENTINE HiSTORT. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 persed, and thus ended this well-planned expedition hy a too 
 eager zeal and premature execution. 
 
 Just about this epoch Pope Benedict expiretl at Perugia and 
 left the Neri of Florence more at libeity to carry on their wars 
 against the Bianchi but without any cessation of disorder 
 withui the city: Talano degli Adimari was coiilined in tho 
 public palace and al)out to be condemned on sonic serious 
 charge when the whole family suddenly risin^^ attacked and 
 woimded the Podesta and many of his attendants ; forcibly en- 
 tered the palace and rescued their kinsmiui without any oppo- 
 sition or subsequent punishment; wherefore tliat officer, by 
 name GiUolo Puntagli da Parma, broke his wand of office and 
 left the city in disdam. Twelve citizens were innnediately 
 elected to execute the duties under the name of the twelve 
 " Podestadi " who ruled until a new magistrate was appointed. 
 A desultory but active warfare still continued agahist the Ghi- 
 belines without ; the town or Castelh dcUe Stinche in the vd- 
 di-greve, which its lords the Cavalcanti had excited to revolt, 
 was taken, and the captives confined in a prison just at that 
 time erected on some ground formerly belonging to the Uberti 
 which ever since has bonie the name of tht ■' Stluchc :" ^ the 
 Valdipesa was next invaded, Montecahi taken, and a bri>k war 
 ever}-where maintained against the exiles. Tb.- rest L>i this 
 year was quiet, but measures were in progress to reduce Pis- 
 toia which under Tolosato degli Uberti, sui>i)orted by Pisa 
 Bologna and Arezzo, had hitherto been the great rallpng 
 point of the white faction f. 
 
 In 1305 negotiations were begmi with Lucca and finally 
 
 A.D 1305. **^^^^ repuUics agreed never to quit tlie siege of PiJ- 
 
 toia until it suiTendered. Charles the Second of \a- 
 
 pies was requested to send his son Robert Duke of Calabria as 
 
 • This ancient prison has since been l.vxiv.. Ixxv— Dino Compa-ni, Lib 
 demolished. jjjo i _ 
 
 t Gio. Villani, Lib. riii", cap. Ixxiii., 
 
 CHAP. XIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 399 
 
 commander of the allied armies, who arrived in April with 
 three hundred Aragonese and Catalonian horse and a strong 
 body of infantry: the Florentines marched on the 2'2nd of 
 May 1305 and joined their allies under the walls of Pistoia 
 wliich was closely invested at about nine hundred yards dis- 
 tance with compact lines of circumvallation connected by strong 
 redoubts. The Duke then issued a proclamation that all who 
 wished to leave the city might do so within thi'ee days, safe in 
 goods and person, but those who remained should be held as 
 rebels and tmitors to the king of Naples, and men whom any- 
 body might put to death. Such was the style and authority of 
 generals in those heroic days! Many of both sexes took 
 advantage of this, and then there began a cruel warfare of retali- 
 ation ; of hanging, blindhig, cutting off men and women's feet 
 and noses, and driving tlieni back to the city walls thus muti- 
 lated to wring the liearts of their families. Battles were 
 fought and gallant deeds accomplished, the besiegers from their 
 number having always the adviuitage, and war went briskly on 
 nntil Clement V. who ha<l succeeded Benedict ; by the Cardinal 
 of Prato's advice despatched two legates to the array as peace- 
 makers ; the Lucchese and Florentines refused any obedience 
 and were excommunicated ; but the Duke obeyed so far as to 
 withdraw personally from the war, leaving his troops under 
 Diego della Ratta to continue the siege. Distress amongst 
 the ""inhabitants increased; provisions failed, and starvation 
 drove away every liner feeling of humanity ; the ties of affec- 
 tion were forgotten, men became savage, the father expelled 
 his son and his daughter from his home, and the son his 
 lather; the once-loved wife was driven from her husband's 
 arms, and the young giris thus cast upon the world were sold 
 as slaves to the highest purchaser ! Yet the Pistoians still 
 held out, vamly expecting their deliverance from Pisa ; Pisa 
 indeed suppUed them with money but dared not march or ven- 
 ture to offend the Florentines ; and all hope of succour from 
 
400 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 401 
 
 A.D. 1306. 
 
 Bologna whence the Bianchi had been recently expelled, was 
 also abandoned, wherefore on the tenth or eleventh 
 of Apiil l'30t) after eleven months' siege Pistoia ca- 
 pitulated. A Florentine and Lucchese assumed the offices of 
 Podesta and Captain of the People ; the con t ado was diWded 
 between the two allied states only a mile of territory being left to 
 the citizens ; the walls were razed, the ditches filled, the 
 towers houses und palaces of the wliite faction demolished ; 
 contributions of the most grinding nature were levied ; justice 
 was sold by the two victor chiefs ; the exiled Bianchi of Pi- 
 teccio devastated the surrounding couiitr}^ ami robbed the now 
 open city with impunity, often hanguig up the citizens in deri- 
 sion near the town ! such was war m those dark days of per- 
 sonal enmity ; and such it may be again, even in these enlight- 
 ened times, if tlie i)atience of mankind be once exhausted bv 
 excessive suffering ■'*. 
 
 A siege of sucli duration was felt severely both by the army 
 and the two alhed states ; the Florentine troops were relieved 
 every twenty days by the train-bands of each sesto, but great 
 numbers of the peasantry were ruined by a f(»rced sen ice dur- 
 ing the whole siege at their own expense : to Florence the cost 
 was so great that a new and oppressive mode of taxation em- 
 phatically cidled the ''Saw " was adopted ; it was a diunial 
 poll-tax of one, two, or three lire according to circumstances, on 
 all the Ghibelines and Bianchi whether present or absent, even 
 though in exile : besides this every father of a family who had 
 sons able to serve was compelled to pay a certain tax if within 
 twenty days the latter were not seen ui arms before Pistoia. 
 
 The Cardinal Napoleone Orsini, who had just excommuni- 
 A D 1307 ^^^^^^ ^^^ Bolognese and deprived them of their 
 university for banislung tlie Gliibelines, a conse- 
 quence of Florentine intrigue, having also failed to succour 
 
 • IstoriePi3lolesi,p.77.— DiuoCompagni, Lib. iii«.- Gio. Villani, Lib. viii., 
 cap. Ixj^xii. 
 
 ^1 
 
 Pistoia and seeing the articles of capitulation shamefully broken, 
 retired m anger to Arezzo and m 1307 by the pope's command 
 assembled a formidable anny to chastise the Florentmes. The 
 latter nothing daunted mustered a force of three thousand men- 
 at-arms and fifteen thousand foot with which they took the field 
 in May and marched straight uito the enemy's territory by the 
 Val d' Ambra, ravaging the country and reducing many towns, 
 until they at last sat down before Gargonza a place about thu-ty 
 miles south-east of Arezzo leaving Florence completely exposed. 
 The prelate was too well advised not to perceive their error, 
 and wislimg to rid the country of such mtruders marched with 
 his whole force due north by Bibbiena and Romena giving out 
 that Florence itself was his object, where he was sure of a 
 strong party : his advance w^as soon known at the capital and a 
 messenger instantly dispatched to recall the troops ; the latter 
 were ah'eady in march, yet so hmiied and disordered that a 
 thousand soldiers from Arezzo might by a night attack have 
 completely defeated them. The cardinal had been before 
 urged to bring the Florentines to a decisive engagement, which 
 they studiously avoided, and he constantly refused; being 
 probably deceived by then* artful promises of obedience ; but 
 the Ghibeline chiefs seeing the occasion neglected and having 
 no confidence in theh leader gradually fell off and never 
 assembled more. The Neri then sent Betto Brunelleschi and 
 Geri Spini as envoys rather to turn him into ridicule than 
 really to treat of peace but at the same time performing the 
 real object of then- mission which was to sow the seeds of 
 dissension amongst the people of Ai'ezzo, in which they were 
 for the moment successful. The cardinal was soon removed 
 from his military post and retired with no credit and almost 
 universal contempt to the easier duties of the capital *. 
 
 These wars and tumults had so much increased the nobles' 
 
 • Dino Compagni, Lib. iii«, p 72.— Leon. Aretino, Lib. iv°.—S. Ammirato, 
 Gio. Villani, Lib. viii., cap. Ixxxix. — Lib. iv., p. 234. 
 VOL. I. I> D 
 
402 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 403 
 
 power and audacity that other citizens took the alarm and 
 resolved on a revisal of the constitution : Niccolo di Prato had 
 done something hy reviving the long disused companies which 
 were for some reason now unknown reduced to nineteen, 
 but with great and important powers. This prelate whose 
 great object was a restoration of the Bianchi, immediately 
 perceived that his \iews were likely to meet with less opposition 
 from the popolani than the nobles, for reasons already given ; 
 also that the latter were comparatively weak unless supported 
 by their clients and adherents amongst the people themselves, 
 and that union amongst the last was alone wanting to insure 
 their safety. Wherefore to court their good will he commanded 
 that every citizen should be enrolled in these companies, not 
 according to his trade, but, for tlie sake of more rapid union, 
 according to his street and parish ; none of the nobles were 
 permitted to belong to these coqis nor even to quit their houses 
 while the latter were under arms ; and in case of outrage done 
 by a noble to any uihabitant the Gonfalonier of his company 
 was bound to give him immediate redress and defend liim if 
 necessary by force of arms. If a popolano happened to be 
 killed instant vengeance was to be taken on the noble homi- 
 cide by the whole company, and even public money supplied 
 on occasion to the nearest kinsman : thus as regarded the 
 aristocracy the humblest citizen in Florence on receiving 
 an injury found himself instantly at the head of a greater 
 following than the proudest noble, and with a certainty of 
 additional support. The same regulation was extended to some 
 parts of the Contado, not however so much for the sake of 
 mutual aid as to prevent the inhabitants having recourse for 
 protection to any of the rural nobility. " After this," said the 
 cardinal, "let me hear no more complaints of the people 
 against the nobles"*. 
 
 Such was the rigorous system that became now reorganised, 
 
 • Gio. Villani, Lib. viii«., cap. Ixxxvii.— Leon. Aretino, Lib. iv., fol. 72. 
 
 ■ 'I* r 
 
 k.>:J 
 
 ■''» 
 
 .1 
 
 in wliich every company had its peculiar banner with some 
 honorary distinction and privileges at public festivals ; heavy 
 fines were levied for being absent when the gonfalon was 
 displayed; the Gonfaloniers were elected half-yearly, and 
 during that time were liable to be called to the comicils of the 
 priors mider the name of colleagues. Another important 
 alteration was the institution of a new office under a magistrate 
 of great authority called tlie " Executor of the Ordinances of 
 Justice,'' whose especial duty was to prosecute the aristocracy 
 for offences against the people and this was often performed 
 with excessive rigour: the first executor of justice was Matteo 
 Teniibili dAmelia who coming in the month of March was 
 knighted by a public decree and soon infused a salutary dread 
 into tlie nobility amongst whom these reforms awakened a 
 deeper feeling of discontent anger and mortification*. In 
 order to distinguish themselves in a more decided manner 
 from tlie new and unnatural mixture of Guelph and Ghibeline 
 which had been formed under the aristocratic names of Bianchi 
 and Neri, the citizens on the present occasion determmed to 
 assume the more homely denomination of " The Good Guelphic 
 People,'' while at the same time they charged all their stand- 
 ards of companies as well as tlie red-cross banner with the arms 
 of their ancient hero Charles of Anjou f. 
 
 The city still remaining under an interdict, (for Cardinal 
 Orsini had for the third time cursed it on leaving Arezzo,) and 
 the people becoming heedless of papal indignation as well as 
 hopeless of pardon, bethought themselves of making the most 
 of their damnation as regarded finance by levjdng a heavy 
 tax on the clergy to support the war; this was executed 
 with such rigour that the monks of Florence Abbey rebelled, 
 and shutting their gates against the tax-gatherers rang all their 
 bells in defiance : the people became exasperated broke into 
 the convent and robbed and outraged tliem ; and as a punish- 
 
 Sacchetti, Nov. 114. 
 
 t Gio. Villani, Lib. viii., cap. Ixxxvii. 
 D D 2 
 
404 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 meiit for ha\iQg rung their bells pulled down the helfry-tower 
 to nearly half its height by order of the government. 
 
 Notwithstanding all these troubles the city was embellished, 
 the streets and squares improved and enlarged, and the common 
 stream of business, except where interrupted by a jx)sitive mis- 
 fortune like the late conflagration, ran smoothly. In August 
 the seignory reconciled the two powerful families of Tosinghi 
 and Cavalcanti which were both afterwards released from exile : 
 sixteen citizens were elected to control the expenditui'e of public, 
 moneys and reduce surpertluous officers, who had multiplied 
 so much as to impede business while the public treasure was 
 wasted in unnecessar}' salaries : the holders of clipped money 
 were fined if they were bankei-s or dealers in the precious metals ; 
 sumptuary' laws against the vanity of women were renewed ; 
 no chaplets or crowns of gold or silver nor any Jewels could 
 be longer worn, and fathers, brothers, and husbands were made 
 answerable for all female transgressions of this vain and venial 
 nature. So ended the year 1307 *. 
 
 Cotemporary Monarclis. — England : Edward 1., Edward II. (1307). — Scot- 
 land : Robert Bruce, (1308).— France : Philip IV. (the Fair).— Aragon : Jacob 
 II. — Castile and Leon : Ferdinand IV. — Portugal: Denis. — Germany: Albert 
 of Austria. — Naples : Charles II. (of Anjou). — ^Sicilv : Frederic II. (of Aragon). 
 Popes: Boniface VIII., Benedict IX. (1303), ' Cleuicnt V. (1305).— 
 Greek Emperor : Audronicus Pala-ologus. — Ottoman Empire : Othman, 1 306". 
 
 * Gio. Vaiani, Lib. viii®, cap.lxxxix. — Scip. Ammirato, Lib. iv., p. 236. 
 
 [>"^ 
 
 CHAP. XV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 405 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1308 TO A.D. 1317. 
 
 The calm but momentary satisfaction which follows political 
 success is quickly disturbed by the uneasiness of those whose 
 merit may be more highly appreciated by themselves ^^ ^^^ 
 than their comitrj^men, and the supposed ingratitude 
 of the latter is therefore proportionably magnified. Thus it 
 was with Corso Donati, who although decidedly the most able 
 man of his party was also, if not the most ambitious, certainly the 
 most vain, restless, and dissatisfied : those in power were ever the 
 objects of his jealousy, and his halls as occasion suited offered 
 defence and refuge to the discontented of all parties. His power 
 talents and personal influence were still so fonnidable as to 
 make him universally feared, and when his ruin was decreed 
 the accomplishment was no easy matter until he had been first 
 rendered an object of suspicion in the public mind : he had 
 lately married the daughter of Uguccione della Faggiola cliief 
 of the Romagna Ghibelines and then paramount in Arezzo, 
 and this alone was enough to awalien public jealousy and 
 contammate every action. Rx)sso della Tosa, Pazzino de' 
 Pazzi, Geri Spmi and Berto Brunelleschi formed a cabal 
 wliich keeping strictly united absorbed all the power and 
 honours of the state to the entire exclusion of Donati, and a 
 private quarrel ^vith Pazzmi augmented their mutual hatred. 
 They were far from blameless, and Corso with great plausibility 
 
406 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOEY. 
 
 fBOOK I. 
 
 CHAP. XV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 407 
 
 and peculiar eloquence contrived to render them odious to 
 many even of their former adherents ; amongst these were the 
 i3ordoni and Medici, the latter now appearing for the first 
 time to take a prominent part in public affairs. The Bordoni 
 were very poweiful hi Pistoia Carmignano Pmto and other 
 places ; the Medici had a considerable following, and Coi-so 
 Donati himself was always surrounded by numerous retainers • 
 so that with the aid of (.ther chiefs and many rich popokni his 
 party assumed a bold and serious character. But his enemies 
 were not idle ; reports were industriously circulated that he 
 aspired to supreme authority, and supported l)v his ambitious 
 tather-m-law was plotting against public liberty! Tlie accusa- 
 tion was probably false ; but his late marriage witli a Ghibe- 
 hne his numerous retainers, and his splendid establishment, 
 ^luch m luxury and magnificence surpassed evei^- sober notion 
 of cnic grandeur and equality, all conspired to spreaxl an 
 uneasy distmstfiU feelhig in the public mind which even his 
 genenil popularity could not overcome. Yet he had many 
 foUowers amongst the nobility; the Rossi, Bardi, Frescobaldi, 
 Toniaqmnci and Buondelmonti were ever ready to attack a 
 popular government and the detested ordinances of justice 
 and a great body of the citizens tot^illy disbeUeved the stories 
 that were circulated agamst him. 
 
 The lower classes are commonly accused of inconstancy, but 
 It is generally to the m^m, not the cause : their chiefs betray 
 them, or they are made to believe so, and at once cast them off 
 with one of those violent bursts of feeling that belong to an 
 undisciplined multitude thrown suddenly on its own resources 
 by deceitful leaders : thek object though indistinct remains 
 unchanged and wliile ^ithdmmng their confidence hold firm 
 t.3 their pomt, although like an miskilful disputant they may 
 note early define the question; and thus did popular favour 
 shrmk from Corso Donati from the moment he was accused of 
 plottmg against the freedom of his count^^ With a large 
 
 ,M 
 
 body of adherents he advanced to the public palace and 
 demanded a complete change in the administration ; the other 
 party also armed, and mutual reproaches succeeded, but the 
 factions separated at tliis time without bloodshed. The popu- 
 larity of Corso was now thoroughly undermined, and the pnors 
 after sounding the Campana for a general assembly of the 
 armed citizens, laid a formal accusation before the Podesta 
 Piero Branca d' Agobbio against him for conspiring to over- 
 throw the liberties of his couutiy and endeavouring to make 
 himself Tyrant of Florence: he was immediately cited to 
 appear, and not complying from a reasonable distmst of his 
 judges, was within one hour, against all legal forms, con- 
 demned to lose his head as a rebel and traitor to the com- 
 monwealth. 
 
 Not willing to allow the culprit more time for an armed 
 resistance than had been given for legal vindication, the 
 Sei^moi-v, preceded by the Gonfalonier of justice, and followed 
 by die Podesta the captaui of the people and the executor ; all 
 attended by their guards and officers ; issued from the palace, 
 and with the whole civic force marshalled in companies with 
 banners fljing moved forward to execute an illegal sentence 
 against a single citizen, who nevertheless stood undaunted on 
 i-kio fipifiTice 
 
 Corso on fu-st hearing of the prosecution had hastily barri- 
 caded all the approaches to his palace, but disabled by the gout 
 could only direct the necessaiy operations from his bed ; yet thus 
 helpless, thus abandoned by all but his o^ii immediate friends 
 and vassals; suddenly condemned to death; encompassed by 
 the bitterest foes, with the whole force of the republic banded 
 against him, he never cowered for an instant but courageous y 
 determined to resist until succoured by Uguccione della Faggiola 
 to whom he had sent for aid. This attack continued during 
 the greater part of the day and generally with advantage to the 
 Donati, for the people were not unanimous and many fouglit 
 
f 
 
 408 
 
 FLOBENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 409 
 
 unwillingly, so that if the Rossi, Bardi, and other friends had 
 joined and Uguccioni's forces amved, it would have gone hard 
 with the citizens. The former were intimidated, the latter 
 turned back on hearing how matters stood ; and then only did 
 Corso's adherents lose heart and slink from the barricades 
 while the townsmen pm-sued their advantage by breaking down 
 a garden wall opposite the Stinche prisons and taking their 
 enemy in the rear. This completed the disaster, and Corso 
 seemg no chance remaining fled towards the Casentino but 
 bemg overtaken by some Catalonian troopers in the Florentine 
 senice he was led back a prisoner from Rovezzano. After 
 vamly endeavouring to bribe them, imable to support the 
 indignity of a public execution at the hands of his enemies, he 
 let liimself fall from his horse and receiving several stabs in 
 the neck and flank from the Catalan lances his body was left 
 bleeding on the road until the monks of San Sahi removed it 
 to their convent where he was interred next monmig with the 
 greatest privacy*. Thus perished Corso Donati "the wisest 
 and most worthy knight of his time ; the best speaker, the 
 most experienced statesman ; the most renowned, the boldest, 
 and most enterprising nobleman in Italy : he was handsome in 
 person and of the most gracious manners but very worldly, and 
 caused infinite disturbance in Florence on account of liis am- 
 
 • It is of this death that Dante makes Forese, Corso Donati's brother 
 prophesy in the 24th Canto of his Purgatory. The poet had reason to say, 
 
 " Pcrocch^ '1 luogo, u' fui a viver posto, 
 Di giomo in giorno piii di ben si spolpa, 
 Ed a trista ruina par disposto. 
 
 Or va', diss' ei, che quei che piii n' ha colpa, 
 Vegg' io a coda d' una bestia tratto 
 \ erso la vaile, ove mai non si scolpa. 
 
 La bestia ad ogni passo va pili ratto, 
 Crescendo sempre, infin eh' ella '1 percuote, 
 E lascia *1 corpo vilmente disfatto. 
 
 Xon hanno molto a volger quelle rote, 
 (E drizzo gli ocche al ciel) ch' a te fia chiaro] 
 Cid che '1 mio dir piii dichiarar non puote." 
 
 For trarislation see Appendix. 
 
 I. 
 
 bition"*. Yet says MacchiavelU " He desei-ves to be placed 
 amongst the rarest citizens Florence ever produced, and if his 
 party and comitry suffered great evil, they also received much 
 good at liis hands"t. '' People now began to repose and his 
 unhappy death was often and variously discussed axjcordmg to 
 the feelings of friendship or enmity that moved the speaker, 
 but in truth his life was dangerous and his death reprehensible. 
 He was a knight of great mind and name, gentle in manners 
 as in blood ; of a fine figiu'e even in his old age, with a beautiful 
 countenance, delicate features, and a fair complexion ; pleasing, 
 wise ; and an eloquent speaker. His attention was ever fixed 
 on important things, he was intimate with all the great and 
 noble, had an extensive influence, and was famous throughout 
 Italy.' He was an enemy of the middle classes and their sup- 
 porters, beloved by the troops, but full of malicious thoughts, 
 wicked and artful. He was thus basely murdered by a foreign 
 soldier and liis fellow-citizens well Imew the man, for he was 
 instantly conveyed away : those who ordered his death were 
 Rosso della Tosa and Pazzino de' Pazzi as is commonly said 
 by all and some bless liim and some the contrary. Many 
 believe that the two said knights killed him, and I wisliing to 
 ascertaui the tmth inquired diligently and found what I have 
 said to be tme":. Such is the character of Corso Donati 
 which has come down to us from two authors who must have 
 been personally acquainted with this distinguished chief but 
 opposed to each other in the general politics of their country 
 
 Gherardo Bordoni who had fought steadily for Corso to the 
 last also shared his fate and fell by the spear of Boccaxjcio 
 Cavicciuli de^li Adimari as he was crossing the Affrico streamlet 
 in the plain of San Salvi ; and as a specimen of party feebng 
 or private rancour, it may be added that the dead man's hand 
 was cut off by the victor and cai'ried in triumph like a trophy 
 
 * Gio. ViUani, Lib. viii., cap. xcvi. t MacchiavelU, Lib. ii. 
 
 X Dino Compagni, Lib. m., p. /o. 
 
410 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 411 
 
 
 to Florence where it was nailed to the house door of Fedice 
 Adimari his private enemy. 
 
 A domestic calm followed the close of Corso Donati's tempes- 
 
 A.D. 1309. ^^^^ ^'^^^^ ^^ ^'^^ ^ ^^'^^^ "*^ symptoms of disturbance 
 appeared; for with the aid of Uguccione della Fag- 
 giola, who aimed at the lordship of Arezzo, Tarliiti of Pietramala 
 was overcome and exiled by the Gueli>h>^ of tluit city. They 
 immediately made peace with Florence and sinking all party 
 dilTerences amongst themselves endeavoui'ed by a coalition with 
 the (jhibelines to rule under the name of the '' Onru Party:' 
 This however could not last, and in April ; only four months 
 after their expulsion ; the Tarlati returned in force, drove the 
 Guelphic and green party from Arezzo with considerable 
 bloodshed and broke ihe peace with Florenc. About the same 
 period the Bianchi and Ghibelines of Prato overcame the 
 Guelpliic faction but with tlie aid of Florence and Pistoia it 
 was quickly reinstiUed Florence remaining in possession of the 
 town. An expedition was afterwards sent into the Aretine 
 dominions which performed the usual round of insults and 
 devastation up to the city waUs; but the most interesting 
 event of this period was the spontiineous, general and suc- 
 cessful resistance of the Pistoians against a l)ai'barous attempt 
 of the Lucchese to destroy their half of the city, an attempt 
 which even by Florence was stigmatised as infamous and finally 
 defeated. 
 
 Ever smce its fall Pistoia had been govenied with excessive 
 rigour and even cruelty by both nations ; the podestas and 
 captains from each republic practised one continued system 
 of spoliation oppression and outrageous insult; every suc- 
 cessive magistrate enriched himself at the expense of the 
 community and even the very wives and daughters of the 
 citizens were forcibly taken from their homes to satisfy the 
 cupidity of their oppressors. By continuing this tyranny, with 
 a civil war raging around ; deprived of their territory ; their 
 
 4* #j^ 
 
 ramparts demolished ; and their city open to every Ghibelme 
 incursion, the inhabitants of Pistoia had been brought to such 
 a state of miserv and desperation that they were ready to rush 
 into any action' however desperate to break away from their 
 tyrants. The Lucchese were even more hated and tyrannical 
 than the Florentines and had so exasperated their victims that 
 on the appearance of a new governor of no substance and low 
 condition thev plumply refused to receive him, certain that he 
 was only sent to b:ittcn on public peculation and injustice. 
 Instantly ; as we are told by the anonymous cotemporary author 
 of the ^^Istorie Pistohsir " As if by the will of God there 
 arose a great rumour in the city which seemed like a divme 
 voice from heaven, so that everj^body cried out : ' Let the town 
 be fortified: And mthout any delibemtion, men, women, 
 children, and nobles seized on planks, iron, and timber, and 
 laying them all round the city began a wooden rampart on the 
 site of its ruined walls. This was commenced about nme m the 
 moniing, and at evening prayer the whole town was palisaded ; 
 they then commenced the ditches on the side of Lucca." 
 
 The new governor, Tomuccio Sandoni, on seeing this burst 
 of feelincT hastily retired and fresh troops were soon in full 
 march from Lucca to crush the revolt; but the citizens bemg 
 resolved on a bloody resistance assembled all their rural adhe- 
 rents, sent away their children mth eveiy moveable of value 
 declaring that it was better to die once than be murdered a 
 
 thousand times. - ^ ^ 
 
 It was at this crisis, when the Lucchese army had arrived at 
 PontelmicTo two miles from Pistoia, that Lippo Vergellesi the 
 Florentine commander at Sambuca with the sanction of his 
 aovemment interfered, and by persuasion and threats succeeded 
 in arresting their march : they accordingly retired to Serra- 
 valle and ambassadors from Siena arriving as peace-makers it 
 was finally settled that the barricades should be instantly 
 destroyed and remain so for eight days under the protection of 
 
412 
 
 florenttnt: history. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Siena to satisfy the honour of Lucca ; after which the Pistoians 
 were at liberty to reerect their walls, and although still bound 
 to have a Lucchese podesta they themselves were permitted to 
 choose him. The Senese ambassadors returned home but 
 discord still continued in Pistoia between the peace and the 
 war party ; for scarcely had fear subsided when old contentions 
 arose, and the everlasting contest once more convulsed tliat 
 unfortmiate community*. 
 
 The deaths of Albert of Austria, Charles of Naples, and 
 Azzo of Este all occurred about this period and considerably 
 affected the pohtics of Italy : from the house of Este sprung 
 the first of those tyrants that afterwards became so notorious 
 throughout the cities of Lombardy : Azzo VIII. made his 
 natural son Fresco s child heir to his property in preference 
 to his own brother Francesco, and a family struggle was the 
 consequence : this suited the ambition of Venice which imme- 
 diately sent assistance to Folco the grandcliild, while the pope 
 declared for Francesco from similar motives. The pontiff how- 
 ever soon claimed the city of Ferrara as a possession of the 
 church by virtue of unperial chplomas, and the selfishness of 
 Venice became soon apparent ; Cardmal Amaud de Pellagrue, 
 Clement the Fifth s nephew, was invested with both temporal 
 and spiritual power to prosecute the ecclesiastical claims, which 
 he promptly exercised by preaching a crusade agahist the Vene- 
 tians. The Florentines tired of their own excommmiication, 
 and superstitious about tlie success of an anathematised nation's 
 affairs, seized this occasion to reconcile themselves with the 
 church, and sending a considerable reinforcement to the papal 
 army were, along with the Bolognese, principally instrumental 
 in gammg a complete and bloody \'ictoiy^ over the Venetians on 
 the seventeenth of September 1300, with the destruction of sk 
 thousand men. The city, and all its allies for six years back 
 was of course immediately absolved and once more the Floren- 
 
 ♦ Stone Pistolesi, Ed. di Prato, 1835, p. 82, &c.-G. Vilkni, Lib. viii, cap. cxi. 
 
 CHAP. XV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 413 
 
 tines rejoiced to find themselves in their natural position as 
 friends of the Holy See *. 
 
 Robert Dulve of Calabria succeeded Charles II. of Naples 
 and in June 1309 was crowned at Avignon by Clement V. ; but 
 the death of Albert King of the Romans was a more important 
 event m Italian politics : Albert had been exclusively employed 
 in extending his personal authority and aggrandising the house 
 of Austria ; his ambition was great and his injustice propor- 
 tional : Vienna and Styria had revolted ; he was at war with 
 tlie Swiss republics of Berae, Zurich, and Friburg, and attempted 
 tlie subjection of Uri, Scliwitz, and Undervvald, wliich driven to 
 extremities expelled Ms ministers and founded the Swiss Con- 
 federation. Having also cheated his nephew John of Austria 
 of his inheritance and insulted hun by biting expressions, 
 tlie young man with some other discontented gentlemen mur- 
 dered him at the passage of the Reuss between Stein and 
 Baden, almost under tlie walls of Habsbourg, and in sight of all 
 Ms attendants, who had just crossed over to the opposite bank 
 
 of the river. 
 
 Pliilip the Fair on hearing of tMs, instantly demanded the 
 popes aid m securing the empire for his brother Charles of 
 Valois who had dready made himseK so notorious at Flo- 
 rence : but Clement hated and feared the destroyer of Boni- 
 face, and advised by the Cardinal of Prato gave an empty 
 assent, while by a secret despatch he urged the electors to 
 an immediate choice if they wished to escape French influ- 
 ence, indicating Henry of LiLxembourg as the man in ever}- 
 respect best adapted to their interests. This election accord- 
 ingly took place m November 1308, and Henry was crowned 
 the following April at Aix-la-Chapelle with the pope's appro- 
 bation f. 
 
 * Miiratori, Annali, 1308-9.-G. Vil- f Gio. Villam, Lib. viii., cap. xciv 
 
 lani, Lib. viii., cap. ciii.-Scip. Ammi- ci., cii.-Muraton, Annali An. 1308. 
 
 rate. Lib. v., p. 241.— Sismondi, Rep. — Dino Compagni, Lib. in . . 
 Ital., v. iii., p. 242. 
 
414 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 415 
 
 A.D. 1310. 
 
 Henry VI. among the emperors and the seventh of that 
 name amongst the kings of Germany, had little or no power 
 but his connexions and personal character gave him consider- 
 able influence ; not for the extension of his authority in Ger- 
 many, for there was too much jealousy in that ipiarter, but for 
 an entrance into the long-neglected field of Italy which since 
 the death of Frederic II. liad been utterly abandoned by the em- 
 perors and completely severed from the empire. Yet the magic 
 of the imperial name, the title of the Roman CiBsar, still re- 
 tained a strong hold on the obedience of Aus.)nia, and even 
 adverse states opposed him with a consciousness of their own 
 impropriety *. 
 
 Duiing all this time hostilities continued between Florence 
 and Arezzo and in the month of June when the 
 former was preparing a fomiidable armament an im- 
 perial messenger arrived to forbid any further prosecution of 
 the war, for Arezzo, as he asserted, belonged to the emperor 
 who would restore tranquillity on his amval in Italy. This 
 startling announcement caused some alarm at first but it was 
 finally disregarded ; the army marched, and after insulting 
 Arezzo and committing the accustomed outrages returned to 
 the capital leaving however a strong redoubt well garrisoned 
 within two miles of that city which would itself have fallen if 
 some of the Florentine nobles had not found the war too lucra- 
 tive to allow of its bemg promptly terminated f . 
 
 Henry of Luxembourg advanced during the summer as far 
 as Lausanne where he received ambassadoi-s from most of the 
 Italian states and factions ; all jiarties hoped sometliing from 
 his coming ; those in authority for its continuance through liis 
 favour, those in exile for a restoration to their home ; the 
 Guelphs from his alliance with the pope, aiid the Ghibelines 
 from his imperial dignity. The cities of the Guelphic league 
 had also prepared their embassies but becoming aware of liis 
 
 • Sismondi, Rep. Ital , v. Hi. 
 
 + Gio. Villuni, Lib. viii., cap. cxix. 
 
 I 
 
 t 
 
 high pretensions and determination to restore the exiled faction 
 they unwisely resolved to keep aloof for awhile and act as cir- 
 cumstances imight dictate; this alienated the emperor who 
 before was indisposed to disturb them, while the Pisans with 
 better policy sent him sixty thousand florins and a warm in\*i- 
 tation to cross the Alps -^ He made this passage in the month 
 of September, and in October was joyfully received at Asti 
 although accompanied by a slender retinue : all the Lombard 
 -tyrants were soon in motion and eager to court him ; Guidotto 
 della Torre of Milan off'ered boastingly to lead him over Italy 
 with his hawk on his glove and the rest sought him in a sunilar 
 manner. Henry made no exclusive professions, or any distinc- 
 tion of party, but admitted cliiefs of every faction into his coun- 
 cil ; promised his favour and protection to all, but distinctly 
 announced that no authority was legitimate that did not emanate 
 from the empire : wherefore every city was formally summoned to 
 reenter under that dominion and all exiles were recalled. He 
 knew this to be popular with the citizens generally, but the great 
 rulers of Lombardy reluctantly saw themselves compelled to 
 resign their dignities and receive them again as imperial fiefs : 
 Guidotto della Torre alone demuiTed; he had fomed an 
 alliance with the Guelphic League of Tuscany, had as great an 
 army and more money than the emperor, in whose court were 
 his own nephew the Archbishop of Mflan with whom he had 
 quaiTelled, and his arch-enemy Matteo Visconti. After two 
 months spent in reforming Piedmont and everj^where sub- 
 stituting imperial Vicars for Podestas, recalling exiles and 
 assuming the supreme government of the cities, the emperor 
 moved on towards Milan, haughtily commanding that his quar- 
 ters should be prepared in the public palace then occupied by 
 the Torriimi, and that these chiefs should meet him unarmed 
 at the head of the citizens outside of the town. Henry came 
 with the most exalted notions of divine right, yet willing when 
 
 ♦ Gio. Villani, Lib. i-\., c. vii. 
 
416 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 not opposed to govern as justly as any prince was expected to 
 govern in those days. 
 
 " He came do\vn " says Dino Compagni, " descending from 
 city to city and bringing peace to each as if he were an angel of 
 Ood, and receiving the faith of all until he aiTived near 
 Milan *." The people eveiy-^vhere had hailed him as a bene- 
 fiactor, and Guidotto della Torre knowing that his townsmen also 
 entertained similar opinions pmdently detennined to take the 
 lead of all and obey the mandate. The example of Milan was 
 followed by the rest of Lombardy ; deputies poured in from 
 every state to assist at the coronation imd swear allegiance to 
 the emperor: tliis ceremony took place on Christmas-day. 
 Genoa and Venice alone refusing under various pretences to 
 take the oath. To please the citizens Henry was crowned at 
 ^lilan instead of INIonza with the ancient iron crown, wliich was 
 an imitation of "laurel leaves in thin steel, pohshed and 
 shining as a sword, and with many large pearls and other 
 stones " f . 
 
 Early in 1311 the Florentines foreseeing what a dangerous 
 use might be made of their own e.xiles by a prince so 
 bent on \'indicating the imperial authority, issued a 
 decree by which on payment of a trifling fine all, with certain 
 exceptions, were restored : a selection was made of those who 
 were thus allowed to return and another decree j)romulgated, 
 by which the excepted families under the formal denomination 
 of " Escettati " were declared for ever mcapable of pardon, and 
 even the sound of their names was forbidden in the public coun- 
 cils. Ever afterwards when a general indenmity was pro- 
 claimed for the '' Fuontsciti'' or exiles, the clause ''Salve le 
 famiglie escettati" was invariably introduced ^ 
 
 Henry was indefatigable in business and made rapid pro- 
 gress in the work of pacification; the Guelphs and Ghibelines 
 
 * Dino Compagni, Lib. iii., p. 78. X Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. xvi. and 
 t Dino Compagni, Lib. iii., p. 79. cccxx. (note.) 
 
 A.D. 1311. 
 
 4 
 
 ■I- 
 
 CHAP. XT.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 417 
 
 mutually complained of his partiality while calmer people 
 gave him credit for his even justice ; but the Guelphs in 
 consequence held back and the emperor must have soon dis- 
 covered that the opposite faction were his only real adhe- 
 rents as having everything to hope and nothing to fear from 
 his protection. Verona would not listen to his proposal of 
 recalling the Guelphs after a banishment of sixty years, and 
 Can della Scala and his city were much too strong for any 
 attempt to enforce it ; this chief was one of Henry's earliest 
 adherents, and the emperor however well disposed to neutrality 
 must have felt internally pleased with the resolution : besides 
 both himself and his followers were poor and supplies could be 
 more easily procured by good-will than coercion. 
 
 Money was as a matter of course demanded freely of the dif- 
 ferent states, and the Visconti and Torriani of Milan each 
 eager for the emperor's support, or his expulsion, xied with 
 each other in augmenting the original demand which by their 
 rivalry^ was doubled to the utter dismay of the citizens, who 
 vainly unplored some abatement from the emperor. Hostages 
 were required from both parties as honourable attendants on 
 the court, amongst which were included the rival chiefs, and 
 the dissatisfaction arising from this act was used by Matteo Vis- 
 conti, (a much abler as well as a more cunning man than his 
 opponent) to excite an msurrection against the Germans by a 
 pretended coalition with him : in the midst of the tumult how- 
 ever he suddenly quitted the Milanese side and joining the em- 
 peror's party defeated the credulous Torriani, burned all their 
 houses and finally drove them from the to^n, of which the Vis- 
 conti became from that moment masters. 
 
 This revolt although imsuccessful was followed, principally 
 through Florentine influence, by similar insurrections in all the 
 Guelphic cities ; the lately restored exiles were again banished 
 and the imperial vicars deposed ; but bemg executed suddenly 
 and without concert the risings were weak and unstable: 
 VOL. I. E E 
 
418 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [booe I. 
 
 CHAP. XV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 419 
 
 Crema, Cremona, Lodi, and Como all submitted and some were 
 treated with great cnielty : Brescia alone stood fimi, and under 
 the unfortunate Teobaldo Brusati made a gallant resistance 
 against all the efforts of Henr}\ Teobaldo was taken prisoner 
 in a sally but like Regulus he scorned to save his own life by 
 urging his countrjmen to peace, and writing from his prison to 
 inspire them with new courage was put to a scarcely less cruel 
 death *. Immediately after, no less than sixty Germans were 
 seen dangling in retahation from the battlements of Brescia. 
 The emperor's brother subsequently fell ; the summer was now 
 spent, Henry fomid himself baffled by a single city and his 
 honour involved in its captm'e ; yet impatient to get to Rome he 
 wished to try the force of spiritual arms but the legates who ac- 
 companied him refused, because excommunication when men's 
 passions were inflamed with civil war failed they said in its 
 effect, but they tried the milder course of persuasion and suc- 
 ceeded. A capitulation was signed which saved the imperial 
 reputation and put sixty or seventy thousand florins into his 
 treasury while the Brescians after severe suffering preserved 
 their lives and property f . 
 
 He then repau^ed to Genoa which was convulsed by 
 quarrels between the Ghibeline house of Spinola and the 
 Guelphic families of Doria, Fieschi, and Grimaldi. For the 
 first time this proud republic submitted itself to a foreign 
 master, not thi'ough fear or compulsion, but from a conviction 
 of its utility in the suppression of domestic factions and as 
 a public testimonial of gratitude for the impartial exertions 
 of Henry to restore puUic tranquillity J. The Genoese 
 sovereignty was given to him for twenty years and Uguc- 
 
 * Dino Compagni, Lib. iii., p. 82. — 
 Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. xi. — 
 Corio,Hist. Milano, Parte ii«, folio 174. 
 — Sismondi, Rep. Ital., vol. 
 p. 259. 
 f Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. xx. 
 
 iii», 
 
 t Paulo Intcriano, Ristrctto delle 
 Historic Genovese, Lib. iii**, fol. 90. 
 — Agostino Giustiniano Vescovo di 
 Nebio, Aunali di Gcnova, Lib. iv., 
 carta cxvi. 
 
 
 clone della Faggiola made his vicar; but money was again 
 required and again by means of Florentine intrigue ^^ ^^^^ 
 and subsidies new disorders broke out in Lombardy. 
 Robert King of Naples also became alarmed and dispatched 
 ambassadors to Henry at Genoa which in tlie beginning pro- 
 mised peace, but Rome being almost simultaneously occupied by 
 Piince John of Naples with a strong force to oppose Henry and 
 the Gliibelines, they prudently withdrew and both sovereigns 
 prepared for hostilities '•'. 
 
 The Guelpliic league of Tuscany of which King Robert was 
 the aclviiowledged leader, had sent troops in the previous Octo- 
 ber to occupy the passes of the Bolognese Apennines ; also to 
 Sarzana and the Lucchese territory in order to stop the empe- 
 ror's advance, and Heniy had al)0ut the same time dispatched 
 Pandolfo Savelli and Niccolo Bishop of Botronte as liis har- 
 bmgers into the states of Bologna and Florence ; but their 
 approach excited a tumult in the former city and they were 
 repelled with some personal danger. Shaping their course for 
 the latter they arrived at Lastra when the agitation became 
 extreme and the presence of all the Florentine exiles in the impe- 
 rial army set the current of public opinion strong against themf . 
 
 Their advent had been previously amiounced by a special 
 messenger and a council was assembled which after long debate 
 made proclamation that these were ambassadors from the tyrant 
 king of Germany who had destroyed as many as he was able of 
 the Lombard Guelphs, and was now on his way to ruin the 
 Florentines and restore their enemies, while by an embassy of 
 priests he wished to destroy Florence under shadow of the 
 church ; therefore full liberty was given to any one to rob ami 
 outraffi' them with imjmnitij. Their envoy who had retired to 
 his inn was afraid to move, and the ambassadors although 
 warned of their danger by the exertions of a friend, foolishly 
 
 * Muratori, Annali.— Sismondi, Ital. + Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. xxi. 
 Rep., vol. iii", p. 261. and xxvii. 
 
 E E 2 
 
420 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 421 
 
 remained at Lastra for the night ; a mob quickly assembled ; 
 and, as Villani asserts, with the secret not the open sanction of 
 the priors ; attacked, insulted, plundered, and would probably 
 have murdered them if the Podesta, pressed by another tumult 
 in their favour and at the intercession of the above-named 
 friend, had not recovered their property ; but refusing to 
 hear their mission they were escorted lieyond the frontier 
 where Comits Guidi gave them honourable welcome in th(^ 
 name of both Guelph and Ghibeline. Safe in these lords' ter- 
 ritory they made it a rallying point against I'lorence, esta- 
 blished an imperial tribunal at CiWtella, between Siena and 
 Arezzo, before which these two republics as well as Florence 
 and several other cities were summoned and the disobedient 
 condemned for contumacy : except Florence Siena Chiusi and 
 Borgo San Sepolcro, all acknowledged the imperial mandate so 
 that the insulted deputies were enabled to rejoin the emperor 
 at Pisa in the month of March with a respectable body of Tus- 
 can auxiliaries *. 
 
 The empress died in the previous November at Genoa and 
 about the same period the Florentines, a detachment of whose 
 troops had joined King Piobert at Rome, were cited to appear 
 at the imperial court \vithin forty days, under pain of condem- 
 nation in goods and person wherever they should be found f . 
 The mandate remained unheeded but an order was immediately 
 dispatched to warn the merchants of their danger, and soon after 
 a reinforcement of two hundred Neapolitan men-at-arms joined 
 them. 
 
 In this state of things Hemy of Namur arrived at Pisa by 
 sea with a few followers and commenced hostilities against 
 Florence : the emperor followed in March round whom the 
 Pisans flocked with a frank generous enthusiasm, and devotion 
 to his cause that far surpassed annhing he had hitherto met 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. ix , cap. xxvi .— Sismondi, Ital. Rep. 
 f Muratori, Annali, 1312. 
 
 •» L 
 
 HI 
 
 with in Italy. They supplied him with galleys, troops, and 
 money ; made him absolute Lord of Pisa, offered to suspend their 
 constitution in his favour, and instantly renewed hosUlities, 
 with Lucca, Florence, and the Tuscan league : Henry remained 
 with them until the 22nd of April collecting soldiers and at 
 the head of fifteen hundred men-at-arms marched on towards 
 F^me. He was opposed at the Ponte Molle by Prince John 
 t)f Naples but easily forcing this passage, crossed the Tiber and 
 entered the capital. In conjunction with the Colonna faction 
 and Senator he soon mastered the greater part but could make 
 no impression on the quarter of the Vatican wliich was defended 
 by Prince John, and therefore on the 20th June and agamst all 
 ancient usage was compelled to have his coronation performed 
 
 in the Lateran*. 
 
 The city was divided in feeling, and the emperor's position 
 80 precarious that he retired to Tivoli at the end of August 
 and moved towards Tuscany ravaging the Perugian terntor>' 
 on his wav, being determined to bring Florence and all 
 her allies to submission. At Arezzo he was honourably web 
 comed and thence marcliing along the left bank of the Amo 
 invaded the Republic: Caposelvole immediately surrendered, 
 Montevarchi resisted bravely for three days; San Giovanni 
 next fell ; Fegghini soon followed, and all the Florentine troops 
 amounting to eighteen hundred men-at-arms were concentrated 
 round Incisa on the Amo to dispute the imperial progress. 
 Satisfied with a sullen opposition they refused the offered combat, 
 for their allies had not yet joined neither were they regularly 
 commanded : the emperor on seeing this immediately turned the 
 fortress of Incisa by difficult mountain passes and under the 
 guidance of Florentine exiles pushed forward a detachment to 
 occupy Montelfi which a strong body of the enemy were approach- 
 ing for the same pui-pose. The Florentines were attacked sud- 
 denly and driven back on the main body of their army at Incisa 
 
 • Muratori, Annali. 
 
422 
 
 FLORENnSE IIISTOKY, 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOET. 
 
 423 
 
 where they remained that night entirely cut off from Florence, 
 while the imperial army took up a position two miles nearer that 
 capita] and after a short consultation marched directly towards it. 
 At San Salvi they encamped, and a sudden assault would pro- 
 bably have carried the city, for the inlmbitant.s w,-re taken by 
 surprise, were in a stale of consternation, and could scarcely 
 beheve that the emperor was there in person ; their natural enero^ 
 soon returned, the Gonfaloniei-s assembled (heir companies the 
 whole population armed themselves, even t,> the bishop and 
 clergy ; a camp was formed within the walk, the outer ditch 
 palisaded, the g,ites closed, and thus for two days they re- 
 mained hourly expecting an assault. At last their cavalry- 
 were seen returning by various ways and in small detiichments- 
 succours also poured in from Lucca, Prato, Pistoia, Volterra' 
 Colle,and SanGimignano; and even Bologna, I'.imini, Ikvenna 
 Faenza, Cesina, Agobbio, Citta di Castello with several other 
 places rendered their assi.stance : indeed so great an.l extensive 
 was Florentine influence and so rapid the communication, that 
 ^vlthln eight days after the investment four thousand men-at- 
 arms and mnumerable infantry were assembled at llorcnce ' 
 
 As this was about double the imperial cavaln- and four time'; 
 Its infantiy the city gates were thrown open and business pro- 
 ceeded as usual except through that entrance immediately 
 opposite to the enemy. For two and fi.rty davs did the emperor 
 remam within a mile of Florence ravaging all the countn- but 
 maiong no impression on the town ; after which he raised the 
 siege and moved to San Casciano eight miles south of the 
 capital, where receiving reinforcements from Pisa and Genoa the 
 norentines thought it necessa^' to strengthen their defences 
 on the left bank of the Amo. The war was then carried on by 
 frequent skirmishes, until winter and sickness forced the impe- 
 A.D. 1313. ™"*'-'' """ Poggibonzi, which was restored to its 
 _^ ongmal position on the hill and took the name of 
 
 Poggio or CasieUo Imperiale." Here the emperor remained. 
 
 «' 
 
 suffering much from want and continual alarms; with Siena 
 in his rear and Florence in front; all the roads occupied, both 
 flanks infested, his detachments cut off, and a continual waste 
 of men and money until the ninth of March, when he moved 
 to Pisa and prepared for a new campaign *. 
 
 The Florentines had thus from the first, without niuch mili- 
 tary skill or enterprise, proved themselves the boldest and 
 bitterest enemies of Henry; their opposition had never ceased; 
 by letters promises and money, they corrupted all Lombardy , 
 Ghiberti of Parma, Guidotto della Torre, Cremona, Brescia, 
 Reggio, the cardinals, the king of France and even the pope 
 himself were all assailed by Florentine subsidies and Florentme 
 intrigue : for this the people were pressed to the utmost, but 
 believing that it was for the maintenance of their liberty were 
 cheerful givers. Yet party quarrels did not cease : to the four 
 former chiefs of the Neri had been added Tegghmio Frescobaldi 
 and Gherardo Ventraia; these sis compelled the Podesta to 
 decapitate Masino Cavalcanti and one of the Gherardmi ; they 
 ruled the priors at their pleasure, disposed of every office in 
 the state, condemned or absolved whom a^d when they ple^^ed 
 and were absolute masters of the commonwealth. The chiet 
 of these, ru.sso della Tosa, died from the effects of a fal m 
 1309. "God," says Dino Compagni, "had been expectmg 
 him a long time for he was above seventy-five years old He 
 was an aUe-minded knight, the source of discord in Florence 
 an enemy of the people, a friend of tyrants. This was he who 
 separated the entire Guelphic party into Bianchi and Neri ; he 
 it waB that kindled civil dissension ; this was the man that wiA 
 cares intrigues and promises kept others under him True to 
 the black faction he persecuted the white ; on him the circum- 
 jacent states of his own party depended and with him alone 
 did they treat." " His two sons and a young relation were alter- 
 wards made knights by the influence of his party ; much money 
 
 . Cio. Vaiani. Ub. «.. from caD. «x,. to xlix.-Mu«tori. Annali. 
 
 f.* 
 
 '? 
 
424 
 
 FLORENHNE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 425 
 
 was given to them on this occasion and they were called ' The 
 Knights of the Spinning Wheel,' because their pensions were 
 charged on the earnings of poor women who lived by such em- 
 ployment." 
 
 In the following February Betto Bruneleschi the hardest, 
 most insolent, and most imperious of the black faction also 
 disappeared. '* He was of a Glubeline fomily," says Dino, 
 '* rich m money and possessions, but hated by the people 
 because in times of scarcity he used to lock up his com ; sayin<t, 
 ' / will have such a price for it or not sell it at all.' He perse- 
 cuted the Bianchi and Ghibelines for two reasons ; first to gain 
 favour with the dominant faction, and secondly because he never 
 could hope forgiveness for liis apostacy." '* He was an eloquent 
 man, much employed in embassies, intimate with Boniface VIII. , 
 was the principal author of Corso Douati's misfortune, and so 
 addicted to evil that he cared neither for God or tlie world but 
 veered about as suited his own inclination. He died by the 
 hands of two young Donati while engaged in a game of chess 
 to the great joy of many, for he was an infamous citizen" *. 
 
 The third of the four nders of Florence Pazzmo de' Pazzi 
 soon followed his companions; he also was the victim of 
 domestic vengeance; the death of Masino Cavalcanti was 
 neither forgotten nor forgiven by that powerful family which 
 could muster sixty men-at-arms of the name alone and held 
 the ruling powers m detestation. In January \ni^ Paffiera 
 Cavalcanti hearing that Pazzino, attended only by one servant, 
 was gone out to try a falcon on the dry bed of the Arno neai* 
 Santa Croce, instantly mounted and followed him with some 
 of the Brunelleschi who attributed the death of their kinsman 
 Betto to liis contrivance. Pazzhio soon guessed their errand 
 and fled towards the stream but was overtaken by Cavalcanti s 
 javelin and afterwai'ds dispatched in the water. The Pazzi 
 and Donati who had become friends instantly armed and the 
 
 • Dino Compagni, Lib. iii", p. 90.— Simone della Tosa, Annali, An. 1309, &c. 
 
 .1 
 
 ] 
 
 V 
 
 Cavalcanti in their turn were attacked; ^amcade sptang up 
 in a moment, friends mustered hastily on every side, the della 
 ' W the Wciuinci, the Scali, the Agli, the Lucardesi and 
 1 othe^weri in amis; the people ^'^^^^^^ 
 willin<rlv in this strife, three palaces of the Cavalcanti were 
 againlurniug and the town once more in mid disorder. 
 
 After tranciuillity haA been partially '^^^^or'^d the Pa^z 
 ■tccused their advei-saries hefore the priori and forty-eight of 
 the Cavalcmiti were imme.Uately condemned m person aBd 
 property and that family again expelled from Florence. Two 
 sons aiul two Idnsmen of Pa^zhio were made ^Bights by the 
 people, for he was generally popular, as a rewa.-d for his enices 
 and e;en pensioned at the public charge by those whom he 
 ruled and favoured while alive. 
 
 Gen Sphii alone remained of all the chief persecutors o 
 Corso Doiati, and he lived in doubt and anxiety from the recen^ 
 honom-able restoration of that family with the Bordom ^d thei^ 
 friends to a country whence they had been so lately banished 
 with shame and injuiy. Not content w;ith their revenge on 
 Betto Bmnelleschi. the kinsmen of Corso Donati ^f^^^f^ 
 pay those honours to this chiefs memory which their sudden 
 exile had before rendered impossible : wherefore assembhng 
 all their friends and followers they issued m comi^ete armour 
 from the houses of the Donati, proceeded direct to the church of 
 Sa.1 Salvi and disintemng the old chieftam's festered con^se bore 
 it away to Florence in martial pomp and sullen triumph ; as then 
 fathe.^ had that of Rustico Marignolli. «-, pnestj^d 
 funeral songs did honour to tlie dead ; bands of armed kmght. 
 guarded the bier, and while the sacred rites contmued, drew roum 
 Ae church in menacing array, with solemn dehance to their 
 enemies. In this impressive mode were the last dute^pei^ 
 formed for him whose life had been a continued scene of amed 
 tumult, and who even in death seemed to be denied the qme 
 of the grave ; for the msatiato spuit of Donati they said still 
 
426 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 walked the earth crj'ing for vengeance on those false friends 
 who first deserted him, then conspired against him, and finally 
 brought him to an ignominious end^=. " Thus," exclaims 
 Dino Compagni at the end of his chronicle ; " Thus our city 
 continues tormented ; thus obstinate in evil deeds remain our 
 citizens ; and what is done to-day is blamed to-morrow. Sages 
 are wont to say ' that a wise man does nothing to repent of: 
 But in this city and by these citizens nothhig is done how- 
 ever praiseworthy that is not blamed and stigmatised as evil. 
 Men km each other and no law pimishes the criminal, but 
 according as he hath friends or money to spend, so is he 
 acquitted of the crime. O wicked citizens ! Ye thiit have cor- 
 rupted and vitiated mankind by your evil customs uud unhal- 
 lowed gains! Ye are those wlio have introduced every evil 
 habit into the world, and now the worid will leward you ! The 
 emperor with all his powers will come upon you and plunder 
 you by sea and land"f. 
 
 The devastation of the countrj- by imperial annies fully 
 accomplished this prediction but neither filled the emperor's 
 coffers nor saved his troops from disease and suffering. An 
 embassy from Frederic King of Sicily brought him a small 
 supply at Poggibonzi and enabled him to ni.n e to Pisa where 
 he immediately issued a process agjiinst the llorentiues de- 
 priving them of ever}' honour and jurisdiction, displacing their 
 judges and notaries, fining the community one hundred thousand 
 marks of silver, condemning the princijial citizens in goods and 
 
 * i,^'?^^^/'""?^^^' Lib. iiio.— Gio. patriotism occasionally perhaps do in- 
 
 IlrlTn'T i U'^'' ^^fj^^"i — S- Am- j«ry to his judgment as an author, 
 
 mirato, Lib v«, p. 248. Although a Ghibeline in disposition 
 
 t We here take leave of Dino Com- he seems to have held to the Guelphs 
 
 pagni whom Muratori prefers both for as a political bodv and is honestly 
 
 style and choice of matter to Males- bitter against all who opposed his 
 
 pmi and even to Gio. Villani himself: views for reconciliation and domestic 
 
 wIr/lV''°P n'^.^'y"^""''^^ P^"^^- •"« ^^"?"«ge '« beautiful and 
 latter hat balances all the fervid and all his impassioned bursts of eloquence 
 
 hXnlnt tT'"'' /u ^^""' ''^"'" ^'^ "" '^' ''^^ of generosity, huianitjr 
 indignant feelings of humanity and and peace. 
 
 CHAP. XV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 427 
 
 t 
 
 i 
 
 ■*) 
 
 person ; forbidding the republic to coin gold or silver money 
 and alloTOig Ubizzino Spinola of Genoa and the Marqms of 
 Monfermto to counterfeit the golden florin of the republic. 
 
 Against King Robert of Naples simite denunciations were 
 rhrected all of which were subsequently annulled by the self- 
 arrogated power of Clement V. Some irregular hostihties 
 were maintained by partisans during Henry's stay at F^a, 
 which gave rietrasanta and Sarrezzano to the impenalists; but 
 the emperor now tmiied all his energies to the conquest of Naples 
 >is the first step towiu-ds that of Italy itself. For tliis he formed a 
 league with Sicily and Genoa, assembled troops from Germany 
 and Lombardy; filled his treasury in various ways, and soon 
 fomid liimself at the head of two thousand five hundred German 
 cavahy and one thousand five hundred Italian men-at-arms, 
 besides a Genoese fleet of seventy galleys under Lamba Dona 
 and fiftv more supplied by the King of Sicily who with a thousand 
 men-at-arms had already mvaded Calabria by captunng Reggio 
 and other places. On the 5th of August the emperor marched 
 from Pisa by the Vale of Elsa towards Siena; near which some 
 skirmishing took place and passing forwai-d encamped at Mon- 
 teaperto where an indisposition which he had previously felt at 
 Pisa began to gather strength: from Monteaperto he moved on 
 to the baths of Macereto in the plain of Filetta and thence to 
 Buonconvento twelve miles from Siena where the illness gained 
 ground and he expired on the 24th of August 1313. 
 
 The intelligence of this event spread joy and consternaUon 
 amongst his friends and enemies ; the army soon separated, and 
 his oin immediate followers with the Pisan auxihanes earned 
 his body back to Pisa where it was magnificently mterred^. 
 
 Thus died Henry of Lu..embom:g an able prince who accom- 
 plished great things with scanty means : he is descnbed by 
 cotemporan- writers as wise, just, and gracious, a good catholi^ 
 sincere in mind, magnanimous in heart, and strong and secure 
 
 • Gio. Villani, Lib. ix°, cap. xlix., 1., li., lii-. li"- 
 
428 
 
 FLORENTINE mSTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 in arms ; of the middle size witli good features but a slight 
 cast in the eye. Possessed of great talents and perseverance 
 he was active and indefatigable in business, temperate, loving 
 peace, never depressed by misfortune nor elated by success 
 wherefore he was feared beloved and reverenced. Lord yf u 
 small and powerless state he was placed on the imperial throne 
 to serve a political purpose ; but without money authority, or 
 any other influence save that of his persomil character and 
 kindred. He nevertheless allayed the jealousy of the German 
 princes, reconciled their nmtual contentions, and directed his 
 whole thoughts to the recovery of Itiily ; arriving without army 
 or resources he yet managed by the single force of his genius 
 to raise the one and accumulate the other. He pacified factions, 
 restored exiles, vindicated the imperial authority, gained friends 
 and allies and finally equipped an immense army for the con- 
 quest of Naples where llobert had no equivalent force to oppose 
 him, and would probably have retired to France for personal 
 safety. 
 
 The Florentines have been accused of causing his death by 
 bribing a Dominican friar to give him a poisoned wafer iii 
 administering the sacrament ; but there seems no just reason 
 t» credit this tale : his health began to suik under the effects 
 of fatigue and suffering at the siege of Florence ; perhaps even 
 at Rome or under the walls of Brescia, and although he at last 
 expu-ed suddenly and unexpectedly the full extent of his maladv 
 was probably concealed while at Pisa and on the march, in 
 order not to dishearten his soldiers*. 
 
 Death saved the Italians from his sovereignty, but his life 
 might have made them a strong, united, mid 'ultimately an 
 mdependent people : Florence also was saved, for such talents 
 so supported must have finally triumphed f. 
 
 Nevertheless the repubhc occupied a noble position. Putting 
 
 • Muraton\ AnnaJi, I313.-Flam. Villani, Lib. ix., caps. i. and xlix.- 
 dalBorgo Dissert, n* p 88. S. Ammirato, Lib. v«, p. 260.-Mura- 
 
 t Dino Compagni, Lib. iii<\_Gio. tori, Annali. 
 
 / 
 
 1| 
 
 \ 
 
 CUAP. XV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 429 
 
 themselves, says Sismondi, at the head of the Guelphic party, 
 the Florentines embraced in their negotiations the politics of 
 all Italy. Already leagued \sith Lucca, Siena, and Bologna 
 they sought the friendship of Guido della Torre in 1311 before 
 his expulsion from ]\Iilan by the Yisconti and did not desert 
 him in his misfortunes : they not only excited Brescia to revolt 
 but supplied the inhal)itants with money against the emperor 
 who l)esieged it in person ; they kindled a spirit in Padua that 
 Can della Scala could not easily extinguish ; they bribed Parma 
 to make an open declaration agjiinst the German Prince and 
 even sent troops to Piome to oppose his coronation. Lastly 
 they extended their negotiations to the courts of France and 
 Avignon and were apparently tlie first to conceive the notion 
 of connectmg together all the members of .the great European 
 republic by a balance of power that might secure the general 
 independence. Those who now see nothing but inconvenience 
 in the system of annual parliaments would do well to consider 
 that these enlarged views and plans of universal politics, more 
 or less followed by European sUitesmen ever since the four- 
 teenth centur}% originated in a shopkeeping democracy whose 
 executive government was changed six times a year in all 
 its principal branches, and in which the mmisters who com- 
 menced any negotiation or other important matter could scarcely 
 have expected to be in office at its termination. Florence was 
 small but free, and more than commonly enlightened for the 
 a^e ; its people of an acute and searching intellect, fidl of 
 industiy and elasticity, and perfectly comprehending the general 
 interests of the commonwealth : its counsels were exclusively 
 <Tuided by the most able heads of those branches of commerce 
 by which it was enriched: populariy chosen, they expressed 
 the will of their constituents but did not allow the especial 
 concerns of their trade to overlay those of the community, 
 nor was there, save the national but impolitic principle of 
 exalting maiuifactures above agriculture, any demand for ex- 
 
I 
 
 430 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 elusive protection from particular branches of industiy ; each 
 ceded a little and the machine rolled smootlily on until extra- 
 neous accidents paralysed its more wholesome action. The 
 leadiuj^ trades were then at Florence what thev now are in 
 England, united and powerful bodies with many foUowei-s ; but 
 inclosed in the naiTow precmcts of a single city and sharing 
 directly in the government they both imbibed and imparted 
 knowledge at home while their feelers extendmg over all the 
 known world ilirected a stream of riches and intelligence to the 
 centre. Nor, mitil the Medici sapped the repul»lic, after the 
 iiristocracy and Ghibelines fell, was there any party that from 
 mere faction or love of political power vitiated the measures of 
 the state in its exterior policy ; because, ^^^th the exception of 
 a certain number of noble families, every citizen might expect 
 to be called in liis timi to the head of affairs, while the regular 
 emoluments were too small, the period of office too short, and 
 the duty too severe to make public employment on these 
 accomits alone the object of illegitimate ambition. 
 
 Florence showed great moral courage in her determined 
 opposition to Henrj' VII. but her military \irtues, in the opinion 
 of Sismondi, had already begun to decay ; yet nearly four hun- 
 dred gentlemen of the highest rank and most distinguished 
 families (their names are still extant) perished or were taken 
 prisoners in the bloody battles of Montecatini and Altopascio 
 affording ample proof of their courageous spirit : and nearly 
 six hundred more belonging to the contado may be added to 
 the number who thus suffered for their countrv ; all servinj^ 
 gratuitously* ! 
 
 Their tranquillity during the siege was calculation, not 
 cowardice; they had double the emperor's numbers, but the 
 Germans were always more formidable troops than the Italians ; 
 a defeat would have lost the city where the party of their 
 exiles was strong ; yet their gates were never shut nor their 
 
 ♦ Sismondi. Repub. Ital., vol. iii., p. 272. — Toscana Illustrata, p. 321. 
 
 .) 
 
 7 
 
 > 
 
 CHAP, XV.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 431 
 
 usual business interrupted : the result justified this caution for 
 public safety, not a brilliant victory, was their object. 
 
 The pernicious system of employing foreign mercenaries had 
 nevertheless been long gaining ground amongst all the Italian 
 states; they were at this period called '' Catalans ^ but al- 
 though adopting the name were totally unconnected with that 
 fierce company of all nations who under Roger de Flor still 
 held together when disiuis.sed in 130^ by Frederic of Sicily 
 and carried terror and desolation through Greece and Asia. 
 They may be considered as the first " Condottieri " havmg 
 been employed by the Greek Emperor Andronicus against the 
 Turks and Bulgarians : their less famous imitators, composed 
 of French Spanish and other adventurers, sold themselves 
 at a given j)rice to any purchaser without having a spark of 
 the nobler and more generous feelings of a soldier*. 
 
 This system swelled gradually from the few retainers of tui-- 
 bulent citizens like Corso Donati, to the subsequent employ- 
 ment of large public armies ; and the despicable character of 
 men who thus sold their blood and conscience, together with 
 the inlluence of increasing trade the natural enemy of war ; 
 besides other causes ; gradually brought the profession of arms 
 into disrepute at Florence : but it was not until after the middle 
 of this centuiy that the military spirit received its greatest shock ; 
 the wadike nobility was then completely subdued ; long and ex- 
 pensive contests began w^th Milan, soldiers became more plentiful 
 than money, and the militaiy service of country gentlemen was 
 allowed to be exchanged for an equivalent pecuniary' contribution. 
 Tliis gradually deadened national spirit and encouraged the 
 employment of mercenaries with all their train of necessarjr evil f . 
 There are periods when the general cause of Hberty may be 
 supported on a foreign soil ; when native tyi-anny may be best 
 opposed in the ranks of a stranger ; when the universal rights 
 
 •Sismondi, vol. iii., p. 214.— Gio. Villani, Lib. viii", cap. li. 
 t Leonardo Aretino, Lib. vii", p. Ul. 
 
432 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY, 
 
 433 
 
 of man, of tlie ^eak and the injured, may be vindicated by 
 assisting a country in wliich we have no apparent interest, or 
 even where the art of war may be learned >)y those destined to 
 defend their own. These are generous and legitimate motives 
 for assistance ; but the mere gladiator who changes sides as the 
 scale preponderates, and kills for gold alone, is only a tolerated 
 i-uffian on a larger scale and disgraces the name of soldier. 
 
 With such companions the Florentines became every day 
 less inclined to serve, more especially as the general l)elief in 
 their own opulence had raised the market price and therefore 
 increased the difficulty of procuring their mnsom far above 
 that of any other Tt^ilians ; so that various circumstances con- 
 curred to change the ancient mihtaiy spirit and substitute 
 foreign mercenaries for the unpaid valour of devoted citizens*. 
 
 The sudden death of Henry VII. elated the Guelphs as 
 much as it depressed the Ghibelines and completely changed 
 the political position of Italy : but the Pisans had most cause 
 to mourn, for they joined him with a generous confidence, sti- 
 pulated notliing for themselves, expended two millions of 
 tlorins in his ser^•icei supplied him with ships and soldiers, 
 made his cause their own with a zeal that springs only from 
 unity and sincerity of heart; and after all this they found 
 themselves exposed single-handed to the resentment of those 
 they had provoked for his sake. 
 
 Perplexed but not daimted, they soon resumed their native 
 energy and even endeavoured to retain the imperial army in 
 their pay : but the Germans indisposed to war after the em- 
 peror died, were far more anxious to recross the Alps than 
 remain any longer in Italy. Frederic of Sicily, who had 
 landed at Pisa to ascertain the truth of what he had heard 
 while at sea, was not bold enough to undertake their defence 
 and declmed the honours of the commonwealth ; so after the 
 Count of Savoy and Henry of Flanders had successively refused 
 
 * Goro Dati, Storia di Firenzi, Lib. iii., p. 37. — Sismondi, vol iii., p. 273. 
 
 
 II 
 
 ) 
 
 this dangerous distinction, the Pisans confided their city to the 
 care of Uguccione da Faggiola then imperial vicar at Genoa 
 and one of the ablest of Gliibeline captains, who with a thou- 
 sand German horse cheerfully undertook its defence and fully 
 redeemed his pledge. 
 
 Arriving at Pisa in September 1313 he immediately marched 
 against Lucca and after ravaging the whole country mocked 
 and insulted the citizens even under their walls : civil discord 
 between the Obizzi and Bernarducci repressed the wonted 
 energy of Lucca and disgusted Florence, which thus bore all 
 the burden of war on its own shoulders, for the King of Naples 
 wholly bent on recovering Sicily was anxious for tranquillity in 
 the north, and the Pisans in general far from being blinded 
 by success were eager to be friends with a sovereign whose 
 power was extremely fonnidable*. 
 
 Robert was now senator of Pome, and besides Provence and 
 Naples had been acluiowledged Lord of Romagna Florence 
 Lucca Ferrara Pavia Alexandria and Bergamo besides several 
 fiefs in Piedmont ; and the pope was about to create him impe- 
 rial vicar in Italy during the vacancy of the empire. An am- 
 bassador was dispatched from Pisa to Naples and a 
 treaty concluded which promising to reestablish ge- 
 neral tranquillity, began by restoring the exiled Guelphs of 
 that republic to their countiy. 
 
 But peace was not the object of Uguccione ; his trade was 
 war, and as Podesta of Pisa at the head of a thousand men-at- 
 arms besides a private council of his own creation invested 
 with all the powers of the state, he felt himself strong enough 
 to rule it. and determined to renew the war with fresh vigour. 
 Pisa could scarcely have selected a man more fitted to retrieve 
 her affaks or extend her fame or usurp her liberties. Bom, 
 as is supposed, of an obscure but rather opulent family amongst 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. \nii., cap Iviii. Muratori, Annali, 1313, — Sismondi, 
 — S. Ammirato, Lib. v., p. 26L — vol. iii., p. 297. 
 VOL. I. F F 
 
434 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 those Apennines that border on the city of San Sepolcro he 
 had been from childhood both a Gliibeline and a soldier ; he 
 took an active part iu the civil wars of Arezzo and full of cou- 
 rage and ambition had proved himself one of the ablest men of 
 his daj either in the field or the cabinet. Of a fierce aspect, 
 proud demeanoui', and unrelenting heart, he was admirably 
 adapted to the spirit of tlie age iu which he lived : he wore 
 more ponderous arais, was stronger and taller than the usual 
 measure of man and as much celebrated for his personal prowess 
 in the field as for the nobler qualities of a general and a states- 
 man. His individual feats were sometimes magnified into 
 superhuman exploits resembling the fabled deeds of ancient 
 Paladins and excited the admiration of the soldiers as much as 
 his military talents commanded their respect and confidence. 
 In one battle we are told that being on foot, wounded in the 
 knee, and alone amidst the enemy ; he yet made good his re- 
 treat and rejoined his companions ^ith a well-battered helmet 
 and no less than four battleaxes and thirteen arrows fixed 
 in his long and heavy buckler. No chief was better fitted 
 to restore confidence to a dispirited people than Uguc- 
 cione da Faggiola, and all the power of Pisa wtis frankly 
 intrusted to him : he was the first to discontinue the ancient 
 mode of going out to war at fixed seasons and finishing the 
 campaign at certain stipulated times; on the contrary, by 
 keeping the field throughout the year and merely using the 
 capital as a camp to retire upon he so harassed the Lucchese 
 that they were compelled to sue for an ignominious peace, a 
 peace too that disgusted Florence, not only by its hard condi- 
 tions but more particularly by the restoration of all the Ghibe- 
 hne exiles, with Castruccio Castracani at then* head. Through 
 their agency he subsequently mastered Lucca and plundered it 
 for eight successive days without intermission or mercy, not 
 even sparing the papal treasure deposited in the church of San 
 Frediano ; a crime considered of so dark a nature m almost to 
 
 CHAP. XV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 435 
 
 / 
 
 eclipse the rapine rape and murder of his licentious soldiery*. 
 The booty was enormous, the pope's treasure alone amounting 
 to a milliou of golden florins : but besides this the citizens 
 were extremely rich, for Lucca was then equal if not superior 
 to Florence in the number and opulence of her bankers who 
 under the name of " Barattieri " fall peculiarly under the lash 
 of Dante in the twenty-first canto of his Inferno. The capture 
 of Lucca and sudden filling of Florence with the fugitives 
 startled the community yet ultimately produced great benefit, 
 for they brought \\ith them superior knowledge in the art of 
 manufacturing silk, and formed a new epoch in the annals of 
 that trade amongst the Florentines as well as at Venice and 
 Milan, and even in Germany France and England f. 
 
 Before Heniy VII.'s death Rol)ert had accepted the govern- 
 ment and checked to a certain point the free republican action 
 of Florence, for he was in a manner lord also of the national 
 purse but far more interested about Sicily than Tuscany; 
 nevertheless on the first alarm a Florentine army had been 
 dispatched to the aid of Lucca but arriving too late to save 
 that city turned into the Valdanio and secured most of the 
 Ouelphic towns while all Tuscany once more prepared for 
 war. The king of Naples was intreated to send reinforcements 
 and Piero his youngest brother arrived with three hundred 
 men-at-arms on the eighteenth of August about two months 
 after the devastation of Lucca : Piero soon won all hearts by his 
 wisdom affability and personal graces, and so warm and 
 general was the friendship of these democrats that if he had 
 survived the war the lordship of Florence would probably have 
 been confen'ed on him for life ! A dangerous feeling, springing 
 perhaps from an involuntary desire of repose after republican 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. ix", cap. li. — Is- Attioni di Castr. Castracani. Roncioni, 
 
 torie Pistolese, p. 119. — Tronci, An- Lib. xii., p. 694. — Sardo, cap. Lx. — 
 
 nali. — Muratori, Annali, Anno 1314. Cronica di Pisa, Murat. S. R. L, pp. 
 
 + Tegrinai, Vita di Castruccio, p. 35, 991 to 996, vol. xv. — Dei, Cronica 
 
 Dati's translation. — Aldo Mannucci, Senese, Ibid. pp. 55, 60. 
 
 F F 2 
 
436 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book !. 
 
 CHAP. XV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 437 
 
 A.D. 1315. 
 
 turbulence, whenever a chief could he found to whom the public 
 liberty might be safely intrusted ; yet an experiment the effects 
 of which they had afterwards good cause to rue in the person 
 of Walter de Brienne the titular Duke of Athens *. 
 
 One of Piero's first acts was to secure the neutrality of 
 Arezzo by a treaty of peace with the Guelphic league so as to 
 leave a fair field for the Pisan war which was making rapid 
 progress : Uguccione had not only recovered all that portion of the 
 ancient territory which had been held by Lucca since 
 Ugolino s time, but had also ravaged the countiy of Vol- 
 terra, and even penetrated into that of Pistoia to Carmignano, 
 only thirteen miles from Florence : he had besides overrun the 
 Maremma, assaulted Samminiato, took Cigoli and other places 
 of its district, and finally captured the Florentine town and 
 castle of Monte Cain. He also claimed half of Pistoia in 
 right of conquest as Lord of Lucca and pursued his successful 
 course by investing Montecatini, a well-defended fortress in 
 the Val-di-Nievole which the Florentines had occupied ever 
 since the downfall of that republic. This rapid succession of 
 events created so much alarm that distrusting the extreme 
 youth and inexperience of Piero when opposed to so formidable 
 an enemy, the Florentines with his own consent again de- 
 manded assistance from Robert whose brother Philip Prince 
 of Taranto was at their earnest request dispatched with five 
 hundred men-at-arms, but against the king's judgment, who 
 knew him to be unwise, rash, and unfortunate in war. 
 
 Meanwhile Uguccione pressed the siege of Montecatini 
 where besides the power of Pisa and Lucca he had assembled 
 all the Ghibelines of Tuscany, the exiles of Florence, the Count 
 of Santa Fiore and Maffeo Visconte's auxiliaries ; and not^vith- 
 standing recent treaties the independent Bishop of Arezzo 
 also joined his ranks ; so that his cavalry amounted to two 
 thousand five hundred men-at-arms with a proportionate num- 
 
 • Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. Ixi. 
 
 4« 
 
 i^V / 
 
 ber of infantry making in all about twenty-two thousand seven 
 hundred soldiers. 
 
 The Florentines summoned their adherents from Bologna, 
 Siena, Perugia, Citta di Castello, Agobbio, Komagna, Prato, 
 Pistoia, Volterra, Samminiato and all the other Guelphs 
 of Tuscany, which added to eight hundred Neapolitan 
 men-at-arms under the two princes, formed a body of three 
 thousand two hundred mounted men and a very numerous 
 infantry, the whole amounting as is said from fifty-four to 
 nearly sixty thousand; but this is probably an exaggeration 
 of the victors : thirty thousand of all arms, as stated by Pig- 
 iiotti, might perhaps come nearer to the truth. 
 
 With this fine army commanded by Philip Prince of Taranto 
 his son and brother, did the Florentines march to raise 
 tlie siege of Montecatini. The Pisan general expected them 
 to advance by the Fucecchio road across the marshy plains of 
 that district to cut oft' his communications with the two capitals 
 and force him to a battle on miequal terms with the hostile 
 garrison of Montecatini in his rear : he had therefore occupied 
 the passes in that direction but unnecessarily ; for the allies 
 having taken the road of Montesummano left his communica- 
 tions free and to his great satisfaction took up a position in 
 front of the Pisan army on the left bank of the Nievole a 
 small stream tliat now only divided the hostile forces. The 
 Nievole was a great obstacle to men-at-arms in which the 
 principal strength of armies then consisted ; the Pisans were 
 intrenched, and " BattifollW" or works of circumvallation, sur- 
 rounded the place, by means of which Uguccione without 
 wishing to fight determined to maintain the blockade and if 
 possible prevent the besieged from receiving any assistance. 
 Skirmishes were frequent, and neither party being willing to come 
 to a general battle they remained several weeks in this threat- 
 ening attitude, during which the Prince of Taranto detached a 
 part of his army to occupy the country about Monte Carlo for 
 
438 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 439 
 
 the purpose of intercepting the enemy *s convoys and thus com- 
 pelling him to raise the siege. San Martino the head-quartei-s 
 of Uguccione's escorts was attacked and tixken, all the passes 
 occupied in his rear, the Guelphs immediately round Lucca 
 were in arms, supphes stopped, and every direct communica- 
 tion with the besieging army entirely cut off while its com- 
 mander was unable to spare a single soldier for the purpose 
 of reestabhshing them. 
 
 For two days the troops had been without any fresh supply, 
 Uguccione was unusually thoughtful, and the army with all its 
 confidence became alarmed when the order to retreat was 
 given, not so much from fear of the enemy as from appro- 
 hension tliat with so powerful an encouragement to the 
 Guelphic faction the safety of Lucca itself might have been 
 endangered. On the morning of the twenty-ninth of August 
 a Uttle before daylight Uguccione broke up the camp and 
 marched in order of battle but resolved not to seek it if the 
 enemy would allow him to retire quietly on Pisa : his retreat was 
 soon observed and gave fresh spirit to tlie allies who instantly 
 attempted in a hurried disorderly march to occupy Borgo a 
 Buggiano before him, but they moved on the arch, Uguccione 
 on the chord, and he thus gained the position. Perceiving 
 that a battle was inevitable he halted at La Selva de' Trincia- 
 velH opposite Buggiano where selecting a body of one hundred 
 and fifty Feditori amongst the bravest of his followers, and 
 forming his advanced guard into a second line of support, he 
 suddenly gave the signal to charge ere the enemy was well in 
 order, at the same time exclaiming that " as his adversary 
 declined paving a road of gold for their retreat which he might 
 more wisely have done, they would themselves endeavour to 
 open one with their swords and show the prince that all his 
 regal splendour was only a vain and useless bauble amidst the 
 shock of soldiers and the clang of arms." " To remind you 
 '' of your duty," he continued, " is superfluous, for no army was 
 
 1 
 
 " ever better known to its general than you to me, nor any 
 ** captain better known to his army than I to you : to say 
 ** nothing of older things, have we not together restored the 
 '■ Ghibelines to Lucca, taken most of her towns and maintained 
 " the authority and dignity of Pisa ? we have now only to make 
 " Montecatini as glorious to the Pisans as Arbiato the Senese, 
 " and for once at least, humble the proud spirit of the Floren- 
 " tines ; too vain at having twice baffled the attempts of two 
 *' imperial Henrys. Nor will it be a trifling glory if after so 
 ' ' many years we should revive in Tuscany the almost extinguished 
 *' name of Ghibeline and open a road for future emperors to 
 *' reestablish Italy in her antique grandeur under the Caesarian 
 " sway, by the unassisted strength of our own right arms." 
 
 Thus saying he ordered his own son and Giovanni Malespini 
 a Florentine exile, to lead the Feditori, and bade the charge be 
 sounded. The attack was fierce and effectual ; one chief car- 
 ried his own and his father s glory on his lance, the other 
 fought to be restored to his country ; they were followed 
 by the flower of Pisan gentlemen; the adverse line com- 
 posed of troops from Siena and Colli, first bending to this 
 storm, broke after a short struggle and uncovered the allies' 
 main battle where Piero Count of Gravina stood with all the 
 Florentine chivalry. Spent and breathless the victors were 
 now met by a line of daring soldiers armed like themselves, 
 steady, fresh, and in superior numbers ; this unequal contest 
 was soon decided, but not a knight turned back, each fell in 
 arms and died as he was, victorious ; none shrunk from their 
 leaders, the chiefs themselves fell bravely with their followers 
 and nearly all were slaughtered. 
 
 Meanwhile four thousand Pisan cross-bowmen in three 
 divisions sent a continual flight of arrows against their enemy ; 
 one mass charged their cross-bows while the next took a steady 
 aim and the third shot, and thus left no respite to their adver- 
 saries, bolt followed after bolt in one unmitigated shower and 
 
aam 
 
 4iO 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 441 
 
 horse and man reeled under the iron tempest*. Uguccione 
 seeing the enemy's first line thus broken turned suddenly to 
 his eight hundred Germans, saying, *' The glory of the field is 
 reserved for your nation.'' They were the remnant of Heniy- 
 VII. 's army, all old soldiers well skilled in war and detesting 
 the Florentines for past events and as was believed, for the 
 untunely death of their emperor. Their charge was terrible ; 
 but proud of an ancient name and the presence of three royal 
 princes in her ranks Florence remained unbroken ; yet the 
 rage of battle did not reach its full height until certain intelli- 
 gence of his son Francesco's death reached the Pisan general ; 
 all paternal emotions were at once enveloped in one deep 
 feeling of revenge ; at the head of his remaining horse Uguc- 
 cione dashed madly into the tliickest of the fight shouting out 
 *' no prisoners!" "no prisoners!" until his voice sank under 
 the louder and deadher tumult. The battle now became 
 general and the allies struggled long and hard for victory, but 
 the genius of Faggiola prevailed ; the bravest knights and 
 chiefs of Florence fell one after another and disheartened the 
 survivors ; their efforts gradually relaxed, they first wavered, 
 then suddenly gave way and immediately a wild and univei-sal 
 flight proclaimed the victory and triumph of Pisa. 
 
 Many soldiers fell in the conflict, but more were lost in the 
 Gusciana marshes as they fled towards Fucecchio ; and it is 
 related that the Nievole was so encumbered with dead bodies 
 that instead of the fulness of its usual stream it crept slug- 
 gishly along in rivulets of blood ! 
 
 The pursuit was closely followed up as far as the heights of 
 Monsummano; two thousand men were killed in battle or 
 drowned in the marsh, and amongst them one hundred and 
 fourteen of the noblest Florentine famihes : fifteen hundred 
 
 • The cross-bow arrows most com- {Vide Miscellaneous Chapter.) — 
 
 monly used were called '' Moschetti" Giunte alle croniche de' Cortusi apud 
 
 or Little Flies, (Spanish Mosquito) Muratori, Ant. Ital., Diss, xxvi., u. 
 
 and thence probably our word musket. 152. 
 
 prisoners were taken^ but chiefly after the action : Piero Count 
 of Gravina who led the Florentine battle lost his life, and his 
 body was never found ; Charles the son of Philip shared his 
 fate and Carlo Count of Battifolle with many other Italian 
 nobles of the highest rank saw their last sun on this disastrous 
 day: at Siena, Perugia, Bologna, Florence and Naples there 
 was public mourning for the victims of Montecatini : Uguccione 
 lost his son, Lucchino Visconti was wounded, and Castruccio 
 Castricani, a man destined to eclipse even his master's glory 
 and to whom some ascribe the credit of this day's victory, did 
 not escape untouched*. 
 
 The Prince of Taranto saved himself by flight and although 
 too ill to command in person carried with him all the disgrace 
 of this unfortunate encounter : the fugitives sought refuge in 
 Fucecchio, Pistoia, and Cerbaia ; Montecatini, which had been 
 victualled by Simone di Villa during the first movement of the 
 enemy, immediately surrendered ; Monsummano was soon after 
 taken ; Vinci next fell ; Cerretoguidi followed and the whole 
 country trembled ; yet Florence was not dismayed : rousing 
 herself as was her wont, she made fresh levies reinforced her 
 defences, quieted some peccant humours amongst the citizens, 
 again demanded troops with a more experienced chief from 
 King Robert and prepared for active warf. 
 
 * Tegrirao, Vita di Castruccio, Tra- 
 dotta da Giorgio Dati, p. 19 — The 
 lists of killed and wounded in those 
 days probably referred only to citizens 
 and men-at-arms, 2000 men killed 
 will not justify the accounts of this 
 day's carnage. The vulgar crowd was 
 seldom thought of, and 114 of the 
 principal families of Florence in addi- 
 tion to gentlemen of less exalted rank 
 would probably amount to at least 200 
 Florentine cavaliers to be counted 
 amongst the slain, and in fact the names 
 are still extant of 192 of the principal 
 families and exiles residing in Florence 
 
 who were killed or missing or known 
 to be prisoners. Now 200 multiplied 
 by all the allied states would make 
 more than 2000 ; and Macchiavelli in 
 his life of Castruccio makes the killed 
 10,000 men although in his history 
 he only mentions about 2000. — The 
 Libro del Polistore, cap. viii., tomo 
 xxiv., p. 725. Rer. Ital. Scriptores 
 makes no mention of Castruccio in 
 the battle of Monte Catini, but on the 
 contrary says that Francesco della 
 Faggiola was second in command, 
 t Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., caps. Ixx., 
 Ixxi.jlxxii. — Storie Pistolese,p. 125. — 
 
442 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Misfortune is rarely unaccompanied by discontent and in 
 great national affairs, whether unavoidable or not, always be- 
 comes the pivot of faction : the disaster of Montecatini though 
 it neither damped the spirit nor even inten-upted the usual 
 business of the Florentines yet served to raise a strong oppo- 
 sition to the continued rule of Naples. The ancient alliance 
 of the two states ; the benefits received from the first Charles ; 
 the continued friendship of the second ; the prompt and distin- 
 guished aid of Robert ; all were now forgotten, and a powerful 
 faction alike reckless of the foreign enemies and domestic strife 
 whether from party or patriotism, determined to make a change. 
 Count Novello d' Andi'ea was about tliis time appointed Viceroy 
 of Florence upon wliich the citizens immediately split into two 
 factions each led by a member of the same family, one calling 
 itself the friend, the other the enemy of Eobert : the former 
 was directed by Pino, the latter by Simone della Tosa with the 
 Magalotti, and other popular families of great influence who 
 then ruled Florence and who would willingly have renounced 
 Kmg Robert and expelled his party had not their apprehen- 
 sions of Uguccione da Faggiola restniined them. Philip of 
 
 A.D.1316. ^.^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^* ^^ Luxembourg were succes- 
 sively but ineffectually invited to assume the supreme 
 authority and public defence, wherefore the ascendant party 
 resolved to place a creature of their own at the head of affairs. 
 The viceroy had but litUe influence against such opposition 
 and on his arrival was compelled to promise that lie would not 
 meddle with the executive government of Gonfalonier and 
 Priors, or any other official appointment ; never to impede the 
 execution of any law or order made by the citizens ; and resign 
 his own office at the end of four months instead of twelve. 
 
 Leon. Aretino, Lib. v«, p. 87.-S. 320.— Pignotti, Storia di Tosc*, vol iio 
 Ammirato, Lib. vo p. 265.-Tronci, p. 238.-0. Malavolti. Stor. Senese' 
 Annah PisaoK-Muratori, Annali, Parte ii% Lib. ivo, p. -S.-Sismondi,' 
 
 ^^r,\^,^!^!^T\'^"^''; ^.'f^-' ^*>^- "^^ P- 303. Roncioni, 1st. Pisa 
 p.lo3.-AntichitaItahane,vol.n,.— Lib. xii., p. 700.~Sardo Cronaca 
 To«cana lUustrata, pp 97. &c., and Pisana, cap. Ixi. 
 
 
 ■p 
 
 CHAP. XV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 443 
 
 Lando d' Agobbio a rapacious and merciless foreigner but a 
 willing tool, was made Bargello or Executor of Florence with 
 new and unlimited powers : this man was attended by five 
 lictors with axes who waited at the palace gate, the ready in- 
 struments of his and his employers' will : at a sign from the 
 tyrants any citizen was dragged without pretence, trial, or for- 
 mality, to instant execution wliile spies were stationed in every 
 quarter hke spiders to catch the unwary. No man dared 
 speak to his neighbour ; the whole population high and low, 
 Guelph and Ghibeline lived in terror and suspicion, and such 
 was the Bargello's insolence that he coined base money on his 
 own authority and issued it at one-half more than its value 
 without a single citizen daring to raise his voice against the deed. 
 At last Pino della Tosa and the king's party sent secretly 
 to demand Count Guido da Battifolli, a powerful neighbour, as 
 royal ^icar and he was so thoroughly Guelph, so generally 
 respected and so well acquainted with Florentine affairs that 
 their antagonists could make no reasonable objection to the 
 appointment : but Lando the minion of the seignory being 
 zealously supported by the Gonfaloniers of companies was still 
 too powerful for bold and open war. 
 
 While thus tormented the daughter of Albert of Germany 
 passed through Florence previous to her marriage with Prince 
 Charles of Naples and was honourably received, especially by 
 the king's party, who seized this occasion for explaining to 
 her the real state of Florentine affairs and the tyranny of 
 Lando d' Agobbio. Upon this Robert partly by threats and 
 the aid of pope John XXII. who resided at Avignon; partly 
 by the influence of his own vicar backed by Lando's enemies, 
 succeeded m expelling that monster ; but gorged with blood 
 and treasure ; and reestablishing his own authority. 
 
 Tliis occurred in the month of October 1316 and by a 
 reform which immediately followed, all Robert's powers were con- 
 tinued for three yeai's longer \rith a more pliant seignory, M 
 
 •W'fVili'****-^- 
 
444 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 445 
 
 as the seven priors were enemies sk more were cunningly 
 added on the king's part, and these at the succeeding election 
 managed to return the whole thirteen. This change continued 
 but a short time when they were again limited to the original 
 number of seven, and after the expulsion of Walter de Brienne 
 augmented to twelve in order to admit four nobles; these 
 were however soon expelled and the number thus reduced 
 remained permanent as will hereafter be noticed *. 
 
 There is perhaps no such thing as unmingled evil, and the 
 government of Lando d' Agobbio was not an exception to 
 this rule, for a great portion of the city wall was completed 
 and many private feuds entirely pacified by his influence or 
 authority ; this was no trifling or easy task, for enmities were 
 deep ; great families had great followings, and their dissensions 
 often threw the whole community into disorder. 
 
 The public revenues had during this period of war and con- 
 fusion diminished so much as to make an extraordinary supply 
 necessary and the government adopted a not unusual mode of 
 raising money which the continual revolutions of Florence ren- 
 dered sufficiently effective. All persons, with some perma- 
 nent exceptions, who were either in banishment, or in any way 
 condemned to pecuniary penalties were if Florentine citizens 
 absolved and permitted to return on pa\Tng five per cent, of 
 the original fine before a certain day, and half that amount 
 if belonging to the contado or district, any friend or relation 
 being allowed to pay the money on their behalf the sum being 
 limited to a certain amoimt whatever might have been the 
 first penalty. This and two otlier decrees of the same nature 
 restored many exiles to their country while they supphed its 
 immediate necessities ; but being accompanied by a degrading 
 ceremony the high-minded Dante disdained to stoop and pre- 
 
 ♦ Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. Ixxix.— MacchiaveUi, Stor., Lib. ii«.--Leon 
 Scip. Ammirato, Lib. y<», p. 271.— Aretino, Lib. v«. 
 
 f 
 
 ferred exile to acknowledging himself a culprit before the very 
 men who had injured and persecuted him *. 
 
 Prosperity when it seems to be most firmly riveted is often 
 on the verge of destruction, and thus it was with Uguccione 
 della Faggiola who after the battle of Montecatini becoming 
 for a while almost absolute in Pisa dreamed not of sudden 
 change, but on the strengthening of his power and extendmg 
 his dominion over all Tuscany. When Corso Donati was 
 accused of aiming at the lordship of Florence and the rest of 
 Tuscany in conjunction with liis father-in-law the notion was 
 ridiculed by most of the citizens as chimerical, but the Are- 
 tine's subsequent career opened their eyes to the possible achieve- 
 ments of talents and ambition, united in favourable times and 
 circumstances. Pisa humbled and terrified by the emperor's 
 death cast about for a protector and found a master ; expecting 
 to be instantly crushed by her enemies she yet rose supenor to 
 all and conquered her bitterest foe ; but no glory fell to the 
 people ; they felt that it was the work of a foreign master 
 whose personal benefit became the end and object of all their 
 efforts : Lucca was his, not theirs, the blood spilt at Monteca- 
 tini ended in his aggrandisement, not their advantage. Liberty 
 was notliing but a name ; the tyrant's power had bound her in 
 her own ornaments, and with an outward respect to all the 
 forms and trappings of freedom turned everything to his per- 
 sonal ambition. In Lucca he was also a tyrant but at the head 
 of a faction, and a conqueror ; but both cities loved their mde- 
 pendence, felt their subjection, and hated him as a taskmaster. 
 Tliis state of things was taken advantage of by two 
 monks who had been concealed in that city since 1315 on a 
 secret mission from Robert for detaching the republic from 
 Sicily and reducing it to his own devotion. Bemg Guelphs 
 themselves they were welcomed by that faction and an envoy 
 was sent without the Imowledge of tlie Anziani to treat with a 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib. v^, p. •271.-Vide Lettera AW An.ico Fiorentino. 
 
445 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 447 
 
 III 
 
 monarch who without either genius or inclination for war was yet 
 a formidable enemy. These men were sedulously endeavouring 
 to undermine Uguccione's influence by persuading the citizens 
 that his aim was to be Tyrant of the republic, (for thus as in 
 ancient Greece these Italian lords were denommated,) the whole 
 power of which was already in his hands. Their arguments 
 were successful not only from their truth but because they 
 touched the pride and passions of the people and had real 
 grievances to work upon without which agitators can seldom 
 make permanent impressions. 
 
 The chiefs of this opposition were Banduccio Buonconti a 
 citizen of high rank and popularity and his son Piero then 
 Gonfalonier of Justice, both actively employed in managing the 
 treaty with Robert : this which contemplated the entire pacifi- 
 cation of Tuscany, was after some difficulty concluded, to the 
 great discontent of Florence as well as of many Pisans, but 
 particularly of Uguccione himself, who was too deeply indebted 
 to war willingly to relinquish the sword. As no powerful man 
 is too wicked to have adherents all the popularity and influence 
 of the Buonconti were required to force this treaty through the 
 councils where it was impeded and denounced by Uguccione 
 and his friends, perhaps not unreasonably, as an attempt to 
 surrender the liberties of the republic into the hands of King 
 Robert after the example of Lucca and Florence. When he 
 saw no chance of preventing the ratification, which he finally 
 signed as Podesta, he endeavoured to excite a tumult by shout- 
 ing out treason, ordering his Germans and other troops under 
 arms, himself canying a living eagle, the Ghibeliiie emblem, 
 about the streets on a lofty pole and furiously threatening the 
 Guelphs with death as disturbers of public tranquillity. Success 
 would probably have attended this if the Gonfalonier had not 
 calmly opposed him by persuadmg the soldiei-s not to act with- 
 out orders from the Anziani : meanwhile Banduccio met the 
 German veterans and with a commanding resolute air and 
 
 \: 
 
 
 haughty words rebuked their audacity. His high rank and 
 influence gave effect to his speech, upon which Uguccione at 
 once arrested the agitation and returning to the public palace 
 consulted with his council on the necessary steps to be taken. 
 As it was an evident struggle between the Buonconti and 
 himself he quietly sent for them the following morning on 
 pretence of discussing some public business and threw both 
 into prison ; then giving a traitorous signification to Banducci s 
 speech made it the foundation of a formal process by which he 
 convicted them of conspiring to betray their country and deliver 
 it into the hands of Naples. They were immediately beheaded ; 
 but two days after, alarmed at the universal disgust which 
 liis conduct had excited a general council was assembled in the 
 cathedral, where by a short address he endeavoured to prove 
 the necessity of such extreme rigour. " Believe not Signores," 
 said he, " that I either capriciously or vindictively have con- 
 " demned the Buonconti but solely to deliver you from a great 
 " and impending ruin. Robert King of Naples has often, as 
 " you well know, attempted to possess himself of Pisa and 
 *' never yet succeeded. It is known to me by many secret 
 '* letters that the said Buonconti, and other nobles who hold the 
 '* magistracy, had agreed to deliver the city into his power on 
 " conditions hurtful to the people because the nobility alone 
 " were to participate in the public honours and government ; 
 '• and in short, the Guelphs were to prevail and the Ghibelines 
 '* be trampled in the dust and treated like slaves. Where- 
 *' fore I having detected this conspiracy exerted myself to arrest 
 " its progress, but perceiving that nothing else would do I re- 
 " solved to crush it at once by the death of the two Buonconti 
 " in order to avoid the certain ruin Avhich their machinations 
 " had prepared for us. Neither had I ever an idea of usurping 
 " your liberties and making myself tyrant of your city, but 
 *' rather to preserve it as the future effects will certify. Be ye 
 ** therefore vigilant and with keen regards watch narrowly the 
 
44S 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 " proceedings of your country's enemies, and do not allow 
 " yourselves to be deceived." Whether Uguccione was right 
 or wrong he failed in comincing the Pisans and therefore 
 artfully changed the mode of electing the seignory, which he 
 knew was extremely unpopular, by restoring the ancient form, 
 restricting as in Florence all public honours to tradesmen 
 alone ; and he moreover made it incumbent on future candi- 
 dates to prove that they had always been Ghibelines. This 
 very popular and important reform lulled the murmurs of the 
 citizens while it exasperated the nobles, few of whom conde- 
 scended to trade, and sharpened their enmity against him -. 
 The city was therefore ripe for revolt because the people though 
 pleased with the restoration of their rights were no less inimi- 
 cal to the reformer, and a timely insurrection at Lucca which 
 was probably concerted with the Pisan malcontents soon offered 
 a favourable occasion f. 
 
 Castruccio Castracani of the Interminelli family after thirteen 
 years of banishment adventure and military knowledge in 
 France and England, was restored with the other Ghibelines 
 in 1314 and very soon acquired an extensive influence over his 
 countrjTnen, for he* was the ablest man of the age and with a 
 longer life would probably have subjugated Italy. Macchia- 
 velli says that he equalled Philip of Macedon and Scipio, and 
 would have surpassed both had he had as wide a field of action : 
 there is so much error or imagination mixed up with the truth 
 in this great man's romance of Castruccio that it cannot be 
 easily quoted except for extreme beauty of style ; but such an 
 opinion from the Florentine secretary would have been alone 
 
 * Sismondi erroneously places this Banduccio Buonoonti may be seen as 
 
 peace and death of the Buonconti in parties to the treaty in the month of 
 
 1314, Tronci in 1315; but Villani August, 1316. — Sardo Cron. Pisa, cap. 
 
 and all other historians give the proper Ix. 
 
 date, as appears by the treaty itself, f Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. Ixxv. — 
 
 published in Dal Borgo. **Raccolta Tronci, Annali Pisani, torn, iii., Ann. 
 
 di Scelti Ih'plomi Pisani;'^. 221. 1314, 1315. 
 Where the names of Uguccione and 
 
 CHAP. XV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 449 
 
 ;; 
 
 sufi&cient to immortalize the Lucchese hero if every record of 
 his own actions had been obliterated. 
 
 A shrewd experienced soldier like Uguccione must have 
 veiy soon detected the ambitious nature and extraordinary 
 talents of his officer, and after the late victory, to which Cas- 
 truccio mainly contributed, his increasing influence at Lucca 
 gave much uneasiness ; for besides the possession of that city 
 he probably owed much to Castracani 's ability ; and the con- 
 sciousness of obligation to a possible rival whose superiority he 
 must have felt would have been even still more irksome and 
 more willingly got rid of than is usual. 
 
 After the battle of Montecatini it does not appear that Cas- 
 truccio enjoyed any public command ; but rich, powerful, and con- 
 fident, he was not long in givmg justifiable cause of offence : the 
 people of Camajore or Massa del Marchese had in some manner 
 injured him and he took a bloody revenge by killing twenty-two 
 of them who had taken refuge in a church. It suited Uguccione to 
 be indignant at this breach of the peace, but as there was danger 
 in braving Castruccio he directed Neri to invite him to an en- 
 tertainment and in this way he is said to have been treach- 
 erously arrested ; according to Macchiavelli it was because he gave 
 protection to the murderer of a gentleman who was much 
 respected in Lucca and repelled the officers of justice until the 
 former escaped : both are probable, more especially as Villani 
 asserts that he committed many robberies and murders against 
 the will of Uguccione*. 
 
 On hearing of his arrest the latter marched from Pisa at the 
 head of a strong detachment of Germans with the intention of 
 executing his prisoner, but a mutual understanding between 
 the malcontents of either city, which are only ten miles apart 
 by the nearest road, defeated his plan. He had scarcely 
 arrived at the baths of St. Julian about three miles from Pisa 
 
 * Macchiavelli, Vita di Castruccio, Roncioni, Lib. xiii., p. 707. — Sardo, 
 Opere, vol. iii. — G. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. Ixi. — Tegrimi Vita Cast. — Cronica 
 cap. Ixxviii. — Istorie Pistolese. — Pa- di Pisa, 
 olo Giovio, Vite de Uomini lUustri. 
 VOL. I. G a 
 
450 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 when the conspirators flew to arms and letting loose a bull 
 which they kept in readiness at the gate of St. Mark chased 
 him with arras concealed under their cloaks, through the street 
 of Saint Martin crying out " The Bull, the Bidl " until a 
 dense crowd had collected ; then changing their tone and bran- 
 dishing their arms they with one voice shouted *' Liberty, 
 liberty y long live the people and let the tyrant die.'' The flame 
 spread rapidly and Uguccione s palace, which was in the Via 
 Santa Maria at the comer of Lo Scotto, with all its inmates 
 soon fell a prey to their fury: the public palace of the 
 Anziani next surrendered after much fighting ; the com- 
 mander of the Pisan Masnade while preparing to do his duty 
 was persuaded to remain neuter, and the revolution became 
 complete, as all the other troops had submitted. The Lucchese 
 revolted the same day, either before Uguccione s anival or 
 after he had quitted it to repress the Pisans, and with loud 
 cries demanded Castruccio who was at once given up to them 
 or else rescued from prison by force of arms : but being still in 
 fetters they were instantly broken and served as a standard of 
 triumph for his countrymen in their attacks on Neri della Fag- 
 giola, who was finally expelled. Neri joined his fatlier and 
 both ultimately became refugees in the court of Can della Scala 
 at Verona where in company with Dante Alighieri they liad full 
 leisure to moralize on the instability of fortune. 
 
 The Pisans immediately elected Gaddo della Gherardesca 
 as their chief magistrate while Lucca appointed Castruccio to 
 a similar office for one year ; both subscribed to the general 
 peaxje and for a while were quiet ; but Castracani s ambition 
 was too fierce to smoulder, and he soon became one of the bit- 
 terest foes that Florence ever experienced, except her own 
 citizens, as will be shown in the following chapter*. 
 
 * G. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. Ixxviii.— Vite d'Uoniini Illustri. — Cronica di 
 
 Tronci An. Pisani. — Istorie Pistolese, Pisa. — Sardo, cap. Ixii , varies a little 
 
 An. 1316. — Machiavelli, Vita di Cas- in his account of this event which is 
 
 truccio Castracani. — Paolo Giovio, variously related by other authors. 
 
 CHAP. XV. J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 451 
 
 Cotemporary Monarchs.— Edward II., England.— Scotland : Bruce's wars. 
 —France: Philip the Fair [IV.], (to 1314), Louis X., (to 1316).— Aragon : 
 Jacob II.— Castile and Leon : Ferdinand IV., (till 1312), Alphonso XL- 
 Portugal : Dennis.— Gei-many : Albert I., son of Rodolph, (until 1308), 
 Henry of Luxemburgh (from 1308 to 1313).— Naples : Charles of Anjou 
 [IL] (till 1309), Robert (the Good).— Sicily : Frederic II. of Aragon.— 
 
 Greek Empire: Andronicus Palaologus — Ottoman Empire: Orkhan. 
 
 Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, established at Rhodes (1310). 
 
 G G '2 
 
452 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1317 TO A.D. 1326. 
 
 Uguccione s expulsion dissipated the apprehensions of Flo- 
 rence and a general peace which was ratified in April, secured 
 * T. ,oi- ^^ ^^^^^^ commercial advantages in the port of Pisa 
 
 A. U. 131/. 1 1 , -I , 
 
 that she had been accustomed to enjoy : the citizens 
 were in general against a peace yet as anxious to benefit by it 
 as the Pisans were unwilling to favour them, so that tlie admis- 
 sion of that article which insured free trade to Florence was only 
 acquired by a stratagem. 
 
 The state of Tuscany left Piobert free to strengthen his in- 
 fluence throughout I tidy ; Germany gave him no uneasiness, 
 for Louis of Bavaria and Frederic of Austria, both elected in 
 1314, were yet strugglmg for the empire. Clement V. died 
 about the same time, and had just been replaced, after two 
 years' vacancy, by Pope John XXII. the son of a cobbler, and 
 entirely devoted to Robert. Genoa was distracted by faction but 
 the Guelphs were paramount ; the famihes of Doria and Spi- 
 nola had retired from the town in alarm and left the Fieschi 
 and Grimakh in full possession of it ; the former, enemies in 
 prosperity, were reconciled in misfortune; they assembled 
 troops, were promised succours from the Lombard Ghibelines 
 and resolved to besiege their native city. Robert who had been 
 maintainmg an unsuccessful war for three years in Lombardv 
 intending if possible to crush the Ghibelines, became anxious 
 for the fate of Genoa and determined to defend it in person : 
 
 CHAP. XVI.] 
 
 FLORENITNE HISTORY. 
 
 453 
 
 he was a potent monarch but had to do with rich and powerful 
 adversai-ies ; Cane della Scala of Verona, Matteo Visconte of 
 Milan, Castruccio Castracani of Lucca, Passerino Bonacossi of 
 Mantua, and Frederic of Montefeltro Lord of Urbino worked 
 well together, all uniting to check his ambition and preserve 
 their own independence *. 
 
 The war with Sicily was still continued in a succession of 
 sudden descents and all that sweeping devastation which 
 marked the character of the age : Ferrara had revolted from 
 the pope and King Robert and restored the house of Este, 
 while Florence, relieved from the tyranny of Lando d' Agubbio 
 and the fear of Uguccione, beheld the unusual spectacle of a 
 revolution in its government unaccompanied by death, exile, or 
 confiscation. 
 
 This gentle transition was owing to the sober management 
 of Count Guido di Battifolle a wise and moderate man who 
 armed with vicarial authority, his personal influence, and high 
 in public esteem, maintained the general tranquillity. He was 
 intrusted by the commonwealth with unlimited power to enlist 
 any number of foreign mercenaries, except Aragonese and 
 Catalans, that he might deem expedient, even though he were 
 opposed by the twelve captains of the republic who acted in 
 military affairs with considerable authority. The same in- 
 fluence proved also very effective at the beginning of this year 
 in securing a seignory entirely devoted to the king's party, and 
 amongst them we see for the first time as a public man, the 
 name of Giovanni Villani, whose chronicles says Ammirato 
 ** After remaining in obscurity for two hundred years, never 
 having previously been brought to the light of men, but finally 
 published in the last years of our fathers, show how great is the 
 obligation we owe to such writers ; he having given to us clear 
 and distinct notice of many remarkable things which occurred in 
 
 * Leon. Aretino, Lib. v°, p. 86. — Gio. Ixxxv., and Ixxxvii. — Sismondi, voL 
 Villani, Lib. ix**, cap. Ixxxii., Ixxxiv., iii., cap. xxix. 
 
454 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [ BOOK I. 
 
 his time not only at Florence but throughout the world ; be- 
 sides leaving us an image of the purity of Florentine language, 
 which having suffered continual corruption in the mouth of man, 
 he chastely and religiously preserves together witli the truth of 
 history in his volumes"*. 
 
 Nor did Count Guido s benign influence rest here ; almost a 
 Florentine himself he was well acquainted with every peccant 
 humour of the state both public and private, was familiar with 
 their original causes and became anxious to unite the citizens 
 by private and individual pacification. This was no easy task 
 and yet the most important benefit that could be conferred on 
 the community ; as from the time of Buondelmonti almost 
 every- public dissension had hitherto sprung from private dis- 
 cord, and there were then no less than fifty of the principal 
 families at deadly war with each other, all of whom he recon- 
 ciled : the result was public peace and union in the town in 
 stead of that continual change from war to uitemal anarchy, and 
 again from domestic turbulence to external war, which had 
 hitherto marked in bloody characters the Florentine history. 
 
 This unusual quiet encouraged domestic improvements, 
 enabled government to call in all the base money of Lando 
 d' Agubbio, and issue a new silver coinage under the popular 
 denomination of '' Guelphs"' valued at thirty denari each: 
 several public works were likewise commenced ; many places 
 which had suffered in the war were relieved from taxation ; the 
 Brescians were assisted with money against Cane della Scala 
 who was pressing them closely ; and Robert of Naples, again a 
 favourite at Florence through his vicar's popularity, was liberally 
 supplied with funds for his Sicilian wars. 
 
 An alteration in the manner of arming the troops also took 
 place at this time in consequence of an unusual slaughter of 
 the men-at-arms whose armour was found to be unfit for resist- 
 ing the Pisan cross-bows at the battle of M. Catini : thencefor- 
 
 * Scip. Ammirato, Lib. v., p. 273. 
 
 CHAP. XVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 455 
 
 ward every horseman was commanded to have a visored helmet, 
 with back, breastplate, and bracelets, all of iron. 
 
 Count Guido 's year of office having expired and with it the 
 period of Robert's power in Florence, his authority was 
 renewed for three years with little opposition ; but 
 stipulating that a vicar should be sent every six months by the 
 king, in default of which the citizens were to appoint one them- 
 selves, and that he was not to meddle with any public officer 
 except for the latter's protection : under these conditions the 
 Count of Caserta was appointed to succeed Guido di Battifolle 
 in spite of the opposition of two recusant friars, who however 
 could not prevent tliis decree from passing through all the 
 councils. 
 
 King Robert's aiLxiety for the fate of Genoa, which was in- 
 vested on the twenty-fifth of March by the Ghibelines of Lom- 
 bardy has already been noticed ; it was the key-stone of his 
 power, the connecting link between his French and Italian 
 states, and therefore of the last importance that the Guelphic 
 faction should govern there : but for this pui-pose the expul- 
 sion of the potent houses of Doria and Spinola became neces- 
 sary because they were from the beginning opposed to his 
 family, and in Sicily had always befriended the rival family of 
 Aragon. He had long been endeavouring to accomplish his 
 objects and therefore when intelligence reached Naples that 
 Marco Visconti chief of the united armies of Lombardy and the 
 exiles, had actually begun the siege, he hurried on his prepara 
 tions for its defence : leaving Naples therefore on the tenth of 
 July he landed at Genoa on the twenty-first with provisions, 
 stores, a fleet of nearly a hundred sail of various descriptions, 
 twelve hundred men-at-arms, and a very numerous infantry : 
 the city was sorely pressed, but this reinforcement infused new 
 vigour into the besieged without compelling the enemy to 
 slacken his exertions so that the operations continued with un- 
 abated energy for six months longer. 
 
456 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 457 
 
 There was an appearance of free and chivalrous generosity in 
 Robert's unsolicited aid which so pleased the citizens that they 
 instantly conferred on him and the pope conjointly the supreme 
 power for ten years, and this was precisely wliat the king re- 
 quired, for he hoped ere long with the resources of such a state 
 to reconquer Sicily and overcome all his enemies. The re- 
 nowned and magnificent Genoa assailed by all the power of 
 Lombardy and defended by a king in person accompanied by 
 his queen and two of his brothers, princes of Taranto and the 
 Morea, was an event too conspicuous not to rekindle the 
 spirit of faction and chivalry throughout the Italian peninsula. 
 Guelphs and Ghibelines therefore hurried to the war; the 
 Marquis ofMontferrat and Castruccio Castracani served in per- 
 son, while the Pisans, Frederic of Sicily, and even the emperor 
 of Constantinople sent their contingents to the Ghibeline camp : 
 the Florentmes were foremost in the cause of Robert, who also 
 drew succoui-s from Bologna and all the Guelphic powers of Ro- 
 magna, so that his men-at-arms alone amounted to two thousand 
 five hundred, with a vast body of infantry-, while the Ghibelines 
 mustered in all but fifteen hundred horse ; as many probably as 
 could act efiectively amongst the inigged hills of Genoa. The be- 
 siegers were active on every side, sallies were frequent, mines 
 excavated, towers overthrown, whole ramparts shattered, bold as- 
 saults attempted and repelled, and every stratagem of wLr, every 
 engine of destruction, exery daring act that the spirit and know- 
 ledge of the age could suggest was adopted for the attack and 
 defence of Genoa. Neither party gained a step, the besieged held 
 their ground, the besiegers continued their efforts, and fighting 
 occupied both armies incessantly until the fifth of February 1319. 
 A.D. 1319. ^""^^^ ^^^" detached nearly sixteen thousand men of 
 all arms to make a descent on Sestre-di-ponente and 
 cut off the exiles' communication with their magazines at Sa- 
 vona while he with a large body of troops should simultaneously 
 dislodge the enemy from the heights of Saint Bemai-d imme- 
 
 diately above the town Both were successful. After three 
 destructive repulses, Sestre was carried, the Milanese troops 
 dispersed with great slaughter ; Saint Bernard's heights retaken 
 and then fresh quarrels breaking out between the Doria and 
 Spinola families, Marco Visconti determined to raise the siege 
 and retire into Lombardy*. 
 
 Robert the Good; as he is sometimes called; in order to 
 commit the Guelphs and strengthen his own influence encou- 
 raged them to abuse their victory by a wholesale destruction 
 of the villas and splendid palaces of the Ghibelines; the 
 valleys of Bisagno and Polsevera were devastated with all their 
 country houses and luxurious gardens, and afterwards the 
 king, clergy, and citizens went in solemn state preceded by 
 the relics of Saint John the Baptist to thank the God of 
 peace for having permitted them to commit so much crime 
 with impunity. 
 
 Robert soon after withdrew a part of liis forces and repaired 
 to Avignon, but the Ghibeline army quickly reassembled, 
 again invested the city, reoccupied the suburbs, and continued 
 the siege for four years while the whole Genoese territory was 
 similarly vexed with warf. It was however secondary to 
 that ui Lombardy where the great Ghibeline chiefs acted in 
 person under the command of Cane della Scala and old 
 Maffeo Visconti. Ferrara as already noticed had revolted, 
 restored the house of Este, and joined the Ghibeline league ; 
 Padua was besieged by Cane della Scala, the whole Ghibeline 
 faction was excommunicated by the cardinal of Saint Marcel, 
 and Lombardy in a general state of hostilities. 
 
 All Italy at this period was divided into Guelph and Ghibe- 
 line that is to say the parties of the pope and emperor ; but 
 in reality these denominations were retained and these princes 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. xciii., — Interiano Ristretto delle Historie 
 xciv., xcv.,and xcvii.,&c. — Giustiniani, Genovese, Lib. iii., p. 82. 
 Annali di Genoa, Lib. iv**, carta cxix. + Sismondi, vol. iii., p. 366. 
 
458 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book j. 
 
 courted because their power or sanction was indispensable to the 
 success of a faction. The Guelphic states were Naples, the 
 Holy See and Florence ; the Ghibeline states consisted of the 
 Milanese and the greater part of Lombardy, but many other cities 
 m Lombardy Tuscany and Romagna held to the one or the other 
 party according to the faction actually predominant. Each 
 however had its '• Fiwruseiti " or exiles, composed of the 
 weaker side, who driven from their homes sought refuge in 
 those cities where their faction happened to be in power and 
 demanded aid for their own restoration. Either from pity or 
 policy or the more grateful indulgence of party spirit; it was 
 seldom refused ; it was the cause of nearly all the Florentine 
 wars m Tuscany and kindled the flame that afterwards 
 scorched her so severely in Lombardy. The Florentmes were 
 also in the habit of considering the latt«r province as their 
 outwork against the emperors, whose presence in Italy always 
 hlled them with alarm : these princes having to pass throuoh 
 Lombardy on their way to Home for their coronation, a^d 
 being generally ill supplied with money, it became an object 
 of state policy at Florence to give them so much trouble there 
 as to msure their arrival in Tuscany somewhat weak and 
 exhausted. The same fears and wishes directed the policy of 
 Kome and Naples and drew both those states into a close and 
 permanent union with Florence; the second was further 
 moved by the hereditary ill-will that stUl existed between the 
 house of Anjou and the German emperors since the death of 
 Manfred and Conradine, and from which much evil was antici- 
 pated at each successive coronation. The Ghibelines on the 
 contrary strained every nerve to weaken their opponents and 
 confim their own title to possessions that they for the most 
 part held under the empire and which it was consequendy 
 their mterest to support ; but without any more real attach- 
 ment than their antagonists who worked so hard to prevent 
 any German prince from endangering then- independence 
 
 CHAP. XVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 459 
 
 by acquiring power in Italy: self-preservation was the aim 
 of both. 
 
 For these reasons the Florentines availed themselves of the 
 tranquil state of Tuscany and their own domestic peace to 
 assist king Robert and the Lombard Guelphs of Cremona 
 and Brescia with a thousand men-at-arms of the Guelphic 
 league, three hundred of whom were Florentines; by their 
 aid Cremona was recovered from Cane della Scala and the 
 Guelphs reinstated there. Upon this Maffeo Visconti deter- 
 mined on finding them enough work in Tuscany to prevent 
 their meddling in more northern wars and for this purpose 
 selected an admirable coadjutor in Castmccio Castracani, 
 who, besides a great reputation, had during four years of 
 peace managed to confirm his own power in 
 
 A.D. 1320. 
 
 Lucca, amass considerable treasure, and form an 
 army of experienced soldiers ready and able for any enterprise. 
 He therefore informed Castruccio that Florence in concert 
 with the pope and the king of Naples had invited Philip of 
 Valois into Lombardy as imperial vicar with a strong body of 
 troops to act against the Ghibelines, but more especially against 
 himself as excommunicate for the assistance he was giving to 
 the Genoese exiles. Matteo also took care to impress on 
 Castruccio's mind the certainty of his own ruin, lord only of 
 the single city of Lucca, if he, Visconti, the master of Milan, 
 of Pavia of Piacenza, Lodi, Como, Bergamo, Novara, Vercelle, 
 Tortona and Alexandria ; followed also by the most powerful 
 chieftains of Lombardy, were once compelled to yield *. 
 
 This reasoning was scarcely necessary to comince Castruccio 
 whose clear vision and sound judgment were conspicuous in 
 everything, especially in what administered to personal ambi- 
 bition and the general policy of his party. Almost all Lom- 
 bardy had fallen under the sway of Ghibeline tyrants ; the once 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. cvi. — S. Ammirato, Lib. v., p. 279. — Leon. 
 Aretino, Lib. v**, p. 87. 
 
460 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 free cities of Romagiia were equally fettered ; Rimini bowed to 
 the Malatesti; Forli to the Ordilaffi ; the Manfredi ruled 
 Faenza, and Guido di Pollenta the father of Dante's Francisca, 
 was paramount in Ravenna. Arezzo was directed by her aspir- 
 ing bishop of the Tarlati race, and Pisa although now uncon- 
 . trolled was still thoroughly Ghil)eline : the general character of 
 this faction was therefore essentially aristocratic and monar- 
 chical ; that of the Guelphs absolutely republican, and identified 
 with political liberty as liberty was then understood. Florence, 
 Siena, Perugia and Bologna were closely united to uphold their 
 free Guelphic institutions, while Prato, Pistoia, Volterra and 
 other smaller states, which though nominally independent were 
 really controlled by Florence, attached themselves to the same 
 party. Castruccio Castracani the scion of a Ghibeline stock 
 was devoted to the Ghibeline cause : for four years succes- 
 sively he had been freely elected to command the Lucchese 
 with almost sovereign power : he knew men and how to govern 
 them ; knew what enmities to despise or punish and what friend- 
 ships to win and retain. As a daring soldier and skilful general 
 he was beloved by the troops, for he was not blind to merit and 
 knew how to reward it, but cared little about the morality of 
 his followers if they only did their duty and quietly submitted 
 to the rigid discipline that he established and enforced. No 
 man was more beloved by the people or more generally popular 
 with every class of citizen ; they admired his talents and were 
 proud of his fame. In 13-^0 he felt so confident of his position 
 in the public mind that he ventured to expel the Avocati, who 
 with about one hundred and eighty great Guelphic families now 
 bid adieu to their country, and then boldly demanded the su- 
 preme authority : out of two hundred and ten senators there was 
 but one voice against him, and the people unanimously confirmed 
 this election. He was therefore a legitimate ruler. His econo- 
 mical management of the public revenue was exemplar)^ and 
 productive ; he had amassed great treasure, and his system of 
 
 CHAP. XVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 461 
 
 military honours and rewards heightened and improved the 
 wai-like spirit of the people until it had acquu-ed a more pro- 
 fessional character. All the neighbouring predacious chiefs were 
 allured to his standard by the hope of future conquest, and 
 rough and unscrupulous as they were he made them all bend 
 to his discipline. 
 
 Thus prepared on every hand to begin that career of ambition 
 to which he felt himself more than equal, Matteo Visconti's 
 proposal was warmly received, and Philip of Valois' expedition 
 with the ready assistance of the Guelphic league were together 
 considered an infringement of the general peace, or at least a 
 sufi&cient excuse for retaliation on the part of the Ghibelines *. 
 Uguccione della Faggiola was dead, a circumstance that 
 lightened the anxiety of both Castruccio and the Florentines, 
 particularly the latter whose dread of this veteran cliief, blinding 
 them as it did to the dangerous ambition of his successor, had 
 never ceased since the disaster of Montecatini. 
 
 Such was the state of affairs in April 1320, when Castruccio 
 Castracani with some Pisan auxiliaries suddenly occupying 
 Cappiano, Monte Falcone, and the bridges of the Gusciano, broke 
 into the Florenthie territory carrying death and devastation as 
 far as Cerreto Guidi, Vinci, and Empoli ; then getting posses- 
 sion of Santa Maiia-a-Monte by treacher)% returned in triumph 
 to Lucca. Afterwards invading Luuigiana and Garfagnana he 
 dispossessed Ispiuetto Malespina of several places necessary 
 for his own military operations and then marched with all his 
 force to aid the siege of Genoa. This city still maintained a 
 fierce and bloody struggle with its own exiles and the Lombard 
 Ghibelines ; war raged not only roimd the walls but throughout 
 the whole '' Riviera'' or coast district; it extended to Sicily 
 and Naples and involved even more distant countries in its 
 
 * Tegrimi, Vita di Castruccio. — mirato, Lib. v., p. 280. — Leon. 
 Aldo Mannueci, Vita di Castr. — Gio. Aretino, Lib. v , p. 87. — Sismondi, 
 Villani, Lib. ix., cap. cvi.— Scip. Am- vol. iv.,p. L 
 
 " *Si"" -l^liFB Sifcj'.t.l. t^ 
 
462 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 A.D. 1321. 
 
 action, so that the siege of Troy itself, as Villani asserts, was 
 hardly equal to it for heroic deeds, marvellous exploits, and 
 hard-fought battles by land and water, without any cessation 
 either in summer or winter. 
 
 The Florentines determined to prevent a junction that would 
 probably have settled the fate of Genoa, therefore made a 
 powerful diversion in the Lucchese states whicJi compelled 
 Castruccio to return ere he had joined the besiegers : avoiding 
 an action they retreated to the frontier at Fucecchio while the 
 enemy halted in front of Cappiano, both armies remaining 
 nearly inactive until the advancing season drove them into 
 winter quarters. 
 
 To make amends for this inglorious campaign more vigorous 
 measures were pui*sued and an alliance concluded 
 with the Marquis Spinetto Midespina, who although 
 a Ghibeline had been too mucli injured by Castruccio on 
 accomit of his friendship for Uguccione not to seize the first 
 opportunity of revenge. Florentine troops were despatched to 
 his aid, yet Castruccio was not apprehensive of anything in that 
 quarter, but prepared with the help of a powerful body of 
 Lombard Ghibelines for a more serious struggle on the side of 
 Florence and soon marched to raise the siege of Monte Vetto- 
 lini at the head of sixteen hundred men-at-arms. The Floren- 
 tines, having only half that number, immediately retired and 
 allowed him to devastate their territory with impunity for the 
 last twenty days of June, after which he retired to chastise the 
 Malespini in Lunigiana. 
 
 Discontent ran high in Florence and the retiring seignory 
 were much censured for their feeble conduct ; the Agubbio 
 faction was still powerful, and probably the inconvenience of a 
 fluctuating administration was beginning to be felt, as the 
 foreign affairs with a more complex cliaracter embraced a wider 
 circle : to remedy this twelve counsellors, two for each sesto 
 under the denomination of " BuonominV were added to the 
 
 CHAP. XVI. ] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 463 
 
 new seignory but tj continue sk months in office instead of 
 two, and without Those sanction nothing important could be 
 undertaken. To cneck also the increasing intimacy, and con- 
 sequent favouritism between citizens and foreign officers of state 
 which led to great abuse, it was decreed that no stranger who 
 brought a kinsman in his suite could have a place in the com- 
 monwealth and that until ten years from his resignation of 
 office he could not be reelected. Some taxes were then reduced, 
 the gold and silver currency reformed and preparations made 
 for a fresh campaign : Azzo of Brescia was appointed captain- 
 general ; a hundred and sixteen knights and one hundred and 
 sixty mounted cross-bowmen were enlisted and under the com- 
 mand of Jacopo da Fontana soon checked Castruccio s incursions 
 so as to protect the line of the Gusciana : but Phihp of Valois' 
 expedition had in the meanwhile failed, and in Lombardy the 
 Tuscans were defeated at Bardo in the Val-di-Taro, their 
 captain the Marquis of Cavalcabo was killed, Cremona recap- 
 tured, and Visconti everywhere victorious. 
 
 The lordship of King Robert over Florence had now entirely 
 ceased after more than eight years' duration, again leaving free 
 that community of determined republicans; but which, determined 
 as they were, had so long and often given themselves up to the ab- 
 solute control of a powerful monarch without any protection to 
 freedom beyond the simple promise of their chosen master. 
 Such proceedings, and they were not unusual in Florence, 
 would argue the incompetency of any pure republic to steer a 
 steady course in perilous times and circumstances : Rome took 
 refuge in a dictator, Sparta had kings, Carthage fell almost as 
 much by her own dissensions as the Roman arms, and if Athens 
 and other Grecian states held out for a season, it was because 
 all simultaneously revelled in that tumultuous Hcence miscalled 
 liberty, a mere multiplication of tyrants, or the liberty of 
 choosing who should be so ; but where the weak had no pro- 
 tection and the strong were without control ; where the poor 
 
464 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XVL] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 465 
 
 man had no voice in the commonwealth beyond the unwhole- 
 some shout of the forum which usually condemned honest men 
 at the bidding of scoundrels. 
 
 Florence partook somewhat of this character, and if the 
 Kings of Naples, wiser than he of the fable, made no attempt 
 upon public liberty, it was because of her golden eggs ; because 
 they already governed despotically ; and because in the then 
 fretful state of Italy the loss of such an adherent would have 
 outbalanced all the advantages of a forced and uneasy sove- 
 reignty : the spirit too of these republicans was then soaring 
 at its height, and their so-called freedom had become a national 
 jewel ; they were willing to give themselves away under the 
 pressure of circumstances but were not then to be easily taken 
 either by force or cunning*. 
 
 One of the most interesting events of this year was the 
 death of Dante. " In the month of July l:]-41," says Villani 
 with less than his usual brevity ; " died the Poet Dante Alig- 
 hieri of Florence, in the city of Ravenna in liomagna after 
 his return from an embassy to Venice for the Lords of Polenta 
 with whom he resided ; and in Ptavenna before the door of the 
 principal church he was interred with high honour, in the habit 
 of a poet and great philosopher. He died in banishment from 
 the commimity of Florence at the age of about fifty-six. This 
 Dante was an honourable and ancient citizen of Porta San 
 Piero at Florence and our neighbour; and his exile from 
 Florence was on the occasion of Charles of Valois of the house 
 of France coming to Florence in 1301 and the expulsion of the 
 White party as has already in its place been mentioned. The 
 said Dante was of the supreme governors of our city and of 
 that party although a Guelph ; and therefore without any other 
 crime was with the said White party expelled and banished from 
 Florence ; and he went to the University of Bologna and into 
 many parts of the world. This was a great and learned person 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. cvi., &c. — S. Ammirato, Lib. v°, p. 283. 
 
 in almost eveiy science although a layman ; he was a consum- 
 mate poet and philosopher and rhetorician ; as perfect in prose 
 and verse as he was in pubUc speaking a most noble orator ; 
 in rhyming excellent, with the most polished and beautiful 
 style that ever appeared in our language up to his time or 
 since. He wrote in his youth the book of ' The Early Life of 
 ' \ Love,'' and afterwards when in exile made twenty moral and 
 amorous canzonets very excellent, and amongst other things 
 three noble epistles : one he sent to the Florentine government 
 complaining of his undeserved exile ; another to the Emperor 
 Heniy when he was at the siege of Brescia, reprehending 
 him for his delay and almost prophesying; the third to 
 the Italian cardinals during the vacancy after the death of 
 Pope Clement, urging them to agree in electing an Italian 
 Pope ; all in Latin with noble precepts and excellent sentences 
 and authorities, which were much commended by the wise and 
 learned. And he wrote the Commedia where in polished verse 
 and with great and subtile arguments, moral, natural, astro 
 logical, philosophical and theological, with new and beautiful 
 figures, similes, and poetical graces, he composed and treated in a 
 hundred chapters or cantos, of the existence of hell, purgatory, 
 and paradise ; so loftily as may be said of it, that whoever is of 
 subtile intellect may by his said treatise perceive and under 
 stand. He was well pleased in this poem to blame and ciy 
 out m the manner of poets, m some places perhaps more than 
 he ought to have done ; but it may be that lus exile made him 
 do so. He also wi'ote the Monarchia where he treats of the 
 office of popes and emperors. And he began a comment on 
 fourteen of the above named moral canzonets in the vulgar 
 tongue which in consequence of his death is found imperfect 
 except on three, which to judge from what is seen would have 
 proved a lofty beautiful subtile and most important work ; 
 because it is equally ornamented with noble opinions and fine 
 philosophical and astrological reasoning. Besides these he 
 
 VOL. I. H H 
 
 ^ 
 
 w^ 
 
\, ll 
 
 466 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 467 
 
 AD. 1322. 
 
 composed a little book which he entitled * Be Vulgari Eloqmntia ' 
 of which he promised to make four books, but only two are to 
 be found perhaps in consequence of his early death ; where in 
 powerful and elegant Latin and good reasoning he rejects all 
 the vulgar tongues of Italy. This Dante, from his knowledge, 
 was somewhat presumptuous, harsh, and disdainful, like an un- 
 gracious philosopher; he scarcely deigned to converse with 
 laymen; but for his other virtues, science, and worth as a 
 citizen it seems but reasonable to give him perpetual remem- 
 brance in this our chronicle ; nevertheless his noble works left 
 to us in writing bear true testimony of him and honourable 
 fame to our city*. 
 
 The Florentines being now independent of foreign control, 
 instead of a royal vicar elected their Podesta and 
 Captain of the People as formerly all being well 
 pleased, except perhaps the nobles, to be relieved from the 
 enormous pressure of expense and subjection to one master, 
 which was felt by every rankf. 
 
 The defences of Florence were still unfinished although so 
 many years had elapsed since the outer circuit of walls had 
 been first begun : at the period of Henry the Seventh's inva- 
 sion the ramparts were only completed from the river to the 
 gate of ''Ogrtissanti" now the ''Porta Prato,'' although the 
 foundation of the whole line to " Porta San Gallo " was laid : 
 nevertheless a greater part of both circuits of the ancient ram- 
 parts had been sold to the citizens and destroyed, the space 
 being occupied by new buildings. Terror of the emperor 
 caused those already founded to be raised about fifteen feet 
 high and every other part was ditched and palisaded ; the first 
 were completed in Lando d'Agubbio's time but the whole pali- 
 saded line from Porta San Gallo to that of Saint Ambrogio, 
 now Santa Croce, was still unfinished ;. 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. 136. fM. di Coppo Stefani, Lib. vi°, R.34. 
 .^ M. di Coppo Stefani, Lib. iv«, Rub. 279.— S. Ammirato, Lib. vi., p. 385. 
 
 One of the first public measures in 1321 therefore was to 
 complete the whole circuit and strengthen it by flanking towers 
 fifty-five feet high at regular intervals of more than a hundred 
 and eighty feet apart : a work that was doubtless accelerated 
 by their apprehension of Castruccio which had now taken a 
 more alarming character from some recent proceedings at 
 Pistoia. 
 
 This ever- vexed city harassed by external war and inward 
 troubles finally elected the Abate da Pacciana de' Tedici, a tool 
 of Castruccio, as their ruler; he was a weak intriguing man, 
 who catching at a popular opinion was suddenly floated into 
 power by the stormy multitude without ballast enough to steady 
 him. Castmccio made good use of him, and a truce was sud- 
 denly concluded with that leader against all the influence of 
 Florence, by which according to Villani, (though unnoticed by 
 the anonymous author of the " Istorie Pistolese,") an annual 
 tribute of three thousand florins was to be paid by Pistoia. 
 The dread of Castruccio was rapidly and generally spreading ; 
 Siena became alarmed at the movement of a small detachment 
 he had sent towards Arezzo and demanded aid of Florence ; 
 and Colle after repelling an attack of its own exiles, drew 
 closer to the republic. On the other hand Guide de' Tarlati 
 Bishop of Arezzo assisted by Lucca and Pisa devastated the 
 lands and destroyed the towns of the Guidi of Battifolli and 
 other friends of the league. Pisa was full of tumult revolution 
 and blood until Coscetto da Colle, once the patriot who had 
 expelled Uguccione, fell in his turn and Nieri or Mieri della 
 Gerardescha gained the ascendant. 
 
 These accidents along with the fall of Frederic of Monte- 
 feltro, about this period put to death by the people of Urbino, 
 exhibited the unstable condition of republican lords, based on 
 the evanescent passions of the multitude, and did not fail to 
 awaken the fears of Castruccio who determined to take pre- 
 
 H H 2 
 
463 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 469 
 
 cautions against similar accidents in his own history, therefore 
 constnicted a vast fortress called '* U Augusta,'' which flanked 
 with twenty-nine massive towers occupied one-lifth part of the 
 whole city of Lucca serving at once as a palace a prison and a 
 citadel. Already possessed of the castle and mountain pass of 
 Serravalle near Pistoia he soon stretched his spear over all 
 the highlands while his Pisan allies broke faith with Florence 
 by imposing duties on her commerce and treating eveiy remon- 
 strance with contempt =•'-. 
 
 Thus worried on every side yet elated by the recent death 
 of old Maffeo Visconti one of the ablest of the Ghibeline 
 leaders, the Florentines sent a strong detachment of troops 
 into Lombardy on condition that in the following summer the 
 (renoese and other Guelphic powers were to attack Lucca on 
 every side and anniliilate the rising power of Castmccio. 
 Scarcely had an army been assembled for this purpose, when 
 intelligence arrived that their principal condottiere. 
 Jacopo di Fontanabuona, had passed over with all his 
 following to the enemy : he had been commissioned to make 
 liimself master of Buggiano and other places by treacher}^ but 
 fjiiled, and soon after jomed Castruccio with two hundred men- 
 at-arms. 
 
 This officer who had hitherto served well and faithfully, was 
 disgusted by a diminution of pay ; by the separation of his 
 coi-ps into detachments imder other colours, and by the pros- 
 pect of bemg liimself soon made subservient to another leader, 
 wherefore he was the first to lead the way in that course of 
 treachery that subsequently marked the character of Italian 
 wars while the safety of Italian states was intrusted to the 
 selfish spirit of these mercenaries. They were in fact the only 
 regular troops of the time, were eternally at war therefore 
 always embodied disciplined and experienced in all the militar}' 
 
 * G. Villani, Lib. ix., caps, cxlvi., cliii., cliv., clxv., kc. 
 
 A.D. 1323. 
 
 
 skill and science of the age, while the old unpaid civic bands 
 had already hung up their arms for great emergencies and 
 began to dwindle into a mere militia without self-confidence. 
 This defection agitated all Florence, not so much from the 
 physical loss as the moral effect and a consequent distrust in 
 the remainder of their army; the expedition to Lucca was 
 therefore abandoned, and it seems probable that a sudden and 
 apparently uncalled-for dismission of the confederate forces 
 which Villani places in the previous August might have occurred 
 at this period-. 
 
 Castruccio with this reinforcement and the possession of his 
 enemy's secrets crossed the Gusciano on the thirteenth of June, 
 attacked Fucecchio and other places, ravaged the surrounding 
 countiy, then passed the Arno, devastated the territory of San 
 Miniato and Montepopoli with all the Vale of Elsa and marched 
 quietly back to Lucca f. On the first of July he suddenly 
 reappeared in front of Prato only ten miles from the capital 
 with six hundred men-at-anns and four thousand infantry ; the 
 citizens sent in terror to Florence for help, but paralysed by 
 Fontanabuona's treachery she was nearly destitute of regular 
 troops. The citizens how^ever had not quite forgotten the use 
 of arms and their spirit was still high : the shops were imme- 
 diately closed, a candle was placed at the Prato gate, and every 
 individual liable to serve summoned to the ranks ere it burned 
 out, under the penalty of losing a limb ; a proclamation being 
 simultaneously issued to announce that all exiles who instantly 
 joined the army would be pai'doned and restored to their 
 country \. By these prompt measures 2,500 men-at-anns and 
 '20,000 infantry were in the field round Prato on the second of 
 July only one day after Castruccio 's appearance, 4,000 of whom 
 were exiles ! Castmccio's rash advance with so small a force 
 might have ended disastrously if the Florentines had been well 
 
 * G. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. clxiii.,ccviii. t Gio. Villani, Lib. ix**, cap. ccix. 
 — Leon. Aretino, Lib. v", pp. 88, 89. X Mar. di Coppo Stefani, Istor. Fio- 
 — S. Ammirato, Lib. vi**, p. 291. rentina, Lib. vi., Rub. 360. 
 
470 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 f BOOK I. 
 
 CHAF. XVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 471 
 
 commanded ; but he retired in the night and made an unmo- 
 lested retreat to Serravalle, the discord in the Florentine 
 camp an offset from civil dissension having saved him*. 
 The nobles, who formed the cavalry and ever took the lead 
 in war, vexed by the ordinances of justice, which probably 
 had been somewhat relaxed by the Neapolitan viceroys, dis- 
 dained even to conquer under a democratic government : the 
 law which made one of a family answerable for another's crimes 
 was what especially annoyed them, and they now indulged their 
 ill-humour in ridiculing the fierj- courage of these citizen-sol- 
 diers who were so clamorous for battle, exposed their want of 
 knowledge and discipline, and predicted confusion and defeat the 
 moment they took the field against a regular army. But the 
 citizens' spirit was good and neither reason nor ridicule could 
 damp their pugnacity or persuade them they were not invin- 
 cible : they would fight : reference was made to Florence and 
 in a moment the whole city was similarly inflamed ; shouts of 
 " Battle " " Battle " " Let the traitors die " were echoed on 
 every side and vehement in proportion to their distance from 
 the danger; even the very children caught the general cry and 
 beUeving that they also had a voice in the commonwealth 
 advanced in threatening array and backed by an angry populace 
 demolished the windows of the public palace. Night closed in, 
 the tumult redoubled, the Seignory became alarmed, and orders 
 were finally dispatched for the advance of the armyf. The 
 Count Beltram or Novello of Naples who commanded, after 
 two days' delay, marched to Fucecchio with an army increased 
 by reinforcements from the Guelphic states, but disorganised 
 by contention : nothing was done ; Castmccio was at Lucca ; 
 yet the nobles would not consent to cross the Gusciana, but 
 advised the exiles, who already suspected that faith would not 
 be kept with them, to march on Florence and endeavour to 
 force an entrance. This failed, and then government was 
 
 ♦ Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. ccxiv. f S. Ammirato, Lib. vi», p. 295. 
 
 unreasonably called upon to fulfil its promise but refused. An 
 order for the return of the troops was dispatched at the exiles' 
 first appearance and the nobles exerted all their power to make 
 the Seignory receive the latter ; but fearing a coalition between 
 these malcontents the priors remained firm*. 
 
 Y\ Deputies from the exiles were subsequently admitted, and 
 
 being unable to succeed they in conjunction with the nobles at- 
 tempted to surprise Florence on the night of the tenth of August 
 by forcing the Fiesole gate ; but the people were already on the 
 alert, though alarmed by their uncertainty about the mischief 
 fermenting within the walls. The plot failed ; but so many of 
 the nobles were implicated that it was thought most prudent 
 to hush everytliing up after Amerigo Donati, Teggia Fresco- 
 baldi, and Sotteringo Gherardini were fined and banished for a 
 time by a kind of ostracism now for the first time invented for 
 the purpose of accusing and condemning the aristocracy with- 
 out fear of personal vengeance : so potent were the Floren- 
 tine nobles still ! even when excluded from public authority, in 
 
 k^ despite of the ordinances of justice and with the power of secret 
 accusation 1 The delinquents in this case were well known, 
 but none dared even to name, much less accuse them ! Yet 
 the Florentines believed themselves free because they could 
 tumultuously assemble in the market-place, storm the palace 
 of government, force the seignory to succumb to popular fury, 
 and destroy the property while they banished the persons of 
 obnoxious citizens ! 
 
 The method now adopted and frequently practised, was for 
 all members of the public councils to write in sealed billets the 
 names of those that each individual deemed most guilty and 
 these were afterwards opened by the captain of the people. 
 Thus were the above nobles secretly and safely accused ; but 
 it still required all the persuasion of the Podesta to lead them 
 quietly before the courts and with the promise of their life 
 
 * Gio. Villani, liib. ix., cap. ccxiv. — S. Ammirato, Lib. vi*», p. 294. 
 
472 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 473 
 
 induce them to confess even a knowledge of this design while 
 they denied any direct participation in it-. 
 
 Thus ended this singular campaign in which the army 
 scarcely saw an enemy but which brought back danger and 
 revolution to the state : the Florentines however now for the 
 first time discovered tliat the urban companies were not suffi- 
 ciently officered by one gonfalonier, wherefore three subalterns 
 mider the name of '* Pennonieri " were added to each so that 
 the whole force became uifinitely more flexible and divisible, 
 and better adapted to real service. 
 
 The Citta di Castello a place of great importance to the 
 Guelphs was at this time mled by Branca Guelfucci, but tired 
 of his tyranny the people demanded aid from Tarlatino Tarlati 
 the Bishop of Arezzo's brother who accordingly expelled him ; 
 but suddenly turning on his Guelphic supplicants drove four 
 hundred of them in confusion from the town and reduced it to 
 a pm-e Ghibeline dependency. Such a catastrophe coupled 
 with the Ghibelines' increasing power tilled the Guelphic 
 league with so much alarm that its ambassadors immediately 
 assembled at Florence to consider their means of defence f. 
 The situation of that republic was at this moment extremely 
 perplexing ; a powerful and discontented nobility within, an 
 able and determined enemy without ; a bitter faction of ill-used 
 exiles watehing every opening for revenge and secretly corre- 
 sponding with numerous adherents in the city; an undisciplined 
 but self-confident and presumptuous militia; suspected and 
 doubtful retainers ; alhes either by force or stratagem rapidly 
 fallmg off; and finally, a periodical excitement at every official 
 change which kept the people in a state of continual agitation. 
 Up to this period each administration had been elected by 
 its predecessor which being composed of the priora just leaving 
 
 i 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. ccxix. — 
 Scip. Ammirato, Lib. vi., p. 295, &c. 
 — Macchiavelli, Lib. ii".— Leon. Are- 
 
 tino, Lib. v., p. 9L 
 
 + Gio. Villani, Lib. ix.,cap. ccxxvi. 
 
 S. Ammirato, Lib. vi., p. 298. 
 
 office, the twelve Btwnomini, the sixteen gonfaloniei*s of com- 
 panies, and a certain number of citizens chosen for the occasion, 
 represented in a certain manner the whole nation, and as a 
 high moral responsibility rested with these in choosing their 
 successors some pains were taken to select men of known cha- 
 racter and ability ; but the frequent recurrence of these elec- 
 tions agitated the community, and being coml)ined at this par- 
 ticular moment with the stormy aspect of public affairs gene- 
 rated a strong desire for improvement. The seignory of July 
 and August 1323 having gained credit by detecting the late 
 plot now ventm-ed to propose an alteration in the form of 
 government and received full powers from the various comicils 
 to effect it : their object was to avoid these frequent elections 
 by at once choosing a sufficient number of priors to supply the 
 successive administrations for forty-two months. Twenty-one 
 sets of prioi*s were thus elected with the accustomed forms, all 
 their names being inclosed in a " Borsa " or purse, and the 
 required number quietly drawn by lot every two months but 
 with a prohibition to serve again in the same office for the 
 space of twenty-four. Hence the only security for efficient 
 magistrates was in the original election. This was called the 
 " Imhorsazione,'' and subsequently " Squittino " or scrutiny ; 
 the rest was chance ; but as people are more heedless of future 
 and distant events than of those which bring immediate conse- 
 quences, much les§ circumspection was now used about real cha- 
 racter, and those who sought public honours were more careless 
 of deserving them than when exposed du'ecdy and frequently 
 to the public eye. This scrutiny became in time a focus of 
 political intrigue yet was popular at the moment, not only in 
 Florence but throughout Italy where it was eagerly adopted, so 
 generally felt was the inconvenience, or a desire for tranquillity, 
 besides awakening the ambition of a larger number of citizens. 
 Disturbances are the thorns of freedom and they were certainly 
 blunted by this change, but the flower was not unscathed ; 
 
474 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 much of that lively interest and jealousy of power that pre- 
 viously attended elections declined along with them and a pre- 
 sent convenience blinded many to the hidden defects of this 
 system*. 
 
 It even appeared, says Sismondi, more democratic than the 
 former ; established a greater equality amongst the candidates 
 and called a superior number of citizens to public honours. 
 This last advantage was undoubtedly what seduced the people ; 
 it soothed the secret jealousy of middling men who saw with 
 vexation a limited number of distinguished persons always ap- 
 pointed by the public voice. The Borse of the three supreme 
 magistracies alone, must for forty-two months have contained the 
 names of six or seven hundred candidates ; and all the others 
 having been, very soon after, submitted to the same procedure, 
 there was at last one hundred and thirty-six magistracies or dif- 
 ferent offices which were provided for by lot. Thus but little 
 choice remained : and every citizen had the certainty of obtain- 
 ing some place. The electors often admitted incapable men 
 who would never have been chosen if they had been at once 
 obliged to commence their official duties f . 
 
 In the midst of these reforms Castruccio, whose system was 
 prompt decision, sudden execution, and the gain of everj'thing 
 in every way, whether by treachery, stratagem, or open war, 
 recommenced his successful incursions but was generally too 
 weak to oppose the united strength of Flojrence : the moral 
 effect of his character was however vei-y imposing in both states 
 and nothing was too daring either for his arms or conscience. 
 His Ghibeline allies the Pisans were deeply engaged in war 
 with the king of Aragon for the defence of Sardinia, which 
 offered him a favourable occasion as he thought of becoming 
 their master : the conspiracy was however discovered ; the 
 conspirator Betto or Benedetto Malepra de' Lanfranchi with 
 
 ♦ Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., caps, ccxxix., p. 298. — Macchiavelli, Lib. ii". — Mar. 
 ccxzxviii., and ccxlv. — Leon. Aretino, di Coppo Stefani, Lib. vi., Rub. 366. 
 Lib. v., p. 92.— S. Ammirato, Lib. vi., t Sismondi, Ital. Repub., vol. iv.,p. 1 6. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 47i 
 
 many others lost his head; all friendship or alliance with 
 Lucca was renounced by Pisa, and ten thousand golden florins 
 offered for the head of Castruccio *. About two months after- 
 wards he suddenly left his capital at the head of a small detach- 
 ment on the nineteenth of December and by the treacher}^ of 
 an inhabitant of Fucecchio was admitted at night into the town 
 during a deluge of rain, which at first concealed his aggression : 
 the subsequent struggle was fierce and bloody ; a great part of 
 the place was taken but alarm fires on the towers brought 
 strong reinforcements from the neighbouring garrisons: Cas- 
 truccio held on with desperate resolution against an overwhelm- 
 ing force of soldiers and citizens until wounded fatigued and 
 hopeless of success he sullenly retired with the loss of banners 
 and horses, but still unmolested : for the glory of repulsing him 
 was deemed sufficient, and the habitual dread of his prowess 
 left no appetite for a second encounter f . 
 
 Nothing of importance occurred between Castruccio and the 
 Florentines in the following year, for the former was 
 busy with his intrigues against Pisa and Pistoia and 
 the latter employed reducing some petty chieftains in the Mu- 
 gello but still more seriously on the side of Arezzo where the 
 bishop was rapidly gaining ground against the Guelphs. Five 
 hundred men-at-arms were engaged in France and other prepa- 
 rations making for the day of battle which the Florentines 
 foresaw must come before Castruccio could be arrested in the 
 rapid course of his ambition : a new confederacy was therefore 
 formed in March between Florence, Bologna, Siena, Perugia, 
 Orvieto and Agubbio ; with other communities and Guelphic 
 lords, for the recovery of Citta di Castello which was to be 
 effected by a combined army of three thousand men-at-arms 
 levied for three years, a great part of which was maintained by 
 the Florentines. 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. ccxxx. — Castruccio. — Uomini Illustri Pisani, 
 
 Roncione, Lib. xii., p, 725. — Sardo, vol. ii°, pp. 281 — 283. 
 
 cap. Ixv., Ixvi., who is silent about f Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. ccxxxiii. 
 
 A.D. 1324. 
 
476 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XVf.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 477 
 
 In Lombardy an unsuccessful war was earned on against the 
 Visconti by the papal Guelphs who were several times de- 
 feated, and their commander Raimond of Cardona with Sirao- 
 nino della Torre a chief of sense and valour, were finally taken 
 by Galeazzo and ^f arco Visconti ; but Simonino was aftenvards 
 drowned in the Adda to the great regret of liis party *. To 
 balance this, Spoleto surrendered after two years' siege to the 
 Perugians and Florentines, the Pisan fleet was defeated by 
 Prince Alphonso of Aragon and the authority of that republic 
 soon after ceased altogether in Sardinia. 
 
 The two last events gave little pleasure to the Florentines 
 who saw nothing in the weakness of Pisa but augmented 
 strength for Castruccio and increasing danger to themselves ; 
 neither was their dissatisfaction lessened by the conduct of 
 Count Novello, who at the moment when the friendship of 
 Pistoia was of the last importance to I'lorence suddenly seized 
 on its dependent to^vn of Carmignano in consequence of an in- 
 sult ofifered by the former to his royd master, and would have 
 reduced the citiidel of Pistoia also if the seignory, unconscious 
 of the intrigues then in activity between Castruccio and the 
 Tedici had not commanded him to quit the place : his engage- 
 ment soon after expired and he returned with no great credit 
 to Naples f . 
 
 Meanwhile a suspicion began to prevail in Florence that the 
 original formation of the " Borse " had not been honestly con- 
 ducted and public jealousy was awakened, more especially 
 against the family of Bordoni who together with their friends 
 and consorts were known by the general name of '' SerraglinV 
 and were said to have acquired an undue influence in the go- 
 vernment. This produced a reopening and re-formation of the 
 Borse from which many names were cast forth and a number 
 added sufficient for six changes of priors wliich as yet was the 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. ccxxxix., ccxliv.— Scip. Ammirato, Lib. vi., p. 300. 
 t Gio. Villani, Lib. ix.,cap. ccxlvii. 
 
 I 
 
 only magistracy drawn by lot : but this refoi-m was almost im- 
 mediately after deemed insufficient and notwithstanding the 
 recent tricks even at the very commencement of the system, 
 not only the seignory of six priors and the gonfalonier, the 
 colleges of Good Men and gonfaloniers of companies, but also 
 the consuls of trades and commanders of hired troops were 
 made subject to the new law of election -i'. This calmed the 
 fears of the citizens, and they were still further quieted by the 
 appearance of five hundred French cavalry, all nobles, with 
 no less than sixty belted knights amongst them who came by 
 jigreement to serve under the banners of Florence. 
 
 The arrival of this band of gentlemen, who with their squires 
 alone could not have mustered less than fifteen himdred horse, 
 was what principally encouraged the Florentines to recommence 
 hostilities more vigorously in the following year : Castiniccio 
 meanwliile had moved towards the Pistoian mountains and re- 
 pairing the castle of Brandelli whence there was a view of both 
 Pistoia and Florence, called it Bellosguardo and gazed with a 
 longing eye on cither city ; one was only his own in pei-spective, 
 the other was almost in his grasp ; and Filippo Tedici who had 
 driven his uncle from the government of Pistoia, and was in 
 treaty both with Castruccio and Florence, pretending the 
 greatest alarm demanded assistance of the latter with whose aid 
 he hoped to better his bargain : a body of troops was dkectly sent 
 under command of the Podesta, but discovering his object, this 
 officer returned in disgust ; upon which he made his terms with 
 Castruccio and Pistoia was suffered for a while to exist as an inde- 
 pendent state f. Florence had attempted to gain it by treachery 
 but failed, and Castruccio tired of Filippo's intrigues offered him 
 ten thousand florins mid his daughter Dialta in marriage for 
 immediate possession of the city. This secured Filippo who 
 before daylight on the fifth of May 13*25 opened a gate to the 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. cclxxi. cclxix. — Scip. Ammirato, Lib. vi., 
 —Leon. Aretino, Lib. v«, p. .93. p. 302 — M. A. Salvi, Hist, di Pis- 
 
 t Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. cclxi., tola, Parte ii., Lib. vi°, p. 354 to 361. 
 
478 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Lucchese general ; but the latter distrusting his ally would not 
 
 A.D. 1326. ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^ actually unhinged it, and then took 
 possession of the place in the manner of the time by 
 scouring the streets at the head of his cavalry and trampling 
 upon all that came in his way. 
 
 The fall of Pistoia was an event of great importance: 
 equally distant from Florence and Lucca and on the confines 
 of both, it formed a rallying point for the armies of either and 
 its friendship or enmity had considerable influence on everv 
 operation of the war ; hence the eagerness of Florence at all 
 times to preserve her authority there, and hence the general 
 consternation when intelligence of its capture arrived at the 
 capital *. 
 
 She might have bought it for the same price or even less 
 than Castruccio, because Filippo felt himself too insecure not 
 to make both friends and money by the sacrifice of his country ; 
 but failing, either from want of skill or perhaps dishonesty in 
 her agents, she repeated her attempts to surprise the place 
 thus forcing him into the arms of Castruccio, and he poisoned 
 his own wife to complete the union f. Rumours of this event 
 reached Florence while the magistrates were engaged m public 
 festivities on the occasion of two foreign officers of state being 
 dubbed knights by the republic, and the banquet was going on 
 in the church of San Piero Scheraggio when the news was con- 
 firmed : in a moment the whole assembly fell into confusion, the 
 tables were overturned, and every man was immediately armed 
 and in his saddle : believing that a part of the town might still 
 hold out, a rapid march was made as far a^ Prato where hearing 
 the whole truth they returned dejected and mortified to Flo- 
 rence. The following day brought some consolation in the 
 arrival of Ramondo da Cardona who had been sent in the pre- 
 ceding November from Milan on a mission to Rome : he had 
 
 ♦ Istorie Pistolesi, p. 164, &c.-Gio. -Sismondi, vol. iv., p. 21._Leon. 
 yuiani, Lib. IX., cap. ccxciv.— Scip. Aretino, Lib. v«, p. 93. 
 Ammirato, Lib. vi., pp. 302 and 306. f Istorie Pistolesi. 
 
 CHAP. XVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 479 
 
 If 
 
 promised to return but was absolved by the pope and sent in- 
 stantly to Florence as commander in-chief of the republican 
 forces. His presence gave new spirit to the people which was 
 increased by the capture of Artimino on the twenty-second of 
 May : one of the finest armies ever assembled by the republic 
 soon took the field at the enormous expense of three thousand 
 florins a day : the city bells tolled as a declaration of war ; the 
 public standard waved over San Piero a Monticelli ; the Soldati 
 or mercenary troops first moved to Prato, and the " Cavallate' 
 with all the mass of civic infantry joined them on the following 
 morning. One of the city bells which had been captured at 
 Montale broke while in the aet of sounding; three weeks 
 before there had been a violent earthquake in Florence, and the 
 following evening a broad stream of fiery vapour flared over the 
 city : all these circumstances were dwelt upon with anxious and 
 gloomy foreboding by numbers of citizens over whose mind the 
 talents and success of Castruccio had gained a superstitious 
 ascendancy. The cavalry consisted of five hundred gentlemen 
 of the highest rank in Florence under the name of Cavallate 
 or men-at-arms on horseback, all magnificently equipped and a 
 hundred of them mounted on " Destrieri " the largest and 
 finest war-horses of the time and which few could afford to pur- 
 chase : none cost less than a hundred and fifty golden florins 
 or near two hundred pounds of our present money, yet there 
 were three himdred of these, natives and strangers, in the Flo- 
 rentine army. Besides the Cavallate there were fifteen hundred 
 foreign cavalry in the pay of Florence of whom eight hundred 
 were French and German gentlemen of the highest rank and 
 distinction: the general-in-chief, Raimond of Cardona a 
 Spanish Condottiere, and his lieutenant, Borneo of Bur- 
 gundy, were followed by a troop of two hundred and thirty 
 Catalan and Burgundian cavalry and lastly there were four 
 hundred and fifty Gascons, French, Flemings, Italians and 
 men of Provence picked with great care from the veteran com- 
 
480 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [bOOILj 
 
 panics of Msisiiadicri, niul all experienced soldiers. Fifteen 
 thousand well-appointed infantry between citizens and rural 
 troops, completed the personal force of this fine anny, and eight 
 hundred canvas pavilions and other great tents, with six thousand 
 *• Ronzini " and baj^'gage hoi-sos attended its movements *. .^^ 
 
 Except two hundred Senese cavalr)' no allies had yetjoinei 
 but hostilities commenced on the seventeenth of June by de-' 
 vastating the Pistoian teriitoiy up to the gates of the capital, 
 capturing many small places, insulting Castrucoio who was in' 
 that city by running for the Pidio under its walls, and sending 
 him repeated challenges to battle. CiLstruccio drily answered- 
 that *• It was not the right time" and the Florentines marched 
 directly to besiege Tizzano a strong town about seven miles 
 from Pistoia on the road to I'lorc'ico : there every preparation ■ 
 w-as apparently made for a regular siege while Cardona on the 
 ninth of July sent his lieutenant Borneo with five hundred 
 picked men towards Fucecchio ; and to engage Castruccio's 
 attention a strong detachment was at the same time directed to 
 alarm Pistoia and the surrounding country. Borneo was joined 
 at Fucecchio by a hundred and fifty Lucchese exiles and a 
 numerous infantry, besides some reenforcements from the gai- 
 risons in Val d' Arno. Carrying with him a pontoon bridge, 
 apparently the first noticed by the early historians of these 
 campaigns, he threw it silently over the Gusciano at Rosaiuolo 
 during the night and the whole division crossed that river with- 
 out being perceived by the garrisons at the bridge of Cappiano 
 or Monte Falcone scarcely a mile above and below the point 
 of passagef. ...^ 
 
 On hearing this Raimond suddenly quitted Tizzana passed 
 the lofty range of Monte Albano and by nightfall had joined 
 his detachment and invested the fortified bridge and fortress of 
 Cappiano. This was an unexpected stroke for the Lucchese 
 
 L?l"'^^''''*-"r^r" '''° '"'"'' ^'^ '' '^"^•''•"^ custom.-Ammimto, Li J 
 ha^e accompanied tin, annv according vi., p. 307. f I.toric Pistolcal i ^ 
 
 flIUP. XTI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 481 
 
 .-general who believed himself safe in that quarter, and would 
 appeal* to have doubt<jd the possibility of so sudden a passage of 
 the Gusciana by any soldiers ; so that this operation increased 
 
 '* the fame of Cardona, the confidence of tlie league, and the 
 spirit of the Florentines. His frontier line being thus broken 
 lastruccio immediately quitted Pistoia and entering the Val di 
 Nievole threw his army in position amongst the hills above 
 .Vivinaia which he endeavoured to strengthen while he pressed 
 [or the cooperation of all his friends: Pisa disregarded this 
 summons in consequence of his recent trcacheiy ; but from 
 Lucca, Arezzo, La Marca, Romagna, and the Maremma, he 
 
 I assembled thirteen hundred men-at arms and a numerous infan- 
 
 itrj, with which ho rei-nforced all his positions from Vivinaia to 
 Porcari, strengthening the latter with additional works and 
 
 ^troops to secure his communications with Lucca ; and finally 
 cut a trench from the hills to the marsh of Bientina wliich 
 
 ^was guarded witli the utmost solicitude. 
 
 i The bridge of Cappiano was taken by Cardona on the thir- 
 teenth of July, the town itself next fell ; two days after Monte- 
 falcone was summoned and reduced m eight days, and tlms the 
 
 ^hole line of the Gusciana was cleared of the enemy. This 
 
 f.rapid success brought numerous reenforcements from Siena, 
 iPerugia, Bologna, Ogobbio, Grosseto, Montepulciano, Chiusi, 
 CoUe, San Gimignano, Volterra, San Miniato, Faenza, Imola, 
 Count BattifoUe and the exiles from Lucca and Pistoia; all 
 
 • eager to assist in overwhelming this formidable chieftain ; so 
 that the army had already swelled to three thousand four 
 hundred and fifty-four men-at-ai-ms and a proportionate number 
 if inlkntry. With this immense force Cardona advanced, 
 d on the third of August invested the strong fortress of 
 
 ^Altopascio winch crowns a hill rising from the marshes north 
 of the Bientina lake : the place although impregnable to an 
 assault was so damaged by the battering engines and so 
 poisoned by heat, sickness, and the horrid stench of filthy 
 
 ;o. 
 
 VOL. 1. 
 
 I I 
 
182 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [soox U 
 
 CHAP. XVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 483 
 
 matter which it was then usuiil to cast into hosioged towns, 
 that oa hearing of tlie discumhture of a Lucchese deUichment 
 sent from Pistoia to make a diversion towards Florence it 
 immediately surrendered. The capture of this place was 'j 
 succeeded hy douhts, discussion and delay ; tlic troops had 
 become sickly fnmi licats and malaria, and tho army propor- 
 tiouably reduced : discontent and intrigues were i)lentiful, and 3 
 Castruccio quick in the use of conuption, seized the favourable j 
 moment to bribe two Frenchmen of hi<ih rank, but was detected^ 
 and ballled. Cardoua himself, idthough pix>of ngauist Castruc- ^ 
 cio s temptations, was false juid ambitious ; he had seen Fldrenic 
 in periods of distress repeatedly surrender her liberties, and deter- 
 mined by getting her hito dilliculties to tiy if he also could not \\ 
 become her master ; the fall of Altopascio elated him, his 
 pockets were filled and his camp emptied by the bribes of 
 rich citizens who tired of a long campaign and alanned'at 
 increasing sickness, cheerfully exchanged iheir money for leave d 
 of absence and the i>leasures of the ca}>ital. The cavalry being *j| 
 generally composed of these, was reduced along with the rest-] 
 of the army to almost half its original number, and Cardona"| 
 wished this ; for his thoughts ran high, and hence his delays,' 
 discussions, and repealed demands to be invested with the same j^v 
 power in tlie city that he already e.xercised in the army; iu J 
 order as he said, to insure the necessaiy obedience. But finding 
 that the government would not listen to liis request he lay idle 
 amongst the Biantina marshes while Castruccio, with tlie eyes 
 and activity of a lynx, strained ever}' nene to catch him in his 
 toils, and succeeded ; so that he who at fu-st neglected the 
 means of victory through bad faith, was at last through incapa- 
 city unable to savo himself from destruction-. Dissension 
 arose both in the canq> and city about the propriety of with- 
 drawing the army to a more heidthy quarter or boldly pushing 
 on to Lucca : the most cautious advised the former course 
 
 * Maccbiavclli, Lib. ii". 
 
 from a suspicion of the general's views and the state of the 
 troops; but their opponents prevailed both in camp and 
 council, some of them even favouring Cardona's wildest specu- 
 lations. It was therefore resolved to advance towards Lucca, 
 but instead of cutting through the enemy's position while he 
 was wealv, by a direct movement, as might have been effected ; 
 a bad unhealthy post was occupied on the edge of the Sesto 
 mai-sh which decimated the troops while it still more augmented 
 the gains of the general. 
 
 Castruccio did not fail to profit by this delay although his 
 army also had decreased from want of funds and sickness, and 
 therefore could not long maintain its position without reenforce- 
 ments, but he discovered in that of the enemy the seeds of 
 certain victory. By reason, money, and promises, he had 
 already prevailed on Galeazzo Visconti to send his son with 
 eight hundred horse into Tuscany ; and with two hundred more 
 from Passeriuo lord of Mantua and Modena he hoped soon 
 to recover his ascendancy : in the meanwhile his situation was 
 very precarious, for Cardona by a vigorous effort might have cut 
 his line of communication ; the latter now sensible of his errors 
 and probably urged by the general discontent, had actually 
 detached a hundred men at-arms and a body of pioneers to 
 clear a passage over the mountain. Castruccio s out-posts soon 
 checked their progress and were followed by a stronger body 
 then descending the hill in order of battle: skirmishing 
 began, and voluutar}^ reenforcements pushed out unordered 
 from the Florentine camp below. It was entirely an en- 
 counter of cavaliy ; the green slopes of the hQls w^ere covered 
 with armed and plumed knights; the whole scene resem- 
 bled a tournament rather than a real battle and the effect is 
 described as beautiful. Each party was broken four different 
 times and each reuniting in compact order retmned uncon- 
 quered to the charge : many lances were shivered, many gentle- 
 men unhorsed, and arms and wounded and expiring men lay 
 
 I i2 
 
484 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 485 
 
 scattered on the mountain side. The Florentines with only 
 half its numbers for three hours sustained and repulsed the 
 charges of Castruccio's chivalry and might have finally pre- 
 vailed if they had been well supported : but Cardona hi com- 
 plete order of battle looked on inactively, his troops cooped 
 up in a narrow angle of the plain below whence they could not 
 move \N-ithout incurring danger. This did not escape Castruccio 
 who therefore pushed boldly on with augmenting numbers, 
 and though unhorsed by a German knight, woimded, and some 
 of his bravest followers slain by nightfall had succeeded in 
 dri\ing the enemy back to their entrenchments m face of a 
 much superior army. 
 
 Forty men-at-arms were either killed or taken on the side of 
 Florence and many wounded, but all in front; for the Floren- 
 tines did not turn, but battled proudly, tmd retreated sullenly, 
 more angry with their own commander than with the enemy : 
 they made no prisonei-s but must have smote well in the conflict, 
 for no less than a hundred of their opponents' horses had 
 galloped to the plain with empty saddles from the field of 
 battle. 
 
 The trumpets of either host answered each other in defiance 
 until after dark and neither choosing to own a defeat both 
 remained under arms long after night set in; but the Flo- 
 rentines lost their spirit from that day's fight and no longer 
 trusted either in the faith or talents of their general. Cas- 
 truccio being anxious to keep the Spaniard in his difficult 
 position directed the governors of several towns in the Val-di- 
 Nievole to entangle him in a fictitious intrigue with the 
 expectation of their surrender, and Cardona thus duped, not- 
 withstanding every warning chose to continue in this state of 
 vain inactivity. 
 
 On hearing of Azzo Visconti's arrival at Lucca with eight 
 hundred men-at-arms he took fright and hastily retreated to 
 Altopascio whilst Castruccio apprehensive of his escape hurried 
 
 back to the capital to accelerate the march of the Lombards. 
 Visconti was so unwilling to proceed without repose or money 
 that it requu-ed all the influence of Castruccio's wife seconded 
 by the blandishments of the most beautiful women in Lucca 
 and the payment of six thousand florins, to gain his promise 
 of marching on the following morning : Castruccio then de- 
 parted leaving to the women the care of keeping the young 
 Milanese chieftain to his engagement. On the morning of 
 the twenty-third of November the allied army paraded ostenta- 
 tiously in'front of Castruccio's position, with flying colours and 
 sound of many trumpets, daiing him as it were to battle, and 
 the latter fearful of losing such a moment sent out some 
 troops to amuse them with a prospect of victory while he kept 
 his main body in hand awaiting the junction of Visconti. 
 This was completed at nine in the morning when Castruccio was 
 seen once more descending from the hills with three-and-twenty 
 hundred men-at-arms in majestic movement towards the plain, 
 while the greater part of his infantr}^ remained in the mountain 
 and took no part in the events of tliis day. An advanced squadron 
 of one hmidred and fifty French and Italian gentlemen began 
 the fight by a bold charge' du'ectly through Visconti's line ; 
 but the second line or main body of Feditori consisting of 
 seven hundred horsemen under Bornio of Burgundy who had 
 been corrupted by Azzo or Castruccio, turned when it was 
 time to charge and fled from the encounter. The whole army, 
 whose confidence was already shaken, were confounded and 
 some others began to fly ; but had Baimond promptly moved 
 forward to the support of his first line which had charged so 
 effectively the battle might still have been maintained on equal 
 terms : instead of which he remained motionless and added to 
 the general consternation. Presently the main body of cavalry 
 scarcely tarrying to exchange a single lance-thrust, hurried off 
 in universal confusion leaving everything to the infantry 
 who still maintained their ground with undaunted courage ; 
 
436 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 487 
 
 but neither their arms nor disciphne were calculated to 
 stand alone against such masses of man and steel as came 
 successively upon them, and after an obstinate resistance they 
 also were discomfited. The battle lasted but a short time, 
 few were killed in the fight but many in the pui-suit, for Cas- 
 truccio instantly sent on a detachment to Cappiano, took pos- 
 session of the bridge which had already been abandoned, and 
 cut off all direct means of escape : the slaughter was therefore 
 considerable but uncertain ; the prisoners amongst whom were 
 Raimond of Cardona and his son, were numerous; the Car- 
 roccio, the Martinella, with all the public standards, banners, 
 and baggage of the army were taken ; Cappiano and Monte- 
 falcone soon capitulated, and Altopascio not many days after. 
 Thus did the tide of fortune turn and bear forward Castruccio 
 to prouder hopes and higher dignities. On the twenty-seventh 
 of September his whole army assembled at Pistoia and was 
 reenforced by that garrison, while Castruccio in all the con- 
 fidence of victory dismantled the bridge and forts of Cappiano 
 and Montefalcone, and secure in the possession of Pistoia left 
 the rest of his frontier open to the Florentines whose territory' 
 he ravaged for nearly seven weeks without interruption . Policy 
 and necessity dictated this course, for his funds were exhausted, 
 Azzo Visconti was still unsatisfied, and the anny in arrears of 
 pay ; so that nothing but the plunder of Florentine citizens 
 could supply his present necessities. Carmignano was his 
 first conquest ; he then marched to Lecore, to Signa, Campi, 
 Brozzi, and Guaracchi ; all were captured or fell a prey to flames 
 and plunder : Peretola, within two miles of Florence, became for 
 a while his head quarters while from the Arao to the mountains 
 he ravaged all the plain, a plain covered then as now, but 
 more richly, with magnificent villas and beautiful gardens the 
 dehght of the citizens and the admii'ation of the world*. All 
 was destroyed. The wealth was plundered, the monuments 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. cccxvii. 
 
 c of then reviving art were carried nwny nnd reserved for the 
 ■conqueror's triumph, (ianies were celebrated and races run 
 Ion the ver}' spot, time out of mind reserved by the Florentines 
 i'for their public spectacles. A course of horsemen began the 
 I sports; that of footmen followed; and afterwards, to make the 
 '. insult still more disgusting a ])evy of common prostitutes ran 
 |. together in mwkery, <b riding the impotence of the Florentines, 
 not one of whom had the courage to come forth and check 
 [^ these insulting spectacles*. Yet the city was full of troops, 
 \and thousands liad cscai>cd from the light, but the star of 
 JCastruccio shed its influence over them ; their spirit was 
 'subdued, their courage wasted, and distrust of those great 
 Sfamihes whose kinsmen wore prisoners to Castniccio lest they 
 Jsbould treat with him se<rctly, comj.letely distracted tlieir 
 ^'judgment. After another com-se of devastation the invaders 
 I reassembled on the twenty-sixth of October and repeated their 
 insults to please Azzo Visconti, wlio thus revenged a similar 
 Iproceeding of the Florentine auxiliaries, not long before, under 
 the walls of i\Iilan. 
 Signa next occupied Castruccio, as it gave him command of 
 I the Anio at this point with a free entrance into the Val di 
 Pesa and all the southern countiy; he therefore reenforced 
 t^and strengthened it coined silver money there with the 
 ^ imperial image as an act of high sovereignty and passed them 
 
 current under the name of *' Casirucclniy 
 ^'•Florence was during this time in a painful state of suspicion 
 rand dismay ; all the prisoners' kinsmen were regarded with 
 [^distrust and deprived of office both within and without the 
 P city; half the Contado was a desert, its starving inhabitants 
 I huddled together in the capitiil where a wide-spreading mor- 
 ' tality was the natuml consrcpience |. Deaths were so frequent 
 that the public crier, whose business it was to proclaim the 
 ^'decease of a citizen according to ancient custom, was prohibited 
 
 • Siamondi, vol. iv., cap. xxx, 
 
 t Gio. Villaui,Lib. ix., cap. cccxxviii. 
 
488 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [booxi«: "^(^ 
 
 CHAP. XVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 48J 
 
 from exercising his culling during the continuance of the' j;^ 
 malady: every precaution was adopted to secure the city; thei^ 
 walls were strengthened, San Miniato a ^lonte fortified, ant 
 even the citadel of Fiesole repaired from mere apprehension of j 
 Castmccio, who threatened to restore it and beleaguer Flo*i^ 
 rence ; and this he prohably would have done had not the Bishop! 
 of Arezzo and the Uhaldini from incipient jealousy refu8edN.j 
 to lend their assistance. Fearful of intenial wai* all exiles 1 
 but the regular *' Eacettatr' of I HI I wore restored to their' 
 country on payment of a trilling impost ; assisUmce was 
 demanded from King Robert and the allies, but with HttJe 
 success ; for through terror of Castmccio only Colle and San 
 Miniato Tedcsco answered tin? call. King Uobort afterwards 
 sent soiiio trilling aid, but still l''lon»nce did not despair and 
 a bold attem}>t was made to cut olf Castruccio's whole army in.. ., 
 a pass of the Val di ^larina near Calonzano. New taxes were 
 imposed to the amuial amount of a hundrcil and eighty 
 thousand florins In^yond the ordinary rcveiuie; levies were '^ 
 made in Mantua and in Germany ; Monte ]5uoni and other I 
 important posts were fortiiied to protect the district : yet in?" 
 the middle of all this danger two lumdred cavalry were magna->| 
 nimously despatched to Bologna which was sorely pressed and;^ 
 its army soon after defeated at iMonteveglio by Passeiino lord ' 
 of Mantua, with the assistance of Azzo Visconti imd his fok ^^ 
 lowers, fresh from their Tuscan victories *. A^^ 
 
 But this ]\lilaiieso chief ero ho llnally fpiitted Tuscany, 
 offered a parting insult to Florence by holding public games; 
 in the very bod of the Amo. Ho then returned with five-aud^|^ 
 twenty thousand llorins as his share of the general plunder,! jj 
 while Castmccio loaded with prisoners and l>ooty resolved to i 
 enter his capital in triunijjh like a Boman conquerorf. '*li 
 
 The fame of this event attracted a crowd of spectators from -^ 
 iill parts of Italy eager to witness the revival of an ancient! 5 
 
 ceremony but more eager to behold a hero whose reputation 
 had already become familiar to the world. On the 10th of 
 November, being the festival of Saint Martin, Castmccio made 
 this triumphal entry into Lucca ; not in a car, but on a magnifi- 
 cent courser, and at some distance from the gates a solemn pro- 
 cession of the clergy nobility and almost all the women of 
 exalted rank in the city received him like a royal personage. 
 At the head of liis procession were the prisoners of least note 
 with micovered heads and arms crossed upon the breast, stoop- 
 ing as it were in humble supplication for the mercy of their 
 conqueror : next came the Florentine Carroccio rolling heavily 
 along, drawn by the same oxen and decked with the sanrie 
 trappings they had borne in the field, and overhung by the 
 reversed and now degraded stimdard of that republic* Thon 
 followed other Florentine bamiers, those of the party Guelph 
 and the kings of Naples, with flags and pemions of inferior 
 note and various communities, all trailing in the dirt and as it 
 were sweeping the path of the conqueror. Immediately after 
 this mortifying spectacle walked the same chiefs who had so 
 often home these flags to victory. Here Baimond of Cardona 
 also had full leisure to contemplate the effects of his own dis- 
 honesty ; and the gallant Urlimbach a German knight who had 
 unhorsed Castmccio, could also muse on the instability of fortune, 
 as despoiled of arms and spurs he swelled the train of the victor. 
 A multitude of noble captives followed in this insulting pro- 
 cession wliich was closed by Castmccio and his legions in all 
 the pride and insolence of victory. But nothing mortified the 
 prisoners so much as being compelled to bear large waxen 
 torches as offerings to Saint Martin the tutelar saint of 
 Lucca and dear to her troops because of the Bacchanalian 
 licence usual at his festival on pretence of tasting the various 
 flavour of the new-made wines, and because the saint himself 
 had once been a soldier*. 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., caps, from ccc. to cccvii. and from cccxvii. to cccxx., &c. — 
 
 * Ibturic ri«»lolc«i. 
 
 t Leon. Arctino, Lib. v. 
 
FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 491 
 
 The day after tliis pageant Castruccio invited fifty of his 
 prmcipal prisoners to an entertainment hut afterwards it is said 
 compelled them hy extreme severity and even tortiu'e, to 
 ransom themselves with enormous sums, by which he col- 
 lected a hundred thousand florins for the prosecution of the 
 war. Allowing himself no unnecessaiy repose he almost im- 
 mediatelv led his araiy to Sijnia and on the '^7th of November 
 invested Montemurlo between Prato and Pistoia : this fortress 
 being strong and well defended by the Pazzi and Adimari, 
 required a regular siege and allowed him to employ his dis- 
 posable troops in overrunning the neighbouring countiy to the 
 gates of the capital which he could do with impunity, for 
 although there were three hundred Neapolitan cavaliy in 
 Florence the government could not induce them to quit the 
 town. A company of Flemings indignant at these insults 
 saUied out with more courage than order and being unsupported 
 were quickly driven m again with loss; another disorderly 
 attempt was made, through mere shame, by the citizens with 
 little better success*. 
 
 Thus bearded at their very gates, insulted, ridiculed, the 
 country a desert, Signa occupied by the enemy, Prato at his 
 mercv, Montemurlo still unsuccoiu-ed and readv to fall, the 
 Bolognese army, their only bulwark against Lombardy, defeated ; 
 their best chieftains prisoners, their army diminished, their 
 expenses increased, their allies daunted, death raging within 
 the city and destruction without, all things adverse to them, 
 and fortune courting their enemies ; under sucli a pressure the 
 people at last gave way, and despair once more compelled them 
 to a temporary sm'render of theii' independence. 
 
 Charles Duke of Calabria was therefore, and perhaps not 
 
 Istorie Pistolesi. — Leon. Arctino, Vita di Castruccio. Translated by 
 
 Lib. V. — Mar. di Coppo Stefani, Dati. — Aide Mannucci, Vita di Cub- 
 
 Lib. vi.. Rub. 391 . — S. Ammirato, Lib. truccio. 
 
 vi., p. 307.— Macchiavelli, Lib. ii«.— * Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. cccxxix. 
 
 Sismondi, vol. iv., p. 23. — Tegrimo, to cccxxxii. 
 
 unexpectedly, offered the lordship of Florence for ten years 
 on certain conditions, with which as showing the nature of such 
 concessions we may finish this chapter. 
 
 It was decreed that the Prince should remain for thirty 
 months consecutively within tlie Florentine state, or at war in 
 the enemy's dominions, and the three succeeding summer 
 months in addition should hostilities continue. 
 
 That in time of war he was to maintain one thousand Trans- 
 alpine cavahy and have an annual allowance from the republic 
 of two hundred thousand golden floruis ; half that sum in 
 peace with the obligation of maintaining only four himdred and 
 fifty men-at-arms. 
 
 If in time of peace the Duke wished to be absent he was 
 bound to ai)point a lieutenant of the blood roj^al or of some 
 other great and powerful family ; also to nominate a vicar for 
 the admmistration of justice, who was not to alter any part of 
 the government, but on the contraiy^ defend and maintain the 
 priors and gonfalonier, the executor of the ordinances of justice, 
 and the sixteen chiefs of companies. 
 
 This decree which passed on the '2Srd of December 1325 was 
 despat tiled with a solemn embassy to Naples and finished the 
 transactions of that unfortunate year, which began so brightly 
 for the Florentines =•'-. 
 
 Cotemporarv Monarcbs. — England : Edward II. — Scotland : Robert Bruce. — 
 France: Philip V., (The Long) 1322. Charles IV., (The Fair).— Castile 
 and Leon : Alphonso XI.— Aragon : Jacob II. — Portugal: Denis, till 1325. 
 Alphonso IV. The Empire distracted by Civil War between Louis of Bavaria 
 and Frederic of Austria —Naples : Robert (The Good).— Sicily . Frederic 11. 
 (of Aragon). — Greek Empire: Andronicus Palaeologus.— Ottoman Empire: 
 Othman. — Pope : John XXII. 
 
 Gio. Villani, Lib. ix.,cap. cccxxxiii.— S. Ammirato, Lib. vi., p. 321. 
 
 ( 
 
492 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOKY 
 
 {.BUJh I. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 493 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1326 TO A.D. 1329. 
 
 Until the Dictator s arrival Florence gave the chief com- 
 mand of her aniiv to PieiTe de Nai'si a French knight of 
 exalted rank who was made prisoner at Altopascio : 
 he had just been ransomed, and smarting under the 
 indignity of Castruccio s triumph sought revenge and distinc- 
 tion ere he was compelled to relinquish his brief and hazardous 
 dignity. Not being able to save Montemurlo which after a 
 courageous resistance, honourably capitulated on the 8th of 
 January, he exerted himself less worthily by tiying to raise in- 
 surrections at Signa and Carmignano, and even attempting the 
 life of Castruccio. His emissaries were three constables or 
 colonels of the Lucchese army who with six private soldiers, 
 all foreigners, undertook the murder, but tliis wary chief was 
 never dormant and fortunately detected them. 
 
 After some hesitation through fear of a mutiny amongst the 
 Transalpine troops, Castmccio resolved at every risk to maintain 
 the discipline of his army and show the mercenaries by a severe 
 example that they were not exempted from the penalty of 
 insubordination any more than Italian soldiers. Going forth 
 therefore on horseback in complete armour, and sorrounded 
 by his native battalions he from a piece of rising ground and with 
 dark and threatening aspect addressed the assembled army. 
 
 After a full exposition of the conspiracy, he dwelt on the 
 
 '} 
 
 n 
 
 disgrace that any single individual might bring on the character 
 of a whole nation if his countrymen neither joined in his con- 
 demnation nor sympathised with the militaiy feelings of their 
 chief. " He did not then speak to them," he added, " as a 
 *■ Prince, but in the more exalted character of their general, 
 " who despising pei-sonal vengeance was resolved to preserve 
 " the anny by a rigid adherence to all the strictness even of 
 " Roman discipline." Then sternly commanding the prisoners 
 to be brought forth and their heads to be struck off as they 
 stood ; which was done with a single blow of the sword ; he 
 calmly dismissed the troops and resumed his usual occupations. 
 This unexpected intelligence and the sudden execution of jus- 
 tice on culprits who were previously unknown, together with 
 surprise, fear, and habitual respect for Castruccio, all conspired 
 to prevent any instantaneous burst of feeling from the foreign 
 companies : but the French soon began to murmur, wherefore 
 to stop this disorder the greater part of them were boldly dis- 
 missed even in presence of the enemy =i'. 
 
 Pierre de Narsi did not for this discontinue his macliinations, 
 and Castmccio to show his contempt of him, marched to Signa 
 with only seven hundred horse and two thousand footmen, 
 crossed the Amo, ravaged the Val di Pesa and destroyed Torri : 
 a few days after he burst mto the Val di Greve devastated 
 the country round San Casciano, burned that town, and then 
 returned mimolested to Signa in spite of the Florentine general 
 fuid all his forces. Again on the ^oth of February assembling 
 eight hmidred cavaliy and three thousand infantry he once 
 more advanced to Peretola and anew insulted Florence ; then 
 reoccupying Signa ordered its immediate evacuation and de- 
 struction, as he could spare neither the men nor money necessary 
 for its defence even had he any hope of maintaining a place 
 only seven miles from the capital against the powerful arma- 
 ment of the Duke of Calabria. But while thus employed he 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. ix.,cap. cccxxxvi. — Scip. Ammirato, Lib. vi., p. 322. 
 
 t 
 
494 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book r. 
 
 conceived the bold and barbarous notion of drowning the vast 
 plain of Florence by stopping the Amo s course with a huge 
 embankment across the rocky strait of the Golfolina, ten miles 
 from the metropolis. 
 
 No man liardy or wicked enough to attempt this could be 
 found : the engineei-s told him that the fall uf ground from 
 Florence to the Golfulina amounting to about two hundred and 
 eighty-eight feet would render such an undertaking impossible 
 and he therefore relinquished this cruel and extravagant notion. 
 After breaking down the bridge of Signa he retired to Carmig- 
 nano which he garrisoned with the exiles of the foi-mer plac^'e 
 and Florence, intending to make it the centre of all future 
 operations and principal seat of war. From this point he 
 crossed Monte Albano devastated all the countn^ about Vinci, 
 Cerreto-Guidi, and Vettolino ; took Petrojo near Empoli,' 
 crossed the Anio, threatened Empoli itself and committed 
 every possible miscluef ere the supeiior power of Naples com- 
 pelled him to desist. 
 
 As war still detained the Duke of Calabria in Sicily he des- 
 patched four hundred horse to Florence under his Vicar Walter 
 de Brienne titular Duke of Athens, a man whose lamily had 
 been expelled from Greece and his father killed by the great 
 company of Catalans in DJU : being closely connected with the 
 royal family the people, although disappointed, were willing to 
 receive him, and on the expectation of this reenforcement sent 
 some troops to their friends in Romagna and Lombardv where 
 Faenza and Forli, Milan and Brescia still continued at war*. 
 In the Florentine state Pierre di Narsi still endeavoured to 
 mamtain a miserable warfare of intrigue and treacheiy against 
 a man m every way his superior : a conspiracy, real or fictitious 
 on the part of some of Castruccio's officers, was managed by 
 Pierre to gam possession of Carmignano ; but on attempting 
 
 * a. Villani, Lib. ix., caps, cccxlv., cccli.— S. Ammirato, Lib. vi., p. 322 
 —Leon. Aretmo, Lib. v. ' » F «'*^- 
 
 CHAP. XVII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 495 
 
 to effect this with a strong detachment from Prato he fell 
 into an ambuscade and was taken prisoner with almost all his 
 followers after a severe conflict. This disaster filled Florence 
 with dismay, and when the next messenger brought mtelligenee 
 of their generals decapitation in the market-place of Pistoia, 
 they felt that misfortune had not yet done with them : but the 
 immediate arrival of Walter de Brienne ; the Pope's appomt- 
 ment of King Ptobert as Imperial Vicar of Italy ; the excom- 
 munication of the Bishop of Arezzo ; the assurance of Chaiies 
 of Calabria's near approach, and the defensive movements of 
 Castmccio in consequence ; all helped to maintain the public 
 
 spirit--. 
 
 Soon after Walters appearance the proper time had arrived 
 for a new Scrutiny whereupon he immediately endeavoured 
 to prove that according to the contract his master was entitled 
 to ai)point all the magistracies of Florence, a prerogative which 
 he forthwith began to exercise by cancelling even the previous 
 nominations ; but in other respects he governed discreetly, 
 became exceedingly popular, and altogether acted a wily and 
 sagacious pait in direct opposition to his natural character f. 
 
 Four hundred additional cavalry soon after came from Pro- 
 vence followed by the Pope's legate as a pacificator, and 
 Castruccio seeing this dangerous combination of spiritual and 
 temporal power arrayed against him, endeavoured to gain 
 time for preparation : to this end he declared in a written 
 address to the legate that " although so highly favoured by 
 " fortune he had never trusted to the continuance of her 
 " support or allowed himself to be blinded by success, and 
 '' therefore was ready to make peace with Florence if she 
 *• would be content to remain within her just limits and no 
 " lon<^er intenneddle with the affairs of others ; that she ought 
 •' by that time to have learned the danger of mulesting people 
 '• in their own home, for God who never sufiered men to in- 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. ccclxv. f Ibid., cap. cccli. 
 
496 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XVlI.j 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 497 
 
 " dulge long in pride had already shown her liow he abhorred 
 '• the arrogance of those who allowed themselves to be flattered 
 " by a too fiivourable contemplation of their individual power." 
 This advance gave some hopes to the legate ; but now the 
 expectations of Florence again began to rise ; Castruccio him- 
 self was anything but sincere ; Charles of Calabria had already 
 reached Siena ; and this negotiation was consequently discon- 
 tinued. • 
 
 The houses of Tolomei and Salembeni had long kept that 
 city in confusion, and Florence being apprehensive of complete 
 ruin to the Guelpliic faction there, implored the Duke as he 
 hoped for pennanent success to remain jmd tranquillise the 
 town by a confirmation of their power. Charles, who probably 
 would not at any rate have departed without securing something 
 for himself, willingly took this advice ; remained eighteen days 
 at Siena, reestablished peace in the city ; demanded the per- 
 petual lordship of the republic, which after some tumults he 
 secured for five years with somewhat less authority than at 
 Florence, and finally charged the latter sixteen thousand florins 
 for thus carrying her wishes into execution*. 
 
 On the 30th of July he entered Florence followed by eleven 
 hundred men-at-arms one huntlred of whom were knights of 
 the Golden Spur. He was lodged in the podesta's palace from 
 whence the seat of justice was purposely, perhaps derisively 
 removed, and formally acknowledged as lord of the Florentine 
 republic. It was the mark of misfortune, the stigma of dis- 
 grace ; yet it excited the admiration of Italy ; for Italy beheld 
 the Florentine people, masters only of a small and not a very 
 fruitful territory, after their repeated misfortunes, after so many 
 defeats, such reverses and so much treasure lost ; nay at the 
 very moment when they seemed to totter on the very brink of 
 ruin, suddenly rise in their strength and like a giant refreshed 
 
 * G. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. ccclvi. — S. Ammirato, Lib. vi., p. 327. — O. 
 Malavolti, Part ii., Lib. v., p. 84. 
 
 
 With wine, by the power of their own resources as it were 
 command the service of so great a prince, and an army such 
 as had never before been seen in Florence ! 
 
 There were no less than two thousand men-at-arms assembled 
 most of them belonging to the highest ranks of society, inde- 
 pendent of the Cardmal Legate's court and followers which 
 were far from trifling ; and without reckoning the Florentine 
 chivalry or a single knight of the Guelphic confederacy. So 
 vast a development of national resources was the more remark- 
 able because at this very time the ancient bank of the Scali 
 and Amleri which had already endui'ed for a hundred and 
 twenty years with undiminished reputation, failed for the enor- 
 mous sum of 400,000 florins which being for the most part 
 due in the city of Florence shook the republic to its centre and, 
 excepting bloodshed, was considered equally ruinous with the 
 battle of Altopascio itself-. 
 
 The several contingents of the Guelphic league were after- 
 wards summoned, and increased this fine army to three thousand 
 four hundred and fifty men-at-arms besides the Florentine 
 Cavallate, never less than five hundred men, and a selec- 
 tion of some of the best and bravest infantry in Tuscany. 
 Sixty thousand floiins were immediately raised by a partial 
 and extraordinaiy tax on the richest citizens and every dili- 
 gence was used by the Florentines to insure success : yet this 
 great army remained entirely passive and they had the morti- 
 fication to see then: time and treasure idly wasted by him to 
 whom they had surrendered their liberties in the expectation 
 of a veiy difierent result. 
 
 Many reasons were given for this delay; but Villani a 
 citizen of rank and reputation and an eye-witness of what he 
 relates, believes it to have been because Castruccio amused the 
 Pope's legate with false negotiations and employed the time in 
 augmenting his forces from all the Ghibeline states of Lombardy 
 
 * G. Villani, Lib. x., cap. iv. — S. Ammirato, Lib. vi.,p 328 
 VOL. I. K K 
 
493 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XVII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 499 
 
 and Tuscany, until he became not only fearless of attack him- 
 self but prepared to resume the offensive. If the duke had 
 made no delay either at Siena or Florence he might have 
 mai'ched to Lucca while Castruccio's aimy was weak and he on 
 a sick-bed ; but Charles of Calabria was no general, and more 
 adapted to augment the authority with which he was already 
 invested within than to free his constituents from their formid- 
 able enemy without. 
 
 He demanded the power of appointing every public officer 
 from the prioi-s downward both within and without the city ; of 
 making peace or war ; of restoring rebels and exiles even in 
 opposition to the laws, and finally of renewing his authority for 
 ten years from the fii-st of September 18-20. The people 
 became alarmed, and the more so because he was supported by 
 the nobles who eagerly proposed to invest him with absolute 
 sovereignty for an unlimited period ; not from any love to the 
 prince but from hatred to the people and their ordinances of 
 justice which they were determmed if possible to destroy. 
 Charles was however wise enough to take good counsel and still 
 hold to those from whom he had received what he already 
 possessed; the citizens acquiesced in his demands and the 
 aristocracy was baffled*. Seeing that nothing was to be 
 expected from him the Florentines contented themselves with 
 fortifying Signa and the opposite town of Gangalandi in order 
 to protect the agricultural labourers, and then quietly awaited 
 the movements of both their masters. Castniccio had already 
 driven Spmetto Malespini from his dominions in Lunigiana 
 and compelled him to take refuge with the protector of all 
 unfortunate exiles, Cane della Scala ; but the Duke of Cala- 
 bria tempted him once more to try his fortune by the invasion 
 of that province while he with the Florentine army marched 
 on Pistoia. Both these plans were executed and with more 
 hope of success because the towns of Mammiano and Gavignana 
 
 ♦ Gio. Villani, Lib. x", cap. ii°.— S. Ammirato, Lib. vi.,p. 329. 
 
 in the mountain of Pistoia had just revolted. Castruccio was 
 not much alarmed, and though very ill reduced both places in 
 the middle of a severe winter, baffled the Florentine army 
 which attempted in vain to reheve them and finally compelled 
 it to return m disgrace to the capital : then turning suddenly 
 on Spinet to once more drove him into exile. 
 
 Thus failed the first dilatory attempt of this brilliant army, 
 and Florence became more desponding than ever : those that 
 formerly used to tremble at the formidable name of Uguccione 
 now acknowledged that he was only a sudden and startling noise, 
 but that Castmccio was the thunderbolt itself which had stricken 
 and consumed their country. The citizens were now utterly 
 distracted and knew not where to turn, such was the confusion 
 and so great the waste of men money and credit occasioned by 
 his uncommon abilities and continual success ; for in the midst 
 of all Castruccio's good fortune he had never, it was said, com- 
 mitted a rash or hazardous act ; every event was calculated, 
 few mistakes made, and victory attended him as his shadow *. 
 
 To prevent the people of Lunigiana from revolting he 
 destroyed all their fenced towns and augmented his army with 
 the garrisons, the works of Montale near Pistoia were dismantled 
 and Montefalcone shared the same fate ; for he used to say that 
 " those strongholds were the best, which could make long marches 
 " and keep themselves near or distant according as they were 
 *' wanteds The awe which his character impressed on the 
 Guelphic lords of Italy caused Robert to be blamed for opposing 
 the inexperience of his son to the power of so accomplished a 
 general and exposmg the descendant of a line of illustrious 
 princes to the disgrace of being killed, defeated, or made 
 prisoner by a simple gentleman of Lucca. Such was the 
 " form and pressure of the time "! In consequence of this as 
 was supposed, Charles had instructions to tell the Florentines 
 that unless they would consent to take eight hundred of his 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib. vi., p. 331. 
 KK2 
 
 
500 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XVII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 601 
 
 foreign cavalry into the pay of the confederacy he must return to 
 Naples. This unexpected demand and infringement of every 
 compact, after all liieii- exertions, astonished the citizens ; 
 but there was no help and 30,000 florins were added to the 
 450,000 they had already thi'own away upon the Duke of 
 Calabria, because few of the allies would submit to the extor- 
 tion ; yet this was not all, and as if to deride their weakness, 
 he at the capricious request of the duchess repealed some of 
 their sumptuary laws, the solemn decrees of the state, to which 
 the citizens held with extreme tenacity, and they had the 
 mortification to see their wives and daughters in the midst of 
 the country's misery when they should rather have been clothed 
 in mourning for her slaughtered citizens, puffed up with such 
 excess of vanity as to adorn their heads, says Villain, with "long 
 tresses of white and yellow silk instead of hair, which they 
 wore in front : this decoration because it displeased the Floren- 
 tines as immodest and unnatural, they had already taken from 
 the females and had made laws against it and other disorderly 
 ornaments ; but thus the inordinate appetite of women over- 
 came the good sense of men" -•'. 
 
 The Lombard Ghibelines seeing so formidable a display of 
 Guelphic power together with the more intimate 
 union between the church and Naples ; in spite of 
 Castruccio's success could not help feelmg that their cause was 
 in jeopardy and therefore determined to support it by the impe- 
 rial power : Parma and Bologna had already given themselves 
 to Rome, the Bishop of Arezzo was excommunicated and 
 deposed ; and besides Florence and Siena ; San Miniato, Colle, 
 San Gimignato and Prato had made Charles their lord, the 
 last even in perpetuity. This great extension of power gave 
 the house of Anjou command over the greater part of Italy 
 and therefore no time was lost in despatching an embassy to 
 implore the " Bavarian,"' (as Louis was called by those who 
 
 * Gio. Yillani, Lib. x., cap. xi. 
 
 A.D. 1327. 
 
 I. 
 
 did not wish to be anathematised) to meet the Italian Ghibe- 
 lines or theii' ambassadors at Trent for the purpose of con- 
 sidering the best means of exalting the imperial dignity. 
 
 Until the year 1322 Louis of Bavaria had been so occupied 
 in struggling for the crown with his rival Frederic of Austria 
 that he had no leisure to meddle with the Peninsula ; but the 
 decisive battle of Muhldorf in which four thousand men-at-arms 
 were killed in repeated charges on the field, and Frederic of 
 Austria made prisoner, left him at liberty to employ himself in 
 foreign politics and turn his attention towards Italy. Pope 
 John XXII. whom he mformed of the victory at Muhldorf, not 
 having before decided on the candidate he meant to support, 
 received the letter of Louis as his friend, and promised to aid 
 him in the consummation of peace ; but when the pontiff 
 heard of the assistance afforded to his worst enemy the excom- 
 municated Galeazzo Visconti in 1323 and of the Bavarian's 
 having compelled Raimond of Cardona the papal general to 
 raise the siege of Milan, his anger exceeded all bounds. He 
 insisted tliat as pope he was the only legitimate ruler of the 
 empire during a vacancy, the only judge between two competi- 
 tors ; and until his decision was known no king of the Romans 
 could exist : it was, he said, a grave offence against God, and 
 a palpable contempt of the church to have exercised the powers 
 of royalty without its sanction and protected its enemies, espe- 
 cially Galeazzo Visconti and his brothers who had been declared 
 heretics by the definitive sentence of a competent tribunal, 
 Louis was therefore excommunicated, and again more solemnly 
 in March 1324 when he was also declared mcapable of ever 
 ascending the imperial throne. Frederic while in prison had 
 been visited by Louis and treated with so much and such unu- 
 sual generosity that he acknowledged him as emperor and 
 was immediately liberated, ever after remaining his ally and 
 intimate friend. Germany was then pacified, the pope's 
 intrigues there were all baffled and the emperor prepared to 
 
502 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 visit Italy, to confinn his imperial dignity by a public corona- 
 tion, and revenge himself on the pontiff. 
 
 In this disposition an invitation from the Italian Ghibelines 
 was peculiarly well-timed, especially as Louis, weakened by long 
 wars remained without money, and Italy was always considered 
 as an inexhaustible mine of treasure by Transalpine nations. 
 He therefore repaired to Trent about the middle of February 
 where he was met by Azzo and Marco Visconti of Milan Cane 
 della Scala of Verona, Passerini Buonacossi of Mantua, Renaldo 
 Marquis of Este, the Bishop of Arezzo, and ambassadors from 
 Frederic of Sicily Castruccio Castracani, the exiles of Genoa 
 and all the other Ghibelines. Here the pope was declared 
 heretical by a considerable body of the clergy and solemnly 
 excommunicated, ridiculed, and defied : the imputation was not 
 new, for this ambitious and mercenarj' pontiff was a zealous 
 asserter of his own infallibility, wished to dictate absolutely to 
 the church and had made enemies of large bodies of the clergy ; 
 amongst others of the Franciscan or minor friars who insisted 
 on Christ's poverty and therefore, following his example, con- 
 demned all property in churchmen as preposterous and unbe- 
 coming. These monks had been bold enough to denounce 
 John as heretical and excommunicated, upon which he burned 
 some of them and deprived others of the little they possessed 
 conforming to their own maxims : other causes had made other 
 enemies amongst the secular clergy ; so that Louis found him- 
 self zealously supported by a powerful body even in the church, 
 and it was unanimously declared that as Christ had no property 
 all priests who had were enemies to his sacred poverty *. 
 
 In Tuscany the war now became somewhat more active, Pis- 
 toia was attacked with partial success, but Charles uneasy at 
 the Bavarian s progress sent an embassy to Avignon and im- 
 plored Pope John in concert with the Florentines to pubhsh a 
 
 • S. Amrairato, Lib. vii., p. 334.— Gio. Villani, Lib. x., cap. xviii. — ^Sis- 
 mondi, vol. iii., p. 379, vol. iv., p. 41. 
 
 CHAP, xvii.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 503 
 
 crusade against him and restore the Bolognese and Ferrarese 
 exiles or he might expect worse consequences than m the 
 threatening days of Henry tlie Seventh. Meanwhile new taxes 
 sprancr up to meet new dangers, and 80,000 florms were 
 raised by an impost called the " Estimo " on real and personal 
 property and even annual incomes, the amount of which bemg 
 ascertained by secret testimony from seven neighbours was 
 jiccompanied by considerable abuse and injustice, and yet all 
 was borne, not only with patience but cheerfulness*. 
 
 A desire to court the supreme authority, the perilous aspect 
 of affairs, the hope of final victory, the encouraging remem- 
 brance of past dangers, such as Uguccione's sudden fall at the 
 moment of his most exalted hopes ; their o^n profound despair 
 and the Emperor Henry's unexpected death when all around 
 was dark; these were the thoughts that buoyed up Florence 
 and induced the people to hope for some similar ending to their 
 present conflict with Louis and Castruccio, although as yet but 
 
 in its infancy. 
 
 Some consolation was also dra^vn from the old boast of repub- 
 licans, that while lords and kings and emperors died, they 
 themselves were in a manner eternal: because all the good or 
 evil when concentrated in one man, vanished with him ; but 
 the welfare of republics was rarely affected by the decease of 
 any single member of the commonwealth. Such reflecUons 
 spread rapidly ; " Why should we," it was asked, » display less 
 virtue less resolution than our fathers who with firm and con- 
 stant minds repelled such dangers ? The times call for exer- 
 tion let us arise and show ourselves equal to the occasion f 
 
 In this awakened spirit they not only gave liberally but cele- 
 brated the birth of their master s son with unusual splendour, 
 as if in profound peace and prosperity : the infant's death about 
 eight days after, was caught at by the superstitious to augur as 
 
 * G. Villani, Lib. x., cap. xvii. 
 
 + S. Ammirato, Lib. vii., p. 334. 
 
504 
 
 FLORENTTNE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 brief a period for any rejoicings at the success of Florence ; 
 and subsequent events confirmed the general credulity. 
 
 Pisa although she had sent an embassy to Louis was but 
 little disposed to receive him in Tuscany; the party that 
 governed were bitter foes to Castruccio, and although Ghibe- 
 line, inclined rather to Robert and the pope than to an excom- 
 municated emperor whose friendship or enmity promised to be 
 equally ruinous. When the news of his coronation at Milan 
 was known in Pisa some Florentine exiles assisted by a part of 
 the populace made great rejoicing and even paraded the streets 
 crying out " Death to King Robert, the Pope and the Floren- 
 tines, and long live the Emperorr Upon which the seignory 
 expelled them and all other exiles, and even the German 
 cavalry, whom they had previously dismounted, besides a cer- 
 tain set of nobles suspected of partiality to Castruccio and the 
 emperor. 
 
 This jealousy of Castruccio was not confined to Pisa ; his 
 iron sceptre weighed heavily on Lucca, and both Chai'les and 
 the Florentines unequal in the field clutched at the chance of 
 destroying him by secret treason : the potent family of Quar- 
 tigiani, the most active in his exaltation, either weary of servi- 
 tude or perhaps urged by the vanity of pulling down an idol 
 they had themselves erected, but certainly stimulated by Floren- 
 tine ducats, undertook to organise a conspiracy that would over- 
 whelm Castruccio in the midst of his greatness. It was agreed 
 that a powerful anny should assault Pistoia and force him from 
 Lucca to its defence ; the conspirators were to seize this occa- 
 sion for displaying the banners of King Robert and the church, 
 which had been sent to them from Florence, and simultaneously 
 call upon the people to rise and get possession of a gate, while 
 by preconcerted signals, the garrison of Fucecchio with all the 
 troops in the Val d'Amo would hurry to their assistance and 
 occupy Lucca without sending a single man from the camp 
 before Pistoia. 
 
 CHAP. XVII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 505 
 
 This scheme was well laid and would have succeeded but for 
 one of those accidents that so frequently ruin the best-imagined 
 enterprises : some trilling delay of the Florentine army allowed 
 a pause between the final arrangement and execution of the 
 plot and the conspirators had time to reflect. One of the 
 Quartigiani either from remorse or being unable to endure a 
 state of anxious suspense went and revealed all to Castruccio : 
 in a moment every gate of Lucca was closed and guarded ; 
 twenty-two of that family were instantly arrested, many other 
 citizens imprisoned, houses were searched, the banners found, 
 and every evidence of conspiracy rendered clear and palpable. 
 Messer Guerruccio Quartigiani the chief conspirator and three 
 of his sons were immediately hung with the reversed banners 
 of the pope and king suspended over them, while others suf- 
 fered a more cruel and then a not unusual punishment, under 
 the name of " Propagginare " or " Piantare,'' that is to say, 
 being planted in the ground like vines ; or buried alive with 
 their heads downward and their feet in the air, a sort of execu- 
 tion which Dante had probably witnessed and retained in mmd 
 when he was mventing a punishment for those guilty of simony *. 
 
 • Fuor della bocca a ciascun soverchiava 
 
 D' un peccator li piedi, e delle gambe 
 
 Infino al grosso, e 1' altro dentro stava. 
 Le piante crane a tutti accese intrambe ; 
 
 Perche si forte guizzavan le giunte, 
 
 Che spezzate averian ritorte e strambe. 
 Qual suole il fiammeggiar delle cose unte 
 
 Muoversi pur su per 1' estrema buccia, 
 
 Tal era li da' calcagni alle puntc. {Inferno, Canto xix.) 
 
 From out the mouth of every hole emerg'd 
 A sinner's feet and legs, high as the calf; 
 Nought else was seen ; the rest all hid within. 
 
 Both soles were burning of each culprit there. 
 
 Which made the torturM joints so strongly wTithe 
 That cords they would have snapt, and twisted withs. 
 
 As fire is wont, with unctuous matter fed, 
 To run along the surface it hath caught. 
 So there from heel to toe quick play'd the flame. 
 
506 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 ITie remainder of the Quartigiani family of which there were 
 a hundred men able to carry arms, were declared rebels and 
 expelled from the city and territory of Lucca. 
 
 This was considered a just judgment of God, because that 
 very race, originally Guelphs, had betrayed their paily and 
 were the first to surrender national liberty to the very man 
 now chosen as the instmment of their punishment for a second 
 treason : but in tracing the ramifications of this plot Castruccio 
 found so many citizens implicated that he prudently refrained 
 from any further investigation *. 
 
 The duke, the legate, and the Florentines, equally baffled in 
 open war and secret conspiracy, revenged themselves by another 
 excommunication of Louis and Castruccio with all their adhe- 
 rents, which was solemnly pronounced on the great festival of 
 the patron saint of Florence by Cardinal Orsini; and immediately 
 afterwards a noble army of five-and-twenty hundi'ed horse and 
 twelve thousand infantry under Count Novello encamped at 
 Signa for three days on purpose to perplex the enemy : but 
 suddenly quitting this they moved on Fucecchio and, crossing 
 the Gusciana by a bridge of boats previously prepared, appeared 
 before Santa Maria a Monte. 
 
 This was the strongest fortress in Tuscany but at that 
 time somewhat weakened, because Castruccio had withdrawn 
 a part of its garrison to strengthen Carmignano the supposed 
 object of attack, and had left but five hundred veterans with the 
 people's aid to defend it : this place was inclosed in a treble 
 rampart and the citizens were accustomed to fighting from its 
 havmg been made one of the centres of that devastating warfare 
 with which Castruccio so often tormented the Florentines. 
 But the latter were more especially exasperated against the 
 people of Santa Maria because on Castruccio's first success, from 
 having been thoroughly Guelph they changed sides and deli- 
 vered up all the Lucchese exiles to his mercy: they were 
 
 • Gio. Villani, Lib. x., cap. xxv.— Tegrimi, Vita di Castruccio. 
 
 CHAP. XVH.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 507 
 
 therefore immediately summoned to surrender under the penalty 
 of an indiscriminate massacre but remained true to their chief 
 and resolved to stand the hazard of a siege. 
 
 No time was lost, for Count Novello commanded the assault 
 to be given with the greatest ferocity " to show the world 
 that a royal army composed of such nobility was not to be 
 baffled and derided by five hundred peasantry inclosed in a 
 fortress which though strong was not impregnable." " If 
 " the campaign," he is made to say, *' if the campaign should 
 " begin successfully the pride of Castruccio may be repressed 
 " and therefore a great obstacle at once be opposed to the 
 " Bavarians' passage into Tuscany, this would liberate Naples 
 *' from danger and secure the tranquillity of Rome, already in 
 " disorder at the mere expectation of his arrival. Are you not 
 " aware soldiers " he added '* that our master Robert has 
 " already despatched a fleet of seventy galleys against Frederic 
 *' of Aragon ; not so much from ancient enmity as because that 
 *' false king has favoured the coming of this false emperor? 
 " Are there not seven Genoese galleys in the Tiber's mouth 
 " cutting off every supply from Rome, which has dared to be- 
 " come the ally of an excommunicated man ; and the prince of 
 " the Morea, if he have not yet entered that city, has at least 
 " ravaged all the territory of Orvieto and captured numerous 
 " fortresses. Is not the town of Rieti already occupied by the 
 " Duke of Athens ? Has not Ostia ceased to resist, and do we 
 " not every moment expect the news of its surrender ? And all 
 " these labours are undertaken only to hinder everything be- 
 " coming a prey to this barbarian who more eager for money 
 " than glory has already expelled his hosts the Visconti from 
 " their dommions ; worthy nevertheless of a severer punish- 
 " ment as the great disturbers of Italian tranquillity. With 
 " such examples it also becomes us in Tuscany to do something 
 " of renown that will lower the pride of Castruccio, the potent 
 '• minister of tliis German, and now rendered insupportable by 
 
508 
 
 FLORENTINE HI'iTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XVII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 509 
 
 «( 
 
 *( 
 
 
 it 
 it 
 
 «( 
 
 ti 
 H 
 
 the immoderate favours of fortune. He boasts of our having 
 been already a whole year in Florence and accomplished 
 nothing ; of his having at one time amused us with the hopes 
 of peace, at another made us ridiculous even to ourselves, by 
 unravelling all our intrigues and conspiracies against him ; 
 of our miserable failure at Mammiano and Gavignana ; of 
 Malespini's feeble attempt and disgraceful flight, and with our 
 being inferior to him in everything but priestly excommuni- 
 cations. But that which should make us blush even to think 
 oi, he has had the audacity to declare that he expects yet 
 once more to return triumphant to Lucca with our young 
 prince in bonds before him holding a lighted torch for an 
 offering at the shrine of Saint Martin, as liaimond of Cardona 
 was compelled to do two years ago ! Now is not this arrogance 
 enough to make us trample on it with all that fiery uidigna- 
 tion that is wont to fill the breast of noble-minded men, when 
 Castruccio! (to what a pass are human things arrived!) 
 Castruccio ! a poor dependent of Uguccione della Faggiola, 
 dares to hope that he can lead away bound to his chariot 
 wheels the son of King Robert ! the nobility of Naples ! and 
 with them the city and people of Florence ! We do not 
 now combat with either Lucca or Pistoia, nor have we before 
 us this tremendous captain ; but what is there that will prove 
 too great for this man's pride if we are not fomid good enough 
 to capture one of his fortresses, when even now amongst his 
 other boasts he vaunts of not having left Florence a foot be- 
 yond her walls ! I know that any man who regards his own 
 honour would rather die than survive the disgrace of being 
 beaten by this fortress, and for myself I am resolved either to 
 leave my Itones before yonder ramparts or lodge this evening in 
 the town. If you are of my mind victory is secure ; because to 
 resolute men all things are attainable : but I already see the 
 just anger that moves you against this tyrant, and believing 
 that deeds and not words are the proper answer to your 
 
 \\ 
 
 i\ 
 
 " general's appeal, you hold that to be lost time which is not 
 " employed in combat. Our horses are now of no service as 
 ** our camp is safe ; dismomit therefore and instead of wasting 
 " time in useless words I will show you what is to be done by 
 " my own example." 
 
 Scarcely had he finished speaking and given the signal of 
 assault when the sharpest conflict that had for many years been 
 known in Tuscany began : the attack was bold and sudden and 
 the defence desperate : the battering engines were soon in posi- 
 tion ; battalions of Genoese cross-bowmen shot so strong and 
 thickly that not a man could show himself on the walls without 
 being killed or woxmded : the dismounted knights in heavy 
 armour, each with his shield, advanced in solid order and placed 
 the ladders under a crossing shower of stones and arrows ; the 
 infantry with lighter arms and worse protected, rivalled them 
 in courage and the assault soon became general. Doubtful and 
 fierce too it remained until a young squire of Provence seizing 
 a projecting stone, with one bold spring got footing on the top ; 
 waving his master's pennon : instantly a loud shout echoed 
 tlirough the ranks and in a few minutes a long line of banners 
 fluttered on the solid battlements : without a pause the whole 
 mass swept forward to the second wall and dashing over it 
 like a wave plunged fiercely into the town driving all that 
 could escape, in terror to the citadel : nothing withstood the sol- 
 diers' fuiy, and man woman and child were indiscriminately 
 slaughtered. Many endeavoured to conceal themselves, but 
 the jealousy of different nations, rivals in courage and strong in 
 enmity, Italian and Transalpine troops, made each set fire to 
 the town lest the other should monopolise the plunder, so those 
 that the sword missed the fire consumed ; and if by chance 
 some frantic wTetches rushed in terror from the flames they 
 were instantly hacked to pieces by a disappointed and mad- 
 dened soldiery. A third inclosure formed the citadel, but the 
 troops were too much exhausted for an immediate assault, and 
 
510 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XVII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 511 
 
 the remaining citizens, despaiiing of relief from ^lieir general, 
 who was at Vivinaio with an inferior force, in a short time sur- 
 rendered themselves to the Florentines *. 
 
 After a rest of eight days Count Novello recrossed the Gusci- 
 ano and halted for two more at Fucecchio to observe Castruccio's 
 movements, but seeing that he did not stir, the Florentines again 
 passed the river, advanced to Cerruglio, and fo. iiree succes- 
 sive days defied him to battle : the Lucchese chief who had 
 only eight hundred horse and ten thousand foot, jeing in daily 
 expectation of the emperor's arrival at Pontremoli was content 
 to remain on the defensive. The same expectation prevented 
 the Florentines from marching direct on Lucca, therefore 
 crossing Montalbano between Signa and Carmignano they 
 suddenly attacked Artimmo which Castruccio had fortified so 
 strongly as to apprehend no danger in that quarter. But 
 flushed with his late victory Novello at once gave the assault 
 which was renewed for three days successively ; the last battle 
 contiiming without intermission from noon until night-fall ; 
 when all the palisades and one of the gates being burned, the 
 garrison, with the fate of Santa Maria before their eyes, 
 surrendered on the twenty-seventh of August. Count Novello 
 wished to proceed and ctoy Tizzana and Canniguano in the 
 same manner, but Louis being now close to Pontremoli he and 
 his troops were ordered back to Florence. 
 
 It was now about thirteen months since the Duke of 
 Calabria had entered that city with the finest army that its 
 vast resources had ever produced, and 500,00() florins had 
 been expended on him by the community ; yet, saving the 
 capture of Santa Maria and Artimino, nothing had been done ; 
 wherefore the people became justly discontented, though com- 
 pelled to suppress their ill-humour from a sense of present 
 danger and the tlireatening progress of the emperor. 
 
 • Istorie Pistolese. — Gio. Villani, v., p. 99. — Scip. Ammirato, Lib. vii., 
 Lib. X., cap. xx. — Leon. Aretino, Lib. p. 339. 
 
 Louis was crowned at Milan on the thirty-first of May by 
 the excommunicated Aretine prelate ; the archbishop of Milan 
 having refused to perform this office ; but whether from a delay 
 in the promised supplies accompanied by an insolent message 
 from Galeazzo Visconti, as Villani avers ; or from the com- 
 plaints of Marco, Lodrisio, and Azzo Visconti agamst Gale- 
 azzo s tyranr ' or from suspicion of an attempt to poison the 
 emperor, as the sudden death of Stephano Visconti after 
 tasting his drink, led others to suppose ; it is certain that on 
 the twentieth 'of July Galeazzo's brothers Luchino and Gio- 
 vanni and his son Azzo, were arrested along with that piince 
 himself and closely imprisoned ; the strong castle of Monza 
 being given up to Louis as the price of the latter 's safety. 
 Tliis revolution was eff'ected at the public council of Milan 
 after Visconti's German troops had been seduced; an im- 
 perial vicar and twenty-four citizens were immediately ap- 
 pointed to govern the city thus suddenly restored to apparent 
 independence, and 50,000 florins were granted to the emperor. 
 This decided conduct pleased the Milanese and Guelphs 
 as much as it alarmed the other Lombards, because it was 
 Visconti himself that had brought Louis into Italy and he was 
 the first to experience that monarch's ingratitude. 
 
 A diet aftenvards assembled near Brescia where several 
 new bishops were created and about -200,000 floiins collected 
 from the Ghibeline states of Lombardy ; Louis then crossed 
 the Po near Cremona and with two thousand men-at-arms 
 marched through Parma, passed the mountains without any 
 opposition from the papal troops stationed in those parts, 
 and halted at Pontremoli on the first of September 1327. 
 Here he was received by Castruccio but refused to sojourn at 
 Lucca until Pisa which had determined to shut her gates uppn 
 him had been reduced to reason *. 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. x., cap. xxxii.— Bernardino Corio, Storia di Milano. 
 
 -'I 
 
512 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 
 ( 
 
 This city, which had found the friendship of Henry as 
 ruinous as the enmity of Louis seemed Ukely to prove ; was 
 confirmed in her resistance by a terror of Castmccio s arts and 
 influence, and the ceilainty of his being as ready to purchase 
 her liberties, as the Bavarian if once in possession, would be 
 willing to sell them. The Bishop of Arezzo apprehensive 
 that Pisa would be forced into the arms of Florence persuaded 
 the citizens to send ambassadors to Louis at Ripafratta 
 and engaging his word for their safe return ; but after much 
 dispute nothing was agreed upon, both parties being dissa- 
 tisfied, and the ambassadors were arrested by orders from 
 Castruccio as they returned to Pisa. The prelate indignant 
 at this perfidy bearded the latter in presence of Louis him- 
 self, who evidently leaning to the Lucchese chief and pro- 
 bably a party in the act, allowed of an indecent altercation 
 and high words between these proud and pri\'ileged seignors. 
 The result was a continued detention of the envoys, the 
 bishop's withdrawal from the imperial camp, and finally his 
 death a few davs after, while on his road to Arezzo where his 
 brother Piero Saccone of Pietramala a bitter enemy of Flo- 
 rence, immediately succeeded to power. 
 
 Louis followed up this treacherous act by a close and rigor- 
 ous investment of Pisa on both banks of the Amo, even before 
 the people knew of their ambassadors' detention, while the 
 exiles maintained a partisan warfare, scoured the whole 
 Contado, captured town after town, and finally cut off all 
 further succours by mastering Porto Pisano. Anns and 
 money were supplied from Florence ; for such was the condition 
 of Pisa that the government feared even in this crisis to levy 
 a new tax lest the populace should rise in rebellion. The 
 siege lasted a month and the city might have baflled Louis ; 
 
 Parte iii., folio 204.— Libro del Polls- lano da Pietro Verri, vol. ii., cap. x., 
 tore, cap. xi., p. 737. Rerum Italicarum, pp. 1 1 9 — 20, &c. 
 Scriptores, toino xxiv. — Storia di Mi- 
 
 CHAP. xvn.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 513 
 
 I 
 
 but fresh discord, the curse of these licentious republics, caused 
 it to be suiTendered on condition that neither their own exiles, 
 nor Castruccio, nor any of his people should be admitted into 
 the town ; that their form of government should remain 
 inviolate and 00,000 florins be paid into the imperial trea- 
 suiT. On the eleventh of October Louis entered Pisa, and 
 three days after the citizens of their own accord but prin- 
 cipally through fear of the populace, destroyed the capitula- 
 tion and admitted both Castruccio and the exiles while they 
 threw themselves and their country on the emperor's mercy. 
 Justice was well administered, but dearly purchased by a 
 contribution of 160,000 florins ; enormous at any time, but 
 peculiarly so at a moment when the Sardinian war and final 
 loss of that province had reduced the whole community to 
 the verge of ruin ; and when only a few days before, 5000 
 florins could not be demanded, without the danger of revo- 
 lution ; so badly governed, or so short-sighted and capricious 
 were the people -:'. 
 
 After the settlement of Pisa Louis and Castruccio repaired 
 to Lucca where the more powerful spirit of the latter was 
 made manifest in its immediate ascendancy and influence over 
 his guest whose splendid reception Castruccio followed up by a 
 present of 50,000 florins; both chiefs then proceeded to Pis- 
 toia from whose heights Castruccio pointed out the plain and 
 towers of Florence and showed the easy access which the pos- 
 session of the one gave him to the territory of the other. 
 
 Returning to Lucca for the feast of Saint Maytin, the 
 emperor took that opportunity of publicly placing on the head 
 of Castruccio the ducal cii'cle investing him with the states 
 of Lucca, Pistoia, Volterra and the bishopric of Luni, con- 
 ferring on him the privilege of quartering the royal arms of 
 Bavaria with his own, besides an unscrupulous donation of 
 
 * Paulo Tronci, Annali Pisa. — Ranieri and xxxv. — Roncioni, Lib. xiii., p. 
 Sardo, Cronica Pisana, cap. Ixx. — Gio. 741. — Cronica di Pisa, So. Re. It., 
 Villani, Lib. x., cap. xxxiii., xxxiv. V. xv. 
 VOL. I L L 
 
'^k 
 
 514 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I, 
 
 CHAP. XVII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 515 
 
 the Pisan towns of Serrezzano, Rotina, Montecalvole, and 
 Pietra Cassa. The ceremony of receiving the ducal coronet from 
 an emperor's hands, Castruccio s great power talents and in- 
 fluence, and the universal feeling that this title would not long 
 continue vain and empty, but become in substance as in name 
 the first dukedom in Italy since the time of the ancient Lombards, 
 altogether imparted a solemn and imposing character to the 
 transaction which increased the apprehensions of every Italian 
 Guelph ; nor was the Ghibeline Pisa less anxious or discon- 
 tented to see four of her walled towns quietly made over to 
 Castruccio as a coronation gift ; an earnest, as it seemed to 
 be, of her own dee tiny *. 
 
 The Duke of Calabria knowing that Castruccio was unwill- 
 ingly compelled to follow Louis, who resumed his march towards 
 Rome on the fifteenth of December, also prepared to quit 
 Florence, leaWng Philip Sanguineto with a thousand men-at- 
 arms as his vicar. At a public feast he took leave of the 
 Florentines, promising to return when the kingdom of Naples 
 should be safe, and departed on the twenty-seventh of Decem- 
 ber, the same day that Castruccio by another road marched 
 from Lucca to join the imperialists f . 
 
 Charles governed despotically like every ruler of that age ; 
 for liberty then consisted in the privilege of being eligible to 
 govern and choose governors, rather than in being governed 
 well; and although in doing so he tyrannically condemned a 
 citizen of rank who with as much reason as insolence opposed 
 the grant of a subsidy to King Robert, thereby proving that 
 freedom no longer existed in Florence ; yet he made himself 
 a favourite with the citizens by great personal urbanity and his 
 endeavours to reconcile private feuds ; together with considerable 
 liberaHty and a generally impartial administration of justice. 
 On the other hand he was unpopular from his inactive unwar- 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. x., cap. xxxvii., + Gio. Vilkni, Lib. x., cap. xlvi. — 
 xlvi., xlviii. S. Ammirato, Lib. vii., p. 345. 
 
 /I 
 
 A.D. 1328. 
 
 like character, and the excessive cost of liis maintenance: 
 this, according to Villani who was employed in auditing the 
 accounts, amounted in nine months to 900,000 florins ; but 
 as the greater part was circulated within the town ; although 
 a highly-taxed people necessarily worked twice for the same 
 money ; it was still accompanied by great acti\dty and some out- 
 ward appearance of prosperity *. 
 
 The emperor's arrival at Viterbo was immediately felt in Rome, 
 where a contest had previously arisen between Stefano 
 Colonna seconded by Napoleone Orsini, who adhered to 
 King Robert; and his own brother Sciarra Colonna, Jacobo Savelli^ 
 and Tebaldo di Santa Stazio, captains of the people: the two first 
 had been expelled; for Castruccio 's arts and Ghibeline ducats 
 had been long at work in that factious city which the pontiff" s 
 absence at Avignon left in a state of continual agitation. It 
 was generally governed by an oligarchy headed by the pope's 
 ministers and those of the king of Naples ; by the Colonni, 
 Savelli and Orsini ; with occasional bursts of the most furious 
 democracy : the senator administered justice ; a council of fifty- 
 two members nominally formed the government and was pre- 
 sided by the prefect of Rome ; two or three captains of the people 
 along with the senator being elected by the popular voice. 
 The Ghibeline chiefs sent privately to Louis, desiring that no 
 heed should be given to the Roman ambassadors, who wished 
 to settle the terms on which he was to be received, but that he 
 should march directly to Rome : with this hint Castruccio, 
 who was appointed to answer the embassy, immediately ordered 
 the trumpets to sound to horse, saying courteously " This is the 
 Emperors answer.'' These messengers were detained, and 
 Louis suddenly appearing before the city surprised the disaf- 
 fected, confirmed the doubtful, and gave spirit to his adherents. 
 He was crowned on the sixteenth of January 1328 f. 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. x., cap. xlix. Muratori, Anno 1327-8. — Sismondi, 
 
 •f" Gio. Villani, Lib. x , cap. xx. — vol. iv., p. 58. 
 
 L L 2 
 
516 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book f. 
 
 • n\p. xvii.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 517 
 
 During these transactions Benedetto da Orvieto the Duke 
 of Calahi^ s judicial vicar arrived at Florence where the citizens 
 still found resources to complete the walls south of the Amo 
 and erect the present Roman gate so as to secure that quarter 
 of the town, which had been endangered by Castruccio's late 
 inroads on the Val di Greve. Neither was the duke's lieute- 
 nant Pliihp Sanguineto inclined to sleep : by means of two 
 Guelphic citizens of Pistoia friends of Simone della Tosa and 
 well acquainted with the weak pomts of that city a plan was 
 laid to surprise it and successfully executed. Having accurate 
 measures of the walls and ditches Sanguineto with six hundred 
 men-at-arms, the two Pistoians, and Simone della Tosa, but no 
 other Florentine, repaired by night to Prato : he was there 
 jomed by two thousand infantry with the requisite besieging 
 engines, ladders, and bridges, and continuing his march arrived 
 under the weakest pomt of the Pistoian capital before daylight. 
 The ditch was frozen hard enough to allow one man in armour 
 to pass at a time, tmd thus a hundred men-at arms gained the 
 ramparts unperceived until the officer of the night visited the 
 guards with his patrol : a short conflict then took place, the 
 officer and patrol were put to death, but an alarm was given ; 
 the garrison was unmediately under arms and the whole city in 
 confusion. During this time bridges had been thrown over the 
 ditch and engines set to work at the wall which with the assist- 
 ance of some friends vrithin was perforated sufficiently to allow 
 of a man-at-arms leading his horse through : the assailants 
 were soon miited and an obstinate conflict followed with various 
 success mitil broad dayhght, when the Florentines succeeded 
 in overcoming all opposition, and then driving their enemy 
 from the strong but as yet unfinished citadel, continued the 
 plunder of Pistoia for eight successive days. This event was 
 known at Rome only three days afterwards and raised Castruc- 
 cio's anger against Louis for compelling him to leave Tuscany : 
 he instantly set off with five hundred horse and a thousand 
 
 1 
 
 J 
 
 i' 
 
 rossbow-men, and taking the Maremma road pushed eagerly 
 forward with only twelve followers ; after some days travelling 
 through a very dangerous country Castruccio reached Pisa on 
 the ninth of February where he soon contrived by intrigue and 
 influence to acquire supreme authority ; a tolerable compensa- 
 tion for the loss of Pistoia *. 
 
 Nor was Castruccio's departure of trifling consequence to 
 Louis, who acting almost entirely by his councils had made 
 him a knight and count of the Lateran palace, and senator of 
 Rome, besides a reinvestment of the dukedom of Lucca, while all 
 the Romans, and even the imperial court itself, paid him greater 
 respect than was generally offered to the emperor. It is related 
 that while at Rome he publicly wore a crimson velvet mantle, 
 on the breast of which was embroidered in golden characters 
 " E' quello chelddio viiole,'' and on the back ''E si sard quello 
 che Iildio vorrd " f, and thus says Villani he himself foretold the 
 future judgment of the Deity |. 
 
 Castruccio alone was more dreaded by King Robert than the 
 Bavarian and all his army ; the latter indeed was more formid- 
 able to his friends than his enemies, and as he was principally 
 indebted to that chief for his success, so did all prudent con- 
 duct depart with him ; for although Louis had a weU-appointed 
 firmy ready, and an almost certain prospect of success, one 
 abortive attempt alone was made on Naples and nothing besides 
 accomplished. Delay, idleness, and disorder ruined the troops, 
 and after losing Ostia the whole enterprise broke down into 
 quarrels and tumults, with pompous, unjust, and cruel legisla- 
 tion ; pope-making, and reciprocal coronations between the two 
 potentates. Want of money also compelled him to arbitrary 
 
 « Ranieri Sardo asserts that Castruccio (torn, xxiv., Rer. Ital Saipt) 
 
 was hut forty-eight hours going from f - ffe i^ that which U hath phased 
 
 Rome to Pisa, and that he caused God to make him." '^And will be 
 
 Pistoia to revolt merely to have an that which God determines. 
 
 excuse for leaving the emperor! J Tegrimi, Vita. Castr.-Gio. Villani, 
 
 both incredible. — Cronaca Pisana, Lib. x., cap. lix. 
 
 cap. Ixx ; Lib. del Pollstore, cap. xiv., 
 
 i^iP^wiBap^_ 
 
518 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book f. 
 
 and ungrateful acts ; Salvestro Gatti lord of Viterbo, the first 
 who had opened his gates to Louis, was deposed and tortured 
 for his treasure, and a severe contribution afterwards levied on 
 the Roman people ; he was therefore despised for his poverty, 
 detested for his pei-fidy, loathed for his ingratitude, and subse- 
 quently held up as a beacon and a memorial by Petrarca in 
 his beautiful address to Italy *. 
 
 While Castruccio was steadying himself in the government 
 of Pisa Sanguineto and the Florentines were in high disputa- 
 tion about putting their recent conquest into a proper state of 
 defence, the former insisting that he had done his part in cap- 
 turing the town while the citizens maintained that the Duke 
 was bound to discharge such expenses from his salary. The 
 altercation continued and Pistoia remained un\ictualled ; but 
 the Florentines having gained some trifling advantages grew as 
 careless and confident as if fortune had never left their arms, 
 while Castruccio hurried on his preparations for recapturing the 
 neglected place f. Nevertheless tlie Pisans and even his former 
 adherents now disliking his arbitrary sway offered their city to 
 Louis ; he fearful of alienating Castruccio referred them to 
 the Empress by whom it was accepted and her vicar imme- 
 diately despatched to take the reins of government. Cas- 
 truccio was not thus to be despoiled ; he received the officer 
 respectfully, but scoured the city with his horsemen in the 
 manner of the age as a mark of sovereignty ; then dismissed 
 the imperial lieutenant loaded with gifts and caused himself to 
 be elected and proclaimed absolute Lord of Pisa for two years J. 
 
 Thus master of new and abundant resources he lost no time 
 in profiting by the disputes at Florence, and immediately in- 
 
 * Ne v'accorgete ancor, per tante prove, 
 Del Bavarico inganno 
 Ch'alzando ildito, con la morte scherxa. (Canzone " /to?f a mia.^'^) 
 
 — Gio. Villani, Lib. x.,cap. lix., Ixxi., xxiv. — Rer. Ital. Sc. 
 
 Ixxii., et seq. t G. Villani, Lib. x., cap. Ixxxii. 
 
 f Libro del Poliatore, cap. xiv., torn. 
 
 CHAP. XVH.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 519 
 
 vested Pistoia with a thousand men-at-arms and numerous 
 infantry : the place was strong, encompassed by a double ditch 
 and defended by Simone della Tosa with a sufficient garrison 
 besides many Guelphic citizens. There was a protecting force 
 at Prato only ten miles off and within sight of its signals, so 
 that if the town had been well provisioned it might have with- 
 stood all Castruccio s efforts until sickness compelled him to 
 retreat. This chief, who had remained at Pisa to complete his 
 preparations, joined the army on the 30th of May bringing 
 strong reinforcements, and surrounded the town with a palisaded 
 ditch and lines of circumvallation. Here he resolved to remain ; 
 nor did all the Florentine stratagems succeed in turning him 
 from his purpose, not even when they collected a formidable 
 army of sLx-and-twenty hundred men-at-arms and for three 
 days successively defied him to battle, which he constantly 
 pretended to accept, while he only strengthened his camp with 
 additional trenches, fresh palisades, and wide-branching abbatis. 
 Seeing no chance of provoldng him the allies changed their 
 position, and attax^ked the strongest point of his intrenchments 
 with as little skill as success instead of cuttmg off his supplies 
 by Serravalle, which he would have been unable to prevent 
 
 without a battle. 
 
 Sanguineto fell sick and had moreover quarrelled vdth some 
 of the confederate chiefs, so that he deemed it best to retire 
 and make a diversion elsewhere, leaving a strong convoy at 
 Prato ready to succour the plaxie when a fair occasion offered. 
 On the 28th of July after delivering another formal challenge 
 which Castmccio was too sagacious to accept, the confederated 
 army drew off towards Prato and thence marched in two divi- 
 sions, one by Signa and the Gusciana to threaten Lucca, the 
 other by the left bank of the Amo, which destroyed Pontadera 
 and carried the rampart and Fosso Amonico by storm. This 
 was a great canal and breastwork excavated and fortified with 
 towers by the Pisans in 1176, both as a national bulwark and 
 
il 
 
 520 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 an outlet for the superfluous waters of the Arno, of wliich ', 
 river some have supposed it to be one of the three branches I 
 mentioned by Strabo. Thus was opened all the Pisau tern- ^ 
 tory : San Casciano and Sansavino soon fell and Pisa saw her- 
 self insulted at her veiy gates with perfect impunity. Castiiiccio i 
 nevertheless remained immoveable ; he calculated on stan'ation 
 and the moral effect of seeing a superior anny retire without 
 accomplishing anything, and accordingly on the 3rd of August 
 Pistoia surrendered to sL\teen hundred men-at-arms and the 
 usual force of infantr}', in face of an anny of nearly double 
 these numbers*. 
 
 Thus victorious he returned in triumph to Lucca more 
 powerful more dreaded, and more fonnidalde than before ; 
 none of his important entei*prises ever failed and Italy had not 
 beheld such a captain for centiuies. Lord of Pisa, Lucca, 
 Lunigiana, and much of the eastern Riviera of Genoa; and 
 master of three hundred walled towns, he was either courted or 
 dreaded by every Itiilian prince from the Emperor downwards, 
 but Florence was in terror at liis very name ; and Galeazzo 
 Visconti the once powerful lord of half Lombardy ; who had 
 been released by the Emperor in the preceding March at Cas- 
 truccio's intercession ; now sened under his standard as a pri- 
 vate individual f. Visconte soon after expired at Pescia from the 
 effects of a fever engendered by the labours of the Pistoian 
 siege, and it was fatal to more than liim ; even Castruccio's 
 hour drew near ; for the same fever, the consequence of his per- 
 sonal fatigues, was rapidly consuming him also ^. lie feared the 
 emperor's resentment for the usui'pation of Pisa and would 
 
 • Tegrimi Vita Castniccio. — G. Vil- 
 lani, Lib, x., cap. Ixxxv., Ixxxvi. — 
 Istorie Pistolesi. — Ripetti, Dizionario 
 Geografico-Fisico-Storico di Toscana. 
 ■f" He had been imprisoned for eight 
 months in a dungeon of the strong 
 castle of Monza which he had just 
 finished building. This prison, called 
 
 " II Fomo^" or the oven, from its 
 sh.ipe, received its prisoners through a 
 hole in the top, but was too low to 
 allow of their remaining in an upright 
 position. Galeazzo was first inmate of 
 his own dungeon. 
 
 X Pietro Verri, Storia di Milano, cap. 
 x.,p. 119, &e. 
 
 CHAP, xvii.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 521 
 
 have made peace with Florence, but was too much mistrusted 
 and therefore failed : the malady increased, he informed those 
 about him that he was going to die and that his death would be 
 the signal for great revolutions ; then taking the necessary 
 I precautious to insiu'e his three sons the quiet succession of 
 liis three great cities, and charging them to conceal his death 
 until they were secure, he expired on the 3rd of September 
 13-^8 in the forty-seventh year of his age and the twelfth of his 
 rule over Lucca-. Tegiimi his biographer says that Castniccio 
 was a cruel avenger of his own wrongs ; but as personal ven- 
 geance never justifiable assumes in princes a more sharp 
 and bitter aspect, it would be difficult to say whether his con- 
 duct to his subjects merited the name of severity or cruelty. 
 With the soldiers he was miiversally popular, and in speaking 
 to them his eloquence and grace of manner and diction were 
 wonderfully adapted as well to his own dignity as to the mind 
 and feelings of his audience. He would often calm a tumul- 
 tuous soldieiy by simply calling them sons, fathers and brothers, 
 and no army ever mutinied under liis command. He was first 
 in every danger, fii-st to seize the ladder and mount the wall ; 
 first to swim across a river when swelled to a torrent ; first in 
 eveiy individual act of skill and courage, as he was first in 
 talent and command ; and he gained the hearts of soldiers by 
 his agreeable familiarity with the meanest amongst them. His 
 threat reputation as a warrior secured his ascendancy in field 
 and comicil ; and such was his soldiers' confidence that often by 
 his mere name and appearance the fortune of battle was re- 
 stored, fugitives arrested, and the foe defeated. His arrival 
 alone was frequently sufficient to force an enemy from fortified 
 places or insure their immediate sun-ender. Whatever were his 
 individual sentiments he always consulted his council, composed 
 of the ablest men of Lucca, and more especially of those most 
 learned in liistory : but when it was a pm-e question of war he 
 
 * Lib. del Polistore, cap. xiv., p. 745, torn, xxiv.— Rer. Ital. Scrip. 
 
(i 
 
 i 
 
 522 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 I 
 
 sought the opinion of old military men well acquainted with 
 the seat of intended hostilities. Uneducated himself he yet 
 delighted in the company and conversation of literary men : he 
 improved and maintained the roads and bridges of his state, had 
 numerous spies, amongst them many women, in all parts of the 
 world, and was popularly said to have the wings of an eagle *. 
 " This Castruccio was in person tall, dexterous, and hand 
 some ; finely made, not bulky, and of a fair complexion rather 
 inclining to paleness ; his hair was light and straight and 
 he bore a verj' gracious aspect. He was a valorous and magna- 
 nimous tyrant, wise and sagacious, of an anxious and labo- 
 rious mind and possessing great militarj^ talents ; was ex- 
 tremely prudent in war and successful in his undertaldngs : 
 He was much feared and reverenced and in his time performed 
 many great and remarkable actions. He was a scourge to his 
 fellow-citizens, to the Pisans, the Pistoians, the Florentines and 
 all Tuscany, during the fifteen (twelve ?) years in which he held 
 the sovereignty of Lucca. He was very cruel in executing and 
 torturing men, migrateful for good oflfices rendered to him in 
 his necessities, partial to new people and vain of the high 
 station to which he had mounted, so that he believed himself 
 lord of Florence and king of Tuscany "f. 
 
 The historian Giovanni Villani who gives this character of 
 Castruccio did not escape the common weakness of his time, a 
 superstitious belief in the powers of judicial astrolog}^ ; and 
 the following anecdote curious in itself when vouched for by so 
 respectable an authority was admirably calculated to confirm it. 
 ** About this death of Castruccio," he continues, *' it falls to 
 our (the author s) lot, to make mention of a case that occurred. 
 We being in extreme disquiet at his persecution of our com- 
 munity which appeared to us almost impossible : complaining 
 of it in our letter to Master Dionysiiis dal Borgo a San 
 
 * Tegrimi, Vita di Castruccio, pp. 35, 45, &.c. 
 t G. Villani, Lib. x., cap. Ixxxvi. 
 
 CHAP. XVII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 523 
 
 Sepolcro^' our affectionate friend of the order of Saint Augus- 
 ^ tine professor of divinity and philosophy at Paris, praying that 
 he would inform me when our misfortunes would cease. He 
 ■answered me shortly after by letter and said, ' I see Cas- 
 i' truccio dead, and at the end of the war you will have the lord- 
 •' ship of Lucca from the hands of one who hears the coat of 
 
 * anus red and black, tvith great vexation, expense, and shame to 
 ]" your community.' We had the said letter from Paris at the 
 time when Castruccio had reconquered Pistoia as already 
 narrated, and writing again to the professor how Castruccio 
 was in greater pomp and state than ever, he immediately 
 replied, ' I reaffirm that which I wrote to ijou in my other 
 
 * letter, and if God has not altered his judgment and the course 
 
 * of the heavens, I see Castruccio dead and buried.' And as I 
 had this letter I showed it to my fellow priors who were then 
 of that college a few days after Castruccio s death ; and in all 
 its parts the judgment of Master Dionysius was a prophecy "f. 
 
 The news of Castruccio's death was scarcely believed by the 
 Florentines, so great and sudden was their feeling of reUef from 
 the most imminent danger to which the community had ever 
 been exposed : joy and confidence once more returned, for 
 without Castruccio they did not fear the emperor, whose avarice 
 and tvranny were hourly increasing the number of his enemies. 
 Having exasperated the Romans so much as to endanger his 
 own safety Louis quitted Ptome on the fourth of August amidst 
 a storm of insult and indignity, with every off"ensive expression 
 of public hatred, even to the tearing of his dead countrymen's 
 
 * This learned man was the great 
 friend, master, and adviser of Petrarch ; 
 the intimate friend also of the learned 
 King Robert of Naples in whose palace 
 he died as Bishop of Monopoli in the 
 year 1 342 just after the decease of the 
 poet's greatest friend Giaconio Colonna 
 bishop of Lombez and while Petrarch 
 was yet at Parma. Dionysius must 
 
 have been no common person if he 
 really deserved the high praise be- 
 stowed on him by such a man as 
 Petrarch who besides other eulogies 
 says, *' Amongst the ancients such a 
 man would have been rare ; in our 
 age he wa^ uniqiie" 
 t G. Villani, Lib. x., cap. Ixxxvi. 
 
524 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 l)odies from their gi-aves and contemptuously plunging them 
 into the Tiber : the same night Stefano Colonna and the Orsini 
 were joyfully welcomed, the pope again became popular and* 
 the Guelphic banner once more predomhiant. The empero^ 
 marched to Viterbo and Todi whence he plundered the iur- 
 romiding country and Romagna even to the gates of Imola. hi^ 
 progress being marked by tyranny perfidy and cruelty ; here 
 incited by the Ghibeline exiles of Tuscany and other places, he 
 resolved to proceed by Arezzo against Florence while Castmccio 
 should invest it on the west, and the Ubaldini with the imperial 
 troops of Romagna raise the standard of reliellion in the 
 Mugello ; so that the city as yet unprovided, suiTounded on 
 ever}' side, and the hanests not secured, must have soon 
 surrendered. When once master of Florence, all Tuscanv 
 and Lombardy were at his feet and the kingdom of Naples 
 would afterwards have become an easy conquest : had Cas- 
 tmccio lived this project might have been carried out, and Flo- 
 rence dreading the worst strained every nerve to repel the 
 threatened danger*. 
 
 The fortresses of Upper Val d'Amo were immediately sup- 
 plied ; men, horses, arms, victuals and commanders were des- 
 patched in every direction ; Prato, Signa, and all the fenced 
 towns in the lower valley were similarly reenforced ; all provi- 
 sions from the open country were ordered into walled places ; 
 the confederacy was summoned in ever}' quarter ; strict watch 
 and ward were maintained in the capital, and every weaker 
 point of its defences strengthened. Charles of Calabria was 
 peremptorily recalled on pain of forfeiting his salary, but 
 unwilling to venture his person between Castmccio and the 
 Bavarian he sent liis kinsman Count Beltram dal Balzo with four 
 hundred horse in his stead ; the latter came, but the storm had 
 already past ; Castmccio was no more. Louis also hearing 
 of Don Pedro of Aragon s arrival with the Sicilian fleet at Cor- 
 
 Tegrimi, Vita di Castruccio, p. 69. 
 
 :HAP. XVII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 525 
 
 leto, marched from Todi to join him and entirely renounced 
 
 fhe enterprise. 
 
 The removal of this heavy weight gave full play to the 
 ilatural elasticity of Florentine spirit ; profiting by the general 
 relaxation consequent upon Castmccio 's death Carmignano was 
 immediately invested and after an obstinate resistance surren- 
 dered on the sixteenth of September, but the citadel eight days 
 after. In the meantime the united forces of Louis and Don 
 I't'dro had captui-ed Talamone, besieged Grosseto and endea- 
 voured to annihilate the foreign trade of Florence and Siena 
 which the war with Pisa had driven back into these channels. 
 Wliile thus occupied intelligence of Castmccio's death and the 
 occupation of Pisa by his sons reached the emperor and hurried 
 him foi^'ard from Grosseto towards that city where he was 
 received as a liberator just three days before the fall of Car- 
 
 mignano. 
 
 Already incensed against Castmccio, and fearless of the dead 
 lion he determined to keep no terms with that chiefs sons, and 
 became still more excited when he was infoimed of the negotia- 
 tion began by him with Florence which it suited him to con- 
 sider as an act of treason in the deceased duke ; he therefore 
 resolved to drive the family from Lucca yet was turned from 
 his mtention for the moment by the gifts and entreaties of their 
 mother : but the people soon rose in revolt and gave him a fair 
 opportunity of interference. Having quelled the insurrection 
 he established a governor over the town who soon intermai'rying 
 with the Intermmelli replaced Castmccio's sons in their former 
 position, upon this Louis returned in anger displaced his lieu- 
 tenant and depriving the three Interminelli of the dukedom 
 banished both them and their mother to Pontremoli-. 
 
 Immediately after this eight hundred of his best cavali^' 
 with their officers, besides many gentlemen, reduced from 
 poverty to serve on foot, all mutinied for want of pay and 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. x., cap. xcv., xcvi., c, cii., civ. 
 
52G 
 
 FLORENTTN.E HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 quitted the army in a body: failing in a sudden attack on 
 Lucca they plundered its suburbs, marched to the Val-di-nievole 
 ravaged that countiy, and finally establishing themselves in th 
 strong position of Cenniglio between Vivinaia and Monte Carl 
 they levied contributions on the neighliouring district an 
 offered themselves on high conditions to the Florentines : 
 although unsuccessful in this they managed to extract a part of 
 their arrears from Louis and detained his envoy Mai'co Vis- 
 conti until the whole should be satisfied. 
 
 This mutiny was the cause of important events in the sub- 
 sequent transactions of Florence wliich w^as now freed from 
 foreign rule by the unexpected death of Charles Duke of Cala- 
 bria. It occurred on the ninth of November, and divided 
 the community between joy and sorrow : he was an only son, 
 left no male heirs ; and the succession became doubtful ; 
 the Guelphic party therefore lamented his loss as the pro- 
 bable dissolution of their ancient and unbroken alliance with 
 the house of Anjou ; but the generality rejoiced at their reco- 
 vered independence and sudden relief from so costly a govern- 
 ment, at the very moment when by the death of Castruccio his 
 assistance was no longer wanted. Nor w^as the Duke of Cala- 
 bria either from his tastes or natural abilities a sort of leader 
 in any way adapted to the conduct of Florentine affairs in so 
 dangerous circumstances, notwithstanding his personal popu- 
 larity and exemplaiy admuiistration of justice : a stranger's 
 rule too began to press as heavy on the mind as it did on the 
 purse of the people ; and the mercenarj- and encroaching con- 
 duct of his officers would have soon brought things to a crisis 
 if death had not quietly dissolved the tie. 
 
 It has been remarked that Florence was more frequently 
 beholden to death than to her own wisdom for salvation ; and 
 assuredly at this epoch, as in the time of Henry the Seventh, 
 she was not only delivered from almost certain bondage to a 
 foreign master but relieved of an incubus on her liberty and 
 
 i 
 
 VHAP. XVII. I 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 527 
 
 iinances that was in itself sufficient to oppress all public 
 virtue and accustom the people to the dangers of absolute 
 monarchy*. 
 
 The moment that Charles's death became known they as 
 usual applied themselves to the task of remodelling their con- 
 stitution in such fashion as to allow every citizen of good 
 Guelphic pruiciples and acknowledged respectability to partici- 
 pate m its public employments. This was supposed to be 
 accomplished in the following manner. The gonfalonier and 
 six priors with two coadjutors from each Sesto were ordered by 
 the people, assembled in full Parliament, to return a list of all 
 the Guelphic citizens, not noble and under thirty years of age, 
 whom they considered worthy of being elected to the office of 
 prior : similar returns were to be made by the nineteen gon- 
 faloniers of companies with two coadjutors for each ; by the 
 captains of the party Guelph and their council ; and by the five 
 chief officers of commerce assisted by two consuls from each of 
 the seven superior trades. These lists were then united in 
 one, which was laid before a new council composed of the gon- 
 falonier and priors, the twelve goodmen, the nineteen gonfa- 
 loniers of companies; two consuls from the twelve superior 
 trades balloted for by the priors alone ; with six coadjutors 
 from each Sesto, selected by the goodmen and priors combined, 
 making altogether a board of ninety-eight persons : these voted 
 by secret ballot for or against each name as it was read aloud, 
 and that which was approved of by sixty-eight black beans or 
 votes, was immediately inserted in the list of future priors^ 
 These names written on small schedules, were afterwards placed 
 in SLx purses, one for each Sesto, which being secured in a strong 
 box with three distinct keys the latter with the box itself were 
 given in joint charge to the Captain of the People, the guar- 
 dian of the Franciscan friars and the monks of Settimo. Three 
 days before the priors left office the council was again assem- 
 
 • Gio. Villani, Lib. x., cap. cv., cvi., cvii. 
 
52S 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book Iv^ 
 
 Med and the names of the new seignory drawn by lot, thr 
 same person being ineligible to a like office for two years • but 
 if a father, son, or brother of the elected were drawn they were 
 ineligible for one year only, and more distant relations for six 
 months after their kinsman had left office. 
 
 This reform was first contirmed by the regular comicils, and 
 afterwards by the whole of the people assembled in parliament 
 before the public palace, where it was much lUscussed and 
 severe penalties were denounced against violaters. These 
 transactions Unished on the eleventh of December and the 
 same scrutiny was to be repeated every two years from the fol- 
 lowing month when all those names which remained in the 
 pui-ses were to be left untouched while the schedides of those 
 who had served were removed to another bag until each had 
 had his turn of public employment. 
 
 The college of Good Men whose office lasted double the time 
 of the prioi-s was similarly chosen ; that of the gonfaloniers ol 
 companies followed the same forms, their period of office being 
 reduced hke that of the Buonomini from six to four months'^ 
 but they were eligible at twenty-five years of age, and eacli 
 of the twelve superior trades also elected tlieir consuls in the 
 same manner. The ancient assemblies of "r/<t7i«//</m/,' ''The 
 Credenzar '' The N'metijr and '' The General Coumir' v^^eve 
 now abolished and another called the " Council of the People " 
 composed of three hundred approved Guelphic citizens, was 
 substituted : also a second called the Common Council, over 
 which the Podesta presided, and where the nobles and popolani 
 were mingled to the number of two hundred and lifty approved 
 Citizens, both renewed every four instead of sk months in order 
 to give each citizen a seat in rotiition. 
 
 No deliberation of the seignoiy was valid until fii-st con- 
 firmed in the " Conslgllo del Popolo" where the Captain of 
 the People presided ; and afterwards m that of the Podesta 
 In this manner was the Florentine constitution reformed, and 
 
 ^HAP. XVII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 529 
 
 fliortly after, to avoid canvassing for votes with other interested 
 Jiolicitations and pernicious exchanges of favour at the public 
 expense, the foreign Podestas were selected in a similar man- 
 ner from amongst those Italians who were considered most 
 worthy by the suffrages of the Florentine people ; schedules 
 with all tlieir names being kept safely inclosed in purses as 
 above described*. 
 
 This reform was universally popular and for a longtime pro- 
 tluced general tranquillity, first because the uncontrolled elec- 
 tion of their magistrates, in which for the most part consisted 
 their liberty, returned to the people from the hands of a 
 foreign master ; and secondly because the prepotency and ambi- 
 tion of individual citizens in earlier periods, made the pubhc 
 good subservient to their own personal exaltation and involved 
 the commonwealth in unnecessary wars papal anathemas and 
 internal divisions. By the new constitution on the contrary, 
 the various public interests w^ere represented in a succession of 
 initiative, deliberative, and legislative councils, each particular 
 interest choosing its own set of approved citizens but subject to 
 the checlv and sanction of all the rest, and ineligible without it : 
 but whether the mere plebeians who belonged to the different 
 trades were really represented, and felt that they were so ; or 
 whether they only benefited by the personal honesty and wise 
 administration of the new magistrates, until corruption again 
 crept in, will be seen in the course of this history. 
 
 The inconvenience of a general assembly of the people as a 
 deliberative body had been long felt and must ever prove an 
 absurdity ; for miless reason fall on it like a shower of rain the 
 real opinion of a multitude can never be collected during the 
 few hours set apart for such meetings : this reformation was 
 therefore a considerable step in constitutional government 
 and had it been maintained in pristine honesty would have 
 
 * M. di Coppo Stefani, Lib. vii^., cap. cviii. — Scip. Ammirato, Lib. vii.. 
 Rub. 446. — Gio. Villani, Lib. x., p. 358. 
 
 VOL. I. MM 
 
530 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 long presented the republic. But good laws and constitution:? 
 are the consequence not the cause of an increasing public 
 viitue and general necessity ; they are the means of preserving 
 the former, not of creating it; the salt, not the viand whose 
 natural tendence to decay will finally overcome its keeper. 
 The miser)' of nations proceeds less from the form of goveni- 
 ment than the vicious mode of its administration and the moral 
 character of the people, which act and rtucr ii|k)1i each other ; 
 and if free communities have in general iuo»t chance of happi- 
 ness, it is because, without any great prei^ndr rating jKjwer, 
 each indi\'idual feels the necessity of sacrilicing something to 
 the interest or prejudice of his neigld)our. When prepon- 
 derating powers once enter a free state, whether they be united 
 mercantile bodies, a potent nobility, or a comlnnation of moneyed 
 wealth ; the general balance is disturbed, justice and freedom 
 vacillate, public morals sink, and liberty sooner or later will 
 pass to other climes. 
 
 Cotemporarv Monarchs. — England : Edward II. until 1327, Edward III. 
 — .Scotland: Robert Bruce. — France: Charles IV. (the Fair) until 1328, 
 Philip VI. of Valois. — Anigon • Jacop II. till 1327, Alfonso IV. — Castile and 
 Leon : Alfonso XI. — Portugal : Alfonso IV. — Pope : John XXII. — Gennan 
 Emperor : Louis of Bavaria. — Naples : Robert (the Good). — Sicily : Frederic 
 II. of Aragon. — Greek Empire: Androuicus Palaeologus till 1328, Andronicus 
 the younger. — Ottoman Empire : Orkhan. 
 
 LP. XVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 531 
 
 i 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1329 TO A.D. 1336. 
 
 A.D. 1329. 
 
 The general tranquillity which followed these popular 
 reforms enabled government to turn its attention almost 
 exclusively to war, as all good Guelphs were indig- 
 nant at the conduct of the Bavarian " who called him- 
 self cnqMror,'' for he had not only introduced his Antipope 
 Nicholas V. with almost divine honours into Pisa ; on the third 
 of January ; but soon after formally deposed and excommuni- 
 cated the reigning pontiff along with Robert King of Naples 
 and the Florentine republic. The Pisans also shared this indig- 
 nation because they had assisted, though very unwillingly, in 
 so sacrilegious a proceeding, wherefore the new general Coimt 
 Beltram del Balzo, then stationed at San Miniato, was ordered 
 to waste their comitr}^; and this he accomplished without any 
 opposition from Louis who under the mask of listlessness was 
 secretly engaged in organising a dangerous conspiracy against 
 Florence. It was conducted by Ugolino de' Ubaldini with whom 
 some citizens of little note had agreed to betray the city and set 
 fire to the more distiint quarters ; while all were busy with the 
 flames, two hundred soldiers previously introduced mider a 
 certain Giovanni del Sega, were to rush from their concealment, 
 occupy the Prato Gate, admit the exiles and also a thousand 
 imperial horse with a foot-soldier behind each. All these 
 were under a German marshal's comnmnd who was imme- 
 
 M M 2 
 
532 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHIP. XTin.] 
 
 FLORENTINE UISTORY. 
 
 533 
 
 diately to " correr la terra,'' an opcnitiou already described as 
 the mark of militaiy possession and supremacy. The plot was 
 revealed by two of Sega's accomplices, and this conspirator 
 who had been selected for his dexterity in such matters, was 
 executed with characteristic cruelty by being **;>/<7;if^(i" alive 
 hi the earth, head downwards ; but not until after his flesh had 
 been tom from the bones with red-hut pincei-s. His betrayers 
 were rewarded ^vith a donation of iiOOO florins and 'the 
 right of carrying oflcnsive and defensive anns; a privilege 
 of no small importance, iuid just denied to all the rest of the 
 community hi consequence of frojuent robberies and other 
 disorders. Amongst these the practice of natural heirs habi- 
 tually murdering their own relations the sooner to enjoy an 
 inheritiuicc, appears to Imvo been frequent ; but against such 
 otfendei-s a more severe and ignominious punishment was 
 directed *. . ^ 
 
 The effect of tliis conspiracy was to add new flame to Floren- 
 tine rage against Louis whose unpopularity was so great that 
 one powerful rallying-point was deemed suflicient to unite many 
 places in rebellion agamst him. A commissioner was there- 
 fore appointed with full authority to make alliances between the 
 Florentine republic and every person place or conmmnity that 
 would revolt ; and a further promise of unmodified indemnity 
 for any previous injur}' or other oflences committed agamst 
 the commonwealth. To give it greater weight and solemnity 
 thirteen citizens were afterwards johied in the commission, 
 while Count Beltram was commanded again to ravage the Pisan 
 territoiy and with greater severity in consequence of the 
 antipope's recent anathemas. The *' Company of Ccmiglia'' 
 as the Gennau mutuieers were now called, being still unsatis- 
 lied, Azzo Visconti who was then in the imperial court, offered 
 Louis a large subsidy to liquidate these claims provided he 
 were reinstated in the government of Milan for which he 
 
 * Gio. Villaui, Lib. x., cnp.cxiii ,cxiv.~S. Ammimto, Lib. Tii., j.p. 359, 364. 
 
 had been long a supplicant: the conditions being accepted 
 an officer was sent in the middle of January with Visconti 
 [ to receive 30,000 florins for the company; but this man 
 absconded with the greater part, and Azzo intent on establish- 
 ing his own authority made no haste about tho remainder, so 
 that Louis seeuig himself thus slighted immediately marched to 
 Lombardy *. 
 
 After tlie expulsion of Castruccio's wife and children he 
 had sold Lucca to their kinsman Francesco Castracani for 
 22,000 ilorins, but his Italian influence was waning fast: 
 the house of Este hitherto his friends were disgusted, 
 . especially at the creation of an antipope, and reconciled 
 themselves to the church; Pisa was soon after pardoned 
 by Pope John as a reward for treacherously delivering the 
 antipope Nicholas into his hands ; Azzo Visconti also, stung 
 by lis own and his father's wrongs and angiy at the treatment 
 of Castruccio's children, was deep in negotiations ^vith the 
 court of Avignon, and a general coolness pervaded Lombardy. 
 Louis marched from Pisa on the eleventh of April and the 
 mutineers seemg no hopes of an accommodation chose the 
 hostage Marco Visconti ; who was one of the most popular and 
 boldest warriors of the day; as their leader and resolved to 
 shift for themselves. Partly stimulated by the intrigues of 
 Pmo della Tosa and the Bishop of Florence who promised 
 them a large sum of money, they conspired with Castruccio's 
 old German garrison of L'Agosta, the citadel-palaee of Lucca, 
 and being secretly admitted, soon drove Francesco Castracani 
 from the town. Marco then sent to demand payment of Flo- 
 rence and at the same time offered to sell the city for 80,000 
 floruis on the sole condition of pardoning Castruccio's sons 
 ' and allowing* them to live as private citizens f. 
 
 * Lib. del Polistorc, p. 745, torn, f Gio. Villani, Lib. x , cap. cxxvi., 
 
 xxiv., Ror. Itil. Script.— Pictro Verri, cxxvii. — Muratori, Annali.— Libro del 
 
 Storia di Milano, voL ii", cap. x., p. Polistore,cap. xi. 
 125 &C. 
 
534 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XTllI.j 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 535 
 
 This proposal lillod Florence with quanols in consequence 
 of tho violent opposition of Sinione delhi Tosa a relation but 
 jealous enemy of Pino s : it was finallj, and would have been 
 ^visely rejected, if the system of non-interference had been after- 
 wards rigidly pursued; but as the mutability of the Florentines 
 was proverbial, opinions soon cliangcd, and tliat which might 
 at this time have been had for little, was aftcnvards vainly 
 attempted at the expense of blood, treasure, nation.'d honour, 
 and almost of national liberty. They managed better in their 
 transactions with Pistoia the loss of which was more keenly 
 felt than any other of Castmccio's conquests: Filippo Tedici- 
 and other friends of that celebrated cliief had jast made a 
 partially successful attempt to recover possession of the town 
 in the name of his sons ; Imt their ononiics tho Panciatichi,' 
 Muli, Gualfreducci, and Vergellesi, although Ghibelines, re- 
 solved to reestablish tho old alhancc between Pistoia and 
 Guelphic Florence. A treaty was therefore concluded in May,- 
 by which the latter remained in possession of Caimignanoi 
 Montemurlo, Artimino, Tizzana and other strongholds to which 
 in common with Pistoia all exiles were restored : moreover the" 
 Pistoians voluntarily iutmsted the custody of their city to a 
 Florentine guard and governor appointed by tliat republic. 
 Jacopo Strozzi was therefore made commissioner ^vith orders to 
 create several Imights of tlie leading Gliibelme families in 
 the name of the commonwealth and make them a present o? 
 2000 florins each ; a very popular act which excited much 
 friendly feeling and was accompanied with great public rejoic- 
 ings in both capitiils ; but ever after tliis although nominally 
 independent Pistoia really ceased to be any longer a free 
 community*. -r. 
 
 To the recovery of Pistoia succeeded the pacification of Val-. 
 di-Nievole which with Florentine assistance had been con-.*' ^' 
 quered by Lucca in 1281. In this romantic district the ancient 
 
 * Gio. Villuni, Lib. x., cap. cxxviii. 
 
 
 walls and castles of those restless timos now add new beauties 
 to the quiet scener)' where they once appeared as bold and 
 formidable actors ; for after Castniccio's death that people made 
 a confederacy called the " League of the Val-di-Nievolc,'" com- 
 posed of Montccatini, Buggiana, Uzzano, Colle, II Cozzile, 
 Massa, Montesommano, Montevettolino, and Pescia; who seeing 
 the reduced condition of Lucca, and the present tranquillity 
 of Pistoia under Florentine protection quickly followed her 
 example and acknowledged its supremacy *. 
 .About the same period Pisa with the aid of Marco Visconti 
 expelled the imperial ^icar Tarlatino da Pietramala and once 
 more recovered lier liberty, to the great joy of Florence ; but 
 more from hatred to Louis than sympathy for Pisa, with which 
 however she soon made peace : in tho interim Marco Visconti 
 anxious to return home attempted again to dispose of Lucca 
 and repaired to Florence for that purpose, but the same patriotic 
 or factious opposition still prevailed and defeated all his plans. 
 After wasting a month in vain negotiation he was presented 
 with 1000 florins and immediately proceeded to Milan where 
 bemg received with enthusiasm by the people, Azzo's jealousy 
 was roused and he had him strangled after a banquet, his 
 body being subsequently thrown out of the palace window f. 
 >^.The dread of being thus shouldered by so powerful a neighbour 
 as Florence induced Pisa to take up this negotiation and 
 precipitately ofler 00,000 florins for the state of Lucca ; but 
 tQ her eagerness to close the bargain she paid the money 
 •without any hostages or other security for possession and was 
 defrauded of both. This audacious attempt to supersede 
 Florence and subjugate a neighbouring state by one scarcely 
 emerged from long years of bondage exasperated every one 
 and caused a third devastation of the Pisan district, which 
 in the mouth of August enforced a disadvantageous peace, 
 
 ♦ Gio. Vin.ini, Lib. x., cap. cxxxiii. Milanese, Parte Tcrza, p. 20l^Gio. 
 t Corio givc« a somewhat diircrent Villani, Lib. x., cap. cxxxi., cxxxii., 
 tccouQtof this transaction. — Historic cxxxiii., cxxxiv. — Sismondi, iv., Y- 8L 
 
536 
 
 FLORENTINE IIISTORI. 
 
 [book, I. 
 
 CHA?. ITllI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 537 
 
 while about the same period a third and final offer was U 
 unsuccessfully made by the Gcraian soldiers to cUspose ofS] 
 Lucca. Upon this some opulent citizens, and amongst them^^ 
 the historian Giovanni Villani, uidignant at what they thought- 
 an unprincipled opposition to this tempting offer, came boldly 
 forward and proposed to advance the money themselves if 
 the state would only engage to reimburee 'them from the 
 ordinary revenue of Lucca : but this did not prevail against^ 
 the party of Simone dclla Tosa ; wherefore the soldienj^ 
 an.\ious to return homo sold the same city, wliich only twelve}' 
 months before was dominant in Tuscany and dreaded by all ' 
 Italy, to an e.xiled GhibeUne of Genoa for the paltiy sum ofi 
 30,000 florins ! Yet Gherardino Spinola had luirdly como-, 
 pleted his purchase when Florence, who like the dog in the-| 
 fablo would neither have the phice hei-self nor allow others to 
 touch It, llared up at this bargain and although Spinola imme^, , 
 diately oflered her either peace or truce, both were disdain-?! 
 liUly rejected mid in the midst of strong political excitement ' 
 the war of Lucca commenced *. . ., . 
 
 In relating these events Villani indignantly exclaims against 
 aU the hypocritical excuses alleged by the governing party ^i 
 opposed to this purchase, who dcclai-cd they had before ob-.f 
 jected to it from an honest feeling lest reports should beJ 
 spread through the worid that Florence from mere love of^ 
 aggrandisement liad purchased the city of Lucca. - But in our- 
 own opmion." says this author, "and in that of many wiser^ 
 ciUzens who have examined the question, that as a compensa^- 
 tion for all the defeats, injuries and expenses suffered byl * 
 Florence from Lucca in the Casti-uccian war, no other ven-v 1 
 geance could be taken by the Florentines, nor greater pmise, nor: I 
 more glorious fame coidd spread through the worid than the. i] 
 bemg able to say, that the merchants and private citizens oJ> 
 Florence with their own money had purchased Lucca and their, 
 
 * Gio. Villani. Lib. .x., c. c.xl., cxli. -S. Ammirato, Lib. vii., pp. 364-5, &c 
 
 iometinie enemies, her citizens and subjects, as their bond-slaves.'' 
 "But whom God hates he deprives of reason and will not 
 
 [permit to act wisely ; for perhaps, or without a periiaps, their 
 .sins were not yet purged, nor theii' pride humbled, nor the 
 usury nor ill-gotten gains of the Florentines sufficiently dimi- 
 nished to prevent their spending and consuming more in 
 war by pursumg their quarrel with the Lucchese, when for 
 eveiy farthing that Lucca would have cost, a hundred or more, 
 nay we may say an infinity was spent afterwards by the Floren- 
 tmes in the said war as we shall mention in its place. Whereas 
 with the above-named loan, neither spent nor lost, such high 
 
 ' and honourable vengeance might have been Uiken on the people 
 
 [■ of Lucca by having purchased them as slaves, and more than 
 slaves, with their possessions ; and afterwards at their own 
 
 .^expense, and under our yoke bestowed on them both peace and 
 
 cpardon and made them freemen and companions, as they were 
 
 ^in ancient times with the Florentines"*. 
 
 j'The strong fortress and pass of Serravalle which Pistoia 
 voluntarily sun*endered for .three years to Florence gave a free 
 entrance to the Lucchese states, and together with the league 
 of Val-di-Nievole enabled her to push on the siege of Monte- 
 catini more vigorously which, though a member of that confede- 
 racy, had been incited by Spinola to revolt : but it was large, 
 
 . strong, well defended, and not easily taken ; Spinola attempted 
 
 'several times to succour it but failed, and nearly lost Lucca 
 itself by a bold assault of Castruccio's sons who for many hours 
 were in possession of all the city except the fortress of 
 L'Agosta, Montecatini held out for eleven months against a 
 close and rigorous blockade by an immense army and vast 
 lines of circumvallation ; extending no less than fourteen miles, 
 
 ' and backed by ditl-hes sulliciently capacious to admit the waters 
 of three rivers, the Pescia, Gora, and the Nievole. About the 
 
 • middle of June 1330 it surrendered and scaicely escaped total 
 
 • Gio. Villani, Lib. x., c. cxli. 
 
538 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 destruction by a decree of the Florentine people : it was hoiv- 
 ever ultimately spared, partly because of its importance i^s 
 a military station, and partly from old recollections of itjs 
 having been the only place in Tuscany that generously re^^ 
 ceived the Guelphic fugitives from Lucca after the battle 
 of Monteaperto ; and thus exposed itself to immediate en- 
 mity, and even subsequent conquest by that republic : Monte- 
 catini was therefore saved and incorporated into the Florentine 
 state *. 
 
 During the continuance of this siege the emperor after an 
 unsuccessful campaign against Milan and its subject states, 
 managed while at Pavia, Cremona, and Parma in the months 
 of October and November to organise a very powerful conspi- 
 racy at Bologna for the purpose of snatching that important 
 city from the hands of the pope's legate and nephew Bertrand 
 de Poiet. The plot was personally directed by Count Hector 
 of Panigo under the influence of the Ptossi of Parma, one of 
 which family was kept a close prisoner by the cardinal legate, 
 and was too extensive not to have succeeded even after its 
 complete detection, had not the arrival of a strong Florentine 
 detachment enabled Bertrand to execute his prisoners and 
 overawe the town f . 
 
 Thus Bologna like Florence and the other Italian republics, 
 was ever in peril from civil discord or private and personal 
 enmity ; and thus a weak pomt always presented itself to ex- 
 ternal enemies in the swarms of vindictive exiles that infested 
 every foreign state, besides their secret adherents at home. 
 These initable fugitives, boiling up with vindictiveness, were 
 continually intriguing for their own restoration, and in their 
 eagerness to join any prince or state making promises of ever}^- 
 thing, no matter how extravagant or false, against their native 
 country ; the predominant factions at home being at the same 
 
 * Gio. ViUaiii, Lib. x., cap. cxlvi , f Gio. Villani, Lib. x., cap. cxliv., 
 clxvii., civ. cxlv. 
 
 CHP. XVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 539 
 
 A.D. 1330. 
 
 tine harass^^d ly constant fears of plots and new revolutions, 
 d.eading evtemal aggressions, and in everlasting quarrels 
 amongst themselves. 
 
 On the fifth of October, about ten weeks after the fall of 
 !klontecatini, the Florentines marched to Lucca and 
 ^oon demoi istrated to Gherardino Spinola that it was 
 Qot that lordship but his own extraordinary talents which had 
 Waited Castiniccio Castracani whose mantle he vainly imagined 
 le had secured with the rest of his spoils : in the short space 
 of three days they captured the fortresses of Poggio, Corruglio, 
 Vivinaia, Montechiaro, San Martino in Colle, and Porcari ; thus 
 mastering the whole of Castruccio's former position and encamp- 
 ing two days after under the walls of his capital. The camp 
 was intrenched, peraianent quarters erected, and every other 
 preparation made for a winter's investment; but one of the 
 first operations was to redeem the honour of Florence and re- 
 venge Castruccio's insult by running for the Palio under her 
 very walls. Then' intention to celebrate these races was 
 publicly proclaimed, and as a curious trait of that age's 
 customs it may be added, that a general safe-conduct to all 
 who pleased to issue from the beleaguered town as spectators 
 of the games was announced by the Florentines. Multitudes, 
 both citizens and strangers, took advantage of this permission 
 to view more nearly the insult about to be offered to them ; 
 but the Florentine general had a deeper object; he had cor- 
 rupted a German commander who with two hundred men- 
 at-arms took the opportunity of coming quietly over to his 
 standard. This treachery threw Spinola into great consterna- 
 tion and the siege proceeded with so much vigour that a secret 
 treaty with Florence was begun and nearly concluded by the 
 citizens for the surrender of Lucca but being detected and dis- 
 approved of by Spinola, although his purchase-money was 
 secured, it fell to the ground *. 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. x., cap. clxiv., clxix. 
 
510 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [boori. 
 
 This investment continued under various commanders unil 
 A.D.1331. ^^^ ^^*^^^ ^^^ ^^ February 1331, when the old Floren- 
 tine general Beltram del Balzo who had been serving 
 in Lombardj, was again appointed to command the forces 
 discipline had relaxed, disorders occurred ; a mutiny had broker 
 out amongst the Burgundy troops and was quelled with grea; 
 difficulty; a German colonel had deserted to Spinola with a 
 hundred horse ; and a strong reenforcement from John king of. 
 Bohemia (the same that afterwards fell at Cressy) to whom 
 Spinola had offered on certain conditions the lordship of Lucca. 
 was on its march to Tuscany, so that Count Beltram considered 
 it necessary to raise the siege. The Bohemian s troops arrived 
 about the beginning of March and immediately acted on the 
 offensive ; Buggiano was abandoned by the Florentines, Cer- 
 reto Guidi and other places taken and burnt, and their territory 
 ravaged for three days without opposition, but probaldy from 
 treachery in the officers commanding the passes in the Val-di- 
 Nievole *. 
 
 Spinola complaining of King John's want of f\iith withdrew 
 from Lucca in disgust and the latter fomid liimself in addition 
 to his other numerous acquisitions with a secm-e footinf^ in 
 Tuscany. This extraordinary man the son of Henr}^ the" 
 Seventh, became king of Bohemia by his marriage with the 
 daughter of Wenceslas II. but accustomed to the gallantry of 
 the French court was soon tired and disgusted with the mde 
 manners and turbulent disposition of the Bohemians and re- 
 sided in his hereditary dominions. Young, brave, addicted to 
 pleasure and all the military amusements of the age, he be- 
 came a constant traveller, had great personal influence, and 
 mked with the politics of all Europe without any apparent 
 motive of personal aggrandisement. His reputation was liigh, 
 for he made friends even of his opponents, and had recently 
 arrived at Trent on pui-pose to many- his son to the daughter of 
 
 • Gio. Villani, cap. clxix.,clxx. 
 
 CilAP. XVIIl.j 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 541 
 
 e Duke of Cdrinthia who had been his competitor for the 
 ngdom of Bohemia. While thus employed ambassadors 
 arnved from Brescia to offer him the sovereignty of their town 
 for life they having been sorely vexed by the combined powers 
 of Azzo Visconti and the two nephews of Cane della Scala who 
 had not been long dead. The king of Bohemia eagerly accepted 
 this offer well knowing how much might be gained in Italy at 
 that time by any foreign prince who would boldly lead a faction • 
 wherefore immediately repairing to Brescia he reconciled all 
 paities, restored the exiles, induced Mastino della Scala to 
 retire with his troops, and remained in quiet possession of the 
 place. Cremona, Pavia, Bergamo, Vercelli, Novara, and even 
 Mdan itself became his voluntary subjects; Parma Keggio 
 and Modena soon followed the general example, and it was 
 during this shower of Lombard cities on his head that 
 Spinolas ambassadors came also to show him the way into 
 Tuscany *. 
 
 Three envoys were immediately despatched to Florence im- 
 ploring for peace or truce with his city of Lucca and adding 
 that as king of Bohemia only, he could not be influenced by 
 the friendships or mixed up with the pretensions of his late 
 father the Emperor Heniy the Seventh. The Florentines were 
 much too calculating a nation to follow the general enthusiasm 
 about John of Bohemia, and being then intent on disinterring 
 the sacred relics of Saint Zanobi, only replied that the Lucchese 
 war was begun at the instimce of the pope and king of Naples 
 without whose concurrence nothing could be accomphshed ; 
 King John expecting such a reply had already prepared the 
 reenforcement wliich compelled Count Beltram to raise the 
 
 siege. 
 
 The campaign as already mentioned went badly for Florence, 
 and notwithstanding the pope's protestations it was evident 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. x., cap. clxvi., clxix., clxxi. — Sismondi, vol. iv., cap. 
 xxxu. '^ 
 
542 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 that he leaned to the king of Bohemia whose ifriendship wit 
 the cardinal legate now became notorious, eacli wtuiting to 
 establish a separate dominion in Italy. Besides this, Florence 
 had been laid under an interdict by the latter on account of a 
 quarrel about the church of the Impruneta which the cardinal 
 wanted for himself in defiance of the Buondelmonti who were 
 its founders and patrons. On the other hand CoUe from civil 
 discord and private tyranny gave itself up entirely to Florence ; 
 Fucecchio, Castelfrauco, and Santa Croce, did the same ; and a 
 quarrel hanng broken out at Pistoia between the Florentine 
 party and their antagonists, the former with the troops of that 
 nation at once took militarj^ possession of the town : the leading 
 Ghibelines then gave Florence absolute authority for a year ; 
 but ere this period had half elapsed an embassy was sent to 
 
 A.D. 1332. ^^"^"^"® ^^ ^^^ ^^^<^ y^a^ longer, so content were the 
 Pistoians with their governors. Florence indeed fear- 
 ful of again losing so valuable an acquisition tried to guide it 
 by a thread of silk, and contiimed all the forms of government 
 as though Pistoia were still independent : new jKidestas were 
 elected half-yearly, a captain of the guard quarterly : and other 
 functionaries in a similar manner. A board of twelve citizens 
 was created and renewed every three months which in conjunc- 
 tion with the priors exercised a supreme authority over Pistoia ; 
 finally a citadel was erected on that side of the city which looked 
 towards Florence and was garrisoned by her troops ; thus com- 
 menced a subjection under the form of voluntary obedience 
 which continued ever after. 
 
 About this time the Pisans fearful of a new revolution from 
 the external strength and internal influence of numerous exiles 
 implored the aid of Florence which notwithstanding her former 
 enmity sent them a strong auxiliary force and preserved the 
 town : the Ubaldini also quarrelling amongst themselves volun- 
 tarily returned to their allegiance, and the republic to secure 
 these precarious subjects- founded the town of Firenzuola on the 
 
 CHAP. xvm.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 543 
 
 river Santemo amongst the summits of the Apennines and in 
 tlie very heart cf their wild and mountainous country*. 
 
 Florence in the midst of her own misfortunes had always 
 kept an anxious eye on the affairs of Lombardy : Cane della 
 Sc^la, the best, the ablest, the most generous and successful of 
 its tyrants, died in July 13'^ 'J and was succeeded by his nephews 
 Albert and Mastino, but the former rather addicted to pleasure 
 than business resigned the cares of government to his brother, 
 who inherited more of the talents than the virtues of their 
 predecessor. It was therefore with great satisfaction that the 
 Florentines saw John of Bohemia compelled to return iuto 
 Germany in order to check a hostile and powerful confedera- 
 tion of his former friends, while the Guelphs of Brescia and 
 Bergamo assisted by Mastino della Scala, Azzo Visconti, and 
 the lords of Ferrara and Mantua, threw off his jmisdiction in 
 Lombardy. No vara and Vercelli were soon after lost in the 
 same manner for the aggrandisement of Milan; and thus 
 Guelph and Ghibeline were strangely united against the em- 
 peror's friend, the suspected accomplice of the papal legate, and 
 one who was secretly countenanced by the pontiff himself while 
 he repudiated all his proceedings. The Florentines were in 
 fact exceedingly alarmed by the union between John of Bohe- 
 mia and Bertrand de Poiet, a reputed son of the pope, and who 
 tvith liis connivance were striving to form two separate states 
 in Italy, a design likely to prove destructive to their republic ; 
 and the Ghibeline lords in attacking that monarch found them- 
 selves strangely opposed to the enemies of the Guelphic Robert 
 and, if possible, more Guelphic Florence f. • 
 
 This community of present interest absorbed all other senti- 
 ments, and in the month of September produced a treaty of 
 alliance between Guelph and Ghibeline ; between republican 
 Florence and Lombard tyrants ; between King Robert and his 
 
 * G. Villani, Lib. x., cap. clxix , clxxvi., f Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. vi.— Istorie 
 dxxviii., clxxx., clxxxiv., cxcix. Pistolesi. 
 
544 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 fiercest enemies ; and above all between the Florentines and 
 Azzo Visconti, the friend and ally of Castracdo, by whose 
 means beyond ever}- other, they had been so deeply injured and 
 insulted ! Two objects were proposed by this treaty, one to get 
 rid of a monarch closely allied to the " Bavarian" and likely if 
 occasion suited to introduce that prince again into Italy : thf> 
 other to partition his subject states equally amongst themselves 
 and thus preserve the political balance of the Peninsula. Cre- 
 mona and San Donnino were to be conquered for Azzo Vis- 
 conti ; Parma for Mastino della Scala ; Reggio for Luigi di 
 Gonzaga of Mantua who had succeeded by a bloody revolution 
 in 13Q8 to Passerino Buonacossi ; Modena for the lords of Fer- 
 rara: and Lucca for the Florentines*. 
 
 Little of importance occurred in Tuscany during the re- 
 mainder of the year 1332 except a generally inglorious cam- 
 paign and the loss of Barga, which was taken by the Lucchese 
 in October with a cost to Florence of 100,000 florins and the 
 diminution of her military reputation : but in the beginning 
 A.D.im ^^ ^'^'^'^ '^^^^ of Bohemia who as if by enchantment 
 had tranquillised Germany, and made allies of the 
 pope and Philip VL of France, appeared at Turin with a 
 powerful army from the latter kingdom. This encouraged 
 the legate to make a vigorous attack on Ferrara after having 
 defeated the lords of Este at Consandoli ; but that city being 
 timeously succoured by the confederates he was defeated with 
 great loss and many prisoners of high rank, amongst whom 
 were several lords of Romagna for whose release he refused to 
 
 * The anonymous author of the Istorie 
 Pistolesi places this treaty in 1331, hut 
 as his dates are often irregular I have 
 followed G. Villani because his date 
 is confirmed by the authority of the 
 younger Ammirato (from public docu- 
 ments) in his ^' Aggiunta"" who says 
 that the treaty was concluded at Fer- 
 rara on the .5 Septr. 1332. This how- 
 
 ever disagrees with Morwno the author 
 of the " Cronica Modanese" who says 
 it was concluded on 8 August 1331, 
 but Muratori follows VillanK~S. Am- 
 mirato, Lib. viii., p. 382. — Istorie Pis- 
 tolesi, An. 1331. — Leon. Aretino, Lib. 
 vi., p. 111. — Sismondi, vol. iv., cap. 
 xxxii. — Gio. Villani, Lib. x., cap. cci. 
 
 CHMP. I I 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 545 
 
 acjlvance the mc ney ; and in consequence of their verj- natural 
 (^/isgust ; artfully increased by the chiefs of the league who dis- 
 i^nissed them with two thousand of their followers unransomed ; 
 Ifost the good- will of all Romagna. Forli, Rimini, Cesena, 
 <pervia, and Piavenna severally revolted; while the previous 
 ^'(irrival of Iving John at Bologna after the dispersion of his 
 IFrench armv, had onlv aujTmented the ill-humour of its citizens : 
 they were compelled to pay him fifteen thousand florins by the 
 legate's command, to secure the cooperation of three hundred 
 horsemen under Count d'Armagnac who was afterwards made 
 prisoner at Fen*ara. A second visit of this Idng to Bologna 
 renewed the general discontent and caused a coolness with the 
 legate which made him again quit that city and soon after pro- 
 ceed to Lucca where he levied another contribution on the already 
 impoverished inhabitants. After this, perceiving the general 
 change of sentiments and his altered fortune, he determined 
 to leave Italy, but not empty-handed, and therefore sold Lucca 
 and Panna to the Rossi ; Reggio to the Fogliani ; Modena 
 to the Pii ; and Cremona to Ponzino Ponzoni ; after which he 
 despatched the Gemian troops with his son to Bohemia and 
 retired himself in October to Paris, but with a somewhat dimi- 
 nished reputation, considering the extraordinarj^ influence that 
 he so suddenly acquired and so long maintained over the states 
 of Lombardy *. 
 
 The Legate had endeavoured to detach Florence from the 
 Lombard confederacy but was steadily opposed in the councils, 
 and not without reason ; for by letters afterwards discovered it 
 appeared to have been arranged with King John that Flo- 
 rence should be the first and principal victim to their joint 
 ambition, and she consequently united with a lesser enemy to 
 oppose the greater and more dangerous one f . 
 
 * G. Villani, Lib.x., cap. ccxiv., ccxv., + Istorie Pistolcsi, Anno 1331.- 
 ccxvii., cxxiv., ccxxv. — Sismondi, vol. Villani, Lib. x., cap. ccxii. 
 iv., cap. xxxii. 
 
 VOL. I. N N 
 
 -Gio. 
 
f 
 
 546 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [booi 
 
 CHAP. XVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 547 
 
 Florence was once again in strength and by the elastic 
 power of industry had completely recovered from all he 
 recent misfortunes ; while Pisa, still languishing unsettled an 
 exhausted, had even been compelled to implore the iuterven 
 tion of a Florentine bishop to make her peace with Siena, agains 
 whom she was at war about the possession of Massa Marittima 
 Lucca, now almost ruined, could give the Florentines no un- 
 easiness, for when the Bohemian forced each individual to' 
 take an oath of fidelity to him, he found only four thousand 
 four hundred and fifty-eight citizens able to bear arms in that 
 once powerful commonwealth *. With this sole exception Flo- 
 rence was either the sovereign or friend of every state in 
 Tuscany : Piero Saccone of the Tarlati ruled Arezzo unmo- 
 lested; Perugia and Siena, were her close allies; Volterra, 
 Pistoia, Colle, San Gimignano, and other places, although 
 nominally uidependent were mere subjects of the dominant 
 city; therefore both comparatively and positively Florence 
 enjoyed a higher state of power and prosperity than she had 
 ever experienced since the memorable close of the thirteenth 
 century. The mind of her citizens again turned to joy and 
 festivity ; two companies of artisans to the number of three 
 and five himdred individuals paraded her streets in fanciful 
 costume, and with garlands and songs and dancing, music 
 and other diversions, entertained their fellow-citizens for a 
 whole month, while the natural taste and lively spirit of the 
 people seemed once more to revel in its accustomed cheer- 
 fulness, the happy result of universal prosperity f. 
 
 It would yet seem that in Florence far beyond other places, 
 these periodical bursts of pleasure were as surely followed by 
 some strong reaction, and whether from war faction or great 
 natural calamities the sudden vicissitudes of human life were 
 there most quickly and sharply experienced. On the fii-st day of 
 November 1333 the heavens seemed suddenly to open and 
 
 * Sismondi, Rep. It. vd iv., cap. xxxi. f Gio. Villani, Lib. x., cap. ccxvi. 
 
 I 
 
 pour down an incessant stream of water for ninety-sk hoiu-s 
 successively, not only without diminution but in augmented 
 volume : continued sheets of fire with sharp and vivid flashes 
 struck from the clouds, while peals of thunder bellowed 
 through the gloom, darting bolt after bolt into the earth, and 
 impressmg on mankmd the awful feeling of universal rain. 
 The natural and superstitious fears of the people were pain- 
 fully excited and all the church and convent bells were tolled 
 to conjure the spirit of the storm : men and women were seen 
 clambering on slender planks from roof to roof amidst falling 
 tiles, crying aloud for mercy with such an unusual din as 
 almost to drown the deeper tones of distant thunder and 
 realise the idea of chaos, or the infernal regions of their own 
 great poet^:^. The first burst of the Amo, even near its 
 source, broke over rocks and woods and banks and fields, and 
 deluged the green plains of Casentino ; then sweeping in broad 
 and spreading sheets over those of Ai'ezzo flooded all the 
 upper Val-dAmo, and with mighty force bore off mills, and 
 bams and granaries in its course, with every human habitation 
 and all that it contained, animate and inanimate, like weightless 
 
 * " Quivi sospiri, pianti ed alti giiai 
 Risonavan per Taer senza stcllc, 
 Perch'io al cominciar ne lagrimai. 
 
 Diverse linguc, orribili favelle, 
 Parole di dolore, accenti d'ira, 
 Voce alte e fiocche, e suon di man con elle. 
 
 Facevano un tuniulto il qual s'aggira 
 Sempre in quel aria senza tempo tinta, 
 Come la rena quaudo '1 turbo spira." 
 
 {Dante, Inferno, Canto iii). 
 
 Here sobs and weeping and shrill sounding cries 
 Resounded through the dim and starless air, 
 So that on entering I began to weep. 
 
 Tongues of all races, horrible discourse, 
 Wailin^s of tortdre, accents of deep ire, 
 Shrieks loud and hoarse, despairing beat of hands 
 
 Made a wild tumult, that unceasing whirls 
 Through that perpetually tinted air 
 As the sand rises when the whirlwind blows. 
 N N "2 
 
 ?li^W 
 
54S 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 549 
 
 tilings. Trees were uprooted, cattle destroyf>d, men women 
 and children suffocated, the soil washed clean away, and the 
 dark torrent thus unnatui'ally loaded came roaiing down on 
 Florence. The tributary Sieve after swamping its native vales 
 lushed madly down, with the soil of half a province on its 
 wave, and swelled the bounding Anio : the Africa, the Men- 
 sola, every common cUtch, now changed to torrents, gave force 
 and danger to the flood which rolled its angry surges towards 
 the capital. 
 
 On the fourth of November 1333 the whole plain of San 
 Salvi was covered to the depth of twelve, sixteen, and even 
 twenty feet ; the waters mounted high against wall and tower, 
 and swept round Florence like the tide on a stranded shij). 
 For awhile the ramparts withstood this pressure ; but presently 
 the antiport of Santa Croce gave way ; then the main gate, then 
 the Porta Renaia ; and then, night set in : but with it was 
 heard the crash of falling towers and the onward rush of the 
 water, which still unchecked swept wavy broad and cold, ovo 
 the ill-fiited to\vn. Two hundred and fifty feet of the walk 
 had been crushed by the enoinnous pressure ; the red columns 
 of San Giovanni were half buried in the flood ; it deluged the 
 cathedral, encompassed the altar of Smita Croce, measured 
 twelve feet in the court of the Bargello, sapped the shrines of 
 the Badia; covered almost all the rest of the city four feet 
 deep, and even beat on the first step of the public palace, the 
 loftiest ground in Florence. The town beyond Amo was 
 scarcely less submerged ; nearly a thousand feet of the ram- 
 parts fell and the wear, then above Ponte Can-aia, was entirely 
 destroyed : this brought instant ruin on the bridge itself which 
 all except two arches was buried in the wave ; that of La 
 Trinita as quickly followed ; then the Ponte Vecchio, its shops 
 and houses, gold and jewellery, went down in masses : Ptuba- 
 conte stood in part, but the mdignant waters, overleaping a 
 lateral arch, shattered the solid quay and dashed against the 
 
 / 
 
 palace-castle of Altafronte, and this with such fury as to bring 
 down that solid mansion and most of the houses as fiir as 
 Ponte Vecchio in one continuous ruin. The statue of Mars 
 the rude witness of Buondelmonte's death tumlded headlong 
 from its base into the tide below and disappeared for ever; 
 this increased the public terror, for an ancient prophecy had 
 foretold that whenever that crumbling image should move or 
 fall, Florence would be in danger. 
 
 The whole line of houses between the bridges, with many 
 more on eveiy side, next fell like the walls of Jericho before 
 the sacred trumpets ; noiliing but lightning and devastation met 
 the eye, nothing but hideous shrieks, the crash of houses, the roar 
 of waters and dismal peals of thunder struck the ear; in what 
 this awful scene would have ended seemed evident, had not a 
 startling crash with the fall of near nme hundred feet of the 
 western ramparts opened a wider vent for the waters and saved 
 Florence from destruction. 
 
 On tlie fifth all water was drained from the surface ; but the 
 cellars, shops, streets, and houses, were choked with such a mass 
 of slimy matter as required six months of constant labour to 
 remove ; and the wells were necessarily deepened to the new 
 level of the Amo s bed, now changed by the scouring torrent : but 
 devastation (hd not stop with the relief of Florence : the whole 
 western plain from Signa to Prato became submerged, and men 
 cattle mills and merchandise were again swept promiscuously 
 away : the tributary streams loaded with mischief rolled on- 
 ward to the Arno. Pontormo, Empoli, Santa Croce, Castel- 
 franco felt the torrent on their w^alls ; San Miniato, Fucecchio, 
 ^Iontetopoli and Pontadera saw their plains deluged and de- 
 stroyed ; and even Pisa itself would have fallen if the Fosso 
 'Amonico and other cuts had not divided the course and 
 volume of this fearful tide and led it through various channels 
 10 the sea. 
 
 On the other side of Pisa the country was equally troubled 
 
550 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 V 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 551 
 
 at the moment but with ultimate benefit ; for the Yihole plain 
 
 was elevated no less than four feet by this alarming inundation : 
 many lives were lost, many more supposed to have been so ; ' 
 but in the capital and its neighbourhood only three himdred 
 were identified : the injury in property was enormous : bridges, 
 mills, manufactories, com, wine, oil, clodi, precious merchan- 
 dise, the disappearance of vast tracts of soil and all their fruit- 
 fulness, left calculation far beliind ; but it was generally be- 
 lieved that since the fifth centurj^ no calamity so dreadful had 
 ever been known in Florence. 
 
 This outbreak of nature was not confined to the Amo ; the 
 Tiber, Serchio, and other rivers made similar havoc ; nor was 
 the whole mass of water in the first believed to be greater than 
 the flood of 1*269 ; but infinitely more destructive in conse- 
 quence of the number of wears that existed within the walls; by 
 these the river's bed had been raised between thirteen and 
 fourteen feet above its natural level, and in consequence a 
 decree was immediately made to prohibit any dams being 
 erected within a certain prescribed distance of the two bridges 
 above and below the town*. 
 
 For many days after the waters had abated a heavy fall of 
 rain, with thunder and lightning, still continued in so alarming 
 a manner, that nearly all Florence resorted to confession 
 penitence and prayer to avert divine wrath ; and so profound 
 was the impression of melancholy that it became a question of 
 earnest and universal discussion whether this event had arrived 
 in the usual course of nature or by the particular judgment of 
 God to punish national wickedness. The astrologers attribute 
 it under Providence to certain conjunctions of Saturn and M 
 in the sign of Virgo and others of the sun and moon, with 
 variety of celestial combinations of malign aspect, all minute! 
 enumerated by Villani : but, it was shrewdly demanded o 
 these soothsayers why Florence suffered more than Pisa or an 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib. viii., p. 390. — Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. i. 
 
 \ 
 
 other part of Tuscany? and as shrewdly answered, " Princi- 
 pally by your own folly in allowing the river to be dammed up 
 for private purposes." But this was still assisted they averred, 
 by some peculiar combinations of heavenly bodies with a more 
 distinct and immediate influence on the two capitals. The 
 divines admitted that such reasoning might be partially but not 
 necessarily correct, except inasmuch as it pleased the Almighty ; 
 because, said they, he being far removed above celestial things 
 guided them at his pleasure, turning the whole frame of 
 nature under liis hand as the smith does a piece of iron on the 
 anvil, out of which he can produce all the various utensils which 
 his imagination had already conceived. By the same rule the 
 whole course of nature, the elements, nay even devils them- 
 selves, all became in the Divdne hands mere instruments for 
 punishment, and it is impossible for the dulness of our nature 
 to penetrate into either the foreknowledge or preordination of 
 God when even his visible and diurnal labours are but imper- 
 fectly known to us. The Almighty they said had two great 
 objects, mercy and justice : for which, he either permitted the 
 course of nature ; interrupted it ; or soared above it as omni- 
 potent Lord of all. Villani maintains this position by a variety 
 of scriptural and historical examples, finisliing with a serious 
 account of some vision of many devils seen on the very even- 
 ing of the flood by a hermit of Vallombrosa who informed him 
 that they were, if God permitted, about to destroy Florence 
 on account of its great wickedness. 
 
 The nature of these transgressions, as we learn from the 
 same author, was abominable and highly displeasing in the 
 sight of Heaven on account of the " arrogance of one citizen 
 to another in attempting to domineer and tyrannise and de- 
 spoil; also from their excessive covetousness, their public 
 peculation, fraudulent trade, and usury in every country ; the 
 envy between neighbours and brothers ; the foolish vanity of 
 women in extravagant ornaments and expense ; and universal 
 
552 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 €^; 
 
 CHAP. xvin.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 553 
 
 gluttony and excess in drinking," more wine being then con- 
 sumed, he asserts, in the taverns of one parish than had been 
 drunk by their forefathei-s thi'oughout the whole city. Also on 
 account of the inordinate depravity of both men and women as 
 well as the ingratitude of not acknowledging that their present 
 benefits and ascendancy over neighbouring states came entirely 
 from God. ♦' But," he adds, " it is a great marvel that God sus- 
 tains us (and perhaps it may appear to many that I say too much, 
 and that to me a sinner it may not be permitted so to speak) but 
 if we Florentines do not wish to deceive ourselves, all i^ truth. 
 For how many flagellations and disciplines have we not received 
 from the Almighty up to this moment, even from the year 
 1300, without comiting those preWously described in this 
 chronicle. First our division into the black and white factions ; 
 next the arrival of Chai'les of France ; then the expulsion of 
 the Bianchi and its niinous consequences ; subsequently the 
 judgment and danger of the great conflagration in 1304, besides 
 numerous others that have happened in Florence to the infinite 
 damage of many citizens. Afterwai'ds came Heniy of Luxem- 
 bourg and besieged the city in 131^, with the devastation of all 
 our countiy and the consequent mortality both m the town and 
 neighbourhood. This was succeeded by the defeat of Monte- 
 catiniin 1*2 15; then the persecutions of the Castruccian war 
 and the defeat of Altopascio in 13-^5 with its tenible effects 
 and the boundless expense sustained by Florence to maintain 
 these wars. Then amved the Bavarian, who called himself 
 emperor, and the deamess and scarcity of l:\'V.) ; more rec3ntly 
 the advent of John of Bohemia, and finally the present irunda- 
 tion. Now if all the former calamities were condensed in one 
 they would not be gi-eater than this last; therefore be ye 
 assured Florentines ! that so many threatenings and flagella- 
 tions of God are not without the provocation of exceeding 
 wickedness"*. 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. ii. 
 
 The news of this misfortune spread far and wide, and Robert 
 King of Naples the most accomplished monarch of his day 
 sympatliised with the Florentines in an elaborate Latin epistle 
 full of scriptural texts and moral exhortations, the principal 
 object of which was to convince them that " tchom the Lord 
 loveth he chasteneth and scour geth evenj son whom he receivethy 
 Nevertheless it was honourably, even enthusiastically welcomed 
 at Florence and miiversally applauded*. 
 
 But, as if to demonstrate the perverse spirit of the time, 
 even the very day after the waters had subsided the city was 
 thrown into confusion, open and unprotected as it remained, by 
 an attempt of the llossi and other noble families beyond the 
 Amo to create a revolution and destroy public liberty : this 
 however roused the people from their despair ; bridges of boats 
 were instantly thrown over the river ; that of Rubaconte being 
 in possession of the nobles ; watch and ward were strictly kept, 
 and the great mass of nobility with a higher feeling joined zea- 
 lously in the preservation of peace ; publifi spirit quickly 
 regained its place ; the people again became strong and the 
 lelinquents received their deserts f. 
 
 The resources of Florence experienced a severe shock from 
 this incalculable loss of private property, that of the 
 public alone amounting to '250,000 florins, while her 
 prostrate bulwarks seemed to invite the aggressions of any new 
 Castmccio that might be ready to take advantage of her present 
 debiUty. Luckily the only man whose position and talents 
 could have supplied the place of that accomplished leader 
 was as yet unprepared for the enterprise and at this moment 
 a close ally of Florence, whose enemy he became only when 
 their interests no longer coincided, when the possession of 
 Lucca opened for him a wider field of conquest, and when the 
 former state already recovered from such depression reassumed 
 her natural station and held the political balance of Italy. 
 
 ♦ Gio. Villani, Lib, xi., cap. ii. + Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. iv. 
 
 ^WSSFWIK^ff9n0 
 
554 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 555 
 
 Lucca could now do nothing bj herself, and the hostile chiefs 
 of Lombardj, to whom John of Boliemia had sold the lordship 
 of his remaining cities, were too busy in opposing the league to 
 dream of attacking Florence. They had in the previous 
 autumn joined in strict alliance with Bertrand de Poiet, Parma, 
 Reggio, Modena, Cremona ; and Lucca as a dependency of the 
 Rossi ; all united in this confederacy : but the influence of Ber- 
 trand had nearly ceased ; his selfish ambition, his deceit and 
 tyranny began to be fully appreciated, and his administration 
 was everj-where detested. Romagna had already revolted, and 
 Bologna itself where a citadel had been erected as a pretended 
 palace of the pope, was in a dangerous state of excitement, for 
 both in person and through liis legate he had assured the citi- 
 zens of his intention to reside amongst them before his projected 
 return to Rome *. As in other republics, here also were tw( 
 adverse factions ; one, led by Taddeo de' Peppoli, supported ih 
 legate ; the other under Brandahgi de' Gozzadini and Colazz< 
 de' Beccadelli, moved by hatred and perhaps a nobler spirit o" 
 patriotism than their opponents, determined to revolt. At their 
 instance therefore, the Marquis of Ferrara chief of the confe- 
 derate army, marched to Cento and challenged the cardinal 
 to battle : the latter unwilling to refuse mustered his Lan- 
 guedocian soldiei-s by whose means he had commanded the 
 town, and with the assurance of immediate support from the 
 civic troops sent them forth to combat, two quarters of Bologna 
 being already under arms for that purpose. This was the 
 moment chosen for rousing an indignant people in the cause 
 
 ( 
 
 * It was probably on this occasion and 
 that of the crusade simultaneously pro- 
 posed, both favourite objects of Petrarca, 
 that he wrote the sonnet beginning, 
 
 *' II successor di Carlo,'' 
 in the second stanza of which he says, 
 E *1 vicario di Cristo con la soma 
 Delle chiavi e del mantoal nido toma, 
 Siche, s'altroaccidente nol distorna, 
 
 Vedra Bologna, e poi la nobil Roma, 
 and the canzone, 
 
 '* aspettata in del, heata, e belia 
 anima" 
 
 addressed as may be supposed to his 
 friend Stefano Colonna Bishop of 
 Lombes. (Vide De Sade, M^moires, 
 vol. i., p. 243, and note ix). 
 
 of liberty, and 'eloquence had its usual effect on men already 
 prepared to mutiny : every armed foreigner found in the streets 
 was immediately put to death and the legate closely blockaded 
 in his massy citadel without a hope of salvation. Reduced 
 I to the last extremity he would have perished in this storm 
 'had not the Florentines, stifling all harsher feelings in 
 their habitual reverence for the church, despatched four 
 ambassadors and three hundred men-at-arms to shelter him*. 
 The tenified priest was too happy to purchase life by an 
 instantaneous surrender, but it required all the troops and 
 influence of the embassy to bring him safe to Florence, from 
 whence he departed two days after for Avignon still carrying 
 iNTLth him an unmitigated hatred of his protectors, which he 
 [ricked out in external expressions of endless gi-atitudef. 
 
 But his removal was far from calming Bologna ; there the 
 [passions of men after being concentrated against a tyrant, but 
 unsatisfied, soon divided against themselves, and the Floren- 
 tmes after twice successfully exerting their influence to restore 
 tranquillity turned their whole attention to the Lucchese war and 
 the correction of domestic abuses, the latter being an eternal 
 source of anxiety in this jealous community and yet a con- 
 tinually recurring evil. 
 
 Preparations were made to besiege Lucca with an auxiliary 
 force from the league wliich had hitherto been successful in 
 Lombardy; but a conspiracy detected amongst the German 
 mercenaries there, who had been bribed by Bertrand de Poiet 
 to deliver Mastino and the other chiefs into his hands, discom- 
 posed the whole confederacy : the troops of that nation with- 
 drew ; each Italian leader retired in alarm and suspicion, the Lom- 
 bard campaign finished, and Florence was thus deprived of her 
 
 * In the Libro del Polistore da Frate + Libro del Polistore, tomo xxiv., p. 
 Niccolo di Ferrara Abbot of San Ber- 700. Rer. Ital. Scrip.— G. Villani, 
 toldo composed in 1387 no mention is 
 made of this Florentine assistance ; in 
 other respects his account agrees with 
 other authors. 
 
 700, Rer. Ital. Scrip.— G. Villani, 
 Lib. xi., cap. vi. and vii. — Sismondi, 
 vol. iv., p. 103.— Muratori, Annali, 
 1334. 
 
556 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 [chap, xviii.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 557 
 
 expected auxiliaries, which probahly saved Lutca from Floren- 
 tine dominion *. For some time after this, with the exception 
 of a few occasional inroads and the capture of Uzzano, the Luc- 
 chese war was feebly maintained, but succours went to Mastino 
 della Scala at the siege of Colorino wliich subsequently surren- 
 dered, and Parma ver}' soon afterwards fell imder his control. 
 
 At Florence notwithstanding all the pains already taken to 
 insure the purity of public elections, a practice of allowing one 
 person to hold two distinct offices with hiconipatible duties had 
 become so notorious as to excite universal dissutistk'tion ; this 
 compelled the government to interfere, and a pruhibitoiy decree 
 was passed: the new scrutiny now also approached and the 
 ruling faction became proportionally anxious ; for disconteni 
 had taken deep root in consequence of many citizens whose 
 rank and character entitled them to a share m national honours, 
 having been from party motives excluded. Disturbances were 
 consequently expected in January 1335 wherefore the ascendant 
 party resolved to strengthen government by means of an appa- 
 rently beneficial and constitutional force which would they 
 hoped be sufficient to curb any opposition to their own autho- 
 rity, but under the specious forms of justice and good govern- 
 ment. In consequence of this resolution powers were demanded 
 and given, to create a set of officers who under the appellation 
 of " Captains of the Guard " or *' Ban/eUlni " were to watch 
 over the public peace, supen-ise the conduct of returned exiles, 
 and prevent frays, gambling, or any other kind of immorality ; 
 they had great power, and from the nature of their duties were 
 generally unpopular. Two of them superintended the Sesto of 
 Oltrarno, the rest were equally distributed amongst the other 
 five divisions ; each attended by twenty-five armed followers ; 
 and all being fellow-citizens little suspicion was excited : but 
 when in the following year this office, its duties, and more 
 than its existing powers, became concentrated in one man, and 
 
 • S. Ammirato, Lib. viii., p. 390.— Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. viii. 
 
 he a stranger, the citizens had full leisure to contemplate their 
 own folly and repent of so unguarded a confidence*. 
 
 Daring these transactions an event of considerable impor- 
 [tance had occurred at Avignon m the death of Pope John the 
 'wentv-second on the fourth of December, which relieved 
 Florence and all Italy from one of her bitterest foes : he 
 had flattered and courted that republic while she continued 
 to support Bertrand de Poiet but changed with her changing 
 politics, and was detested alike by Germans and Italians for his 
 ambition avarice iuid cruelty ; hated by every other nation he 
 <lied unregretted by any. He it was who first usuqoed the 
 ancient privilege which in the eleventh century Gregorj^ 
 VII. had taken such pains to confirm, of the people and clergy, 
 or the clerg}^ alone electing their own pastors, and under the 
 excuse of stopping simony rolled in an enormous revenue from 
 this source alone. He too first exacted the annates or first 
 fruits, to the enormous amount of a whole year s salary on pro- 
 motion or translation to another benefice ; therefore whenever 
 a rich bishopric became vacant he forbid a new election but 
 instantly removed an inferior prelate to the vacancy, and thus 
 filling up each empty benefice forged a long chain of prefer- 
 ment, every link of which was beaten gold. By these and other 
 means he had amassed the incredible sum of 18,000,000 of 
 coined gold alone, besides the value of seven more m crowns, 
 mitres, crosses, plate, and precious jewelleiy ; so that a treasure 
 was found in his coffers nominally collected for the holy war, 
 a favourite pretence of the church, of more than 25,000,000 of 
 golden florins, an immense sum \rithdrawn by a single poten- 
 tate from the comparatively small European circulation of those 
 early days ! The existence of such a treasure in the coff'ers of 
 one prince, which however was as we are told, nearly doubled 
 by liis successor, would perhaps scarcely be believed if Villani, 
 whose brother was one of the commissioners employed in its 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. xvi. 
 
558 
 
 i-lorentinf: history. 
 
 [book i.^ 
 
 ,,CUAP. XTIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 559 
 
 enumeration, did not assert tlie fart, and if he bad not had 
 
 all the Christian world to draw from *. ^^ 
 
 Pope John in gathering tliis vast lieap of mammon, as^ 
 
 Villani drily remarks, did not seem to bear in mind the wore 
 
 of Christ to his disciples **Lf^ your treasure be in heaven notji 
 
 on earthj for where your treasure is there nill your heart be also.% 
 
 The cruelty and implacability of tliis pontiff aggravated by the 
 
 tyrannical conduct of his oflicers, excited the anger of both^ 
 
 Gemiany and Italy, and his religious opinions exposed him 
 
 the accusation of un«jualiliod heresy, particularly his chsbeUef 
 
 in tlie possibility of departed souls beholding God before th( 
 
 day of final judgment. The general outcry i-aised by churcW 
 
 men agauist him on this account did not however arise froi 
 
 any intense interest in the question itself, which still existed aisl 
 
 a ix)int of unsettled theology and metaphysical argument; l^: 
 
 from its more substantial inlluonce (»n ecclesiastical revenut 
 
 the touch-stone of every established religion since the days q^ 
 
 the Ephesian Demetrius. IJy denying that sanctified spirit^ 
 
 could possibly enjoy the beatific vision until the world's destnic 
 
 tion, he according to the Parisian theologists excluded the 
 
 Virgin Mary, the Apostles, and all the saints from their su| 
 
 posed position ; with a single blow ciiished their power 
 
 mediation, destroyed the cllicacy of indulgences, rendered] 
 
 masses useless, and gave a rude shock to the walls of purga^ 
 
 tory |. The perennial (low of gold from all these sources wa^ 
 
 too precious, too sacred, and too substantial, to be exposed] 
 
 unprotected even to the discretion of a pope, and a general! 
 
 council would inevitably have been convoked by the indignant^ 
 
 clergy if Philip of Valois, fearful of losuig the useful presence^ 
 
 • Voltaire with inncli reason douhts tlic estimate much more credible than that 
 
 possibility of such a treasure havins; of Villani's brother, for at the lowest.'! 
 
 ever been accumulated ; and Albert of computation it must have equalled that 
 
 Strasbourg, a cotcmporarj- author, sum in money of the present day. 
 
 says, that he left 1,700,000 florins, f Dc Sade, Mcmoircs, ic., vol. i.,p. 
 
 (Vide de Sade, vol. i., p. 250) ; an 2.'>4. 
 
 |of a pontilT in France, had not exerU^d himself to prevent it ; and 
 
 iby the aid of the French clergy, the assistance of King Ptobert and 
 
 Jperhaps some shaq^ and threatening reproofs, finally compelled 
 
 yohn to renounce his errors. This however was accomplished 
 
 |only the day previous to his dissolution, by a formal instmmentac- 
 
 [ Inowledgmg the beatific vision, which under his immediate suc- 
 
 ^cessor became one of the dogmas of the Ptoman Catholic Church +. 
 
 J,: The twenty-four cardinals then present immediately met in 
 
 l|conclave and being of adverse opinions predetermined not to 
 
 ^iiuny on the election, but follow a course usually taken when 
 
 successor had been previously fixed upon; namely to cast 
 
 ^way their daily votes on some obscure individual whom no two 
 
 rdinals were likely to support, until they could be thrown in 
 
 [with a more ceilam aim. It happened that at this moment 
 
 |there was a monk of the Cisterckn order in the sacred college 
 
 named Jaccjues Founiier the son of a baker of Saverdun whom 
 
 3body supposed could by any possibility unite two votes in his 
 
 ^favour, and for this very reason every secret vote was given to 
 
 : to his o\Mi and the genend astonishment therefore he 
 
 |became pope, and although liis humility induced him to tell 
 
 this fellow cardinals that •' they had elected an ass,'' he is never- 
 
 stheless described as a k-jinied virtuous and smcere man, anxious 
 
 ^for peace, and a stranger to court intrigues : under the name of 
 
 penedictXII. he reforaied many ecclesiastical abuses, especially 
 
 ^,amougst the monastic orders then in a lamentable state of 
 
 ^corruption, and probably would have accomplished more had he 
 
 ;|eigned independently at Piome and in less turbulent times f . 
 
 i* This Pope was Mid to have added 
 'the third crown to the papal tiara ; but 
 De Sade, an eye-witness to llic opening 
 of his tomb at Avignon, in 1759, as- 
 serts that the tiara had but two crowns, 
 g, It was probably his successor's doing, 
 ^^.■whose statue in the same church has 
 ^three crowns, as some say, to represent 
 KjHiQ Pope's power over the three 
 
 churches. Suffering, Militant, and 
 Triumphant. (Vide Dc Sade, Mem , 
 vol. i., p. 259.)— Gio. Villani, Lib. 
 xi.j cap. xix., xx., and xlvii. — Mura- 
 tori Annali, Anno 1334. — Sismondi, 
 vol. iv., p. 105. 
 
 t Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. xxi. — 
 Muratori, Annali, 1341. 
 
 -t 
 
f^l 
 
 560 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 ^' CHAP. XTIII.J 
 
 FLORENTINE . mSTORY. 
 
 561 
 
 About this period the Florentines ^vcre mortified to see King :\| 
 llobert's power considerably diminished by the loss of Genoa, 
 from whence the Guelphs had been recently driven by their 
 adversaries whom he had restored, and all in consequence of a ^ 
 quarrel about the expediency of renewing his sovereign autho- - 
 rity. The result was a new and widely-spread contention, which 
 plunguig the whole territoiy into civil war affected its relations 
 with Florence, injured the commerce, diminished the strength, ■; 
 and for some time blasted tlic reputation of that celebrated ^^ 
 maritime republic. 
 
 The Florentines however were in some measure compensated.-l 
 by a sudden and rapid declhie of power in the Tarlati |t 
 A.D.1335. ^jfpjgt^.^^^j^ij^Loj.^|g(,f^\i.cy^2o, This able, Warlike, and /*' 
 
 still barbarous race wcw obiiTs of tho ApciuiincH, and joining all 
 the liai-diment of a northern ancestry to Uic wily poUtics of^ 
 their own age and countiy, had under Piero Saccono brother of^ 
 the late bishop, not only maintained complete authority. ii 
 Arezzo but acquired the cities of Castcllo, Cagli, Borgo San Se-1 
 polcro, and their several territories. Piero had also driven Nerij 
 della Faggiola the son of Uguccione from his domams and dis-J 
 jK)ssessed the comits of Montcdoglio and Montefeltro of theirs rt 
 the bishop of Arezzo with all the family of Ubalduii had lastlj ' 
 yielded to his power, after which he crossed the Tuscan frontier.^ 
 and also made considerable acquisitions in La Marca and[ 
 Romagna. The Peniguins who claimed some right to Cagh andjj 
 Citta di Castello impatient of these rapid conquests gave, inj 
 conjunction with the lord of Cortona, tho command of a body ofl 
 troops to Neri della Faggiola who by means of secret intelligence^ 
 within, succeeded in captuiing Borgo San Sepolcro and soonj 
 afterwards its citadel which was defended by one of the Tarlati f 
 this was a heaNy blow to the reputation of Piero and no les3^> 
 pleasing to the Florentines, whose exclusive occupation in thej 
 wai-s of Lorabardy and Lucca was the principal cause of Piero,^ 
 Sacchone s unchecked exaltation. Presuming on success ancl] 
 
 ^'Bupposmg that Piero wouM hardly dare t.) show himself, the 
 h,Perugmns sent an anny to ravage the Aretine districts, but Tax- 
 :iati defeated them with great slaughter, devastated their coun- 
 ;try in return and insulted them by contemptuously hanging 
 1^ some Perugian prisoners within sight of that city. 
 - This act more than anything roused the public indignation • 
 a thousand German horse were immediately levied, Florence 
 ; without any solicitation despatched a hundred and fifty men-at- 
 parms to tlieir assistance, and in consequence < of the restless 
 ^8tate of Tuscany renewed her own alliance with Siena for ten 
 pars longer under still closer bonds of amity and mutual 
 "i^ assistance. 
 
 v_ Ailairs in Lombardy were still more unsettled: Orlando 
 Piero, and Mursilio dc' liossi of Parma despairing of a success' 
 |fal opposiuon to the league commenced secret negotiations 
 |mth Azzo Visconti about the cession of Parma and Lucca 
 -which on coming to light exasperated Mastino della Scala and 
 ►i alarmed the Florentines, to whom these cities had been respec- 
 |tiYely awarded: a meeting of the allies was therefore held at 
 ^^Lenci, where the mutual reproaches of those chiefs and Azzo's 
 .ietenmnaUon to follow up his o;vn objects nearly decomposed 
 ^ confederacy ; and would have done so had not the Floren- 
 ^.tme ambassadors; fearing if Visconti should get possession 
 -^.of Parma that Lucca would soon follow, exerted themselves 
 :; strenuously to effect a general reconciliation. The question was 
 *.finaUy left to their ^irbitration and having more confidence in 
 ^Mastmo than in their fonner enemy the friend of Castruccio, 
 they at a second conference on the banks of the Oglio decided 
 that Azzo Visconti was to have Piacenza and San Donnino • 
 and Parma to be awarded to Mastino della Scala : the Rossi on 
 hearing this immediately began to negotiate with Mastino 
 ^d the Florentmes were satisfied by his present assurance 
 ;of procunng for them the sovereignty of Lucca on reasonable 
 |erm8. The Ptossi in fact engaged themselves to persuade 
 
 '.VOL. I. 
 
 O 
 
V 
 
 562 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP, xviri.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 563 
 
 their brother Piero thou in possession of Lucca to suiTender 
 that city into the hands of Mastino, who continued deceiving 
 Florence \Nith empty promises of handing it over to her, or 
 else giving liis assistance to occupy it if physical force became 
 necessary *. 
 
 The consequence of these airangements was Alberto della 
 Scala's occupation of Parma in the month of June ; Reggie 
 soon after fell to the Veronese brothers by a separate treaty 
 with the lords of Fogliano, but was immediately given to 
 the Gonzaghi of Mantua according to iigrecment, the nominal 
 sovereignty still resting with the family of La Scala. Azzo 
 Visconti about the same period possessed himself of Piacenza 
 where after one serious revolt ho established his authority in 
 the following December; Lodi having submitted some time 
 before; and finally Modcna was reduced to a dependency of 
 Fen-ara. Thus every one of the confederate states accom- 
 plished its object e.xccpting Florence ; and henco her quarrel 
 with Mastino, her ultimate loss of Lucca, her long and expen. 
 sive wars in Lombardy, and tlie first serioas interference of 
 Venice as a continental power in the disputes of Italy. 
 
 Pisa at this time was as much displeased with the conduct of 
 Florence as the latter was with that of Mastino ; for the town 
 of Massa Marittima had been surprised by a Senese army 
 through negligence or infidelity in the Florentine governor 
 who held it for the Pisans under the guarantee of that repubhc: 
 they justly complained and the Florentines endeavoured to. 
 excuse themselves ; but as the transgressor escaped punish- 
 ment and Siena was allowed to maintain her conquest unmo- . 
 lested, the credit of Florence received a stain that was afterwards 
 deepened by her treatment of Perugia in the subsequent war 
 against Arezzo. With Florentuic assistance the Pci-ugians had 
 now regained the ascendant, had recovered Citta di Castello in 
 September, and reduced Pietro Saccono so low that the whole 
 
 ♦Gio. Villaui, Lib. xi., cap. xxx. and xxxi.—Scip. Ammirato, Lib.viii.,p. 398. 
 
 viscounty of Valdambra consisting of the towns of Bicino 
 Cemna, Galatrone, Eondine and La Torricella, all beloncring 
 to the Tarlati, voluntarOy tendered their allegiance on the'and 
 of November to the republic of Florence, in the expectation of 
 peace, and future protection from that powerful state *. • 
 
 This was an accession of strength and territory unusually 
 acquired, masmuch as it was unsought by ambition and un- 
 stained by blood ; but while the people were justly proud of 
 It, the thirst of power and the spirit of personal aggrandize- 
 ment so nfe at home presented a less satisfactory expression 
 of their patnotism and humanity. 
 
 Under the gonfalonier Cambio Sahiati a physician of great 
 emmence and well practised in his country's poUtics, it was 
 declared expedient to abolish the office of captains of the ^uard 
 who bemg citizens were perhaps not found quite so pliant as 
 expected ; and a decree passed to concentrate their authority m 
 the hands of a single foreign officer under the title of " Captain 
 of the auard and Conservator of the Peacer the governing 
 party, according to Villani, having been moved to this act by 
 a wish of strengthening themselves and maintaining at all 
 hazards the ascendancy of their own faction. This is one of 
 many examples exhibited in Florentine history of the singular 
 notions of Hbeity then prevalent : we see a democratic race 
 empowenng its rulers, during a time of profound tranquiUity, 
 to create an officer with a salaiy of 10,000 florins and so 
 strong a power that soaring, as it did above all law, pounced on 
 the unconscious prey without danger responsibHity or mercy ; a 
 power which strengthened by fifty men-at-arms and a hundred 
 foot-guards scared all good citizens and filled the community 
 with torture exHe and with death : there was here no form of 
 trial, and this man was as independent of every statute or 
 court of justice as he was irresponsible to any public authority 
 in the commonwealth. 
 
 * Leon. Aretino, Lib. vi.,p. IIS.-G. Villani, Lib. xi., caps, xxxv., xxxvii., xli. 
 
 o o '2 
 
 •r-H* 
 
364 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 565 
 
 Messer Jacopo Gabrielli d' Agobbio was the first who exer- 
 cised this formidable authority during a year of rapine cruelty 
 and blocd : he became like his predecessor of the same name 
 and comitry a willing tool of his employers and returned to 
 Agobbio like that kinsman filled with gold and crime, and 
 followed by one deep and universal curse. Yet in the face of 
 this dire experiment the office was continued for another year, 
 and Accorrimbono da Tolentino, a kinsman of Jacopo "s, who 
 had been previously known and was once esteemed in Florence, 
 succeeded to this extraordinary charge : but neither could he 
 resist the influence of faction nor the seductions of unlimited 
 power : his first acts were unexceptionable, but the people were 
 s<x>n driven to revolt against his oppression and venality, and u 
 decree was finallv made that no rector of Florence should for 
 ten years be chosen from the city of Agobbio or its territory. 
 
 A crying act of injustice against Pino della Tosa one of 
 the most eminent and popular citizens, completed the general 
 disgust : imivei'sal horror possessed the public mind and neither 
 intrigue nor persuasion could again induce the Florentines to 
 renew tliis odious and tvraunical office. It was indeed an autho- 
 rity without order law or justice : an authority which could 
 deprive any citizen of his life and property, and banish him from 
 Florence at the nod of a miscreant or the pleasure of a domi- 
 nant faction ; a faction whose object was to keep dowTi the citizens 
 by taking advantage of those sudden jets of unlimited con- '^ 
 fidence and .blindness to obvious consequences, that formed so 
 prominent a feature in the aspect of their domestic politics*. 
 
 Mastino della Scala, whose ambition grew with his growing for- 
 tunes, had already projected the establishment of liis own power 
 in Tuscany; wherefore by threats promises and even an attempt 
 on their lives, at last succeeded in forcing Lucca from the Rossi, 
 more especially from Piero who held it as a nominal vicar 
 of the Bohemian monarch, and surrendered it with reluctance ; 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. xxxix. 
 
 yet apparently remaining there in Mastino 's service. Florence 
 now fancied that her perseverance was about to be rewarded ; 
 but as she was only amused by courteous assurances, began to 
 suspect that such an acquisition would not be easily relinquished 
 by an able ambitious chieftain whose dominions already ex- 
 tended from the German frontier to the borders of Tuscany, 
 and whose aim was the subjugation of Italy. 
 
 During these transactions Pisa was far from quiet; the 
 democratic party under Count Fazio della Gherardesca governed 
 that republic ; the spirit of Guelph and Ghibeline had almost 
 disappeai-ed from the great mass of people only to be cherished 
 witli an increased hereditary rancour by the old and still 
 powerful aristocracy; hence there was a continual struggle 
 between the two classes. At the head of the nobles were 
 Benedetto and Ceo Maccaione de' Gualandi, the Lanfranchi 
 and others, who with assistance from Mastino had organised 
 a revolution and offered him tlie lordship of Pisa : the attempt 
 was bravely made, but after some desperate fighting without 
 receiving the expected succours mider Piero Piosso from Lucca, 
 the insm-gent nobles were defeated and most of that l»ody 
 driven from the town. Florence sent troops, although too late, 
 to the people's assistance, but the advance of Mastino's soldiers 
 under Piero to aid the revolution fully convinced that stato of 
 liis real intentions both with respect to themselves and Tuscany : 
 by a solemn embassy he was once more requested to deliver 
 Lucca into their hands, and when under divers pretexts he still 
 persisted in retaining possession,- they shortly offered to repay 
 every farthing it had cost him and thus allowed no place for 
 further subterfuge. Mastino purposely ran his charges up to 
 360,000 florins on the supposition that a demand so exor- 
 bitant would be absolutely rejected ; but to his astonishment 
 Florence agreed without hesitation to pay tliis excessive price 
 for a city which six years before had been repeatedly offered to 
 her, without a struggle, for about a fifth of the money, and inde- 
 
'! 
 
 566 
 
 FLORENTINE HI3T0RT. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 ,4rsc. CHAP.] OFFICIAL TITLES AND GOVERNMENT. 
 
 567 
 
 pendent of the cost of all the subsequent wars in attempting 
 to master it. 
 
 Thus taken by surprise Mastino boldly threw off the mask 
 and told the Florentine ambassadors that not being in want of 
 gold he would only exchange Lucca for their assistance, or at 
 least their neutraUty, in his proposed attick on Bologna ; which 
 he knew to be closely allied and almost identified with them. 
 His intentions were now suspected to be not only the imme- 
 diate conquest of that repul>lic, but also of Pisa and Romagna ; 
 all disunited by faction, and afterwards with the aid of Arezzo 
 to subdue Florence ; then convulsed by popolani and nobles 
 wliile groaning imder heav}' taxation ; and ultimately to invade 
 Naples and make himself king of Italy. He had been strongly 
 urged to this by Azzo Visconti, Spinetto Malespini, and other 
 (rhibelines who secretly fearing his power endeavoured to 
 engage him in hostilities with an enemy that would find him 
 immediate and sufficient employment both in Tuscany and 
 Lombardy. 
 
 Such was the state of things when Florence indignantly 
 ordered her ambassadors to refuse the offered conditions and 
 retire. " Go then," said Mastino haughtily, '* and bid your 
 " Florentines prepare ; for before the middle of May I will 
 " be at their gates with four thousand men-at-arms on horse- 
 " back."' And on the fourteenth of February 1336, even 
 before the ambassadors had arrived with this message, hostili- 
 ties were commenced in the Val-di-Nievole *. 
 
 f ■ 
 
 Gotemporary Monarchs. — England : Edward III. — Scotland : David II. — 
 France : Philip VI. of Valois. — Castile and Leon : Alphonso XI. — Aragon : 
 Alphonso IV. — Portugal : Alphonso IV. (During this king's reign private 
 warfare was forbidden and the nobles compelled to sue in the ordinary courts of 
 justice). — German Empire : Louis of Bavaria. — Naples: Robert (the Good). — 
 Sicily: Frederic II. (of Aragon). — Popes : John XXII. to 1334; Benedict 
 XII. — Greek Empire : Andronicus the younger. — Turkish Empire : Orkhan. 
 
 *Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. xl., xlii,, rato, Lib. viii., p. 401-403. — Sismondi, 
 xliv. — Istorie Pistolesi. — Leon. Are- vol. iv., p. 113. 
 tino. Lib. vi., p. 115. — Scip. Ammi- 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS CHAPTER. 
 
 XIIITH CENTURY. 
 
 In the foregoing pages we have seen Florence poor and 
 dependant but gradually shaldng off all foreign influence and 
 asserting her individual freedom; we have beheld her small 
 domain almost insensibly spread into a respectable state; and 
 while pei-petual fever rioted within we have witnessed a rapid 
 extension of outward authority, until she was able from fear or 
 friendship to unite in her cause all the warlike resources of 
 Tuscany. We have seen that this was achieved for the 
 most part by a self-governed nation of shop-keepers in its 
 strictest sense, and under an executive power formed generally 
 from the same materials ; and although it is not from official 
 tides that the excellence of any government can be estimated, we 
 must join with Sismondi in acknowledging that there is some- 
 thing noble in the choice of those by which the Florentine 
 ministers were designated. The names of justice, goodness, 
 and national industry, were all invoked to assist public ad- 
 ministration, and the commonwealth was ruled by a College of 
 Good-men, the Priors of Arts and the Gonfalonier of Justice *. 
 Such was the government of ancient Florence ; and if the 
 disaster of Monteaperto sprang from the same source it was 
 through diplomatic deception, and individual presumption an 
 error arising more from obstinacy, mortified pride, and the 
 
 * Sismondi, vol. iii., cap. xxiii., p. 98. Repub. Italiennes. 
 
56s 
 
 ARCHITECTURE. 
 
 [BOOii f! 
 
 insatiate love of glory than any deliberate judgment of th% 
 nation : but the same people who had so ably conducted their J 
 foreign affairs were no less attentive to the progress of domestic 
 improvement, of commerce, and civilisation, a slight account of* 
 which will be attempted in the present chapter. I 
 
 The public architecture of Florence probably commenced 
 about the year 1078 along with the second circuit of walls and 
 the general erection of those lofty towers which sening as 
 strong-holds for the noble and opulent gave a fiercer and more 
 decided character to civil war: at these early periods much 
 timber was used in the construction of private dwellings and 
 therefore by tumults or accident the town suffered from 
 frequent and extensive conflagrations. By these visitations 
 nearly all the city had perished in successive portions and 
 was more solidly reconstructed, each fire abating an ancient 
 nuisance ; confined and numerous dwellings were huddled 
 together in the centre of the town amongst markets and stalls 
 and storehouses, and choked by a dense population which was 
 crowded into a set of small chambers separated by wooden 
 partitions and timbered floors *. 
 
 The frequency of civil conflicts, the slackness of neighbourly 
 assistance, and even the very execution of justice, multiplied 
 the chances of such misfortunes, nor was it until the yeai* 
 1416 that any preventive laws or regulations were applied f. 
 The bridges of Florence seem to have been the first architec- 
 tural results of increasing commerce and refinement J, but long 
 
 * Cronichctta di Neri Strinati, p. 
 122. 
 
 + Almost all the Italian cities in the 
 eleventh and twelfth centuries had 
 their houses roofed with shingles (scin- 
 duk) or thatched with straw and reeds 
 and principally, if not entirely built 
 of timber : and although I have met 
 with no positive account of the Flo- 
 rentine houses being so roofed, yet as 
 such cities as Milan, Bologna, Pia- 
 
 cenza, Brescia, Modena, and Ferrara, 
 (the last as recently as 1288) were 
 so built it may be supposed that Flo- 
 rence, as she resembled them in her 
 conflagrations, also partook of the same 
 architectural character. ( Vide Mura- 
 tori Antich. Italicm.^ Dissert, xxi., 
 vol. ii". Florence, 8^» Ed. 
 X The Ponte alia Carraia was erected 
 in 1220, that of the Grazie or Ruba- 
 conte (so called from a podesta of that 
 
 
 y/LBC. CHAP.] 
 
 CHURCHES, ARCHITECTS. 
 
 569 
 
 A.D. 1148. 
 
 before this the architect Buono who was probably a Florentine, 
 assisted in the revival of a better taste of which an 
 example may be seen in the tower of Saint Mark 
 at Venice: afterwards came Fuccio who built the church of 
 St. Maria so])r' Anio and the more celebrated Castel _ 
 
 ^ . A.D. 1229. 
 
 deir Uovo at Naples; he was cotemporaiy with Lapo 
 who advised and superintended the paving of Florence *. The 
 streets had m most parts been previously laid with brick for 
 which small stones were now substituted and afterwards rect- 
 angulai' flags, the present polygonal form being of a much more 
 recent date and like its prototypes the so-called Cyclopean walls, 
 was most likely adopted to economise time, labour, and material. 
 It is doubted whether Lapo was a German or a Florentine 
 but probably the son of Cambio da Colle in Val d' Elsa ; he 
 however resided at Florence and built the church of San 
 Salvatore del Vescovado : liis son and scholar or fellow-student 
 Aniolpho far exceeded him in celebrity and has left still exist- 
 ing marks of his arcliitectural genius in the present ^ jj ^^^ 
 walls, the Palazzo Vecchio, the vast fabric of Santa ^ ^298. 
 Croce and the more finished and magnificent cathedral f. 
 About the same period lived the two lay brothers of Saint 
 Domenic ; Sisto and Ristoro ; who commenced the church of 
 Santa Maria Novella which Michael Angelo used to call his 
 " Sposa ;" but it was completed by Giovanni da Campi a third 
 brother of the same order. Another great and justly cele- 
 brated building of this age was the hospital of Santa Maria 
 Nuova erected at the expense of Falco Portinari a benevolent 
 
 name) in 1237, and the old bridge of that he was forbidden to do so ; hence 
 
 La Trinita 1252. the present irregular shape. " The 
 
 * Vasari, Vita d'Amolfo di Lapo, vol. Osservatorc Fiorentino" makes him 
 
 ii", p. 163. — Baldinucci, torn, i", p. 80. the architect of the present Bargello 
 
 t He wanted to build the Palazzo but this can hardly be, as it was con- 
 
 Vecchio in the form of a square, but structed in 1250, probably by his 
 
 this would have brought it on the master Lapo. — Luigi Biadi. " Edifici 
 
 same ground where the houses of the non terminati ^ — Ferd. del Miglorc. 
 
 Uberti once stood and the popular ^^ Firenze, IllusPy 
 hatred to that family was so intense 
 
 H 
 
570 
 
 HOSPITALS, CHARITIES. 
 
 [book^ 
 
 MIIC. CHAP.] 
 
 THE MISERICORDIA. 
 
 sri 
 
 Florentine the father of Dante's Beatrice : it was an act of 
 A.n.i287. ^^^^eficence that the fmgal manners of his country 
 enabled him to perform ; for except on rare occasions, 
 little expense was lavished on anything but horses, arms, and 
 war. Hospitals which, besides the present meaning of the 
 name, were in those days places of general hospitality, so 
 abounded in to^Ti and country' during the middle ages that it 
 appeai-s as if the whole social state were then divided into 
 "pilgrims, invalids, and hospital establishments"*. There 
 was scarcely a single rich convent or other ecclesiastical society 
 that had not something of the sort administered almost exclu- 
 sively by the clergy, and after the fall of Rome supported by 
 large and frequent acts of mdividual piety and beneficence • 
 the religious and charitable impulses sprang from their usual 
 source, strengthened perhaps by the unhappy condition of the 
 tmies ; but hospitality became absolutely necessarv • i an a^te 
 when war or religion had set half the worid in piL^ image to 
 Rome, Compostella, Palestme, or to some other of the various 
 shrmes that then attracted reverence from superstition. The 
 general insecurity was such that, except ir. to>vus, there were 
 few mns, so that the rich usually lodge 1 v-nth tlieii- friends 
 whHe the poor sought shelter in hospitals, which were com- 
 monly found m the wildest and most dangerous parts of the 
 country, at the fords of mpid rivers and the roughest passes of 
 the mountains. The hospital of La Scala at Siena fomided in 
 898, is one of the first of these establishments although some 
 were existing at a much earlier date, and a society of Augustine 
 monks, (the order generally deputed for such sen-ices) was 
 appomted as a college to take the management of similar 
 insatutions m foreign states: hence in 1316, the branch esta- 
 blishment of La Scala was erected at Florence and endowed 
 by the republic. The Misericordia, another institution spring- 
 ing from the same benevolent feelmgs is also due to the Flo- 
 
 * Osservatore Fiorentino. 
 
 f 
 
 routines of this epoch: founded in 1244, this society had for 
 its object the alleviation of human misery in its most helpless 
 form ; by night or day, in every season, in storm or sunshine, 
 mingling mdiscriminately ^ith common sickness and the most 
 consuming pestilence ; the members of this body formed then 
 as now of all ranks, from the sovereign downwards; were 
 bound to visit the sick and hurt and cany them to their own 
 house or to the hospital: to save disconsolate survivors the 
 distressing office of funerals ; to bear the poor and abandoned 
 dead, to their tombs ; and perform all those painful duties 
 which humanity dictates and man most wants when he is him- 
 self least able to perfonn them. This association soon became 
 rich but never idle, yet was suppressed in 14-25, to the great 
 regret of the people, and continued dormant for half a centur3^ 
 Its memory was cherished notwithstanding, and we are told 
 of a citizen who having stumbled on a dead body in the street 
 immediately tock it over his shoulders to the public palace and 
 throwing it down before the priors reproached them for the 
 folly of aboUshuig the Misericordia and then departed leaving 
 the corpse in the council-chamber. This liint, the indication 
 of both weakness and license, would appear to have answered 
 its intent for the Misericordia was almost immediately restored 
 to the wishes of a people who amidst all their own turbulence 
 and the ferocious character of the age seem to have nourished 
 much of the Idndlier feelings of nature ; and there must have 
 been periods of soft reaction when natural gentleness, re- 
 ligion, and even its mask, superstition, asserted their authority 
 and corrected if they did not balance the stormy temper of the 
 time* . 
 
 Years of misery and the rough contact of barbarian nations 
 had in fact shaken ancient Italian luxury into primitive rude- 
 ness while southern manners reacted on and softened the 
 northern conquerors: Malespmi's and Villani's accounts ol 
 
 » Muratori, Ant. Ital. Diss, xxxvii. — L'Osservatore FioreDtino, vol. ii', 
 p. 171, vol. iii°, p. 114. 
 
572 
 
 FLORENTINE CUSTOMS, DRESS, ETC. 
 
 [boo* I. 
 
 Florentine customs in the thirteenth ceuturv are almost the 
 only regular notice we have on tliis subject ; but amongst the 
 old poems and private chronicles a few particulars may be col- 
 lected, and more detailed accounts are extant of the customs of 
 other Italian states which reflect considerable light on those of 
 Florence. From the notion that a mercantile nation should 
 supply the wants of strangers without sharing that luxury it 
 creates, an extreme frugality of manners and simplicity of dress 
 were encouraged by the Florentines, and minutely prohibitive 
 laws in later times frequently but unsuccessfully promulgated. 
 Such laws may for a while check the first approaches of luxury 
 but never finally prevail against the growing desires of man : 
 yet the Florentmes preserved their simplicity for a long 
 time after the age we now treat of, and as late as 1467 at 
 the marriage of Niccolo Martelli, and on the arrival of the 
 Duke of Calabria, the same scanty unostentatious service of 
 plate as among the Romans of old was seen at each enter- 
 tauiment. The simplicity of Florentine manners in lvi60 
 described by Villani and Malespini, justifies a similar picture 
 as drawn by their great poet: *'Then," say these writers, 
 " the Florentuies lived soberly on the simplest food at little 
 axpense ; many of their customs were rough and rude and 
 both men and women went coarsely clad ; many even wearing 
 plain leather gai-ments without fur or lining : they wore boots 
 on their feet and caps on their head : the women used unoma- 
 mented buskins, and even the most distinguished were content 
 with a close gown of scarlet serge or camlet, confined by a 
 leathern waist-belt of the ancient fashion, and a hooded cloak 
 lined with miniver : and the poorer classes wore a coarse green 
 doth dress of the same form. A hundred lire was the common 
 dowry of a girl, and two and three hundred were then con- 
 sidered splendid fortimes : most young women waited imtil 
 they were twenty yeai's old and upwards before they married. 
 And such was the dress, and such the manners and simple 
 habits of the Florentines of that day ; but loyal in heart, faith- 
 
 Mi sc. CHAP.] 
 
 FLORENTINE LUXURY. 
 
 573 
 
 ful to each other, zealous and honest in the execution of public 
 duties ; and with their coarse and homely mode of life they 
 gained more virtue and honour for themselves and their countn- 
 than they who now live so delicately are able to accomplish *.' 
 
 Although this praise is probably coloured by the usual ima- 
 ginative excellence of bygone times, there seems good reason 
 to believe that luxury did not penetrate into Florence to the 
 same extent at the same epoch as it seems to have done at 
 Siena, Pisa, and in Lombardy after the termination of the thir- 
 teenth centur}-^ Tliose cities, such as Milan, \'enice, Padua, 
 Pisa, Genoa, and Lucca, which in consequence of favourable 
 mercantile positions or richness of soil naturally led the march of 
 civilisation, far exceeded the Florentines in refinement, and Pisa 
 even as late as the middle of the thirteenth century affected to 
 hold them in contempt as a parcel of wild mountameersj. 
 
 All accounts however agree in asserting that luxury aug- 
 mented rapidly after the commencement of the fourteenth cen- 
 tur}^ when the spread of commerce Avai' and foreign travel 
 brought with them increased riches, new wants, and deeper sen- 
 suality : Dante who was well acquainted with Italy joins in the 
 general outciy with all that i.roneness to exalt the merits of 
 the olden time whicli through every age has shown itself so 
 remarkably in the human heart, because men still retain the 
 vivid unpressions of youthful pleasures and confidence amidst 
 all the cai-es and sorrows and forced suspicions of our after- 
 life : yet Dante's lamentation, in its moral aspect, at least is 
 scarcely justified by the punishment to wliich he condemns 
 not only his great preceptor, but some of those also who were 
 considered the most virtuous of Florentine citizens§. 
 
 Nevertheless we may gather from all these relations that a cer- 
 tain homely style of domestic manners was more prevalent in Flo- 
 
 * Malespini, c:i[>. clxi.— Gio. Villani, § Muratori, An. Ital. Diss., xxv.— 
 
 Lib. vi., cap. Ixx. Dante, Inferno, Canto vi« ; Purgatorio, 
 
 t Dante, Pur^ , Canto xxiii. Canto xiv : Paiailiso, Canto xv«. 
 X Gio, Villani, cap. liii.. Lib. vi. 
 
/ 
 
 574 
 
 CELIBACY. PASTIMES. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 rence than amongst the surrounding nations through the whole 
 of the thirteenth century. Celibacy was not common because an 
 increasing commerce supphed the means of family subsistence ; 
 and the less so, because the turbulent character of those times 
 made a numerous progeny and powerful connexions of the last 
 importance : from this it would naturally follow that infidelity 
 and licentiousness were more rai-e tlian afterwards, when Boc- 
 caccio wrote, and when Florentine women were not ashamed to 
 read the Decameron. Yet concubinage, as we have seen, 
 augmented to such a degree m the latter part of the thirteenth 
 century that the most severe laws even to burning at the stake 
 were promulgated against it. The consequence of these manners 
 was populous clans all bearing the same name and generally 
 united both for good and e\'il. At a somewhat later period we 
 read, amongst other instances, of a ceitam Pier degli Albizzi who 
 ha\'ing five manied sons was on the occasion of a private feud 
 in 1355 enabled to assemble no less than thirty cousins and 
 nephews under arms. But notwithstanding all their mtestine jars 
 the Florentines seem to have been a cheerful festive race, fond 
 of mirth, attentive to business, and addicted to practical jokes, 
 with a quick wit and smartness of reply which gave their' oppo- 
 nents no advantage : they displayed much fancy and ingenuity 
 with considerable expense m pagetmts and festivals, and the 
 genius of their artists was successfully employed on every great 
 occasion: but their joyous temperament was much deadened by 
 the poison of the Bianchi and Neri factions, which as we have 
 seen, in the year 1300 spread through the community. Before 
 this says Villani " the citizens used to solace themselves with 
 continual repasts, social meetings and divers amusements ; the 
 city was in profound peace and a constantly increasing prospe- 
 rity enlivened the whole nation : each year m the beginning of 
 May gay companies of either sex were to be seen in all parts 
 of the metropohs with music dancing and pastimes." The 
 cool marble steps of the cathedral became a favourite resort 
 
 \ 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 MANNERS. CUSTOMS. TOWERS. 
 
 575 
 
 in the summer evenings after the piazza was enlarged and that 
 magnificent edifice completed ; and when dinners were given it 
 was a common custom, arising probably from the confined 
 apartments in towers and houses, to collect the guests together 
 in the public street before the house door previous to being sum- 
 moned to the guest-chamber, where after washing, they shared 
 the owner s hospitality. In these crowded dwellings ; divided 
 and subdivided by the partition of property between the chil- 
 dren of either sex, according to the ancient Lombard law on 
 allodial possessions ; the v»hole family resided ; some membei's 
 having only a single chamber and a small kitchen for their 
 individual portion : sometimes they lived separate, sometimes 
 together, with a common kitchen and a common hall where 
 round the blazing fire they assembled during winter even- 
 ings; but in summer time the " Loggia " was the great place 
 of social reunion and amusement* . 
 
 A family did not often separate until compelled by its 
 increasing numbers, when one of them either enlarged the house 
 or sold his share to those who remained, and then generally 
 settled in the neighbom-hood ; so that whole streets were fre- 
 quently filled with the same race and bore, and still bear the 
 family name. But besides the share of each individual there 
 seems to have been also a common purse made up, as it would 
 appear froin the rent of shops or warehouses, which paid the 
 expenses of repairs and alterations for the general goodf. 
 
 The lordship of " Loggia e Torre " or tower and portico was 
 an undoubted distinction of the very ancient nobility although 
 shared by some of the most powerful and opulent Popolani, 
 and extreme jealousy was shown by every member of the " Con- 
 sorteria'^l or family, to preserve their individual right to the 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. \nii., cap. xxxix. 
 — Marmi di Doni. — Fnin. Sacchetti, 
 Novel. 11. — Muratori, Ant. Ital. Diss, 
 xi. — Croniclietta di Neri Strinati,p. 4. 
 f Neri Strinati, Cronichetta. 
 :J: The " Coiisortena " did not always 
 
 mean blood-relationship : different 
 families often united together under a 
 common family name, which perhaps 
 belonged to neither, and thus asso- 
 ciated lived as natural kinsmen for 
 defence or offence. 
 
576 
 
 LOGGL\. MARRIAGE CEREMONTFS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 ancient tower of their race : extraordinary pains were taken to 
 divide it into just proportions and secure to each Ms particular 
 share by minute legal fomis and precise tlistinctions, all con- 
 firmed by public instruments and arranged with the solemnity 
 of a public treaty. By common consent one or two of the most 
 aged or respected of the family were chosen as chiefs and con- 
 servators of the general right over the tower as well as the 
 especial claim of each individual : the same care was extended 
 to the Loggia where all family meetings were held, public and 
 private affairs discussed, marriages settled, visits made and re- 
 ceived ; chess, draughts, and dice with other amusements car: 
 ried on in sight of the public, and many had an open space of 
 gromid in front of the Loj^ma where they exercised their 
 horses *. These lodges were held sacred, and it was the boast of 
 some families that no pubhc officer would dare to lay his hand 
 on any fugitive tliat had sought protection there : among such 
 the Adimari were conspicuous, and there was a common sa}ing 
 that no unworthy aUiance was ever made iu tlie Loggia of that 
 family f . 
 
 At their marriages the simple presentation of a ring consti- 
 tuted the solemn act of affiance ; and after the priestly benedic- 
 tion and the donation of the " Morgincap " the union was con- 
 sidered to be complete. The latter however formed a very 
 important part of the ceremony as it was given the morning after 
 marriage and endowed the bride with part of her husband's 
 possessions, sometimes even in fee-simple, as a mark of belief 
 and confidence, and a pledge of enduring affection : the custom 
 
 * Several of these Loggia yet exist, 
 and the names of many towers are 
 still preserved either traditionally or in 
 ancient documents ; such as La Bi- 
 gunciula of the Gcrardini — La Co'^- 
 tagna of the Badia (which in 128'2 
 was used as a residence by the Priors 
 of the Arts), Za Vacca of the Fora- 
 boschi, which still forms part of the 
 bell-tower of the Palazzo Vecchio — 
 
 The PvJcc of the Mncralotti, in the 
 Place of San Fircnze — La Pagliazza 
 — La Lancia, II Leone^ Lo Scaror- 
 faggio with many other? whose old 
 grey basements may still be detected 
 under the disfigurement of modern 
 plaster. They were all of cut stone 
 and from 230 to 250 fcot high. 
 f Toscuna, lUustrata, pp.74 and 31.5. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.J 
 
 MANNERS — CORTI BANDITE. 
 
 577 
 
 was of German origin but veiy early introduced amongst the 
 i^ lorentmes and preserved a long while *. 
 
 This assumed inviolabUity of Tower and Loggia could only 
 tmve existed prior to the great and final contest between the 
 citizens and nobility after the expulsion of the Duke of Athens 
 m 1J43 ; or more probably before the banishment of Giano 
 della liella. About the same period we are told that Florence 
 was happy ^^^d especially towards the year 1283 Giaohetto 
 Malespim hke Vilkni describes the city asabomiding in mirth 
 and testivity ; jugglers and buffoons and mountebanks of every 
 sort poured in from the Italian states to share the bomity of 
 lordly Florentines, who nevertheless lived frugally themselves 
 while they were hospitable and even generous to their guests. 
 ^ There were at this time in Florence more than three hundred 
 Cavaheri di Corredo ' and a multitude of gentlemen that 
 maintained an equal state with belted knights, kept many 
 horses and retainers, and appKed themselves to the acquirement 
 ot virtue and knowledge and courtesy ; and they did eat often 
 together of plain meats and lived in domestic famiharity with 
 each other and did not dress richly ; but at Easter they were 
 careful to give to the usual frequenters of courts and to jesters 
 various presents of dress and ornaments : and from many parts 
 oi Lombardy and other places and from every comer of Italy 
 came to the said Florence the said jesters to the said festivals 
 and they were warmly greeted." To these " Corti Bandite " 
 or open houses, so common and so celebrated amongst some of 
 the great lords of Italy, came multitudes of poets, musicians, 
 dancers, jesters, players, and charlatans of every sort ; all under 
 the generic name of " Uomlni di Carter who amused the great 
 night and day by the exercise of their various talents and made 
 themselves so acceptable that they never departed without 
 a considerable largess. 
 
 The custom of the age would allow of no great lords coming 
 
 VOL. T. 
 
 * Muratori, Antic. Ital. Diss. xx. 
 P P 
 
578 
 
 FOLGORE DA SAN GIMIGNANO's SONNETS [book i. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 CONTINUED. 
 
 579 
 
 
 to these entertainments without presenting some rich and 
 friendly offering to their host, and the splendid vestments so 
 acquired were generally transferred to these itinerants. On 
 occasions of great moment such gifts were often magnificent ; 
 fine horses, jewels, rich mantles, silver vases, and other pre- 
 sents were received and immediately made use of to reward the 
 minstrels and chai'latans whose number often amounted to 
 many hundreds. At the marriage of one of the Gonzaghi, 
 lords of Mantua, in 1340, hut more particulai'ly at that of 
 Lionel Duke of Clarence to Violante daughter of Galeazzo 
 Visconte of Milan (where the most sumptuous " Corte Bandita' 
 ever known in Italy was held for many days) presents were 
 given to no less than five hundred wandering poets, musicians, 
 dancers and jesters *. 
 
 We are also made acquainted with some of the fashionable 
 amusements m Tuscany by the writings of Folgore da San 
 Gimignano a poet of the year 1-260 who addresses a series of 
 somewhat satirical sonnets, one for each month, to a joyous 
 company of Senese gentlemen m which he pretends to instruct 
 them how they should pass their time in the most agreeable 
 manner amongst a people noted in that age for their epicurean 
 indulgences: these sonnets were parodied by Cene della 
 Citarra of Arezzo a contemporary poet who reverses the pic- 
 ture with some humour, and probably with some truth as 
 regards the habits of the poor. 
 
 The poet embodies his instructions in the form of a gift and 
 begmniug with the month of January gives his young friends 
 large fires in well ht rooms ; bed-chambers splendidly fur- 
 nished and beds with silken sheets and fur coverlets ; plenty of 
 confectionary; and attendants snugly clad in woollens and cloth 
 of Douay : they ai-e then to take the air and amuse themselves 
 
 * Muratori, Ant. Ital. Diss. xxix. sion see Corio, Historia di Milano, 
 For a minute account of the banquet Parte iii*, p. 239. 
 of eighteen courses given on this occa- 
 
 I I' 
 
 by throwing soft snowballs at the young ladies whom they 
 happen to meet in their walks, and when tired return to their 
 repose. 
 
 Dressed in short frocks and strong shoes and stockings, he 
 sends them in February to hunt the boar, deer, and wild goat, 
 with good dogs, full purses, and agreeable company : at night 
 they were to come merrily home to excellent wine a smoking 
 kitchen and a song. 
 
 In March their sports were to be changed to fishing for eels, 
 trout, and salmon ; or dolphin lamprey and sturgeon, with every 
 other land of fish, and painted boats and greater barks fit for 
 the roughest season : skilful revellers were to attend their will 
 in villas and palaces, and procure every delight that would make 
 time fly smoothly ; but without monk or priest. " Let those 
 crazy shavelings go and preach for they abound in lies," saith 
 the poet. 
 
 In April the scene changes to flowery fields, fountains, 
 young soft grass, and no discomforts ; but in their place fair 
 mules and paKreys and steeds from Spain, and the song and 
 the dance from Provence, and new instruments of music fresh 
 from Germany, and dames and damsels samitering along with 
 them tlu-ough beautiful gardens where all would honour them, 
 and bend the knee before their chief, to whom the poet offers a 
 crown of jewels the finest of those possessed by Prester John 
 tlie far-famed king of Babylonia. 
 
 May also was to bring them troops of light well-trained 
 horses, springy, spirited and swift ; with head and breast well 
 armed ; and tinkling bells, and banners, and rich trappings : 
 many-coloured mantles, light round shields and polished weapons, 
 and breaking of spears and shock of lances; flowers of every 
 hue, showers of garlands fluttering from balcony and casement 
 and flights of golden oranges tossed up in turn ; and youths 
 and maidens Idssing mouth and cheek, and discoursing of 
 happiness and love. 
 
 p p 2 
 
580 
 
 folgore's sonnets continued. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Their sojourn for the month of June is described in a beauti- 
 ful sonnet where he assigns them a fair hill covered with 
 pleasant shrubs, and thirty villas and twelve castles glimmering 
 about a small and pleasing city, in the centre of which spiings 
 a delightful foimtain that breaking into a thousand branches 
 and streamlets cuts gently through lawns and gardens refresh- 
 ing the short and tender herbage, while the orange the citron the 
 date the sweet lemon and every other saporific fmit embowered 
 the paths and roads, the natives lovmg and couileous to each 
 other and pleasmg to all the world *. 
 
 In July they are removed to Siena with full flasks of Treb- 
 biano and iced Vaiano winef ; and breakfasting and supping 
 together eat heartily of roasted partridge, young pheasants, 
 boiled capons, kids and jellies ; with veal and gariic ragouts for 
 those that liked them ; shmining exposure to the great heats, 
 dressing lightly, avoiding all worries, steady to their pleasures 
 and always having their table well supplied. 
 
 For their August dwellmgs he gives them thirty castles in a 
 mountain vale where no pestilential sea-wind blowing across 
 the marshes can penetrate, and where they will shine m serene 
 health like the stars of heaven : here a single mile should limit 
 their evening and morning rides between two small towns and 
 their return through cool valleys where a perennial stream 
 flowed smoothly and attractively as if leading them to their 
 noontide sleep, while their purse lay always open to provide 
 the best repasts in Tuscany. 
 
 The cooler month of September was to bring many amuse- 
 
 * Di Giugno dowi una montagnetta 
 Coverta di bellissimi arboscelli, 
 Con trenta ville e dodici castelli, 
 Che siano intornoad unacittadetta; 
 
 Che abbia nel mezzo una eua fontanetta, 
 E faccia millc rami e fumicelli, 
 Ferendo per giardiui e praticelli, 
 E rinfrescando la minuta erbetta. 
 
 Aranci, e cedri, dattili e lomie, 
 E tutte Taltrc frutte satorose, 
 Impergolate siano per le vie. 
 E le gente vi sian tutte amoroso, 
 E faccian\'isi tante cortcsie, 
 Ch'a tutto il mondo siano graziose. 
 (Poeti del Primo Secolo, vol. ii**, p. 
 
 177.) 
 
 + In the original it is " Li ghiaccivauiniy' which may be Uken either as 
 cold or ictd, according to the reader's taste. 
 
 t 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 fulgore's sonnets continued. 
 
 581 
 
 ments : hawks, hounds, falcons, decoy birds, gosshawks, game, 
 gloves, and setting dogs with bells : cross-bows well fitted and 
 true to their mark ; bullets, bows, arrows, bags, and fowls of 
 every kind fit for striking or the snare: each sportsman friendly 
 with his companions, taking eveiy joke in good humour and 
 hailing other hunters with open purse and smiling countenance. 
 
 The recommendation for October is to visit those that keep 
 a good stud, follow sports on foot or horseback, dance at night, 
 drink good wine, get tipsy ; " as in good truth there is no better 
 life." And after the morning's ablutions wine and roast meat 
 are once more an excellent medicine, for it would give them 
 spirits and " preserve them in better health than that of fishes 
 in a lake a river or the sea, because they would thus be lead- 
 ing a more Christian life." 
 
 In November the baths of Petriola were to be their station 
 with a large stock of money and comforts ; such as tin flasks, 
 silver cups, torches, flambeaus, confectionary and every other 
 kind of food : each was to drink, and solace his companions, 
 and all to comfort themselves with good fires, wines, pheasants, 
 partridges, doves, hares, kids, roast and boiled meats, Bologna 
 sausages, and appetites always ready : and when wind and 
 darkness and pouncing rain were altogether raging mthout; 
 why then ; they were only to make themselves the more com- 
 fortable within. 
 
 The last month of the year was to find them in some city of 
 the plain, established on the ground-floor with warm hangings, 
 blazing fires, lighted torches, benches and chess-tables; plenty 
 of food, and the dice-box in their hand. Large wine-casks, the 
 host a toper, all warmly clad in night-gowns great coats and 
 cloaks and fine capacious hoods ; then they might laugh at thft 
 miserable, mock the miserly, and hold no communication with 
 either. 
 
 Such we may suppose was the '* heau-ideal " of Senese 
 gentlemen's amusements in the thirteenth century, and it 
 
 '^f^'- 
 
j 
 
 do^ 
 
 SONNETS CONTINUED— CUSTOMS — FEUDS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 must be confessed that they were not ill chosen ; but though 
 Florence had probably not yet reached this point of luxury the 
 two communities were so closely connected that there must have 
 been a considerable degree of similarity in their manners. 
 
 This poet wrote seven other sonnets for the seven days of 
 the week in which certain occupations either usual or poetically 
 adapted to each day are enumerated and run nearly over the 
 some ground as the others. We learn from these that Simday 
 was the peculiar day of recreation for all ranks of Florentines. 
 Lords and citizens dames and damsels gave up that day to 
 pastimes : arms, dances, music and singing were to be heard 
 in every quarter, palaces and gardens were alive mth pleasure, 
 and the '* Armeggierie" or Moorish exercise of arms already 
 described, with other military accomplishments, were especially 
 practised : the whole community lived in public, and balls and 
 musical entertainments were enjoyed by all ranks in the open 
 streets either as spectators or performers *. 
 
 It was at one of these dances, as we have said, in the Place 
 of the Holy Trinity that the first open rupture took place 
 between the families of the Cerchi and Donati ; the second was 
 at a funeral meeting in the Piazza Frescobaldi at the opposite 
 side of the Amo, and in one of the tumults proceeding from 
 this event we have an example of that state of helpless inse- 
 curity which generally attended the vanquished when there ex- 
 isted a single enemy to take advantage of their weakness. Neri 
 Strinati in his family chronicle tells us that during the troubles 
 occasioned by Charles of Valois' fatal visit to Florence in 1301 
 the " Masnada " or followers of the Strinati s private enemies 
 belonging to the La Tosa family broke by night into their 
 dwelling plundering almost everything worth carrying off, and 
 they were only saved from worse usage by the sudden appear- 
 anco of a friend of both parties who with difficulty succeeded 
 in expelling the intruders : but the house was scarcely cleared 
 
 * Poeti del Primo Secolo, vol. u", Firenze, 1816. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] PEASANTRY — ITAIJAN MANNERS — DRESS. 583 
 
 when the " Masnada' of the Medici family came on a similar 
 errand and plundered the little that remained, tearing even the 
 clothes and bed-clothes away from men women and children, 
 and lea\4ng them thus naked and helpless, proceeded to their 
 other possessions, so that no less than three houses in town and 
 countr}^ were sacked or destroyed that night by these implacable 
 foes. Such were the customs of the great, but it would be 
 more satisfactory if we had data sufficient for a detailed account 
 of the condition of the Florentine peasantry, if such a race of 
 beings existed in the thirteenth century : it is not improbable 
 that an incipient class of freemen distinct from the " Servi'' 
 and ''Masnadierir a class which had the right of selling its 
 ovm labour, may about this time have been gradually forming ; 
 but whether it had augmented sufficiently to constitute any 
 considerable part of the rural population and what were its 
 habits and general condition, there appear to be few if any 
 means of judging correctly. Ricobaldo of Ferrara, a writer of 
 the thirteenth century quoted by Muratori, gives an account of 
 manners that can scarcely apply to any but the lower classes of 
 that state, more especially as ecclesiastical luxury had been 
 previously reprehended by San Damiano, and the gentlemen 
 were probably not much behind the priesthood either in ex- 
 ternal pomp or more sensual enjoyments. 
 
 In the times of this emperor, says Pdcobaldi speaking of 
 Frederic II. about the year 1234 ; the manners and customs of 
 the Italians were unpolished ; at supper man and wife eat from 
 the same dish and they did not use wooden trenchers at meals : 
 there were but one or two cups in a family : by night when at 
 supper they lighted the tables with lanterns or torches, one of 
 the servants or children holding the torch, for they had not the 
 convenience of wax or tallow candles. The men wore leathern 
 cloaks without ornament or woollen cloaks without fur, and 
 caps of " Pignolato''(^). The women gowns of the latter, and 
 they attended weddings even after they were married. At that 
 
584 
 
 MANNERS DRESS FURNITURE. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 time the dress of both sexes was mean ; of gold and silver they 
 had httle or none on their clothes ; their diet also was sparing ; 
 the common people fed on fresh meat three times a week 
 cooked with herbs for dinner, and at supper the remainder was 
 eaten cold. All did not use wine in the summer time ; there 
 were few wine-cellars : the rich kept for themselves but mode- 
 rate sums of money ; the granaries were not large ; they were 
 satisfied with storehouses ; the women married with slender 
 portions because their means were very spare. At home 
 maidens were content with a tmiic of '' Pignolato'' which was 
 called a " Sotanus " or cassock and with a linen robe named 
 " Xoccam." The head-dress for maids or matrons was not 
 costly ; the married bound their temples and cheeks with broad 
 ribands. The pride of the men then consisted in fine horses 
 and arms ; the pride of the rich nobility was to have towers, 
 and at that time all the Italian cities had a noble appearance 
 from their nmnerous towers." 
 
 This however does not enturely agree with Saint Damiano's 
 reproof to the bishops and cardinals whom he accuses of a 
 thirst for wealth in order that " Indian perfumes may scent the 
 lofty vases at their feasts ; that a thousand wines may grow 
 yellow m their cr}^stanine vessels ; that wherever they come their 
 bed-chambers may be covered with curiously wTought and ad- 
 mirably woven hangings ready at hand ; and thus also they 
 conceal the walls of the churches from the eyes of the specta- 
 tors during the performance of funerals : they spread the seats 
 with tapestry bearing strange pictures, and they fix rich hang- 
 ings to the ceilings lest any decayed part should fall. Then a 
 crowd of attendants stand around, some of whom reverently 
 assist their lord and, Hke watchers of the stars, regard his nod 
 with exceedmg inquisitive observation lest by chance he should 
 command anything." " It is considered madness," he after- 
 ward,; says, " and is not unlike it, when a bed is sculptured with 
 such prodigious cost as to exceed the endowment of any holy 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 SPLENDOUR LUXURY FOOD. 
 
 585 
 
 shrine, even the apostolic altar itself: and notwithstanding that 
 sobriety should grace the priesthood they are now become 
 gluttons from wealth. The royal purple is even despised 
 because it is but a single colour; coverlets dyed with various 
 brightness are esteemed for the decoration of the lofty bed, and 
 as native garments might seem foul they delight in the furs of 
 other countries because they are purchased at an exorbitant 
 price ; and thus the spoils of both sheep and lambs are despised 
 for those of ermines sables martens and foxes. It would be 
 u-ksome to add the remainder of their vanity ; absurdities to be 
 groaned over not laughed at ; and it is painful to enumerate 
 the consequences of such ambition and prodigious folly : the 
 very Papal mitres defiled in various parts with glittering gems 
 and golden plates, and the horses while they pace swiftly with 
 arched necks, fatigue by their untamed fierceness the hands of 
 those who hold the reins. I omit the rings set with great 
 pearis and the wands, not glittering only but buried in gems 
 and gold ; certainly I never remember to have seen even pon- 
 tifical staves so covered with a blaze of radiant metal as were 
 those carried by the bishops Frauensi and Esculano"*. 
 
 Several writers of the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries 
 describe the luxuries of those times ; but as such habits are 
 merely comparative, the luxuries of the grandsire being the 
 necessaries of the grandson, it is only when particulars are 
 given that any judgment can be formed, and a few such 
 particulars may be found in the relation of a dispute which 
 happened in the year 1149 between the canons of Saint 
 Ambrose at Milan and the monks of their order, about the 
 dinners to which they were entitled when they dined with 
 the abbot. 
 
 The canons claimed the right of having nine different kmds 
 of meat m three courses : " First cold fowls, ' gambas de 
 Vino\?) and cold pork: in the second course stuffed ^)wls, 
 
 • Muratori, Ant. Ital., Dissert, xxiii. 
 
586 
 
 ROMAN LUXURY FRENCH CUSTOMS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] FLORENTINE LUXURY INCREASE — TRADE. 
 
 587 
 
 beef with pepper, and * Turtellam de Lavezolo ' (?). Thirdly 
 roast fowls, loins of meat with bread, and little stuffed pigs." 
 
 At Rome luxiuy is supposed never to have been entirely 
 extinguished and the reception of Conradiue m T^OB was an 
 occasion for exhibiting it with advantage. Saba Malespini as 
 quoted by Muratori tells us " that a varied dress, of different 
 colours and sumptuous materials, worn over the armour distin- 
 guished the troops of attendants : Choruses of female musicians 
 performed in concert within the city on cymbals, dmms, 
 trumpets, violins, and every sort of musical instrument ; and 
 as it is the delight of luxury to display its abundance of pre- 
 cious articles, ropes were stretched across the street in the guise 
 of arches from house to house, and decorated, not with laurel, 
 not with branches, but with rare drapery and various furs ; 
 girdles, bracelets, fringes, strings of costly rings ; diadems, 
 buckles, clasps, necklaces of sparklmg gems, silken bags, woven 
 coverlets, linen fabrics, purple hangings, curtains, tablecloths, 
 and fine linen interwoven throughout with silk and gold : veils 
 knotted together, and gilded mantles which skilful artists 
 both native and foreign had worked up with rare and costly 
 materials"*. 
 
 This sort of magnificence so nearly allied to luxur5% was 
 probably confined to the great cities, and more especially to 
 Rome where the riches of an aggregated priesthood and the 
 peculiar pomp of the reUgious ceremonies combined to promote 
 it ; but the general tastes and customs of Italy are supix)sed to 
 have undergone considerable alteration by the introduction of 
 French customs after the conquest of the two Sicilies by 
 Charles of Anjou : he was soon followed by many thousands of 
 his countrymen brmging with them the airiness of French 
 manners and the splendour of the court of Provence, which 
 were first admired and then imitated by the Itahans. 
 
 The entry of this prince and his consort Beatrice into 
 
 • Saba Malespini, apud Muratori, Ant. Ital., Diss, xxiii. 
 
 
 
 Naples m 1266 delighted the natives with its magnificence ' 
 " Four hundred French cavaliers well clothed, in surcoats and 
 plumes, and a fine company of Frisons also dressed in hand- 
 some liveries, and more than sixty French lords with golden 
 chains around their necks, and the queen in a chariot covered 
 with blue velvet and sprinkled within and without all over with 
 golden lilies so that in my life I never saw a finer sight"*. 
 
 The close connexion between Charles of Anjou and the 
 Florentines must have greatly assisted in shaking their primi- 
 tive customs, and with the influence of increasmg riches, also in 
 laying the foundation of future luxury, so that they too were 
 included in the general prohibition of Gregory X. by the 
 authority of the Council of Lyon, which checked the excessive 
 indulgence of female vanity in dress throughout all Christen- 
 dom ; and again in 1299 the Florentme government itself was 
 compelled to publish a similar edict f. 
 
 This growing luxury was one of the effects of their rapid 
 extension of domestic industry and foreign commerce ; for the 
 Florentines being at first confined to a narrow territory traffic 
 were restricted to the exchange of a few superfluous necessaries 
 for the moderate comforts their fmgal habits required ; but in 
 the twelfth century their views began to enlarge with their new- 
 fledged liberty, and an augmented population engendered fresh 
 desires, industry^ and commerce. 
 
 The progress of trade will always have a certain relation to 
 the condition of surrounding nations, near or distant ; it therefore 
 became impossible that encircled as she was by such cities as 
 Siena, Lucca, Pisa, Genoa and others, Florence could remain 
 for a moment stationary after her freedom and independence 
 were confirmed : we accordingly perceive in her early history 
 occasional indications of that attention to foreign trade which 
 gathered so much strength in after times. Thus in 1135 she 
 
 * Ancient Journal cited by Muratori, f Malespini, cap. cxcix. — S. Ammi- 
 Ant. Ital., Disa. xxiii. rato, Lib. iv. 
 
 .*l.. 
 
I< 
 
 588 
 
 MERCANTILE CIL^RACTER OF FLORENTINES. [book I. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 TRADE AND POLITICS RANK. 
 
 589 
 
 humbled the Buondelmonti, then powerful lords of Monte- 
 buono for their treatment of Florentine mercliants ; in 1171 
 she signed a commercial treaty ^\^th the rich and flourishing 
 city of Pisa ; in 1101 she became a powerful member of the 
 Tuscan league ; in l?i01 she concluded a treaty with the Ubal- 
 dini, lords of the Mugello for the safe conduct of merchandise 
 into Lombardy, and in 1^81 a similar convention ^vith Genoa. 
 In the following year treaties with Siena, Lucca, Pmto and 
 Pistoia succeeded, by which all tolls and duties on goods and 
 persons were reciprocally renounced. 
 
 These acts indicate a considerable expansion of mind and 
 domestic industry, an industry not springing from the land, 
 which was neither rich in quality nor great in surface, but 
 because the natural faculties and activity of the people had been 
 left unfettered by the establishment of free institutions, because 
 they were not as yet contaminated by luxuiy, and were to a 
 certain degree dependant on strangers for those necessaries 
 which a small territory denied to an increasing population. 
 
 The mercantile character of the Florentines in the thirteenth 
 centmy appears to have resembled that of tlie Dutch in their 
 most prosperous days and was the cause of similar effects ; 
 they produced much and consumed little ; administered to the 
 luxury of strangers and repressed their own, and the result 
 was public riches and prosperity, perhaps virtue, according to 
 the spirit of the age. Their form of government was particu- 
 larly favourable to commerce, and the early belief in a super- 
 natural destination to mercantile affairs because the city was 
 founded under the influence of Aries, may have somewhat 
 assisted in producing it. 
 
 We have seen that in very early times the citizens were 
 divided into a certain number of '* Arts " or trades from which 
 all public functionaries were eventually drawn even to the 
 supreme governors of the country ; it was an apiar}^ without 
 drones, for the nobles were ultimately compelled to enrol them- 
 
 i 
 
 selves amongst tradesmen as their only way to public honours*. 
 Trade thus presenting the single medium for attaining political 
 power all minds were naturally directed towards it, perhaps 
 even without any previous inclination or peculiar desire of gain ; 
 and in this manner political ambition became subservient to 
 national industry and commercial enterprise. The great energy 
 of Florentines soon carried them far away from their home 
 to seek a livelihood m foreign countries and finally return with 
 independence ; in this way there was scarcely a region in the 
 world left unexplored by their acti\4ty, and every^vhere and in 
 every station they made themselves useful if not necessary, 
 besides improving their native country by the introduction of 
 all that was likely to be serviceable in the customs of strangers. 
 This love of enterprise soon became general and an acute 
 mercantile spirit peiTaded all ranks of society to such a degree 
 that he who was not a trader, or who had not made a fortune 
 in foreign parts, had little consideration at Florence. Commerce 
 thus became a second nature, few speculations were neglected, 
 and as the merchants personally conducted their own adven- 
 tures a race of quick intelligent citizens grew up who were 
 perfectly acquainted with the necessities, power, and resources 
 of foreign nations and generally with the leading men of each, 
 both Chiistian and infidel : and as the rank of a Florentine 
 citizen was considered noble and sufficient for admission to any 
 order of knighthood, so whether merchant or not, was he a fit 
 companion for the highest personages of other states. But 
 these identical merchants being also the cliief inilers and 
 ambassadors of the republic they carried such a mass of useful 
 knowledge into the state government and public assemblies 
 as gave them considerable advantages in their foreign political 
 relations ; and there being no permanent embassies the frequent 
 
 * Like London, the citizens of Flo- " An haberdasher and a carpenter, 
 rence were all members of a guild, and A weaver, dyer, and a tapiser, 
 generally of a lay religious society, as Were all y clothed in one livery 
 Chaucer says, — Of a solemn and great fi-atemity." 
 
590 
 
 COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS — BANKRUPTS — FOOD, [book i. 
 
 change of diplomatic missions increased this knowledge ; more 
 especially as it was the custom of ambassadors particularly the 
 Venetian, to send home detailed relations of the power, re- 
 sources objects and peculiar policy of the several courts* 
 Thus from youth upward were this people formed to intellec- 
 tual activity and liberality of sentimfent by a constant inter- 
 course with all nations, ranks, and professions, while some of 
 their neighbours with a richer soil and less necessary labour 
 followed a slower and less brilliant course ; and therefore when 
 war came, with all its cost misery and exhaustion, the value of 
 Florentine industry also became apparent and witli it her 
 national ascendancy f. 
 
 Numerous regulations beneficial or pernicious, ludicrous or 
 severe, were compiled and published from time to time for the 
 purpose of securing freedom of action and commercial probity : 
 by these the arrest of any merchant was prohibited on the 
 exchange during the time of business and for three hours after ; 
 and bankrupts, besides the legal penalties by which they and 
 their male descendants were deprived of all public honours and 
 employment and almost considered enemies of the state : were 
 further condemned to have their bare posteriors bumped on a 
 circular stone of black and white marble still existing mider the 
 arcade of the Mercato Nuovo of Florence. Even the mischievous 
 establishments of the " Grascia " and '* Abbondanza " were 
 directed with more plausibility than forecast to the success of 
 trade, and created the scarcities they were intended to prevent; 
 for agricultural produce was insecure fi'om frequent wars, and 
 larger profits were more safely drawn from commerce and 
 manufactures ; thence it became an object to keep down the 
 price of food so as to undersell all competitors by the low rate 
 of Florentine labour ; and here may be sought, if not the origin 
 
 * Their accurate knowledge of the Virtu, and first Duke of Milan, 
 
 resources of foreign nations will be "f" Goro Dati Istoria de Firenze, Lib. 
 
 hereafter seen in the relation of their iv., p. 56. — Pagnini della Decima, torn. 
 
 war with Gian-Galeazzo, Count of ii^. 
 
 Ij 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] SILK AND WOOL TRADES — PADRI UMILIATI. 591 
 
 of tliose victualling offices, which was of high antiquity, at least 
 the reason of that blind support of them and their fallacious 
 principles until the days of Leopold*. 
 
 The early progress and organised system of trade and manu- 
 factures in the Florentine republic may be gathered from various 
 public treaties in which the " Consuls of the Arts " are named 
 and officially employed; but more especially from a public 
 instrument executed in 1204 where besides the banking trade, 
 which was perhaps the most lucrative as well as one of the 
 earliest sources of Florentine wealth, we find the judges and 
 notaries ; the " Calemala di Panni Franceschi " or foreign cloth 
 merchants ; the citv retail traders ; and the silk and wool 
 trades. Althoudi the two last not only existed, but at this 
 time were regularly organised branches of trade and govern- 
 ment, they were both so much improved by two subsequent 
 events as to cause some mistakes about the real date of their 
 introduction : the first was the arrival of the Lucchese emi- 
 grants after the plunder of their city by Ugguccione da Faggiola 
 in 1314 which gave new spirit to the silk trade ; the second by 
 the establishment of the Padri Umiliati in 1239, or according 
 to Richain 120Gf. 
 
 Many Lombards, especially Milanese, were banished to 
 Gennany in 1014 by the emperor Henry the Fu*st, and in 
 order to subsist they united and formed a society under the 
 lowly appellation of the " Umiliati " in allusion to their imhappy 
 condition; professing to live by their own labour they applied 
 themselves to various arts but particularly to the manufacture 
 of wool, and on their return to Italy in 1019 still held together 
 under their cliief or " minister,'' Afterwards, instead of peri- 
 odical meetings in a common hall they permanently united in 
 convents to continue their occupation. Until 1140 they were 
 
 * The nature of these offices w^ill be p. 64. 
 
 more fully treated of in the reign of + Padre Richa, Notizie Istoriche delle 
 
 Pietro Leopoldo. Ferd. di Migliore, Chiese Florentine, torn, iv., p. 253, 
 
 Firenze lUustrata, Lib. i°, Parte iii% (Chusa Oguisanti). 
 
592 
 
 PADRI UMILL\TI WOOL TRADE. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 all laymen but afterwards became a religious society whose 
 priests instead of working themselves superintended the labour 
 of others under a president called " // Mercatore," and assumed 
 a lamb as their badge, which was subsequently adopted by the 
 wool-trade of Florence. Innocent III. confirmed the order, and 
 they acquired great riches as well as employment from various 
 governments for their kno^vn zeal and honesty in places of 
 great trust : thus did they preside over the weights and measures 
 of Cremona ; were attached to the Italian armies as commissa- 
 ries for the payment and subsistence of the troops, and became 
 treasurers of the Florentine republic : they produced preachers, 
 authors, and poets, and having finally reached their meridian, 
 began like all mundane institutions to decline. Their religion 
 and industiy gi*adually melted into liLxuiy and idleness ; crime 
 followed, and finally even their protector Cardinal Borromeo 
 nearly fell a \ictim to their vengeance in his endeavours to 
 reform them: this was the signal of suppression, which by 
 command of Pius V. took place in 1571 after several centuries 
 of useful labour : dming which, by admitting artists of every 
 country into the society they collected all the skill and profes- 
 sional experience of the age and mainly contributed to the 
 commercial prosperity of Florence, which aware of their 
 importance gave them ever}^ possible encouragement : they 
 first settled at San Donato close by the town, but afterwards 
 came nearer, and in 1:259 established themselves on the spot, 
 (then without the walls) where now stands the convent of Santa 
 Cateiina d'Ognissanti which they built, and were in common 
 with all foreign artificei-s, exempted from taxation -i-. 
 
 But the Florentines were not satisfied with what they had 
 learned fi'om the Umiliati and soon became famous beyond 
 other nations m every branch of the art, particulai-ly in the 
 
 • Pignotti, Stor. della Toscana, vol. ii. — Padre Richa, Notizie Istoriche 
 iv., Saggio iii., p. lij; note from Tira- dcUe Chiese Fiorentine, torn, iv., p. 
 boscLi. — Pagnini, Delia Decima, torn. 233. (Chusa Ognissanti.) 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 WOOL-TRADE AND ITS BRANCHES. 
 
 593 
 
 brilliancy of their colours ; the demand for their home manu- 
 facture soon exceeded the supply and induced them to purchase 
 rough undressed materials from English, French, and Flemish 
 looms as well as to estabhsh Florentine workmen in those 
 countries. The cloth thus imported underwent the process of 
 shearing, scouring and folding, but more especially dyeing, in 
 the Florentine workshops and recrossed the Alps to be sold at 
 an enormous profit. This system continued until Heniy VII. 
 of England prohibited the exportation of unshoni cloths and 
 even restrained the Italian manufactures in his Idngdom, for 
 he granted this privilege to few besides Lorenzo and Giuliano 
 of Medicis *. 
 
 The dyers foimed a body of tradesmen dependent on the 
 wool company, and sureties for good behaviour to the amount 
 of 300 florins were required from every member: to pre- 
 vent fraud the cloths were placed under the inspection of 
 experienced manufacturers called the " Ojficers of Stains and 
 Blemishes;' and on the detection of false colours all offenders 
 were denounced as cheats and expelled from the trade. The 
 game of chess was allowed to be played, but all gambling 
 strictly prohibited in every shop and warehouse belonging to 
 the wool trade, and its integrity was, at least nominally, secured 
 by a minute network of regulations all directed to insure honest 
 dealing and a perfection of manufactm-e calculated to pro- 
 mote its celebrity amongst foreigners. 
 
 For the finest cloths the wools of Spain and Portugal were 
 imported; England, France, Majorca, and Barbary supplied 
 the second quality, and Italian sheep yielded the coarsest Idnd. 
 On those foreign supplies therefore almost all the domestic 
 manufacture rested, but the foundation was precarious, for the 
 moment those nations began to manufacture at home the 
 supply diminished and Florence commenced her decline. 
 Dazzled by present profits, the blindest commercial act of the 
 
 * Pagniai, Delia Decima, vol. ii^jSezione iii" and Iv^, pp. 71, 94, 104. 
 VOL. I. y Q 
 
594 
 
 TRADE WITH ENGLAND — FRANCE FLANDERS. [book i. 
 
 Florentines was the establishment of manufactories in England, 
 France, and the Netherlands ; for just so many schools of native 
 industry were thus established and awakened the trading spirit 
 of those countries; yet the old Florentines used to ridicule the 
 simplicity of our ancestors for allowing these large profits to be 
 made by strangers in their country, forgetting the valuable 
 knowledge which they left in exchange but apparently not 
 blind to its future reaction on their own prosperity *. 
 
 That this direct trade with England began very early 
 may be conjectured from the existence of the " Calimala " 
 as a corporate body in 1'204, and that it was in activity in 
 1284 is proved by a letter still extant dated London Saturday 
 the sixth of January in that year (or 1293 by our computation) 
 written by Simone Gherardi of the company of Tommaso Ispig- 
 liati Gherardi and Lapo Ughi Sphii which informs liis partners 
 of the various contracts for wool that he had concluded with a 
 number of English convents, but the names of most of them 
 are hard to identify. 
 
 That branch of the wool trade which under the name of 
 " Calimala " or vendors of French cloth, comprehended all 
 Transalpine fabrics of this material, was quite distinct from the 
 domestic manufacture f : the merchants of the " Calimala " 
 were not allowed to traffic in Cisalpine cloths of any descrip- 
 tion, but a part of their busmess was to dye and finish up the 
 rough commodity to the highest state of perfection or in a 
 manner most suitable to the taste of the different markets ; a 
 point much studied by the Florentines. Some of these cloths 
 were the manufacture of France, some of England, others of Bra- 
 bant, and some also came from the Florentine looms working 
 
 11., 
 
 ■" or" Ca/i'- 
 
 * Pagnini, Delia Decima, vol. 
 
 Sezione iv*. 
 
 f The name " Calimala' 
 
 mara,'' is said to be derived from the 
 
 Latin '* Calls Mains''^ qwisivia Mala 
 
 or bad way, because the street so called 
 
 led to the ancient place of execution 
 
 on the site of the present " Ghetto"'' or 
 
 Jews' quarter at Florence. Villani 
 calls this street also " Via Frarir 
 cesca " or French street because the 
 shops belonging to this trade were 
 here situated and forbidden elsewhere. 
 {Vide Osservatore Fiorentino, vol. 
 iv., p. 124.) 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 BALDUCCI AND UZZANO LAWS. 
 
 595 
 
 in all those countries, imported by way of Paris Avignon 
 Marseilles Nice Germany and Lombardy ; in the memoirs of 
 Francesco Balducci and Niccolo da Uzzdno the principal 
 situations of these woollen manufacjtures and markets in the 
 fourteenth and fifteenth centuries are mentioned, and the 
 goods described as being made up into bales containing from 
 ten to thirteen pieces wrapped in felt and double packing-cloths 
 for transmission to Florence. There after strict examination 
 by a committee of the trade and due preparation for new 
 markets, the device of the " Calimala " (an eagle holding a 
 bale of cloth) was stamped on both ends of the piece, which 
 thus increased in value, was disposed of not only in Italy, but 
 sent again beyond the Alps and resold to the original producers 
 as already mentioned. 
 
 Severe laws governed these trades ; a rigid inquisition was 
 established into the colour and quahty of the dyes, the prices 
 fixed, the importers forbidden to combine for the purpose of 
 raising it, and no dyeing materials were allowed to come through 
 any other channel. But a commerce founded on the ignorance 
 of surrounding nations in a progressive state of civilisation 
 could not last, and the Florentines themselves unconsciously 
 accelerated its decay : for when their sphere of action became more 
 extended they could no longer terminate their trading missions or 
 voyages within the year and therefore sought for some central 
 position as a depot : they found it in Flanders and especially at 
 Bruges which places concentrated their commerce with Germany 
 France and England and became the principal focus of trade in 
 the west of Europe. This stimulated the Flemings who pro- 
 fiting by the occasion soon learned to supply their own wants 
 from their own resources ; they became manufacturers and ex- 
 poiters, and were soon followed by the English : thus the chief 
 nourishment of Florentme industry, the raw material and unfi- 
 nished cloth, was withheld ; and this lucrative trade after sus- 
 taining itself until the beginning of the sixteenth century de- 
 
 Q Q 2 
 
596 
 
 SILK TRADE — ITS INTBODUCTION ITS LAWS. [book I. 
 
 cliued with the declining repubhc and almost expired under 
 the monarchy *. 
 
 With more passive times a softer art began to flourish and 
 the silk manufacture seemed to gather fresh spirit from the 
 decay of the wool-trade ; for government perceiving the in- 
 evitable fate of the latter lost no time in giving encouragement 
 to the former. Until the twelfth century Greece alone of all 
 Christendom was acquauited with, and made the silkworm sub- 
 ser\4ent to human wants or fancy : the Arabs had however 
 already introduced both the art and insect into Spain, and this 
 manufacture flourished at Lisbon and Almeria long before its 
 appearance in Italy. From Spain it might have come to Genoa 
 during tlie expeditions of that city against the Saracens, but 
 there is a general belief that it entered Tuscany direct from 
 Palermo where Count Roger the Second introduced it about 
 the year 1147 or 114^, after plundering Corfu, Cephalonia, 
 Corinth, Thebes, Athens, and other places. Amongst his 
 numerous captives were many silk-workers whose value he so 
 well understood that he excepted them, both male and female, 
 in a subsequent negotiation for the restitution of prisoners and 
 settled them permanently in the royal palace of Palermo f. 
 
 The period when this trade became one of the established 
 corporations of Florence is also uncertain ; public dociunents 
 prove its existence there in 1204 either as ;i manufacture or an 
 article of regular traffic, but ceitainly as the former in 1225 
 although the raw material still continued to be imported during 
 the whole of the fifteenth centurj', because the worm had not 
 then been generally introduced |. 
 
 The laws and regulations for this art were similar in their 
 objects and equally minute with those of the wool- trade : by 
 one of these, all member of the company connected by 
 
 * Pagnini, torn. ii°, Sezione vi. — 
 Delia Decima, p. 143. 
 + Denina Rivol. d'ltalia, vol. ii", p. 
 528, who cites Otho of Fresingen. — 
 
 Muratori, Annali, and Antichta Ita- 
 liane. Diss. xxv. 
 
 X. Pagnini, Delia Decima, torn, ii®, 
 Sezione v., cap. i. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] BANKING TKADE ORIGIN OF BILLS OF EXCHANGE. 597 
 
 family ties were compelled to submit to a compromise before 
 Its tribunals in every dispute between them ; and by another 
 no silk-manufacturer could quit the country without a license ; 
 but their jealousy of Lucca which had been their mistress iii 
 the art, was manifested at a later period by a prohibition 
 agamst any dealmgs in silk with that republic. Duiing the 
 whole of the thirteenth century the silk manufacture of Flo- 
 rence seems not to have made any progress comparable to that 
 of the wool-trade; the early competition of Lucca Genoa and 
 other states probably impeded it ; but the -Arte del Camhio " 
 or money trade in which Florence shone pre-eminent soon 
 made her bankers known and almost necessar}^ to all Europe. 
 
 Some have supposed that bills of exchange were invented by 
 the Jews during their persecution in France and England about 
 the twelfth century, whHe others assert that the Florentine 
 exiles devised this mode in the following age to save a portion 
 of their estates from party vengeance : but where commerce 
 had taken such root as to require a permanent resident in 
 foreign countries for the superintendence of mercantile affairs, 
 it seems hkely as a natural consequence of trade that lettei-s of 
 exchange would have been invented without the goad of perse- 
 cution. As the Jews therefore were probal)ly the first traders 
 who in consequence of their dispersion maintained such a con- 
 nexion between foreign states and had need of secrecy, it is 
 more than probable that they were the first to make use of this 
 universal medium of circulation. 
 
 Confined within a narrow temtoiy unequal to their wants, 
 with a growing population, and increasing commerce and in- 
 dustry, the Florentines were compelled to find new sources of 
 living beyond the confines ; frugal habits surpassing those of sur- 
 rounding nations rendered their profits more than sufficient to 
 supply their moderate necessities ere they were augmented by 
 increasing riches, and an expanding commerce very soon 
 opened more easy roads for the employment of surplus capital. 
 
593 
 
 DEMAND FOR FLORENTINES THEIR RICHES. [book i. 
 
 The banking trade was therefore very early established, and 
 the sharp intelligent Florentines soon became the principal 
 agents of popes, cardinals, and other great people for the col- 
 lection and management of their mints and revenues : of the 
 church revenue they were also sometimes the farmers, espe- 
 cially during the papal residence at Avignon ; and in this way the 
 Mozzi and Spini acted for Pope Gregory X. and Boniface VIII. 
 The extent and ramification of their business was sometimes 
 enormous ; the house of Cnrroccio derfli Alherti alone having 
 regular banking establishments at A\ignon, Bruges, Brussels, 
 Paris, Rome, Naples, Venice, Perugia, Siena and Barletta ; and 
 it may here be noticed that tliis close acquaintance with eccle- 
 siastical finance naturally united the interests of the church and 
 Florentines and affected their political relations more probably 
 than appears on the surface of history*. 
 
 The vast sums flowing in from all these sources enabled 
 Florence to assume that strong and leading part in Tuscan 
 politics that so greatly distinguished her during the twelfth and 
 thirteenth centuries, and which we shall see her still maintain 
 in the fourteenth and fifteenth ; for personally frugal, their 
 country's glory was the pride of her people, its honours and 
 offices their chief ambition, and in peace or in war they were 
 ready to open their coffers either to humble an enemy or deco- 
 rate their own capital with sumptuous edifices. 
 
 The Italian bankers were generally known by the various names 
 of " Tavo/i^W," " Feneratori'' " Usurai;' " Toscani;' " Lombardi" 
 " Cambiatori'' " Prestatori " and " Banchieri,'' as their interest 
 or profits was by the appellations of " Gift,'' ''Merit,'' *' Guerdon" 
 ''Feneration;' and " Usury:" by the two last it was known in 
 England and France, where the bankers had the general name of 
 Tuscans and Lombards f. But amongst all foreign nations 
 
 ♦ Muratori, Ant. Ital. Diss. xvi. rious in his day for its multitude of 
 
 t Dante places usurers whom he ge- hankers) in very bad company. «* E 
 
 neralises under the name of " Caorsa " pero lo minor girm Sugella Col Segno 
 
 (Cahors [?j a town of Provence noto- Suo^' &c. ( Vide Inferno, Canto xi). 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] FLORENTINE BANKERS THEIR USURY. 
 
 599 
 
 they were justly considered, according to the admission of their 
 own countrymen, as hard, griping, and exacting; they were 
 called "Lombard dogs;" hated, and insulted by nations less 
 acquainted with trade and certainly less civilized than them- 
 selves, when they may only have demanded a fair interest for 
 money lent at a great risk to lawless men in a foreign countiy*. 
 And after all the money seems to have been worth its price 
 to borrowers, for we are told that the Marquis Aldobrandini 
 of Este in order to sustain the cause of Pope Innocent III. 
 not only pawned all his allodial domains but afterwards his 
 own brother Azzo VII. to the Florentine merchants for money 
 advanced to him by them ! This shows how early riches began 
 to accumulate in the republic f. 
 
 The extreme attention with which they conducted mercantile 
 business and their very minute knowledge of all its de- 
 tails may be discovered in the above-mentioned trading 
 memou's of Francesco Balducci and Niccolo da Uzzano which 
 contam a mass of very interesting information on the com- 
 merce of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in which they 
 respectively lived. Much of this is connected with the mint, 
 the course of foreign exchanges, and the banking trade ; the 
 oldest laws of which, now said to be extant as regai'ds Florence, 
 are of the year 1299, referring however to others of 1280 
 which probably governed it in principle during the existence of 
 the republic. By this code, according to Pagnini, all counting- 
 houses of Florentine bankers w^ere confined to the old and new 
 market-places, where alone they were allowed to transact busi- 
 ness : before the door was placed a bench, and a table covered 
 with carpet on which stood their money-bags and account-book 
 for the daily transactions of trade : no ecclesiastics or foreigners 
 were allowed to be members of the bankers' company, which in 
 1422 consisted of seventy-two firms, but in the next fifty 
 
 ♦ Boccaccio, Dec. Gior. i«>, Nov. i°.-— f ^uratori, Annali, An. 1124. 
 Pagnini, Delia Decima, Sez. vi. 
 
600 
 
 INTEREST OF MONEY — JEWS INTEODUCED. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 years had dwindled to less than half that number, still 
 however with branches estabhshed all over the world. 
 
 The laws of Justinian which allowed from four to twelve per 
 cent, interest on money, according to the profession or quality 
 of the person, are supposed to have governed the pecuniary 
 affaii-s of Florence until the begmning of the fourteenth cen- 
 tuiy when the rate of interest had risen considerably and some- 
 times reached twenty per cent, per annum ; at first under the 
 veil of equivocation, afterwards openly and regularly as the 
 lowest interest. This subsequently ascended to thirty and 
 forty, and the government paid from twelve to twenty in 1336; 
 but the ordmaiy amount between individuals was twenty per 
 cent., which continued with various fluctuation until 1430 when 
 to regulate the growing evil in a period of great public diffi- 
 culty and suffering, an attempt was made to coiTect Christian 
 rapaciousness by introducing Jews into the city on condition 
 that they were not to demand more than twenty per cent, for 
 their money. As there was no paper currency in Florence 
 nor any other indication of a decrease in the precious metals 
 except the vast accumulations of Pope John XXII. and his 
 successor Benedict XII. the cause of this augmenting value 
 of money must be attributed to the drain for tlie expenses of 
 foreign wars combined with great profits in foreign trade, more 
 especially that of banking, which branching all over the world 
 required a considerable and permanent amount of specie in the 
 c-offers of each establishment*. 
 
 Although these three branches of commerce were consi- 
 dered the principal sources of national wealth, and all the other 
 trades rather contemned as vulgar; Florence as may be 
 imagined was replete with every species of industiy: the trade 
 of physician and druggist which included the sale of all sorts 
 
 •Muratori Annali, 1330, 1331.- cap. cvi.-Pagnini, Tmttato della De- 
 
 J/.ir'^"; -^ ^'- ^^^'' ^'*- ^^i-iP»o- cima, torn. ii°, Sezione, vi. 
 \ lUam, Lab. x", cap. xcii. ; Libro iii". 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] OTHER TRADES — TRADES WITH CHIXA. 
 
 601 
 
 of oriental spices and foreign productions formed a very exten- 
 sive and lucrative branch of commerce, and that of the furriers 
 was still more so, for the most expensive furs continued to 
 . adorn the clergy and Italian nobihty of both sexes long after 
 the general custom had ceased, so that we have a list of no less 
 than two-and-twenty kinds of skins in the usual course of im- 
 portation* : many of these probably came from the northern 
 parts of Asia ; for Venice having succeeded in monopohsing 
 the trade and closing the ports of Egj^pt to the Florentines, the 
 latter with incredible perseverance worked their way by land 
 from *' Tana,'' the present Asoph ; by Astracan, and round the 
 head of the Caspian, through a number of places now very 
 difficult to identify, as far as what they called " La Mastra 
 Cutd;' or capital of China. Here they established a trade m 
 the fourteenth centmy, but always on their arrival at Pekin 
 (which is by them denominated ''Gamhahw'' or '' Gamha- 
 lecco'') the whole of their specie was taken away from them in 
 the emperor s name and deposited in his treasuiy, and the same 
 nominal value in paper money given in exchange ; but it does 
 not appear whether they received any part of it back on their 
 return or were compelled to buy the precious metals with 
 other merchandise. This paper money, was named *' Bahisd;' 
 coloured yellow, and bore three different values according to the 
 stamp; it was a legal tender, but does not appear to have 
 raised the value of commodities f : the whole route is described 
 minutely by Balducci who wrote as is supposed about the 
 middle of the fourteenth centmy. 
 
 While this traffic was maintauied in the east their golden 
 florin and excellent mint-regulations secured a pecuniary 
 reputation in the west, and Florentines were accordingly made 
 
 * Muratori, Dissert, xxv. — Antichita pracompera la mercatanzia, perche aia 
 
 Ital. moneta di papiero," &c. ( Ficfe " Pro- 
 
 t Balducci says, « E tutti quegli del tica delta Mercatura di Fancesco 
 
 Paese sono tenuti di prenderla (the Balducci Pegolotti") In Pagnini, 
 
 paper money) ; e gia pero non si so- vol. iii°. 
 
602 FLORENTINES GENERALLY EMPLOYED IN FINANCE. [book I. 
 
 directors, managers, and even farmers of both mint and ex- 
 chequer in several European states : thus in England, Aquilea, 
 and Naples, the Frescobaldi, Vemacci, Buonaccorsi, Gherardo 
 Gianni and others were so employed, the latter even giving 
 his name to a current Neapolitan piece of the day. But of all 
 the coins of this centurj- the golden florin was the most cele- 
 brated for its beauty and purity: before this, copper and silver 
 money only had been struck at the Florentine mint, and pro- 
 bably no Tuscan city had as yet issued gold pieces on its own 
 authority, although an imperial coinage of this metal such as 
 that of ''Agostarr and other moneys stnick at Pisa, Genoa, 
 and Lucca in the name of Frederic II. were current all over 
 Italy =^. 
 
 The golden florin on the contrary was coined by the vic- 
 tonous government of the '' Primo Popolo'' in 1252 on its 
 own independent authority, stamped with the image of their 
 tutelar saint and device of the Lily, and issued as the peculiar 
 currency of the republic. This floiin was composed of one 
 dram or seventy two grains of fine gold of twenty four carats, 
 and this has been scarcely or ver)^ little altered since f. 
 
 The proportion of gold to silver in those days, and until the 
 effects of western discovery were felt m the sixteenth century, 
 was, we are told, as one to ten and nine sixteenths ; therefore 
 the golden florin was equal to twenty silver florins which 
 altogether weighed ten drams and nine sixteenths or aboutseven 
 hundred and seventy grains, and were each of the same size 
 and stamp as the golden coin. The ''Silver Florin," " Popo- 
 lano;' ''Silver Soldo'' or "Guelphor for it went by all these 
 names; was divided into twelve "Denari;' each of them, if 
 the relative value of the two metals had not altered, equal to, 
 or coinciding with the present " Soldo " as the twentieth part 
 
 * M^wpini, cap. clii.-Borghini Trat- Orsini, Sto. della moneta dclla Rep. 
 
 tetode aMonetaFiorentina.— Fiorino Fiorentina, p. 13.~Fran. Balducci 
 
 dorolllu8trato,p. 2. cap. Ixxii. 
 t Pignotti, Sto. To8., vol. ii", p.78 j 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] VARIOUS COINS — GOLD AND SILVER CURRENCY. 603 
 
 of a " Liray The gold florin also had various denominations 
 in after times, but those most noted were the "Fiorino di 
 Galea'' or galley florin and the "Fiorino di Suggello'' or 
 sealed florin, called so because a certain number of them after 
 bemg carefully weighed at the mint were sealed up together in 
 a leathern purse a«id passed current unopened. The galley 
 florin was so named at its first coinage in 1422 to rival the 
 Venetian ducat in the Egyptian trade which began that year 
 by permission of the Soldan and for which a squadron of 
 galleys was first equipped. The florm was also divided into 
 an imaginary coin called " Ltm," the name of which, origin- 
 atmg in the pound of silver, seems to have long existed in 
 Florence, and in 1202 equalled in value the golden florin of 
 Malespini's time; which indeed seems to have been coined to 
 represent it; but soon became only a fraction of the latter, 
 being aff"ected by the proteus-like nature of commerce, espe- 
 cially by the everchanging value of the silver into which the 
 golden coin was divided and which kept steadily declining. 
 The imaginary Lira was divided as at present into twenty 
 " SoldV and each *' Soldo'' into twelve " Denari." 
 
 The agio or premium on gold was at first a natural conse- 
 quence of its superior estimation and convenience, but when 
 this mounted up to twenty and thirty per cent, it was evidently 
 increased by the depreciated value of the silver florin : if 
 twenty of these only contained seven hmidred grains of silver 
 instead of seven hundred and seventy; which were necessary 
 to equal a golden florin of seventy two grains ; and that the 
 remainder was made up of baser metal, the sagacity of money- 
 dealers would soon discover the change and exact so much 
 more in proportion for their gold. To this cause must be 
 referred all those variations which we read of in Villani and 
 other old writers of the relative value of the golden florin and 
 lira ; for sometimes a lira and a half was equal to the former 
 and afterwards two, three, four, seven, and so forth ; nor was 
 
604 
 
 COINAGE CONTTNUED REVIVAL OF LEARNING. [book !• 
 
 it until the reign of Cosimo the First that the imaginary lira 
 of former days became a real coin, of which thirteen and one- 
 third were equal to a " Zeccliino'' or golden florin, which may 
 always be adopted as a permanent standard of reference for 
 the value of Florentine silver. A new silver florin appears 
 to have been coined also in 125'2 ; and one of somewhat more 
 value under the simple name of ''Florin' in 1'28'2 : to these 
 were added in 1'296 the ''Soldo Grosso" of less value than 
 either. Afterwards m 1305 came the ** Grossi PopoUnr of the 
 same value as the last, and in 1314 the "Guelji delfiore,'" (with 
 its half and quarter) not greatly differing from the others *. 
 
 The physical and moral forces that first shook the German 
 power in Italy were probably acquired by this rising commerce 
 with its resulting intelligence, and the influence of liberty soon 
 reacted on the human mind : learning began to revive, and 
 the cultivated talents of Frederic the Second and his natural 
 sons Hensius and Manfred gave it every encouragement; 
 universities sprung up in various cities, that of Bologna alone 
 having as is said contained ten thousand students, amongst 
 whom Thomas a Becket of England was once conspicuous!. 
 In the thirteenth century the colleges of Pisa, Pistoia, Arezzo 
 and Siena existed ; the discovery of the Pandects had given a 
 new interest to legal science and the study of jurisprudence 
 became one of the first objects of free Italian genius. 
 
 When under Theodoric, the Gothic armies conquered Italy 
 they found the Theodosian code of Roman jurisprudence in full 
 activity, and which this wise prince not only left untouched but 
 made his people obey it : Justinian's code succeeded but did 
 not last, for the Lombards hated everything Greek and pre- 
 ferred then: own laws while they allowed the ItaUans to 
 
 ♦ PigBotti, Stor. Fior., vol.ii., p. 78.— only to prove that the means of good 
 
 Pagnini, Delia Decima, tomo i«, p. education were exclusively confined 
 
 262, Tavola 1'. to universities, not spread, as now, 
 
 + These vast numbers, so much ex- throughout society, 
 ceeding anything now existing, seem 
 
 V 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] VARIOUS LAWS FRANK AND LOMBAKD. 605 
 
 continue under those to which they had been previously 
 accustomed : but the laws of all these conquerors, fii-st col- 
 lected under the title of "The Edicts sweUed in the course of 
 time to a complete body of jurisprudence which governed the 
 greater portion of Italy. 
 
 When this province fell under the power of Charlemagne 
 many settlers arrived from France and Germany with the 
 privilege of stHl being ruled axjcording to their native regula- 
 tions; and hence the "Salique'' the " Ripuarianr the 
 *' Bavarian " and the "Alamannl " laws were all in simultaneous 
 action with the Ptoman and Lombard codes. Jurisconsults 
 although nominally bomid to study eveiy one of these, could 
 have had little labour with Justinian's, there being scarcely 
 a copy then extant; its place was however suppHed by a very 
 meagi-e compendium suited to the commonest necessities of 
 the time, in which were reduced to a few simple points the 
 whole Roman jurisprudence, all the rest being left to the 
 equity of the judge. "And a great hlessing it icas,'' says 
 Muratori, "to he enabled to finish a hm-suit at once without 
 being doomed to watch its endless course.''. 
 
 General laws for Italy were passed, not by the mere will of 
 the prince, but by a Diet of the temporal and spiritual barons 
 and tlie cliief commanders of the army, held at Pavia on the 
 first of March, and under the Francs two classes of laws 
 governed the country ; first the particular code of each people 
 which regulated contracts, succession, and punishment of 
 crime ; and secondly the general laws which equally affected 
 all the Italians. Each man was bound to declare the law by 
 which he desired to be governed ; ecclesiastics of all nations 
 generally and wisely chose the Roman, and hence arose their 
 subsequent pretensions to exemption from the power of secular 
 courts. In the thirteenth centuiy this custom began to decay 
 in consequence, as is supposed, of the increasing mfluence of 
 the Roman code the adviuitages of which would no doubt be 
 
fiOft MUNICIPAL STATUTE LAW ROMAN CODES. [book i. 
 
 perceived and felt in proportion to the growth of that civiliza- 
 tion for which it was originally intended ; and this influence 
 which had commenced in the preceding age now almost exclu- 
 sively guided the schools and Forum. 
 
 After the peace of Constance in 1183 municipal statute laws 
 began to sprout in great abundance, not only in the larger 
 cities but in every petty burgh and town, each clamouring for 
 its own peculiar statute, a natural consequence of newly- 
 achieved independence and succeeding tranquillity. These 
 municipal codes were called " Statutes " and were originally 
 composed of few, but afterwards of a greater number of laws; 
 at first only regulating the duties of the Podesta and other 
 functionaries and rarely diverging from the Roman and 
 Lombard codes which had ruled before them ; but sub- 
 sequently changing and reforming these to suit their altered 
 circumstances, as in Florence, where a commission was periodi- 
 cally appointed to revise old statutes ; thus ceased the saliqu£, 
 ripuarian and bavarian laws, but the Lombard though gra- 
 dually dechning was still vigorous after the year twelve 
 hundred*. 
 
 In Florence the Theodosian code was never completely 
 disused and always considered as national, while on the con- 
 trary that of Justinian was as much opposed there as in many 
 other parts of Italy, and treated as alien. Under the former 
 therefore, combined with the Lombard and mixed up with 
 remnants of the other three; all perhaps affected by the 
 municipal statutes; did the citizens live until the year 1413 
 when Paolo da Castro a famous jurisconsult of the day, com- 
 piled the ''Florentine Statute;'' and the disentangling and 
 explaining all this mingled mass of legislation was what pro- 
 bably gained for the celebrated Accorso his uncommon reputa- 
 tation and the lasting influence of his Commentaries!. 
 
 ♦ Muratori, Ant. Ital., Disser. xxii. rentine dal Presidente Pompeo Neri 
 t Relatione delle Magistrature Fio- fetta ranno, 17G3, MS. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] CELEBRATED LAWTEBS— ACCORSO AND OTHERS. 607 
 
 Taddeo Accorso, or Accursius, seems to have been the first 
 great lawyer that the Florentine repubhc produced ; for though 
 tipnani had preceded him and gained some reputation in law 
 and philosophy at Ravenna, Accorso soon acquired the confi- 
 dence of all the Italian peninsula. He was bom about the 
 year 1182 of low parentage in the small village of Bagnolo 
 then belonging to the Gherardini family* about six miles from 
 i^lorence, and after long, persevering, and solitary labour, Kved 
 not only to dispel the darkness in which all legal science was 
 then involved, but tx) see his opinions and expositions received 
 as law by the spontaneous consent of every state in Italy, and 
 where the law was silent his own private judgment was confi- 
 dently appealed to : thus the force of his single genius is said 
 to have swayed the jurisprudence of Italy for nearly three 
 centuries f. 
 
 His three sons Francesco J Cervolto and Guglielmo were all 
 famous in the same studies, particularly Francesco who for 
 eight years was high in the confidence of Edward 1. of Eng- 
 land and probably compiled many of oui' own statutes. After 
 Francesco Accorso, Dino di Mugello who flourished about the 
 same period was held in the highest esteem, and so well main- 
 tamed the reputation of the Florentine bar that by a decree of 
 the Veronese people wherever law and the Commentaries of 
 
 * A branch of the Gherardi or Ghe- land. (Vide Ferd. Miqliore Firenze 
 rardini family emigrated probably first lUustmta.) ^^U'^^ore rircTm 
 
 I!! VT^"'^^'^"'^^^*^"''^'''^' became f Scip. Ammirato, Lib. {«>, Accresciuto 
 Uie Geraldmes now Fitzgeralds of Ire- Filip Villani, Vit^ and Nofes ' 
 
 + Francesco d Accorso if Dante may be trusted had a bad moral fame • Bru- 
 nette Latmi claims him as a companion in sin. {Infer., Canto xv.) ' 
 
 " Priscian sen va con quella tuiba grama, 
 E^ Francesco d' Accorso e ancor vedervi, 
 S' avessi avuto di tal tigna brama, 
 Colui potei " &c. 
 
 With them is Priscian ; and Accorso's son 
 Francesco, herds among that wretched throng 
 And if the wish of so impure a blotch 
 Possessed thee, him thou also might'st have seen, &c. 
 
 (Cary*s DarUe.) 
 
608 
 
 DINO DI MUGELLO PHYSICIANS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Accorso were silent Dino's opinion should be received as law. 
 He was the master of Cino da Pistoia a man of undoubted 
 ability but more known by the fame of his pupil Petrarca and 
 the beautiful sonnet on his death, than by those of liis own 
 writings that have come down to posterity ; yet the friend and 
 instructor of such a poet and the subject of such praise could 
 have been no common man. 
 
 Florence also produced some medical men of great celebrity 
 in the thirteenth century : amongst these the' most renowned 
 was Taddeo Alderotti who at first is said to have led a life of 
 want and extreme ignorance, and was even supposed to be 
 deficient in understanding until about thirty years of age : he 
 then suddenly changed, became eager for instruction, rapidly 
 acquired knowledge, soon mastered the rudiments of general 
 learning, studied hard at Bologna, gained considerable honour, 
 and ultimately became the most celebrated physician of his age 
 and countiy. He was followed by his pupil Dino del Garbo, 
 by Torrigiano, and by Tommaso del Garbo, son of the former, 
 all distinguished for their learning and medical abilities, but 
 all resident at Bologna the focus of Italian erudition. 
 
 Taddeo Alderotti * according to Villani died fit Bologna in 
 1303. He was considered in Italy as another Hippocrates and 
 was even sumamed ''Taddeo Ipocratista ^ but liis value was 
 more substantially manifested by the higli remuneration 
 usually given for his services when called to a distance from 
 the scene of his usual practice, as exemplified in the follo\\'ing 
 
 • It is to this Taddeo Alderotti if not to Taddeo Accoi-si, that Dante is sup- 
 posed to allude in the xiith Canto of the Paradise : 
 
 " Non per lo mondo, per cui mo s' affanna 
 Diretro ad Osticnse* ed a Taddeo, 
 Ma per amor dclla verace manna," &c. 
 
 ** Not for the world's sake, for which now they toil 
 Upon Ostiense and Taddeo's lore, 
 But for the real manna," &c. {Cai'y's Darde.) 
 
 * Arrigo Cardinal of Ostia who wrote on the " Decretals.''^ 
 
 MISC. CHAP. J PHYSICIAN S FEES. ASTRONOMT — MATHEMATICS. 609 
 
 anecdote. Pope Honorius IV. having been taken suddenly 
 and dangerously ill sent instantly for Taddeo from Bologna : 
 the doctor would not move under a hundred golden ducats 
 a day which the pontiff finally consented to give, but on his 
 arrival gently expostulated with him : Taddeo affected to be 
 very much surprised, saving that as all the temporal lords of 
 Italy had voluntarily given him fifty ducats a day he marvelled 
 greatly that the holy father being the chief potentate of Chris- 
 tendom should have hesitated about a hundred ; thus vindicating 
 himself while he reproved the known avarice of the pontiff. 
 Honorius was cm-ed, and whether from gratitude or a desire of 
 repelling the charge of avarice, presented him with ten thousand 
 ducats which Taddeo expended in the endowment of churches 
 tmd hospitals*. 
 
 In matliematics or astronomy Florence does not at this epoch 
 seem to have produced any distinguished men except Cecco 
 d' Ascoli, Dante's preceptor, who was burned in 13'27: but that 
 the celestial motions must have been obser\'ed with some 
 accuracy is proved, independent of the existence of judicial 
 astronomy, by the early construction of a gnomon in the bap- 
 tistry of Saint John, mentioned by Villani, of which there are 
 still some traces ; and although a small aperture in the cupola 
 which formerly admitted the solar rays at the summer solstice 
 is no longer to be found, the point on which the light fell may 
 still be perceived in a representation of the sun encircle 1 by a 
 carious legend which contains the same words whether read 
 backwards or forwards f . 
 
 The want of any Florentine mathematician of eminence 
 during the thirteenth century was compensated by Pisa a city 
 much more advanced in refinement, which produced one to 
 whom Christian Europe is probably indebted for the introduc- 
 
 * Filippo Villani, Vite d' Uomini igne.''* — P. Richa, Not. Istoriche, p. 
 lUustri, p. 22 and notes. xxv. — Gio. Villani, Lib. i", cap. Ix. 
 
 t '^En giro tortc sol ciclos et rotor — Osserv. Fiorentiuo, vol. iii., p. 15. 
 
 VOL. I. R U 
 
610 
 
 FIBONACCI. LITERATURE. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 tion of algebra. Leonardo Fibonacci was the son of a mercantile 
 agent or consul of the Pisan repubhc at Bugia on the Barbary 
 coast who there had him instructed in all the mathematical 
 acquirements of the Arabians, and improved his general know- 
 ledge by frequent journeys into Greece, Egypt, and Syria : he 
 is thought by some to have also been the first introducer of 
 Arabic numerals, perhaps without sufficient grounds, though 
 he may have extended their use ; but the original manuscript 
 of his treatise on algebra still exists in the Magliabechiana 
 Library with the date 1202, and is dedicated to the famous 
 astrologer Michael Scott, at his own desire *. 
 
 Nor was the literature of this century confined to the 
 abstruse sciences!, the Italian tongue also had its share of 
 regard, and the emperor Frederic II. became so sensible of its 
 beauty as to raise it from rustic homeliness to the dignity of a 
 courtly dialect, the language of music chivalry and love : the 
 taste of his sons Manfred and Hensius with the talent of Piero 
 delle Vigne, all assisted in tliis noble work until the court of 
 Sicily became the nurse of Italian language and poetry, and 
 awakened the sounds of the Bolognese, Paduan, Pisan, and 
 Florentine l}Tes, nearly a century before the music of Dante 
 and Petrarca awed and delighted the world. 
 
 • For a further account of Fibonacci 
 [quasi Figlio Bonacci] see ^^ Memorie 
 Istoriche di piU Uomini Tlhistrl 
 PisanV where the dedication is given 
 in full. The title of the algebraical 
 work, is " Incipit Liber Abaci composi- 
 tus a Leonardo Filio Bonacci Pisano 
 in Anno 1202," also a treatise on prac- 
 tical geometry entitled " Incipit pra- 
 tica Geometria Composita^d'C. in Anno 
 1220." — Pignotti Saggio, ii", also 
 Ricordi di Ser Perizolo, p. 388, vol. 
 vi., Ar. Stor. It. 
 
 f The complete course of university 
 education was called the ^'Trivio'" and 
 *' QuadrivioJ''' The former comprised 
 grammar, rhetoric, and dialectics. The 
 
 science of the Quadnvio contained 
 arithmetic, geometry, music, and astro- 
 nomy ; sciences which like the part- 
 ing of three and four roads con- 
 ducted the student to truth. Dante 
 in his sonnet " Da quella luce che il 
 suo corso gira^'' makes them answer 
 to the seven heavens. The Moon, 
 Grammar; Mercury, Dialectics; Venus, 
 Rhetoric; the Sun, Arithmetic ; Mars, 
 Music ; Jupiter, Geometry ; Saturn, 
 Astrology. To the eighth heaven or 
 firmament of fixed stars, he assigns 
 Physics. To the ninth or Prima 
 Mobile^ Morality ; and to the tenth 
 or Empyreum, Theology. We per- 
 ceive this also in his Paradise. 
 
 M18C. CHAP.] TUSCAN POETS, AND EARLY POETRY. FARINATA. 611 
 
 Long before this however a few flashes of poetiy had occa- 
 sionally broken forth and Ciullo d' Alcamo in 1197, Folcachiero 
 and Lodovico della Vemaccia in 1200, and even San Francesco 
 himself in 1216 all gave indications of that approaching flame 
 which the two great Florentines afterwards kindled into so 
 amazing a brightness *. Bologna was the first to echo the 
 Sicilian lyre ; and there Onesto GhisiHeri, Fabricio, and Guide 
 Guinicelli, all sung in their native language about the year 
 1220 and the last is particularly praised by Dante in three of 
 his works f . 
 
 Tuscany soon rang to similar strains, for love is everywhere 
 and love is the real muse of poetry : Ser Nofia d' Oltr' Amo who 
 wrote some amorous poetry in 1240 appears to have- been the 
 first of the Florentines whose verse has reached us ; but he 
 was quickly followed by Amorozzo and Migliore da Firenze, 
 Monte d' Andrea, Dante da Maiano, and thirteen or fomteen 
 others who filled up the remaining part of the thirteenth 
 century l Amongst these Florentines is placed the celebmted 
 name of Farinata degli Uberti and the still more distinguished 
 Brunetto Latiiii : of Farinata's verse we have nothing except 
 the strange jumble of proverbial rhyme which he cliose for the 
 text of his famous discourse at Empoli ; but some manuscript 
 poems of his still exist it is said in the Vatican and Barbarini 
 libraries. It was the custom of those days to speak from some 
 text applicable to the subject, as clergymen now preach, and 
 Farinata chose two ancient proverbs when he indignantly rose 
 to speali against the contemplated destruction of Florence : 
 these were " Come asino sape cost Minuzza rape. Si va capra 
 zoppa se il lupo non la 'ntoppa " §, which (his head all intent 
 
 ♦ Poeti del P" Secolo, vol. i°. da Varlungo, Dino Frescobaldi, Cione 
 
 t Convito, Volg. Eloquenza, and Pur- Baglione, Salvino Doni and others in 
 
 gatorio, cap . xx vi. 1 300. 
 
 X Such as Bindo d' Alesso Donati in § Literally ^' As the Ass knows how 
 
 1270. Dello da Signa in 1250. Gra- so doth he chew turnips.'" '^Tfielame 
 
 zido and Ricco di Firenze in 1290. Goat will go on wellif tlie wolf don't 
 
 Montuccio Fiorentino in 1290. Ricco come.'"' 
 
 R R 2 
 
1 
 
 612 
 
 GUITTONE D AEEZZO. — BRUNETTO LATIXI, 
 
 [book I. 
 
 on higher matters) when asked from what text he was going to 
 speak, he confused thus, " Come asino sape si va capra zoppa, 
 cosi minuzza rape se hipo non la 'ntoppa " yet apphed it well 
 to the interested views and ignorance of his audience who like 
 the animals he named were still guided by then* petty instincts, 
 and followed their habitual baseness in extraordinary times and 
 circumstances without peering beyond them-. 
 
 The Fra Guittoue d' Arezzo also flourished about this 
 period and though not strictly a native yet lived and died in 
 Florence where he founded the Convent of the Angioli : he 
 was one of the Frati Cavalieri Gaudenti, an order more epicu- 
 rean than ascetic. Dante blames his style as cold and void of 
 feeling, aiid Petrarca does not let him off unscathed \. 
 
 Brunetto I^tini was perhaps the most generally distin- 
 guished Florentine of his age, but more known to modems as 
 the friend and instructor of Dante than for the superior excel- 
 lence of any works tliat have reached us : he was a lawyer, 
 statesman, philosopher, and poet ; had an extensive influence 
 over his countrjTuen ; he instnicted his cotemporaries and 
 formed the rising generation, was admired while he lived and 
 regretted when he died, but was far from being untidnted with 
 the vices of the world. The year of his birth is unknown, but 
 as Malespini says he was " a man of great wisdom " in 1260, 
 it may be supposed that he had no little share in the revolu- 
 tion of 1*250 and the formation of the ''Prima FopfAo^' or go- 
 vernment of the Anziani. He was learned witty and sagacious, 
 and is described by Giovanni Yillaiii as a consummate master 
 of rhetoric both in speaking and writing ; Brunetto was the 
 first who began to teach and refine the Florentines ; showing 
 them how to express their thoughts, and instructing them in 
 the art of civil government: Dante and Guido Cavalcanti were 
 his most celebrated disciples and the year 1207 is especially 
 
 * Poeti del Prio Secolo, vol. i».— Fil. 
 Villani, Vite, Notes by Mazzuchelli. 
 — Leon. Aretino, Lib. u9. 
 
 f Purgatorio, Canto xxiv. — Volgare, 
 Eloquenza, Lib. ii", cap. vi. — Petrar. 
 Trioafo d' Amore. 
 
 MISC. CHAP. ] HIS INFLUENCE. CHARACTER. TESORO. 
 
 613 
 
 mentioned as one of unusual tranquillity in which many young 
 men who had been educated in the school of Brunetto Latini 
 began to give a literary and philosophic tone to society ; where- 
 fore if stamping a better form on the barbarous character of 
 the age be a proof of genius Brunetto Latini is entitled to the 
 appellation of a great man. Philip Villani describes him as 
 kind and courteous, and happy in the practice of every virtue 
 if with a more steady mind he could have supported the inju- 
 ries of his distracted country ; but this eulogy can scarcely be 
 reconciled with the post assigned to him in the Inferno by 
 his great pupil along with other distinguished Florentines, nor 
 does his crime allow us to admit without dispute the boasted 
 simplicity and virtue of those primitive times, more especially 
 as he almost acknowledges it in the twenty-first chapter of his 
 " Tesoretto "'i^. 
 
 This poem which is a moral vision has by some been consi- 
 dered as a compendium of the " Tesoro " and is also supposed 
 to be what gave Dante the first notion of his own celebrated 
 production : its visionary form and the circumstances of the 
 author supposing himself to be lost in a wood where he gives 
 an imaginative description of the virtues and ^dces, might per- 
 haps have suggested a similar idea in the mind of Dante ; but 
 still we should bear in memory the words of the Abate Zan- 
 noni that if it were so, a " slight and almost invisible spark 
 served to kindle a vast conflagration." The Tesoro; on which 
 Brunetto principally relied for fame; seems to be the pro- 
 mised prose explanation of the Tesoretto, and is a compilation 
 from the Bible, Aristotle, and Pliny the naturahst \ ; being 
 probably an abstract of all the knowledge of that age. The 
 French original never was printed and the present Italian 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. viii., cap. x. — 
 Scip. Ammirato, Lib. iv., p. 199. — 
 Fileppo Villani, Vite.-#-lnferao, Canto 
 XV. — Tesoretto, cap. xxi. 
 
 f T vi dird per prosa 
 Quasi tutta la cosa, &c. 
 
 ( Vide Tesoretto, cap. xi.) 
 I will tell you in prose 
 Almost all the matter. 
 
614 FAVOLETTO. TESORO WRITTEN IN FRENCH. [booe i. 
 
 translation by Buono Giamboni was first published in 1474 
 one hundred and eighty years after the author's death. 
 
 Besides these two Brunetto has left the '* Favoletto " and 
 several prose works; amongst them a compendium of Aristotle's 
 Ethics, a work on the poverty of the learned, and another 
 on the glory of ignorant pedants. The subjects of the Tesoro 
 are metaphysics, Bible and other ancient story; astronomy, 
 geography, natural philosophy and histoids the Ethics of 
 Aristotle above mentioned ; morality rhetoric and civil govern- 
 ment. It was composed during his exile after the battle of 
 Monteaperto in 1260. " And if any one ask," he says, " why this 
 book is written in the French language since we are of Italy?" 
 I will answer that it is for two things : one because we are in 
 France; and the other because the French tongue is more 
 agreeable and more common than all the other languages "*. 
 Such is the influence of a mihtary and a conquering nation 
 which France has been, with few intennissions, from Charle- 
 magne downwards. Another passage in this little volume 
 merits some notice because in conjunction with a well-known 
 passage in Dante's Purgatory it would argue more intimate 
 knowledge of the southern hemisphere amongst the people of 
 that day than they are generally believed to have possessed f . 
 The author after some discourse on astronomy continues. 
 " Thus follow in order all times, days, and nights according as 
 
 * All the languages derived from the 
 Latin were in those days called 
 *' Romans" and this book which 
 never was printed in French is said in 
 the MS. to be done in " Romans sc- 
 ions le patoys de France:' Some 
 suppose that Brunetto either wrote it 
 first in Latin, or compiled the greater 
 part from Latin authors : he however 
 seems to have been too proud of it 
 himself according to Dante to admit 
 the belief that it was little more than 
 a translation. " Siate raccommandato 
 
 il mio Tesoro. Nel qual io vivo an- 
 cora, e piu non cheggio." (Inferno, 
 Canto XV.) [See Notes to Filippo 
 Villani, Vite, p. 126.] Martino da 
 Canaie also gives the same reasons as 
 Latini for translating the Venetian 
 Chronicles into French from Latin 
 and nearly in the above words. ( Vide 
 Archivio, Storico Italiano, vol. viii.) 
 See also a Discourse on this subject 
 by Count Galvani, vol. viii., Ar. Stor. 
 Ital. 
 t Purg., Cant. i°. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] POLE STAES. — LVTINl's KNOWLEDGE OF THEM. 615 
 
 ; 
 
 the firmament turns continually from east to west under its 
 two eyes, which are two stai's, one the south and the other the 
 north star; and these never change except as the axle of a 
 wheel. Thence it comes that mariners navigate by the sign of 
 these stars which are called pole-stars by every people ; and 
 those of Europe and Africa navigate by the northern star, and 
 other people towards the south navigate by the southern star. 
 And to prove this truth take a loadstone and you will find that 
 it has two faces the one lying towards the north and the other 
 towards the south pole-star, and therefore marinei-s would be 
 laughed at if they did not take care of this. And since these 
 two stars do not change their position it follows that some stars 
 in the firmament turn in smaller circles, and others in larger 
 according as they are nearer to or further from these pole- 
 stars. And know that by these two stars we can understand 
 the point of the needle and towards which pole it lies "*. He 
 died in 1294 says Gio. Villani, and " was a man of extensive 
 erudition in his day, extremely active, an eminent citizen, 
 often employed in public matters, and of great celebrity "f . 
 
 The last but not the least distinguished author of this age 
 was Ricordano Malespini : bom of an ancient family he is the 
 well and source of all subsequent historians : Villani copies 
 him in silence, probably because his history was too generally 
 known to require any notification: the early part of his 
 chronicle is full of fables ; then of course believed, or Villani 
 would scarcely have ventured to transcribe them word for word ; 
 
 • Tesoro, Lib. i^ and ii", pp. 1 and 54. which are by some authors said to 
 + Brunetto Latini was buried in the have been first constructed by him in 
 church of S. Maria Maggiore where 1288. Round his effigy were the fol- 
 however his tomb is no longer to be lowing words. ^ QVI DIACE 
 seen but another memorial still re- SALVING D'ARMATO DEGL* 
 mained in the time of Ferd. Miglore 
 though much damaged by the repara- 
 tion of the church : it was the tomb 
 of Salvino d* Armato whom from the 
 following epitaph the Florentines 
 claim as the inventor of spectacles, 
 
 ARMATI DI FIR. INVENTOR 
 DEGL' OCCHIALI. DIG GLI 
 PERDGNl LA PECCATA. ANNG 
 D. MCCCXVII. {F. Migliore, 
 p. 431.) 
 
616 MALESPINl. DINO COMPAGNI. FINE ARTS. LOVE, [book I. 
 
 but for eveiything that occurred about his own times he is 
 much relied on and is indeed the only authority we have : the 
 extreme simplicity of his style and the artless manner in which 
 he relates the most important events at once impress the 
 reader with a conviction of his sincerity. His chronicle was 
 continued from the year of his death 1281 until 1286 by his 
 nephew Giachetto Malespini so that from the year 1230 or 
 1240 when he is supposed to have visited his relations at Rome 
 and first collected materials, to the conclusion of Giachetto's 
 chronicle it maybe considered as a cotemporary histoiy. Dino 
 Compagni continued the history of his own times with un- 
 common eloquence and deep feeling, from 1280 until 1312. 
 Although at heart a Ghibeline he acted with the Guelphic 
 government but denounced their crimes with honest mdig- 
 nation. 
 
 Connected with literature are the fine arts, which do not 
 appear to have received the same inspiration from love and 
 beauty that the Provencal and Italian poetrj% and even the 
 manners of this heroic age give signs of: it is true that the 
 Troubadours began to decline about the middle of the thir- 
 teenth century, and their tongue, eclipsed by the Italian, 
 became only a dialect ; but the latter replete with youth and 
 genius, and stimulated by love, expanded into a permanent 
 noble and beautiful language. Love itself about this period 
 assumed a more platonic and unreal form ; ladies were wor- 
 shipi)ed for the mere fame of their charms which sometimes 
 existed only in the imagination of the knight ; they were sened 
 for the honour of such slavery without hope of recompense ; 
 vows were made at feasts before tliem and the peacock, to dare 
 any danger that might be commanded by the beloved object ; 
 and her surpassing excellence was asserted both with sword and 
 pen in every court of Christendom ; indeed the insensibility to 
 this more refined devotion was considered as a reproach to 
 gentle blood, and those who frequented the lower female society 
 
 \ 
 
 I 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] ITS PLATONIC CHARACTER. PAINTING. — GUIDO. 617 
 
 were denounced as wanting true nobility*. Such was the 
 devotion of Petrarch for Laura, of Dante for Beatrice, of Caval- 
 canti for Giovanna, and perhaps of Cino for La Selvaggia ; but 
 the painters and sculptors of the thirteenth century do not 
 seem to have been thus strongly affected. Painting although 
 never totally extinct in Italy yet for many centuries remained 
 inanimate or was only kept alive by Greek artists who occa- 
 sionally left Constantinople to display their talents in the west. 
 It was about the first quarter of the thirteenth century that 
 some feeble efforts were made to escape from the harsh out- 
 lines of Grecian saints and virgins, their pointed wooden fingers 
 and stiff drapery, and advance one step towards a more natural 
 taste : the first symptoms of returning vitality appeared at 
 Siena and Pisa where Guido and Giunta painted with some 
 little variation from the Greek manner in 1221 and 1230; 
 but Bartolommeo of Florence made a bolder stride in 1236 
 and may be considered the first of the Florentine school : his 
 pictui'e of the Annunciation in the Servites' convent is far from 
 a common work and required a Giotto to surpass it. Giovanni 
 Cimabue, who died in 1 300 at the age of sixty, made the next 
 attempt ; but judging by his Florentine pictures, a very feeble 
 one, to break from the trammels of Byzantine artists; and 
 neither of his Madonnas at Florence impress the spectator with 
 
 * Dante in that beautiful canzone 
 where he defines true " Leggiadria " 
 (a word which combines all the beau- 
 tiful qualities of mind and person and 
 can scarcely be translated except as the 
 " beau ideal " of human or other per- 
 fection) in reproaching a certain class 
 of people " whose visages do cream and 
 mantle like the standing pool," says — 
 
 " Non son inamorati 
 
 Mai di Donna Amorosa ; 
 
 Ne' parlamenti lor tengon scede ; 
 
 Non Moverieno il piede 
 
 Per donneare a guisa di leggiadro ; 
 
 Ma come al furto il Ladro. 
 
 Cosi vanno a pigliar Villan deletto ; 
 Non pero che in donne e cosi spento 
 Leggiadro portamento, 
 Che paiono animai senza intelletto." 
 (Dante, Poesie Liriche, canzone xv^ 
 p. 45. Fraticelli's 12» edition.) 
 
 They are never in love with any loving 
 woman, nor banter nor amuse them in 
 society, nor take any pains to make 
 themselves agreeable ; but, like the 
 thief to his theft, they seek low plea- 
 sures ; yet not because their lovely 
 and graceful ways are extinguished, so 
 that they might appear to be animals 
 devoid of intellect. 
 
I I 
 
 ! I 
 
 618 CI]!kL\BUE. ENTHUSIASM OF FLORENCE. GIOTTO, [book r. 
 
 any high idea of the pictorial art as it then existed : a some- 
 what softer expression perhaps ; a sHght relaxation and increas- 
 ing roundness of the joints and muscles are all that distinguish 
 them from Greek compositions, unless it he inferiority of colour- 
 ing. One of these pictures however so pleased the natural taste, 
 all ready to be awakened to greater things, in the Florentine 
 people, that they crowded about the painter's study with such 
 expressions of delight as to gain for the street where he resided 
 the distinctive name of " Borgo AUegri " which it still retains. 
 This uniYei*sal feeling for the fine arts was again manifested, 
 with a certain mixture of religious sentiment, on the same pic- 
 ture being removed to its destination in the church of Santa 
 Maria Novella where the whole population united in public 
 procession with shouts and music, to accompany their favoiuite 
 Madonna : when such enthusiasm is excited in a compai'atively 
 civihsed people amongst whom learning had already made con- 
 siderable progress, our wonder ceases that the early inventors of 
 more useful things should have been adored as gods by the 
 ruder inhabitants of the ancient world*. It is for artists to 
 judge of Cimabue s genius ; but none can dispute his judgment 
 in bringing forward the shepherd s boy Giotto whom he disco- 
 vered at ten years old drawing one of his sheep on a 
 smooth slate as he tended the flock amongst the 
 green pastures of Vespignano about fourteen miles from the 
 capital. 
 
 Angiolotto Giotto di Bondone was a sculptor, painter, and 
 architect who soon pushed the pictorial ait far beyond the 
 powers of his master : relieving his figures from the iron stiff- 
 ness of Cimabue he endowed them with a grace and spirit that 
 were heightened by the superiority of his composition and 
 colouring. One of Giotto's finest works on a great scale is a 
 representation of the Last Supper, still to be seen nearly perfect 
 in the refectory of Santa Croce, a picture excellent in its expres- 
 
 ♦ Vasari, Vite de* Pittori. 
 
 A.D. 1276. 
 
 \ 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] HIS AHCHITECTUEE. — PORTRAITS OF DANTE. ■ 6l9 
 
 sion and drapery ; the composition good, and the colouring still 
 bright after an exposure of five hundred years : perhaps this 
 picture may have excited the imagination of Leonardo da Vinci, 
 in the same manner as the spark of Brunetto Latini is said to 
 have kindled the flame of Dante's muse ; yet Giotto's produc- 
 tion is no spark. The best specimens of his pamting are at 
 Padua and Assisi, but he also worked at Ravenna, Pisa, Naples, 
 and m the sacristy of Saint Peter's at Piome : he was a friend 
 of Dante and painted his portrait as well as that of Brunetto 
 Latini and Corso Donatio, and his architectural taste still 
 stands conspicuous in the magnificent belfry of the Duomo and 
 the church of Orto San Michele at Florence ; for the former of 
 which he received the high honours of citizenship and 100 
 golden florins a-year as a pension from the republic f. The 
 cathedral church to wliich this tower is attached was designed 
 and partly finished by Amolfo di Lapo if, as Lanzi asserts, the 
 latter name did not designate a distinct person ; he was also a 
 sculptor and disciple of Niccolo Pisano and executed works at 
 Pisa, Rome, and other parts of Italy J. 
 
 Mosaic work also began to make its appearance at Florence 
 towards the middle of this century; it was introduced by 
 Andrea Tafi who although an older man studied, according to 
 Baldinucci, as a pamter imder Cimabue : bom in 1213 he felt 
 his powers, and a strong inclination to the arts, and resolved, in 
 spite of the rudeness and consequent disadvantages of the age 
 to pursue their study. As at this time Mosaic pictures were 
 j perhaps the most esteemed he determined to gain a name, if 
 not from superiority of hand at least by the durability of his 
 materials; therefore repaired to Venice then the best school of 
 
 * This portrait of Dante has been re- f Vasari, Vita di Giotto, vol. ii°, p. 
 
 cently discovered and saved from de- 304. 
 
 Btruction principally by the exertions J Baldinucci, Decennali, ^ vol. i«. — 
 
 of Mr. Kirkup an English artist and Lanzi, Storia Pittorica dell' Italia, vol. 
 
 some other foreigners and natives of i*', p. 21. 
 
 Florence. 
 
620 
 
 A. TAFI. — GADDI. EPISCOPACY, 
 
 [book I. 
 
 this art, studied under those that were employed iu decorating 
 the Church of Saint Mark, particularly Apolonio Greco whom 
 he persuaded to accompany him to Florence, and there learned 
 his secret of composition for Mosaic pictures ; they were after- 
 wards employed together to adorn the Baptistry, where Gaddo 
 Gaddi a better artist than either ultimately joined them. 
 
 The latter was bom m r239 and died twelve years after his 
 supposed master Cimabue, having painted in Florence, Pisa 
 and in Rome, where he had been invited by Clement the 
 Fifth ; but his talents survived in his son Taddeo and grandson 
 Agnolo, both distinguished artists ; and besides this the family of 
 Gaddi acquired some reputation in the subsequent affairs of 
 their country*. 
 
 Perhaps the three sister arts would have remained long if 
 not entirely dormant had not the powerful stimulus of religion 
 assisted in their revival : that strong and prevalent inclination 
 to please whom we love, and deprecate those we fear, has in 
 ancient and modem times produced more temples, statues, 
 and paintings, than any inherent taste or mental necessity for 
 
 the beautiful alone. 
 
 In the early ages of modem civilisation the superior riches 
 and refinement of the clerg}', theur comparatively domestic life, 
 and the poHcy of alluring devotees by agreeable objects, which 
 they well knew how to invest with a peculiar sanctity, turned 
 ihe'ir attention more immediately to the fine arts ; these were 
 as much encouraged withhi their churches and cloisters as in 
 the outward world, wherefore they became essentially the 
 patrons of art, and were enabled to be so not only from their 
 rehgious influence but their extensive temporal power and 
 unbounded wealth. 
 
 The episcopacy in these early times was anything but 
 clerical ; its sacred calling was no exemption from military 
 service, and in the character of feudal Barons the Bishops 
 
 ♦ Baldinucci, Dccen.— Vasari, Vite de* Pittori.— Lanzi, Storia Pittorica. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 ITS TEMPOIiAL POWER. 
 
 621 
 
 / 
 
 were often compelled even by popes and emperors to carry arms, 
 besides being in constant collision with their no less warhke 
 neighbours. Amongst the most powerful churchmen of those 
 days were the Bishops of Ai'ezzo and Florence, whose temporal 
 juiisdiction was enormous : the ample means and belhgerent 
 disposition of one of the former has already been noticed, but 
 something may be now said about the authority of the latter. 
 
 It is commonly supposed that the first bishop of Florence 
 was Frontino a disciple of Saint Peter who with Saint Paolino 
 Bishop of Lucca preached Christianity there in the year 56 and 
 was cotemporary with Saint Ptomulus fii-st bishop of Fiesole : 
 how these facts are ascertained would now perhaps be difficult 
 to discover ; but ancient documents are adduced to prove that 
 the primitive title of the Florentine prelates was " servants of 
 Saint John and unuorthy hlshops" The last epithet was 
 probably not long retained, but its truth was often manifested 
 especially about the last quarter of the ninth century when the 
 increasing temporal power of the Italian prelates sadly mter- 
 fered with their spiritual office*. 
 
 Charles the Bald's contention with his brother Louis and 
 others for the kingdom of Italy was decided by bribery, the 
 clergy forming a considerable part of the elective body; their 
 support therefore was not given for nothing, and in the long 
 tempest of intemal war which began with the stmggle between 
 Berenger the First and Guido Marquis of Spoleto, both 
 spiritual and temporal lords acted with more sagacity than 
 patriotism. The dignified clergy were then bribed like laymen, 
 with temporal lordships, with counties, cities, castles, mar- 
 quisates, dukedoms, and public revenues, and the Hungarian 
 and Saracenic incursions gave them in common with others a 
 fair excuse for building strongholds and fortifying towns ; and 
 thenceforth they gradually assumed the chai'acter and authority 
 of militaiT nobles and counts, that is governors of cities and 
 
 * Ferd del Migliorc, Firen. Illustrata, p. 1 1 7.— Borgliini, Discorsi. 
 
623 
 
 BISHOPS OP FLORENCE, 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Mrsc. CHAP.] THEIR FEUDAL POWER. — CATTANI. 
 
 623i 
 
 l» 
 
 their surrounding country : this clerical thirst for power be- 
 came epidemic and each prelate strove hard to combine spiritual 
 and temporal authority by ousting the civic counts and usui'pmg 
 the functions of their office while they still retained the empty 
 
 name. 
 
 The abbots of convents, and even lady-abbesses strove with 
 the bishops in this worldly race, and at every fresh succession to 
 the Italian crown managed by the power of gold to have old 
 grants confirmed, and generally augmented : this system had 
 arrived at such a height in the eleventh century as to make the 
 sovereign insist that those prelates who enjoyed temporal dig- 
 nities under the crown should also receive the investiture of 
 their abbeys and bishoprics from his hands. A new source of 
 fraud and simony was thus opened ; miholy tretisures were 
 poured into imperial coffers, papal mterests were affected, and 
 the system ultimately terminated in open warfare between the 
 church and empire under Hildebrand and his successors : the 
 abbots, increasing in pride and power, disdained longer to 
 acknowledge any superiority in the ancient episcopal authority, 
 and assuming the staff and mitre surpassed the bishops them- 
 selves in pomp and splendour. The result in both cases was 
 a total neglect of the pastoi-al duties to follow a court which in 
 those days was never stationary ; they sent their vassals to war 
 and as we have said were sometimes even forced to take the 
 field themselves in defiance of all church canons, while their 
 feudal neighbours tempted by the riches and false position 
 of the clergy lost no opportunity of attacking them under a 
 regular system of spoliation *. 
 
 On this commanding position of double authority were placed 
 from very early times the bishops of Florence, and their ancient 
 power great as it was, augmented after the fall of the Lombard 
 dynasty; first under the general protection of Charlemagne, 
 and subsequently by tlie bounty of devout smners ; but more 
 
 * Muratori, Ant. Ital., Diss. Ixxi. 
 
 \ 
 
 : 
 
 s •■ 
 
 J 
 
 / 
 
 especially after the commencement of Florentine independence 
 by the spontaneous obedience of the " Cattani " or feudal chief- 
 tains, who became willing vassals of the church in order to 
 avoid the less agreeable domination of that republic. In this | 
 way the Bishop of Florence rose into a powei-fiil chieftain, the 
 lord of between forty and fifty castles and towns witliin its 
 ierntory, and was pui^^osely spared by that city at a time when 
 the surrounding chiefs were successively disappearing in the 
 spreading shadow of its power. 
 
 Florence had not m fact the same causes of quarrel with 
 these prelates as with other feudal barons, the Cattani, aU 
 of Lombard or German blood held strongly to the emperors ; 
 were proud, aristocratic, impatient of control, and despised 
 the persons while they feared the power of the citizens. The 
 republic on the contrary followed MatUda's example by sup- 
 porting the church : the bishops were naturally on that side 
 and therefore allowed to enjoy their estates in peace and almost 
 independence whHe willing to acknowledge the same paramount 
 authority in Florence that formerly belonged to the dukes and 
 marquises of Tuscany. Tliis supremacy was demanded from 
 all, and these prelates virtually submitted by appearing before 
 tlie Florentine courts in disputes with their own vassals. The 
 Cattani on the other hand endeavoured to shelter them- 
 selves under that reverence which was then shown to every- 
 thing ecclesiastical by giving their allegiance to the bishop 
 alone, and so becoming vassals of the church. The lords of 
 Castiglione were the first to do this in 1072, and their example 
 was followed as occasions offered through neariy the whole of 
 the thirteenth century, but generated much political disturbance 
 and finally brought the republic and the episcopacy into hostile 
 collision *. 
 
 Nor were these disputes confined to the government; the 
 election of Florentme bishops by the free votes of the in'habi- 
 
 * Lami, Lezioni, Prefazione, cxxi.— Ferd. del Migliore, p. 117. 
 
 V 
 
 ( 
 
 \ 
 
124 
 
 QUARRELS. MASNADIERI, ETC. — SLA\^S. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 MISC. CBAP.] MILITARY RETAINERS. — FEDELI. SLAVES. 
 
 625 
 
 lilts and clergy bad occasioned sharp struggles, bad blood, and 
 [often double returns ; to check such squabbles Honorius IV. 
 first violated the custom in 1*286, and it was entirely abolished 
 for a similar reason by John XXII. in 13*22 ; the republic 
 prudently reserving to itself a right of nominating candidates 
 and simultaneously breaking the ancient custom of receivmg a 
 foreign ecclesiiistic as bishop of Florence. Many of these 
 Cattani after haWng been subdued and made citizens of 
 Florence still maintained their feudal following and were 
 usually attended by troops of retainers, half slaves half freed- 
 men, called " Uomuil di Masnada " who held certain posses- 
 sions of them by the tenure of militarj^ service, took oaths of 
 ' fidelity, and appear to have included every rank of person in 
 the different Italian states according to the quality of the 
 chief; but without any degradation of character being attiiched 
 to such employment. 
 
 This Idud of semtude, which could not be thrown off without 
 a formal act of maimmission, was common in the north of Italy 
 and began in the eleventh centmy, when innumerable chieftains 
 started up owning no superior but the emperor. Being at 
 constant war with each other they sought everj^ means of 
 creating a military following by granting lands to all ranks of 
 people, and it is probable that many slaves were then partly 
 emancipated for the purpose : such a condition, though not consi- 
 dered dishonourable, was thus essentially tinged ^vith the colours 
 of slavery, and so far differed from the " Vassi " and ''Vassali " as 
 well as from the Vavasours*. This union of " Servi " slaves, 
 or vassals of one chief, was called " Masnada " and hence the 
 name " Masnadien' so often recurring in early Italian history ; 
 for the commanders of these iiTegular bands were often re- 
 tained in the pay of the republic and frequently kept the field 
 
 * Some slight, perhaps unnecessary (lis- were the vassals of gi-eat lords. The 
 
 tinction,is made between the '• Vms't" " Vavasours'" were the vassals of great 
 
 who are supposed to have been vassals vassals, 
 of the crown, and the " VassalV who 
 
 N 
 
 when the civic troops had returned to their homes, or when the 
 war was not sufficiently important to bring the latter out with 
 the Carroccio. Hence the distinction between the common 
 expressions " Fare Esercito " and " Fare Masnada^ 
 
 Besides these military VillainsYih.o were also called ''Fedeli,'' 
 there were two other kinds of slaves amongst the early Italians, 
 namely prisoners of war and the labourers attached to the soil, 
 who were considered as cattle in every respect except that of 
 their superior utility and value : the former species of slavery 
 was probably soon dissolved by the union of self-interest and 
 humanity : the latter began to decline in the twelfth century ; 
 partially continued through the thirteenth and vanished entirely 
 in the fourteenth century. This emancipation does not appear 
 to have been so much the effect of any particular Christian 
 influence or direct moral improvement ; although both might 
 have materially assisted; as that of utility and necessity : mas- 
 ters began to feel more sensibly the inconveniences of slaveiy 
 while its advantages were subject to many drawbacks. The 
 high price of the slave, his sickness death or flight ; his crimes 
 if capital, for which his owner was so far responsible as to be 
 compelled to pay the consequent fines ; the cost of tracing and 
 identifying deserters which frequently involved long and ex- 
 pensive suits if tlie runaway denied his being a slave ; marriages 
 between bondsmen and women belonging to different mastere, 
 invoh-ing the separation of man and wife ; all these tended to 
 undennine the hideous fabric of predial and domestic slavery. 
 
 But the most powerful agent in the destruction of this deep- 
 seated injustice was the blaze of liberty which in the twelfth 
 century overran northern Italy and left so many independent 
 altars burning on its plains. The frequent wars of the new 
 republics caused a demand for soldiers and rendered the flight 
 and concealment of slaves comparatively easy ; for the ancient 
 laws of the Franks and Lombards against enlisting and 
 secreting them had ceased with the imperial sway ; incipient 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 s 8 
 
626 
 
 DECLINE OF SLAVERY. RISE OF LIBERTY. [book i. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] ART OF WAR. CASTLES. TOWERS. 
 
 627 
 
 freedom found a new interest in relaxing antique rigour and 
 arming slaves with the buckler of liberty for the defence of 
 their common country. At Bologna about the year 1256 rural j] 
 slaves belonging to no less than a hundred citizens were not /l 
 only emancipated by a public decree but their freedom was ^ 
 purchased with the public money at the rate of ten Lire a il 
 head for man, woman and child above fourteen years of age, 
 and eight for all below ; a price which approaches in value 
 to perhaps near thirty pounds of our present money*. \1 
 
 The condition of these slaves was not however at any time ' ^ 
 so hopeless as to darken that prospect of future liberty which 
 might open on them from their own conduct or the benevo- 
 lence of their master : this boon was frequently granted by all 
 but priests, who are supposed to have considered such benefi- 
 cence as an alienation of ecclesiastical property and therefore 
 against the canons of the church. But sons of slaves if suffi- 
 ciently educated and manumitted were often received into holy 
 ordei's, and thus a slight compensation was sometimes offered 
 for the almost hopeless condition of their parents. These 
 bondsmen were nevertheless allowed to accumulate capital by 
 their own industry and finally purchase their freedom ; many 
 were emancipated by the dying commands of their masters ; 
 many for long sendee, fidelity, ability ; at the birth of chil- 
 dren, and for the good of their deceased owner s soul : thus by 
 degrees the public mind was influenced by more liberal senti- 
 ments, liberty generated liberty, and this milder form of an 
 inhuman system gradually though not entirely mouldered 
 awayf. J 
 
 The same free spirit, the offsprmg of commerce and intelli- 
 gence, which so stooped to remove the shackles of slavery 
 had already risen imder the stranger's yoke and repelled his 
 aggressions ; freedom rode triumphant on the plains of Lorn- /] 
 bardy ; each city stood nobly for itself yet all so united in the 
 
 • Mumtori, Antich. Ital., Diss. xiv. f Muratori, Ant. Ital., Diss. x. 
 
 common cause that the German felt he was no longer lord and 
 master of Italy. It was a long and bloody contest, but the 
 people had been prepared by many concurring events : industry 
 had enlarged commerce, commerce had enlarged wealth, and 
 both together had enlarged knowledge ; knowledge begat free- 
 dom of thought and juster notions of human dignity; men 
 began to perceive that they were not placed aright, and a thou- 
 sand grievances which had previously been overlooked, disre- 
 garded, perhaps unfelt, were now by the piying eyes of inno- 
 vation magnified beyond their real size and natural deformity. 
 Neither had the art of war been neglected ; necessity had 
 forced upon the Italians a profession which is in general as 
 hastily taken up as it is too reluctantly abandoned, yet one tliat 
 brings many noble spirits, many private \drtues, with much 
 public wickedness into strong relief, and by which nations are 
 blinded to the infamy of such crimes as would fill their indivi- 
 dual members mth disgust. 
 
 The savage inroads of fierce Hungarian tribes and rainous 
 descents of the Saracens in tlie beginmng of the tenth centur}^ 
 totally changed the aspect of Italy : under the Franldsh dynasty 
 a long-continued calm, unruftled by the sweeping tempests of 
 l)arbarian ^^olence, had accustomed the people generally to 
 inhabit unfenced places so that even the old civic fortifications 
 had mostly fallen to decay ; but first the civil wars of Guido 
 and Berenger, and then the Hungarian inroads, created a dif- 
 ferent state of things throughout the land. Cities and towns 
 were rapidly surrounded with walls, numberless castles seemed 
 as it were to grow out of the massive rocks, grey lines of ram- 
 parts circled every crag, and scarcely a hamlet or even private 
 gentleman that did not demand the royal permission to secm-e 
 themselves and their property : the whole country had thus 
 assumed a warlike aspect in the tenth and eleventh centuries ; 
 and even thus early those lofty towers of the city nobles which 
 multiplied so rapidly in the Guelph and Ghibeline frenzy of 
 
 s s 2 
 
628 TOWERS CONTINUED. FORMS OF BATTLEMENTS. [book I. 
 
 the twelfth and following ages, are said to have originated; 
 when even the very stones seemed to share the general madness, 
 and the battlements took a different form according to the fac- 
 tion they defended. These towers were in Florence a sign of 
 high nobility, because nobles alone had in general tlie power 
 or the privilege of erecting them ; but tlie means probably con- 
 stituted the privilege, as Malespini tells us that several of those 
 destroyed in 1250 belonged to opulent citizens who were not 
 nobles *. The number of these buildings at Florence was enor- 
 mous but in Pisa incredible ; ten thousand of them it is said hav- 
 ing once existed there in a warlike state ; and at Lucca Castruccio 
 ordered three hundred lofty towers to be reduced to the level of 
 the neighbouiing houses : state policy and poily rage in Uke man- 
 ner lowered and demolished those of Florence but the ground 
 story of multitudes may still be traced by the curious rambler 
 in the more ancient streets of that metropolis f. These high 
 and slender towers clustering so thickly against a cloudless 
 sky must have given a bright and lively aspect to the city when 
 first bursting upon the view uf the traveller ; a show of peace 
 from the abodes of strife ! The town of San-Gimignano, 
 still called " San Gimiffnano cleUe helle torre " hj the people, 
 where many still remain ; and even Siena, will now perhaps 
 afford the best example of this rich antique appearance, un- 
 accompanied by the more revolting features as well as the 
 daring and romantic energ}- of those turbulent ages. Some of 
 these buildings leaned out of the perpendicular, as the belfry of 
 Pisa and the rougher built Garisenda of Bologna which furnished 
 Dante with so striking a simile \ ; tliis position is doubtless 
 accidental in both ; in the fonner certainly, as recent excava- 
 tions have proved ; but all were intended in Florence as for- 
 tresses, while at Siena, as we have seen, a different origin is 
 
 * Malespini, cap. cxlL 
 
 f Pisa however is said to have been 
 
 entirelv composed of isolated towers in 
 
 its early days, a circumstance that 
 might render the above statement less 
 incredible. J Inferno, Canto xxxi. 
 
 msc. CHAP.] DONJON. MASCHIO. CASSERO. ROCCA. 
 
 629 
 
 ascribed to them and some doubt exists about the real object 
 of their erection. 
 
 The massive tower in the midst of a castle was called as 
 with us the '^Donjonr or '^Maschio:'' the " Cassero'' was a 
 building of the same description but walled round (of which 
 there is a fine specimen at Volterra) attached to the citadel or 
 ''Boccay This last name was however more particularly applied 
 t» the strong fortified hamlets on precipitous hills, those on the 
 plains being for the most part larger and generally called 
 " CastelU;' a denomination which should not be mistaken for 
 a simple castle according to our English meaning. Some of 
 these Castelli had, hke that of Santa Maria a Monte men- 
 tioned by Villani, no less than three circuits of walls besides 
 the Rocca; and some had a barbacan or lower wall beyond 
 the rampart and sloping outwards which seems to have inclosed 
 a naiTow space between itself and the latter to prevent the 
 application of scaling-ladders; (like the ''Cordon'' of modem 
 works) and the approach of other wariike engines. That this 
 could not have been very liigh from the ground or far from 
 the rampart, is evident from a circumstance quoted by Mura- 
 tori: a knight called Ghinozzo being in 1329 prisoner in a 
 certaui Senese fortress, one day mounted his horse and riding 
 neai* the walls suddenly gave him the spur, leaped over the 
 ramparts and alighting on the barbacan reached the outer 
 gromid with a second spring, then spurring on apace gained 
 the friendly fortress of Sassoforte *. 
 
 * Sassoforte whose lords used to send 
 100 men as their contingent to Siena 
 in 1260 and long after, is now a wild 
 beautiful picturesque hill covered with 
 short greensward and shady chesnut 
 trees looking as old as the ruined 
 walls and towers that are showing 
 their grey forms above the luxuriant 
 foliage which smothers them. The view 
 from this is extensive and fine. To 
 the N. E. Siena and all its undulated 
 
 country; to the west, Elba, Corsica, Sar- 
 dinia ; to the north the hilly Maremma 
 and all the Volterra country ; and to the 
 south, the low dead flat plain of Gros- 
 seto and its pestiferous marshes, look- 
 ing from its flatness, more like sea than 
 land and with the aid of a slight mist 
 scarcely to be distinguished from the 
 former. — G. Villani, Lib. x,, cap. 
 xxviii., Muratori, Antich. Italiane, 
 Dissertazione xxvi. 
 
630 
 
 BASTIE. BATTIFOLLI. MILITARY ENGINES. [book i. 
 
 The "^rts^/f, " which seem to be identical with the ''Battl- 
 follV so frequently mentioned in Italian chronicles, were a 
 sort of redoubt built of timber in a flat countiy, and generally 
 round some tower or houses, as a blockading station against a 
 fortress or other besieged place : they were encompassed by a 
 ditch and earthen rampart and were garrisoned by both cavalry 
 and mfantiy*. 
 
 After the yeai' 1000 but especially in the twelfth century, 
 the northern Italians having become warlike and republican, 
 acquired also a taste for wealth industrj- and dominion : the 
 two former were then indispensable to maintain their state ; 
 population became necessary for industrj-, and land for popula- 
 tion. They all therefore set themselves to recover their 
 ancient landmai'ks by reducing the neighbouring aristocracy to 
 obedience; they then opposed the emperors on the plea of 
 their infringing ancient rights and customs and loading them 
 with unjust tiixation ; and thus a warlike spirit sprang up from 
 the force of circumstances, but it is supposed that the Sicilian 
 Normans were the first to introduce a more regular discipline 
 and inspire the Italians with a professional love of anus and 
 military glory. 
 
 The age of castle-building brought with it also an improve- 
 ment or perhaps a revival of militarj' besieging engines. After 
 filling the ditch, moveable wooden towers called " Castra" and 
 " Phalas,'' were pushed close up to the walls and a bridge let 
 fall from them upon the battlements, so that nothing but fire 
 or hard fighting could defend the city : then there were various 
 instruments for casting stones either in solid masses or in 
 showers, such as the " Mangani'' and ''ManganelU;'' the last 
 a mere diminutive of the first; the '' Troja'' or Son\ the 
 '' Ballistum'' called also *'Liipa" or the Wolf; and several 
 others, all under the general appellation of " Petriere." The 
 Troja used by the Genoese in I'^IH is said to have thrown 
 
 G. Villani, Lib. v., cap. ii. ; Lib. vi., cap. iv. ; Lib. x., cap. xvii. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] MANGONELS. — CAVALLEEIA. — KNIGHTHOOD. 
 
 631 
 
 stones of from eighteen hundred to two thousand seven hundred 
 pounds weight, a tiling scarcely credible *. The Lupa threw 
 a weight of three hundred Modenese pounds and the effects 
 corresponded; wall, and house, and tower, came crashing 
 down under their ponderous strokes, while a storm of smaller 
 stones kept beating from the mangonels and other artilleiy. 
 The besieged had little shelter from such tempests; their 
 general defence was a strong netting hung loosely before the 
 place exposed to such attacks, but the mischief was often ter- 
 rible: the killed and wounded were said to be ''McmgamtV' 
 or mangoneUed {mangled) and this is frequently used by the 
 Italian writers in a general sense for being wounded or annoyed 
 by missiles or projectiles of any kmd ; thus F. Villani says, 
 "Their horses were more annoyed and manganati by the 
 English arrows ; hence probably our own word mangle both 
 verb and substantive f . 
 
 The Italian " Cavalleria " a name common to those gentlemen 
 who had received the knightly belt and sword, had its origin 
 among the northern conquerors of Italy : after the tenth cen- 
 tury this honour was more strictly confined to persons of noble 
 bu*th, and in general none but those who already wore the spur 
 could confer it ; this was either done in the field before or amidst 
 the clang of arms or victory, or on the peaceful celebration of 
 some great festival. It however was not micommon for inde- 
 pendent states to exercise this power as was often done at 
 Florence, where the people appointed a commissioner or public 
 representative to perform the ceremony. Gilt spurs were 
 
 * This fact is quoted by Muratori from 
 the Genoese Aunals of Stella. Machina 
 una qua; Troja vocata, jaciens lapidem 
 ponderis, quod cantariorum xii. usque 
 in xviii. vocatur. " Now," says Mura- 
 tori, " if the ' Cantaro ' in Genoa 
 weighs 150 pounds (Troy) it is a 
 wonderful thing, a machine powerful 
 enough to launch such a great weight 
 
 through the air." It probably was 
 far under ; for the " Cantaro^^ varied 
 in weight in different states ; yet there 
 must have been one common measure 
 of that name because it was applied to 
 designate the burden of ships. 
 + Filip**. Villani, Lib. i., cap. xxii. — 
 Muratori , An tichita Itali, Dissertazione 
 xxvi. 
 
632 
 
 VARIETY OF THE EQUESTRIAN ORDERS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 buckled to the heel, a golden fringe was attached to the 
 knightly hood and the hilt and pommel of the sword was 
 gilded*. There were several sorts of knights : those generally 
 called " Cavalieri a Spron cVOro" knights of the golden spur, 
 con'esponded in all respects Tvith the knights of English chro- 
 nicles, and were thus distinguished from the noble squires or 
 " DonzeUi " who wore silver spurs but fought in armour on 
 horseback, and ranked above the " Scudieri " or esquires. Such 
 knights were also denominated " Cavalieri di Corredo " from 
 the arms they wore, or as some suppose from the public feast 
 usually given by them at their installation ; but we do not 
 gather this from Sacchetti who in his Novelle describes four 
 distinct ceremonies for as many kinds of knights, namely ; the 
 *' Cavalieri di Corredo T ''Cavalieri Bagnati,'' or knights of 
 the bath ; " Cavalieri di Scudo ;" and " Cavaliere dArmi" 
 
 " The Cavalieri di Corredo," he says, ** are those who in a 
 deep green habit and a golden garment take the order of 
 knighthood : Knights of the Bath are made mth exceeding 
 great ceremony and should be washed from every vice : Knights 
 of the Shield are those that are made by the people or great 
 lords, and receive the honour of knighthood armed, and with 
 the " Barhuta " or crested helmet on their head. Knights of 
 Arms are those that in the beginning or even in the midst of a 
 battle receive this distinction." Besides these there were 
 " Cavalieri di Cavallate,'' *' Cavalieri d' Elmo " and simple 
 '* Cavalieri *' none of which were terms of honour, and only sig- 
 nified men-at-anns on horseback belongmg to the Cavallati 
 or civic companies of cavalry f . 
 
 • Dante alludes to this in the xvi''' Canto of the " Paradiso*'' 
 
 ** Quel della Prcssa sapcva gia come 
 Regger si vuole, ed avea Galigaio 
 Dorata in casa sua gia 1' clsa 1' pome," 
 
 " Fair governance was yet an art well prized 
 By him of Pressa : Galigaio showed 
 
 The gilded hilt ^nd pommel in his house." — (Gary's Dante.) 
 f Gio. Villani, Lib, ix., cap. cclxxvi. (and note). 
 
 \ 
 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] ARMORIAL BEARINGS. — MEN-AT-ABMS. — SQUIRES. 633 
 
 Towards the latter end of the eleventh century armorial 
 bearings were emblazoned on the shields to distinguish the 
 several knights in battle or tournament; those of princes, pass- 
 ing from their shield to their money, carried the name along 
 with them and hence the pecuniary denominations of the Italian 
 '* Scudo;' and the ''Ecu " of France ; but the French Hlies did 
 not appeal' as armorial bearings until 1150 under the reign of 
 Louis the Seventh *. 
 
 A cavaliere or man-at-arms was accompanied by one ** Des- 
 triero " or strong war-horse, and one or two, sometimes three 
 mounted squires who led the animal fully caparisoned ; or car- 
 ried tlie helmet lance and shield of their master: these 
 " Dcstrierl'' (" rich and great horses" as Villani calls them,) 
 were so named because they were led on the right hand without 
 ariy rider, and all ready for mounting : the squire's horses were of 
 an inferior kind called "Ronzi)ii;' and on the " Palafreni " or 
 palfreys the knight rode when not in battle. The number of 
 squires usually attending on men-at-arms was very great, some- 
 times even trebling their nominal force as given in histo- 
 rical relations : by the contract between France and Venice 
 for transporting troops to the Levant in 1281, the French de- 
 mand that the Venetians should carry in their vessels four thou- 
 sand five hundred men-at-arms, as many horses, and nine thou- 
 sand squires besides twenty thousand infantry ; but what became 
 of the squires' horses in this expedition does not appear f . 
 
 Sometimes the squires were banded together in close array 
 and sent forward to the onslaught before the Imights, who cased 
 in iron charged after them with a tremendous shock: a few 
 of the bravest knights, as already noticed, called Feditori or 
 Feritori were always selected to begin the fight, because if 
 they succeeded in breaking the adverse line their comrades' 
 spirit and confidence increased, while the enemy's diminished : 
 
 * Muratori, Antich. Italia, Dissertaz. f " Giunte al Dandalo," Apud Mu- 
 liii. ratori, Dissert, xxvi., p. 121. 
 
634 FEDITORI. CERVELLIERA. SHIELDS. — ARROWS. [book i. 
 
 at the signal to charge the whole army cheered, drums and 
 trumpets sounded, and the Feditori dashed forward to the on- 
 slaught : if repulsed they fell back through intervals in the 
 main Ime and rallied on the resen e which sometimes won the 
 battle as at Campaldino. 
 
 Amongst the usual pieces of defensive armour worn in these 
 days was one called the '* CerrelUera " or iron scull-cap in- 
 vented by the famous Michael Scott, which was worn under 
 the helmet and much celebrated : the lance, the mace, the 
 sliield, the sword, the knife, and the poniard, were the offensive 
 arms of horsemen: footmen handled the long spear, the javelm, 
 the bow, the axe, the shng, the crossbow, the sword, the long 
 knife, the dagger, and other offensive arms ; with the shield 
 and helmet for defence. Of shields there were various sorts 
 in Italy; such as the '' Scudo;' the '' RotelW the '' Broc- 
 clikre:' the " Tarr/a,'' and the ''Pavese " all differing in form, 
 size, and material : they were of iron, brass, wood, and 
 leather ; round, oblong, square and pointed : the Pavese were 
 shields made after the fashion of Pavia ; the FiOtelli were 
 named from their circular form ; the Brocchieri because they 
 bulged out into a pomted boss and spike, which in close com- 
 bat might serve as a weapon of offence. The crossbowmen 
 served on foot or on hoi*seback ; they were sometimes arrayed 
 in divisions or sections, shooting alternately, so that a constant 
 discharge was kept up against the men-at-arms : the crossbow- 
 arrows were commonly called " MoschetteT also '' Quadrilli ;" 
 either from the form of the head or being four-feathered : the 
 " Bolzoni " were something of the same kind, but knobbed 
 instead of pomted, and the " Verrettoni," a short light arrow, 
 also discharged from the crossbow, was very generally used, 
 especially in the civil tumults of Florence. 
 
 After the eleventh century when an Italian republic de- 
 clared war everybody that could carry arms was forced to take 
 the field, and if any place were besieged the different Quarters, 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] CUSTOMS OF WAR. — RIBALDI. — GUALDANI. 
 
 635 
 
 L, 
 
 ; 
 
 Sixths, or Thirds, of the city, according as it was divided, took 
 their turn and were regularly relieved about every thirty days. 
 War was not made in those ages without previous notice and 
 reasons given : the enemy was often challenged to fight at a 
 particular time and place ; a herald threw down the gauntlet 
 of defiance, and the sun, wind, and all local advantages were 
 duly balanced ; a custom preserved long afterwards in duelling. 
 Winter campaigns were rare, May being the usual time of 
 commencing war, especially the '' Guerra Guernata'' or a ra- 
 vaging desultory warfare without coming to serious combat : 
 armies were attended by irregular troops called ''BihaldV and 
 '^Gualdani,'' who it is supposed did not differ materially from 
 each other and were used to scour the country for plunder 
 forage and intelligence ; they fought without order as occasion 
 offered, running in between the regular battalions and under 
 the horses of the men-at-arms whose bowels they ripped up 
 with long knives -. 
 
 The " Masnade " have been already noticed ; but besides 
 regular vassals we have early accounts of paid bands of soldiers 
 who with the former constantly kept the field when unpaid 
 citizens had withdrawn to their occupations : they w^ere com- 
 monly foreigners, and probably deserters or fragments of 
 imperial armies disbanded at the death of emperoi's in Italy, or 
 dispersed from other causes. These mercenaries however did 
 not consist of Germans only; English, Flemings, and even 
 Hungarians, found out that the Italians were in need of troops 
 and paid well for them ; so that as early as the thirteenth cen- 
 tury this custom had already begun to undermine the martial 
 skill and spirit of some communities and paved the way for 
 future Condottieri and their robber companions. The Italian 
 genius afterwards revived, but in an unwholesome form, and 
 Florence although richer, perhaps more powerful, yet never 
 was so great as when her citizens willingly took the field at 
 
 * Muratori, Dissert, xxvi. — Yillani, Lib. ix., cap. clxxxiii. 
 
636 
 
 RANSOMS.— OBLIGATIONS OF THE VANQUISHED. [book i. 
 
 their own expense to fight for their own country under the 
 shadow of the time-honoured Carroccio. 
 
 ** It was drawn forth with joy and honoui* when the state 
 *' went out to war, and ahove it on a lofty saU-yard was borne 
 " the bright and triumphant banner to which the whole army 
 *' looked : neither was there any castle in the territory, whether 
 " on mountain or in plain, to defend which the people would 
 " fight so manfully, or so readily expose both life and soul to 
 " every chance and danger for on this car depended the honour, 
 " strength, and glorj- of the republic "*. 
 
 These are not the words of a Florentine but the spirit was 
 alike, and when kings or emperors came into Italy the highest 
 honour that could be offered was to meet them on their way 
 with the Carroccio, and all public ceremonies were rendered 
 more solemn by the presence of this banner and its gorgeous 
 accompaniments. The Carroccio only went to the field " a Oste,'' 
 or with the whole militaiy force of the commonwealth; at other 
 times the colours were carried by a single man who was never 
 to retreat or lower them under pain of eternal iuftimy. Pri- 
 soners who declined joining the ranks of a victorious army 
 were despoiled of theii* horses and anus and lield to ransom, or 
 sent al)Out their business ; but the Florentines were considered 
 so opulent that their ransom was always more exorbitant than 
 other prisoners of war, and this is one of the reasons alleged 
 for their gradually renouncing the military' profession. Some- 
 times the captives, especially when taken in a fortress, were 
 released on their parole not to serve for a certain period ; some- 
 times they were kept in prison for months and even years, but 
 generally exchanged when both pailies became encumbered 
 with them : they were often dismissed under certain conditions 
 and in case of decisive victories the vanquished obhged them- 
 selves to obey the victors whenever called upon, either in 
 paying tribute or receiving a Podesta at their nomination, or 
 
 • Rolandini of Padua, Apud Muratori, Dissertazione xxvi. 
 
 •'X 
 
 K 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] MILITARY SPIRIT.— TROOPS.— CARS.— EESOUECES. 637 
 
 perhaps in supplying them with a body of auxiharies in their 
 expeditions ; these were all marks of homage and lost national 
 independence ; but not of diminished internal freedom *. 
 
 There was a strong and proud spirit of jealous patriotism 
 amongst all the Italian republics that burned as fiercely in 
 Florence as anywhere, and in their own estimation placed her 
 above every other comitry : this encouraged rivaliy implaca- 
 bility and war, and probably brought out both the bad and good 
 qualities of the people in deeper colouring. 
 
 All served, from sixteen to sixty, either in garrison or the 
 field ; and although all were not equally soldier-Hke there were 
 few who could not manage the arms then most commonly in use, 
 because their holiday amusements were athletic, militarjr, and 
 the skilful management of anns. The more disciplined troops 
 were distinguished by their peculiar weapons, their horses, or 
 the cars on which in some places they went out to battle ; or 
 else from their known station in the line, or the particular time 
 or occasion when they were to join in the fight : for instance 
 one body defended the Carroccio, another led or sustained the 
 first attack, while a third was held in reserve. It does not 
 appear that the Florentines made use of cars for sending their 
 troops to the field, like the Milanese, who according to Denina 
 had tln-ee hundred and the people of Asti a thousand ; on each 
 of which ten armed soldiers issued to the war f . 
 
 The military resources of some of these republics were 
 astonishing when any great effort required them : Milan offered 
 Frederic II. ten thousand men to accompany him into Pales- 
 tine ; the Bolognese armed forty thousand against Venice! 
 and the tyrant Eccelino maintained amongst his other troops a 
 legion of twelve thousand Paduans alone ! Florence at one 
 time could bring a hundred thousand fighting men at a few 
 days' notice into the field from the capital, contado, and dis- 
 trict; all organized under captains of tens, hundi-eds, and 
 
 * Muratori, Ant. Ital., Dissert, xxvi. f Dt ninu, Rev. d'ltalia, vol. ii., p.33i). 
 
638 
 
 CAMP-EQUIPAGE. PADIGLIONI. INSULTS. [book i. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 COINAGE OF MONEY IN WAE. 
 
 639 
 
 thousands, and completely equipped according to their various 
 nature. The greater part of these were agricultural labourers 
 well used to carry arms, and while thus employed the c(teimon- 
 wealth supplied them ^\ith provisions and even a certain allow- 
 ance of pay equivalent to the avemge wages of the time ; thus 
 when Florence made a sudden demonstration of her forces 
 before Arezzo in 1384 as \s'ill be hereafter noticed, twenty 
 thousand cavalry and sixty thousand infantr}^ were rapidly and 
 almost instantaneously assembled to gain their object *. 
 
 In these expeditions a camp equipage accompanied the 
 troops, the tents being as at present made of canvas, but pro 
 bably at the expense of the soldier: they were called ''Tra- 
 hacche " and " Padifjlioni " and were of various shapes and 
 sizes accordmg to the rank and wealth of the owner: those of 
 kings, princes, and other great people were magnificent, and 
 some are described as bemg so spacious as to startle all common 
 belief; but that considerable cost and ingenuity were lavished 
 on these vast tabernacles is indubitable, and the national 
 pavilion being considered second only to the Carroccio in 
 honour ; it was in especial charge of the general and had a 
 guard of honour amongst the Florentines f . 
 
 National pride and hatred rendered ever}- insult personal, 
 and produced a punctilious sensibility which often vented itself 
 in sudden fiery expeditions without adequate cause : during 
 these hostilities, and even in times of ^jeace, everj'thing was 
 done by adverse states to insult and aggravate each other: 
 dead asses were thrown into besieged places ; races, particu- 
 larly of infamous women, were mn under the rity walls : the 
 sports of peace were celebrated in similar situations, as if to 
 show the perfect safety in which the invaders considered tlieni- 
 selves, with their utter contempt of the enemy : money was 
 
 V 
 
 struck on the stock of a felled tree ; generally one of those that 
 formed a shady resort for the citizens beyond the walls ; as if 
 to exercise the rights of sovereignty and insult the vanquished: 
 and even permanent inscriptions and other abusive emblems 
 were placed over the gates as the Pisans did near Lerici in 
 1250 ; or on some lofty tower as the marble aims of Carmig- 
 nano*. All these customs and feelings made the wars of 
 this early period between neighbouring states more like the 
 pei-sonal quarrels of individuals than the conllicts of contend- 
 ing nations and often stamped a bitter and bloody character on 
 the contest to which except hi civil contentions, we now are 
 happily strangers. 
 
 * The Pisans having taken Lerici an.l suhurb between the two towers tbev 
 
 Trebbiano Irom the Genoese built a placed a stone carved into the form of 
 
 strong suburb to the former with two a bale of merchandise and cut on it 
 
 great towers, and above the gate of this the following inscription : 
 
 ''Sfoppa in Bocca al Gvnorcsc, 
 Crepacuore a Porto Vcnere, 
 Strappa Borsello al Lucrhese.'" 
 
 (Vide Tronci, Annali, An. 1256.) 
 
 The peculiar point of this wit would heart of Porto Yenere, and stopping the 
 
 now perhaps not be easy to discover, mouth of Genoa, vet Genoa recaptured 
 
 but although the capture of Lerici was it immediatelv.— Gio. Villani, Lib. vi., 
 
 cutting the purse of Lucca, breaking the cap. v.— Tronci, Aunali di Pisa. 
 
 4 
 K 
 
 a? 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. viii., cap. xxxix. iii", pp. 26 and 
 
 — Deuina, vol. ii®, p. 335. — Goro f Muratori, Dissert. 
 
 Dati, Storia di Fircnze, Libri ii" and 
 
 ::\v;. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 641 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 DANTE, PURGATORY. 
 
 (CANTO VI.) 
 
 Florence mine, well may'st thou be content 
 With this digression, it ne*er touches thee ; 
 Thanks to thy people that conduct thee so. 
 
 Many are just in heart yet slow to shoot, 
 
 Nor without judgment lightly seize the bow : 
 But thy good men wear justice on their tongue. 
 
 Many refuse the weight of public charge : 
 But thy wise people readily respond 
 Without a call ; exclaiming, « I will serve." 
 
 Now make thee joyful for thou hast good cause : 
 Th/u, rich, thou peaceful, thou of wisdom full. 
 If 1 say true th' effect can scarce be hid. 
 
 Athens and Lacedsemon, when of yore 
 
 For antique laws and policy reno\MiM, 
 Were poor in social life compared to thee, 
 
 Who weav'st so provident and subtle laws, 
 That scarce to mid-November will extend 
 What in October thou perchance may'st spin. 
 
 How many times within thy mem'ry still. 
 
 Laws, Money, Office, Manners, Customs ; all 
 Hast thou changed, and members oft renew'd ? 
 
 And if thy mera'ry 's good and vision clear, 
 
 Thou 'It see thyself hke to the bed-rid crone, 
 Who knows no rest tliough on soft plumage laid, 
 
 But shuns her pain by turning here and tliere. 
 
 f 
 
 Page 319. 
 COUNT UGOLINO.— DANTE, HELL. 
 
 (canto XXXIII.) 
 
 Lifting his muzzle from the fell repast, 
 
 That sinner turned, and wiped it on the hair 
 Of the maimed skull he had so gnaw'd behind. 
 Then he began : — Thou wantest to renew 
 
 The hopeless grief which presses on my heart. 
 E'en with a thought, before I tell the tale. 
 But if each syllable prove fruitful seed 
 
 Of shame unto the traitor that I gnaw, 
 Together thou shalt see me speak, and weep. 
 I know not whom thou art, nor by what mode 
 Thou earnest here below ; but Florentine 
 Thou seem'st indeed to me when thee 1 hear. 
 Know that I was once Count Ugolino, 
 
 And this the fierce Archbishop Ruggieri : 
 Now I will tell thee why I 'm coupled thus. 
 That by the working of his wicked thoughts, 
 Trusting to him I was close pris'ner made. 
 And after murder'd ; there 's no need to say. 
 But that of which thou never couldst have heard, 
 I mean the cruel nature of my death. 
 Listen now ; and learn if he hath wronged me. 
 A narrow chink within the dreary mew, 
 
 Since, after me, the " Tower of Famine " named, 
 (Where other victims yet must be immured,) 
 Had shown me through its iron-fasten'd hole 
 
 What moons had waned ere came that fatal dream 
 Which from the future rent its shadowy veil. 
 This dog, methought, as Lord and Master rode 
 Chacing the wolf and woMuigs to the hill 
 Which bars our Pisans' view of Lucca's towers. 
 With faniish'd, eager, and insatiate hounds, 
 Gualandi, Sismondi, and Lanfranchi 
 He placed himself directly in the front. 
 After short course methought were wearied out 
 
 Both sire and cubs, and then with piercing fangs 
 It seemed as if their bleeding flanks were torn. 
 VOL. I. TT 
 
642 
 
 APPENDLX. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 648 
 
 When I awaken'd, ere the morning's dawn, 
 
 I heard my children weeping in their sleep ; 
 
 Those that were with me ; and demanding bread. 
 Cruel art thoiiy if yet untouch'd in heart 
 
 With thoughts of what my soul foreboded then ! 
 And if thou weep'st not, what e'er made thee weep ? 
 All had now wak'd and the due hour drew near 
 
 When daily food was wont to be supplied ; 
 
 And still his dream made every dreamer doubt. 
 xViul then, beneath, I heard the wicket nailed 
 
 Of tlie horrible tow'r ! and then I stared 
 
 Into my children's face, without a word ! 
 I did not weep ! all petrified within ! 
 
 But they did weep ; and Anselmuccio mine 
 
 Exclaim'd Thou look'st so strange ! What ails thee Father \ 
 Nor this drew tears ! nor did I once reply 
 
 All that long day, nor the ensuing night, 
 
 ' Till the next sun had broken on the world. 
 As through the hole a slender ray was struck 
 
 Within that doleful cell, and I perceived 
 
 In four sad visages my looks impressed, 
 With very anguish both my hands I bit ; 
 
 And they supposing it was want of food 
 
 With sudden movement altogether rose. 
 And said, O father we should feel less pain 
 
 If thou wouldst feed on us : 'twas thee that dress'd us 
 
 In this most wretched flesh ; despoil us now. 
 I then was calm, not to increase their wo. 
 
 For that day and the next we all were mute ! 
 
 Hard-hearted earth why didst not open then ! 
 After the fourth sad morning had appear'd 
 
 Gaddo fell down extended at my feet. 
 
 Crying, Father mine canst thou not aid me ? 
 There he died ; and sure as thou seest me now, 
 
 I saw them die all three child after child 
 
 Between the fifth day and the sixth ; and then 
 Sightless from want I passed my hands o'er each : 
 
 Three days I called them after they were dead ; 
 
 And then sharp famine did what grief could not. 
 
 
 Thus having spoke, he with dark scowling eye 
 Refix'd the mangled skull between his teeth, 
 Strong as a dog's against the harden'd bone. 
 
 All Pisa ! thou reproach and endless shame 
 
 To that fair land where the soft Si doth sound ! 
 Since to chastise thee neighb'ring states are slow, 
 
 Ivcn let Gorgona and Capraia move, 
 
 And dam the waters up in Arno's mouth, 
 
 So that all living souls within thee drown : 
 For if 'gainst Ugolino charge were made 
 Of having given thy castles to the foe, 
 
 I lis sons at least should not have suffer'd thus. 
 Their tender age had render'd innocent, 
 Thou modem Thebes ! Uguccion and Brigata 
 
 And th' other two 'hove named in om' song. 
 
 Pwie 4(kS. 
 
 PURGATORY. 
 
 (canto xxtv.) 
 
 Cecauj^e the place where 1 was put to live, 
 
 Is day by day, more pulp'd of all its good, 
 And t«) unhappy ruin seems disposed. 
 
 Now go he said, for him who 's most to blame, 
 1 now see trailing at his horse's heels 
 Towards the vale where no redemption lies. 
 
 1\\(' l)east at ev^ery step more rapid flies, 
 
 With still increasing speed until he kicks 
 And leaves the mangled and disfigured cori^c 
 
 Vc have nat inucli to tm'n celestial wheels, 
 (And hx'd his eyes above) until thou seest 
 Whar words of mine are not allowed to tell. 
 
 END OF VOL. 1. 
 
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BIBLIOGRAPHIC IRREGULARITIES 
 
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 List volumes and pages affected; include name of institution if filming borrowed text. 
 
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ColmnWa iHnitJf rsfftp 
 
 intl)fCitpof3^tt»gork 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 
 S } 
 
FLORENTINE HISTORY, 
 
 FROM THE EARLIEST AUTHENTIC RECORDS 
 
 TO THE ACCESSION OF 
 
 FERDINAND THE THIRD, 
 
 Ma queir ingrato popolo nialigno 
 Che discese di Fiesole ab antico, 
 E tiene ancor del monte e del macigno. 
 
 Davte, Inferno, Canto xv. 
 
 E come '1 volger del ciel della luna 
 Cuopre ed iscuopre i llti sanza posa, 
 Cosi far di Fiorenza la for tuna . 
 
 Perche non dee parer mirabil cosa 
 Ci^ ch' io dinS degli alti Fiorentini, 
 Onde la fama nel tempo e nascosa. 
 
 Dantk, Paradito, Canto xvi. 
 
 GRAND DUKE OF TUSCANY. 
 
 BY 
 
 HENRY EDWAED NAPIER, 
 
 Captain in the Royal Nary, F.R.S. 
 
 IN SIX VOLUMES 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 LONDON: 
 EDWARD MOXON, DOVER STREET. 
 
 MiyCCCJ^LVI. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CIL\PTER XIX. 
 
 HRADBrHt .%M> »VA.%8. rBl»TEKS. WHll. 
 
 (FBOM A.I). 133G TO A.l). 1342.) 
 
 Great power of Mastino della Scala— Florentine preparations— Sei della Guerra and other 
 boards to conduct the war— Hostilities with Pier Saccoui— Treaty with Venice — 
 First interference of Venice with Italian politics — Finance of Florence — Public debt 
 begim — Active war in Lombardy — Tlie Ubaldini declare for Florence — New 
 Guelphic League— Piero de' Rossi made general of the Florentines in Tuscany — 
 Defeats Mastino's troops near Cerruglio — Commands the Lombard army against 
 Mastino— His activity and success— Retreats to Bovolento— Encamps permanently 
 there— Militor)' operations— Attacks on Padua— The Carrara's treachery to Mastino 
 — Nature of war in those days —Orlando Rosso— Great power of Florence— Negotia- 
 tions with Saccone— Acquisition of Arezzo — Expense — Discontent of Perugia- 
 Lombard affairs— Mastino tries for peace— Bucentaur — Marsilio Carrara at Venice 
 — Diet at Cremona — Azzo ^'isconte's speech— League against Mastino — Progress of 
 the war— Lucchino Visconte retreats— Mastino takes the offensive— Marches on 
 Bovolento — Piero Rosso's striu jreui — Mastino withdraws — Marsilio Rosgo rejoins 
 his brother — Conspii*acy m Pauua— Alberto della Scala made prisoner and Padua 
 deliveretl to the allies — Death of the two brothers Rossi — Orlando Rosso the third 
 brother succeeds them — Prosecutes the war — Brescia in the power of Azzo Visconte 
 -New attempts at peace— Bad fortune of Mastino — Fresh negotiations— Peace — 
 Anger of Florence — Acquisitions — Financial and mercantile distress — State of 
 Italy— Philip of Valois arrests the Italian merchants and bankers in France — His 
 depreciated currency — Edward III. of England— His wars —Debts— Ruin of the 
 Bardi and Peruzzi companies— Great sxiffering at Florence in consequence— 
 NervQvis state of the Florentines —They become peacemakers — Domestic reforms — 
 PoliticaL tricka-r-J'^iunifle and pestilence — Exiles recalled — Sumptuary la w^-r-f l o- 
 rence governed by a faction— Poiwlani GmMe"— (jabrieUi d' Agubbio captain of 
 the guard^^His lyfanhy-^bnspiracy of the Bardi and Frescobaldi— Civil war — The 
 Podestk's fine conduct — The Bardi surrender — Tranquillity restored— Persecution 
 of the exiles— Another conspiracy — T^Tanny of government and persecution of the 
 Nobles— Mastino's affairs— Parma revolts— Lucchino Visconte Lord of Milan— 
 
 'II 
 
 _1 v.- X tv •' 'J 
 
Tl 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 VU 
 
 Lucca offered for salc-Pisa and Florence competitors -A board of twenty citizcas 
 formed at Florence vith extensive powers— Lucca purchased— Anger of PL^— Her 
 dbtermination-War with norence-Viseontc joins risa-Azzo VL^conte's death 
 and character— Lucchino'8 character and po>cmmcnt- Francesco daPostierla— His 
 nusfortune? and death-Pisa prepares for war-Horentine exiles assist her- 
 Besieges Lucca— norentines taken by surprise— Assemble an army— Invade the 
 Plsan state— Bad mana?cment— Mastino's demands- New arrangements with him 
 -Florentine army marches to Lucca— ReUev€-s the garrison and gets possession of 
 it_siege continual by the IMsans— 1 heir battle and victory over the Horentines— 
 Villani's conversation at Ferrara- Malatesta of Rimini Captain General of Ho- 
 rence— The command offered to the Duke of Athens— Aid demanded of King 
 Robert of Naples— His coHduct— Anger of Florence— Negotiations with the Em- 
 peror— Their results-Commercial tUstress— The army marches to Lucca— Delays 
 of Malatesta-Duke of Athens joins the army-His character— Distinguishes him- 
 .<«elf-Sicge continued— Malatesta retires^ Negotiations for peace— Lucca surren- 
 ders to Pisa— Dionesio del Borgo's prophecy fulfilled . I'age 1 to 60 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Cfrom a.d. 1342 TO a.d. 1344.) 
 \ Puke of Athens Captain and Consen-ator of Horence- State of parties— Severe govern- 
 ment—The Duke's executions— Intrigues and popularity - Dismay of the oligarchy 
 —Made perpetual Lord of I-lorence-Robert's advice— Peace with Pisa— His un- 
 steadv rule, tATannv, extortions— Villani's character of him— Executes Naddo 
 Rucellai— Becomes unpopular- French corrupt Florence —Cruelty to Bettoni Cmi 
 —General incUgnation— Trade languishes— All classes unite against him— Three 
 conspiracies— One becomes known to him— His alarm- Summonses a general 
 council— Distrust prevails- General revolt— The Duke besieged in the Palace- 
 Releases Antonio Adimari— Comes to term*- Dependant cities revolt— Popular 
 ferocity— Death of his ministers— His expulsion- Signs his ab<lication at Poppi— 
 Retires to Venice and Puglia— His character by Maccluavelli— Florence tranquil- 
 Reforms— Her weakness— Her prudent conduct— Balia— City di^^detl into quarters 
 —Nobles admitted to power-. Jealousy of the people— Nobles begin to tyrannize— 
 Popolani Grassi— Their power and riches— Di"«content of the i)eople increased by 
 the nobles' conduct— Attempts to exclude the latter from power resented— Tumults 
 —The nobles expelled from the seignor)-- New reforms— A coimcil of the people 
 created— Connexion of the divers classes with each other— Andrea Strozzi's sedi- 
 tion-Encourages the nobles— Their anger and preparations for revolt— Barricades 
 —Civil war— The Adimari, Donati, and othcT nobles defeated— Oltramo strongly 
 fortified— The Bardi, Rossi, Frescobaldi and NerU hold out— All subdued but the 
 Bardi- Their obstinate resistance in the Via de' Bardi— Attacked in the rear— 
 Strozza's gallantry— The Bardi overcome— Saved by the Mozzi— Their houses 
 plundered— The nobles completely subdued— Tliree democratic classes— New 
 Balia— Great iwwer of the lower classes— Concessions to the nobles through Count 
 Simon's influence— Many noble families are granted the honours of democracy- 
 People's ingratitude to some of them— The many changes in Florence— Peace with 
 Pisa— CK)ro Dati's accouut of the Florentine constitution— Four Gonfalons— 
 
 Twenty-one Arts— The Seignora or Priors— Gonfalonier of justice— Their votes, by 
 ballot— Tlieu- establishment, officers, &c.— Gonfaloniers of companies— Buonomiiii 
 —Colleagues— Council of the people- ConcigUo del Comime— Died di BaU^— Otto 
 della Guardia— Regulators of public accounts— Captains of the party Guelph— Dieci 
 di Liberta— Officers of abimdancc, of the Grascia, of the castles, of the tower, of 
 the Condotta— Consuls of the trades— Commercial court— Podestk— Captain of the 
 people— Executor of the ordinances of justice— Exteraal officers and PodestJls-- 
 Conclusion Page 61 to HI 
 
 CHAI'TER XXI. 
 
 (from a.d. 1343 TO A. I.. 1349.) 
 Causes of evil in Florentine affairs-State of Italy-Naplcs-Death of Robert-Succes- 
 sion of Giovanna-Court intrigues-Unpopularity and mui'der of Prince Andi'ca 
 of Hungary-Faction and anarchy at Naples-King of Hungary prepares to invade 
 Pugha-Marches to the relief of Zara-Baffled by the Venetians-AlUes himself 
 with Louis of Bavaria who threatens Italy-Clement VI. opr)Ose8 him-Charles of 
 Moravia elected Emperor- Gcnnany disturbed-John of Bohemia killed at Crecy— 
 Ix)uis of Bavaria is killed and Charles IV. imiversaUy acloiowlcdged as Emperor- 
 Importance of Pisa— Visconti's iwwer— Pisa and Visconti quarrel on account of 
 Giovanni d'Oleggio's conspiracy against the former- Sends an army against them 
 —Covertly aided by Florence, which cedes Pictra Santa to the Bishop of Luni— 
 War between Pisa and Mihui— Marquis Malespini dies— Peace made— Lucca 
 remains to PLsa-AfFairs of Genoa-Of Lombardy- Parma sold to the Marquis of 
 Este— Treachery of Filippino Gonzaga— War active in Lombardy— Mastino aban- 
 dons Obizzo of Este -Peace made ^ith Milan and Mantua and Parma sold to 
 Visconti— His power-Foreign mercenaries— Their valour and importance-Dis- 
 missal of them by Pisa— Its consequences— Foraiation of the great company under 
 Werner— Their Avickcdness and formidable power— Their acts in Siena, Perugia, 
 Romagna, Bologna, and Lombardy— Paid off ;.nd <Usperscd— Reflections on the 
 state of Italy— On Florence- Persecutions there— League against t5Tants— New 
 I>ersecution of the nobles— Duke of Athens denounced— His enmity— Florentines 
 peisecuted in France— Public debt first funded—" Monte "—Its nature— Debt paid 
 to Mastino— Laws against the clergy— Their boldness and consequences- Villani's 
 opinion— Quarrel with the Inquisitor— Determination of the government— The 
 Inquisitor retires— Embassy to Pope Clement— His conduct exposed— Restrictive 
 laws against the Inquisitor— New persecution of the nobles— Second and tota 
 failure of the BartU and Peruzzi—lfs 'disastrous consequences to Florence— Legal 
 "^"^A—-^?^^^. °f T^''^ I^^^.P^'^.'^J:"" ^ourleen De/enders of Libgrty' created^ 
 Alarm at the election of the Emperor'Charles IV. and Ghibeline influence— League 
 with Siena-'' Parti/ Guelph'' begins to interfere with the goverumentj-Laws 
 against the Ghibeliucs and attacks on the low democracy— Priors attempT'to 
 par^yze it without success— New Guclphic League— San Miniato delivers itself to 
 Florence for five years— Kone of the Duke of Athens' Priors or Ghibelines allowed 
 armorial bearings- Other regulations— Cola di Rienzo— His extraordinary actions 
 at Rome— His rise, progi-ess, altitude and fall— Resigns his office of Tribune of the 
 People and retires to the castle of Saint Angelo— Misfortimes of Florence— A sue- 
 
VUl 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 cession of baa crop^ stonns, »n<l -^'^^ ^'^^^ '''' ':'^'''f'"'''''^Z 
 reception of pestilencc^Commeneement of plague m '"e jast-Ite progress ™ 
 extension oveV aU F.urope-It» horrors and ^jrmptoms-Boecaceio's eelebratol 
 dStton of it at FiorenVe-TTe great mortality there-Remarks on t^js descnp- 
 L-L ravages in Italy and SieUy-Death of Laura-Of Giovamn MU^ the 
 Florentine historian-Effects of the plague in Horencc-FaUacious "'P^'"''""^ 
 Charities-Peculations-Legal reforms-Bankrupts-Marriages numerous-Sump- 
 tuarylaw^Ne- scrutiny lists-Sobles again partiaUy """""'•'^ ^" °«;«-'',^, 
 with the UbaUlini ..••■• ^ " 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 IX 
 
 the Count of Avignon— Peace of Sarezzana concluded by the exertions of Lotto 
 Gambacorta of Pisa— Disorderly state of Florence— Robberj- to the sound of music 
 — Bordoni conNicted— His family influence— Podesta retires to Siena— PubUc 
 feeling high— Podcstii returns— Bordoni beheaded— Famine— Montepulciano and 
 Siena— Usurpations how considered— San Gimignano gives itself to Florence— Fair 
 conduct of the latter— St. Gimignano incorporated in Contado— War between 
 Genoa and Venice— Genoa under Viseonti— The latter angry with Florence, who 
 refuses to join Venice against liim— Nobles raised to the rank of com- 
 moners rage 161 to 198 
 
 aLVPTER XXII. 
 
 (FROM A.D. 1349 TO A.l». 1354.) 
 
 Conduct of the UbalcUni; war and laws against them-State of Naplcs-^I;^rriage of 
 Giovanna-lntrigties of King Lo^us of Hungary-Revolt of Aqudea-H.mgar.an 
 advanc«l gxiard in Italy-Charles of Durazzo incUgnant at the queen s mamage- 
 Loms arrives in person with 60(10 horscv-The court of Naples m contusion-thgh 
 of king and queen-Louis at Aversa-Murders Durazzo and imprisons the royal 
 princet-Leaves Naples for Hungary on account of the plague-Reaction m hivour 
 of Giovamla-A^-ignon sold to the Popes-The king and queen prepare to r^^. 
 to Naples-Duke Werner engaged by them-His excesses and ^'•^-^^f^'^-^f^^^^^^ 
 flture of Neaix,litan barons-Truce between Naples and Ilungary-Lologna-Col 
 di Rienzo-Pisan factions of the Raspanti and Bergolini-Lucchino Msconti and 
 Genoa-Mantua-War in Lombardy-Lucchino's death-Succeeded by the arch- 
 brop-Unsettled condition of other states-Affairs of Florence-Defensive im-a. 
 sore^Prato purchased from Naples-Giovanni Visconti's jx^wer and anibUion^^ 
 Jubilee of ISoLAmbition of Clement M.-IIector de Durfoit-Affairs of Komagn 
 -TTie Peppoli Revolution of Bologna-Sold to MUan-Visconti's quarrel Anth the 
 Pope-ReeonciUation-Receives the invesUture of Bologna ^^0"^ /^^"^^^ " 
 Attempted Lea^e against Visconti-Fails in consequence of Mastino della Scala . 
 death-Fears of norence-Pistoia besieged and g;irrisoned agamst Mseonti-Hi> 
 ambition-Diet of Ghibclines at Milan against Horenee-HjTocrisy ot Msconti- 
 Supineness of Florence-Invasion of her territory by Visconti-Extensive con- 
 federacv against and danger of Florence-Milanese occupy the plain of Horence- 
 Their ^stress and danger-Secure a retreat by the bad conduct of a Florentine 
 officer-Their operations in Mugello-Piero Sacconi and the Ubalchm attack the 
 Florentines-DLstress of Horence-Its spirit-Siege of Scari>ena and gallant 
 defence-Saccone cuts off a detachment from Perugia-Failure ot Giovanm 
 d'Oleggio before Scarperia-The Milanese army retreats-Rewards-Measures of 
 defence against Milan- League-No confidence in the Pope- InvitaUon to Louisof 
 Bavaria-New financial board-CommuiatifliUutUiJhtar;' service:-Merce5aries^ 
 Observations thereon-Tj««., La '; < .abclUi.deUe Querimonie"-Regulaton a new 
 financial board-Law about embassies -Pope Qement's reconcihation with \ isconti 
 -Its effects at Florence^Treaty with Charles IV. pubUshed-Ambassadors sent to 
 him-Their faUure-War in Upper Val d'Amo-F. Castracani curbed- Saccone 
 burns Figlini-War with Ubaldini-Shameful defeat of the Horentmes by a body 
 of peasantrv-Wish for peac(>-Death of Dement Vl.-IIis character and that of 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 (FUOM A.D. 1354 TO A.D. 1359.) 
 
 New troubles- The Chevalier de Montreal and his company— Its government and his bold 
 design— Attacks Malatcsta— Who appeals to the Tuscan states— Their indifference— 
 Progi-css of the ''Great Company'' -Lcaguo of Florence, Siena, and Perugia against 
 it— Montreal's artful conduct and its disastrous effects— Florence deserted by her 
 aUies— CompeUed to pay Uke the rest— The Company passes into Lombardy— 
 Montreal at Rome— Beheaded by Cola di Ricnzi— Adventures and Restoration of 
 the latter by CarcUnal Albornoz -Enthusiasm of the Romans for him— His obUga- 
 tions and treachery to Montreal-IIis weakness and cruelty— Stefano Colonna 
 revolts— Rionzo's popularity gone— A sedition and his weakness— Besieged in his 
 palace— Taken— Murdered- Affairs of Florence— Quarrel of the Ricci and Albizzi— 
 Party Guelph— New laws proposed against Ghibelincs by the Ricci— Piero Albizzi's 
 artful conduct and its eonseciuenccs— Milan at war with Venice— Lombard League 
 against Viseonti— Florence refuses to join— Treaty of the League with the Emperor 
 —His love of gain and artful conduct -Boccaccio ambassador at Arignon— Charles 
 IV. blamed by Petrarch— His movements— Attempts to make peace in Lombardy 
 — CroMTied at Milan— Giovanni Archbishop of ^lilan dies— Partition of liis domi- 
 nions between Matteo, Bernabo and Galeazzo Viseonti— Florence uneasy at the 
 imperial visit— Creates a board of national defence— Another of war and iieace— 
 Qivic troops embocUed- Endeavom-s to unite Guelphic Tuscany— Watches her 
 subjccFstafes— Influence of the emperors in Italy— Obser\'ations and opinions on 
 their rights there— Conduct of the Viseonti— Charles arrives at Pisa— Florentine 
 embassy— Its language and conduct— Anger of the Court— Deserted by Siena and 
 other places— Negotiations with Charles— At last concluded— Tenns of agreement 
 are unpopular at Florence— Sorrow of the citizens— Siena— Its troubles and fac- 
 tions—Charles arrives there— Deposes the gevernment of " Nine "—Assumes the 
 Lordshii>— Proceeds to Rome— Returns— Leaves his brother to govern Siena- 
 Goes on to Pisa— Disorders there— New revolution at Siena— The Vicar cUsmissed 
 —Siena again free— Altairs of I'isa— Lucca— Charles's conduct to the Gambacorti— 
 Seditions— Revolt of Lucca— Put down -Charles's plans baffled— His cruel treat- 
 ment of the Gambacorti— Departs for Pietra Santa and then for Germany— Charac- 
 ter of the Gambacorti— Their loss to Pisa and norence-;;Newjaw8;:::^;qbljss^th 
 restricted— Attempt to register real property at Florence— Fails— Count Lando— 
 League against him— Angry fcelmg of Pisa against Florence— Its consequences- 
 Disputes-" I?K'ci del Mare" created- Their acts— Port of Talamone— Effects of 
 
CONTEXTS. 
 
 the withdrawal of commerce from l*isa— Death of Picro Saccone— Anecdote of him 
 —Count Lando in La M area— Florence embodies native troops— Mountain passes 
 occupied— Negotiations with Lando— Encouragement and pay of crossbow-men 
 — Pisan folly and conduct— Aided by lioccanegra of Genoa— Lucca's subjection 
 prolonged— Forbearance of norencc— Lando again in Uomagna— Defensive mea- 
 sures— Albomoz pressed by the Great Company-- Publishes a crusade against it- 
 Collects money and troops in Horence— Enthusiasm of the latter— Albonioz treats 
 ■with Lando— Horence p;iy*— Pisa, Siena, and Perugia refuse— Profound peace of 
 Florence— IXjmestic aifairs— The " IHcieto"— Its effects— Power changes hands- 
 Political intrigues— Cry against Ghibelines— Ricci's law enforce<l— Its e%-il conse- 
 quences—Great power of the Party Guelph— Their tyranny— Chocks and restric- 
 tions of their power— " yimwo/uVi," what ?— Terror of the Florentines at this new 
 tyranny— Uguccione Ricci's exertions and final success to restrict this power- 
 Formation of first naval armament of Horence— Trade to Talamonc declared free 
 by Pisa— Disputes of Siena and Perugia— Great Company hired by the former- 
 Free passage demanded by Great Company thrf>ugh the Florentine states— Refused 
 and consequences -Disaster of the Scalelle— Part of the Company escapes— Peace 
 between Siena and Penigia— Bad conduct of the Horentine ambassadors in assist- 
 ing the remnant of the Great Company to escape — Opinions and conduct of the 
 Florentines — Their mcasiu-es imd subsequent discontent — Great influence of the 
 ambassadors in the public councils — After-movements of the Companv and Flo- 
 rence — Defensive me;u>.ures— I'andolfo Malatcsta made general of the Florentines— 
 Albomoz in Horence Haughty conduct of the Florentine ambassadors— They are 
 absolved — Observations on this government . . . Page 199 to 24G 
 
 C1L\PTER XXIV. 
 
 (from a.d. 1359 TO A.D. 1365.) 
 
 Observations— Financial state of Horence— Count Lando's projects— Operations of the 
 company— Its anger at Florence— Severe winter— Treaty ^ith Lando concluded by 
 Albomoz on the part of Horence — Spirited conduct of the latter- l*ublic indigna- 
 tion—Offers—Deceit of AllK>moz— Strength and excesses of the company— Florence 
 alone against the company— Defensive works in Lombardy— Florence assembles her 
 army— Bad conduct of her allies— Supportetl by the rest of ItiUy— Perugia's 
 treachery - Siena — Pisa— Florence rejects all overtiu-es with the company — Lando 
 skirts the frontier— Opposed by Pandolfo— Baffleil- Shamed, and forced to depart— 
 Company broken up— Pandolfo's triumph and modesty— (Observations— Laws— New 
 *• iJ/Wiwo"- War in the Casentino— Bibbiena acquiretl- Other acquisitions— Tarlati 
 hiunbled— Tano degli Alberti— Anecdote— n)ertini and Ubaldini citizens of Flo- 
 
 Irence- Law of admonition- Its evil— Discontent— Conspiracy of Bartolommeo de' 
 Medici and others— Detected— Repressed with mercy— Two interesting events at 
 Scarperio and Perugia— T riennial scrutin y at ITorcnCfi-r- Conniption in election 
 matters — Briber} —Legislation— Interference of foreign powers— Party Guelph 
 strengthened— Nobility compelled to change their name when made commoners — 
 State of riding party in Florence— Its general conduct— Volterra falls under the 
 rule of Horence- Pisa angry— I'iero Gambacorti's prophecy— Designs of Pisa- 
 War inevitable with Horence— Pietrabuona—IMero Gambacorti invades the I*i8an 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 XI 
 
 state— Remonstrances— Denial— War ready to break out— A great council assem- 
 bled at Horence— Zato Passavanti's speech— War determined on— A board called 
 " Gli otto della Ouerra" created— Bonifazio Lupo general— Pietrabuona surrenders 
 to the Pisans— Preparations for war— Coolness of Siena and Perugia— Superstition 
 —Boasts of the Pisans— Progress of the war by sea and land— Porto Pisano taken 
 by Grimaldi— Neutrality of Genoa— Lupo removed from the command— Ridolfo da 
 Camci-ino succeeds— His general inability— Army in disorder— Mutiny-Company 
 of the Cappellctto— New military regulations— Observations— Pisa's cruel conduct 
 to Lucca— State of Florentine army— Military bank of loan— Piero Farnese general 
 of Horence— Attempts Lucca by treachery— Fails— Gallant conduct of two Horen- 
 tine officers — Farnese defeats the Pisans near Bagno a Vena — Altopascio lost— 
 Pimishment— Private character of this war— Prosecution of the campaign— Victory 
 of Faniese near Pisa— Siege of Barga raised— Plague rages- Army infected— Far- 
 nese dies of it— Funeral honours— I lis brother Rinnuccio general— The English 
 White company— Force of the Pisan army luider Ghfsello degli Ubaldini— Observa- 
 tions— The plain of Florence invaded and ravaged— Army retires to Pisa— Ghisello 
 rtieg—Plague still in Florence— Death of Matteo Mllani the historian— His charac- 
 ter— Observations—State of Florence— Discontent— Preparations for next campaign 
 — Pandolfo Malatesta oftered the command of the army— llis intrigues— He arrives 
 at Horence— War in Upper Val d'Arno— Malatesta's treachery and ambition— 
 Horentine camp taken by the English, who threaten Florence— Pandolfo's bold 
 demimds rejected— Pcruzzi's speech— Threats of the English— Eipoli plundered— 
 Dread of the English— Obscivations— Pandolfo's views— Destruction of the Cap- 
 pellctto company — Threats of the Engli5h— San Sahi — Confusion at Horence— 
 Pandolfo's treachery palpable— The English retreat by Chianti— Vigour of the Ho- 
 rentine government against Pandolfo— English at Pisa— Lances, what ?— English 
 troops and mode of fighting descrilx-d— Their hardihood— Ilawkwood— Their winter 
 campaign — Unsuccessful— Baumgarten and his Germans join the Pisans, who try 
 for i>eacc, but fail— Their confidence- Financial state of Horence exhibited— Hos- 
 tilities rccoumience— Plain of Florence again overrun— Insults— English penetrate 
 the Mugello— Pandolfo's conduct— English beaten in MugcUo— Gallant conduct of 
 a Gei-man knight— English retreat- ^Malatesta dismissed— The Vb^n army spread 
 over the plain— Gallant defence of the Pctraia or BruncUesco tower- Hesole and 
 Montughi occupied— Attack and defence of Porto san CJallo— New-made knights- 
 Night alarm of Horence — Pisiin army dislodge — Repulsed beyond Amo — Retire to 
 Upper Val d 'Arno and then to Pisa— Their loss— Horentines invade the Pisan ter- 
 ritory and return safe under Hem y de Montfort— All the English bribed to leave the 
 Pisan service except Ilawkwood— Galeotto Malatesta general— Battle of Cascina — 
 Hawkwood repulsed witli k)ss— Intrigues of Malatesta— Discontent of the soldiers 
 —Treatment of Pisan prisoners—" Tttto de'' Pimni " built —Troops still mutinous 
 — Affray between Germans and English — Army divided— Peace wished for — Nego- 
 tiations at Pescia— Revolution at Pisa— Giovanni d' Agr.ello— His intrigues— Makes 
 himself Doge of Pisa —Peace concluded— Conditions favoui*ablc to Florence — Reflec- 
 tions on the war ....... Page 247 to 322 
 
xu 
 
 CONTEXTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 (from A.I). 1364 TO A.D. 1371.) 
 
 Disquiet of Florence— Comi)anic8, at A^^p:non— The White companj- — renters Piedmont- 
 Carries the plague — The Visconti shut themselves uji — Bemab<)"s precautions, and 
 report of his death— Plajfue one >-ear later in Tuscany— Tliat province harassed by 
 the companies — Conduct of Horence — Offers made to the i)opc— Comptiny of Saint 
 George — Bargain with it— All Itidy disturbed by the Condottieri— Policy of Florence 
 — Star company— Joins Baimigarton ;md defeats IIa\rkwoo<l near Perugia— Again 
 in the Maremma— EngUsh retire towards Genoa —Treaty between Siena and Florence 
 — Restoration of the "Capitano del Popolo "— Reform of Pmlesta's coxmcil— 
 Nobility "itill retain some power— General confederacy against all new companies— 
 Vrban V. pontiff^Avignon — Character of the city and papal court — Its dependance 
 on France — Observations on the ecclesiastical power— Papal residence out of Italy 
 impopular there — Petrarcli's exhortations supposed to have intiuenced I'rban to 
 return to Italy — Condottieri just then a more powerful stinudus— Urban's quar- 
 rels with Bemabo— Resolves in concert with the emi)eror to remove to Rome an'd 
 extirpate the Visconti — Negotiates with Florence — Settlement with Charles- 
 Returns to Italy— .Vlbomoz dies — Ilis treaty against Bcrnabo— Florence declines to 
 join — She sends ambtxssadoi-s to the emperor — Urban endeavours to induce Florence 
 to join him but fails— Pope displeased— Se<lition at Viterbo — Pope succoiu-ed by 
 Florence — Revolt of San Miniato — Pacified for a moment — Emperor's aiTival — The 
 Viiconti's unpopularity— Fears of Florence abmit the emperor — His operations and 
 treachery in Lombardy— Treats with Bemabo— Variety of nations in the Italian 
 armies— Emperor's progress— Agnello's negotiations and their result — Lucca given 
 to Charles — Pisa revolts — Becomes free — Armed association of Saint Michael — 
 Cambacorti restored- His conduct — Cliarles attempts Pisa— Rei)ulscd— Emperor's 
 anger at Florence— She appeals to the pope — She arms— Then buys the emperor's 
 peace — Charles IV, intrigues at Siena— Is driven from the town— Retires to Lucca 
 — Resolves to extract money and return home — Plorence and Urban alarmed — 
 They reconcile Pisa with Charles— The Lucchcse buy their freedom— Their spirit— 
 .^mmerce of Porto Pisano restored — Charles returns to Germany — San Miniato 
 besieged by Florence — (iuarrel with Bemabo— Hawkwood advances to Cascina — 
 League with Urban and others — Folly of the Seignory — The pope excommunicates 
 Bemab6— Reception of his ambassadors at Milan — Florentines defeated by Hawk- 
 wood — He overruns the plain of Horence — San Miniato taken — Joy of the Floren- 
 tines — Borrommei family — ^lanno Donati sent to Ltimbanly — BemabCi attempts 
 Lucca and Pisa — Fails— Power of Piero Gambacorti— Hawkwood retires — Lucca 
 fiet entirely firee — Agisted by Florence — Death of Manno Donati— Peace with Ber- 
 Iiab6 — The influence of Horence increases — Urban ^■. returns to A^-ignon — His 
 general character and death — Petrarca's opinion of him — Gregory XL — An embassy 
 from Florence — She becomes alarmed at the church — Endeavours to make a league 
 — Fails — Concludes one with the pojje and other states — Internal troubles — Ricci 
 and Albizzi— Ricci gonfalonier — Disappointp the people and it? reconciled with Kero 
 Albizzi — Discontent and suspicions of the ijcople — Benchi Buondelmonte — Joins 
 tile Albizzi— Conduct of the party Guclph— Obscuiity of the niacbiner)- of Florcn- 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 XUl 
 
 tine government— Rosso de' Ricci's conduct— Bartolo Siminolti's outrageous pro- 
 ceeding—Meetings of the citizens in consequence at San Piero Schereggio— Adch^ss 
 to the Seignory— Their proiwsition- Speech of Filippo Bastari— Recrimination of 
 the factions— Reforms and abasement of both— Measures of the BaUi— " The Ten 
 0/ Libert]/"— MegMore Guadagni — Further measiu-e against the Albiz/i— Piero 
 Petriboni— Persecuted— Obsci-vations— New opposition to party Guelph— Megalotti 
 Lapo lU CastigUonchio— Party Guelph in danger— Measures faU— Minor trades 
 admitted to the council of commerce— Proceedings against the ITjaldini— Power of 
 the church—" Elyht of the Aljjs "—'Mahmrdo Ubaldino beheaded — That fanuly 
 entirely subdued Page 323 to 366 
 
 CHAPTER XXVL 
 (from A.D. 1373 TO A.D. 1378.) 
 state of Italy— Naples— Sicily ceded to Aragon— Venice— Bologna — Milanese affairs 
 —Siege of Pana— Fra Jacopo Bussolari— Revolt of Genoa— Canlinal Albomoz in 
 Romagna— Siege of Cesina— Peace in Lombardy— Second siege of Pa^•ia— Surren- 
 ders to Galeazzo— Peace in Romagna— Oleggio cedes Bologna to the church- 
 League against :Milan in which Horence refuses to join— War in Lombardy— Ber- 
 nab6 excommunicated and unsuccessful— Relinquishes his claims on Bologna — 
 Peace of 1 3G4— Visconte prepares for war— Company of St. George raised by his 
 son— Who marches to Naples— Is defeated and made prisoner— Marriage of Violante 
 Visconte with Lionel Duke of Clarence— Bcrnabo acquires Sarzana and Reggio— 
 Treachery of Este and Lando— Death of the Marqius of Monferrato— AVar on both 
 the Visconti— Allies defeated by Ambrogio Visconte — Bernabb's cruelty— Hawk- 
 wood quits the Visconti and joins the pope— Truce— Broken by Ambrogio— Tithe 
 imposed on England and other countries for this war — Two powerful armies 
 against the two Visconti — And both princes excommunicated 1373— Its conse- 
 quences — War recommenced— Ambrogio defeated by Hawkwood at Panaro — Its 
 consequences — Beats Ikriiabu at Gavardo — Revolts- Death of Ambrogio Visconte — 
 Avarice of the papal legates prevents peace— Church property usuri^ed in the pope's 
 absence at Avignon— Recovered by Albomoz— His character— Evil effects of foreign 
 government of church dominions — Truce between Bernabd and the pope — State of 
 Florence— Conduct of William de Noellet legate of Bolouna— His false estimate of 
 the Florentine character— His ambitious views— Sends Hawkwood to ravage their 
 territor}'— Out-witted by them— War resolved on against the church— Otto della 
 Guerra created— Vigorous measures— Papal anger, and spirit of the Florentines- 
 League with Bernab6— Able conduct of the Eight— Standard of Liberty— Universa 
 revolt of papal towns— Disinterestedness of Florence— Alarm of Pope Gregory XI. 
 —He engages the Breton company— Their boasting— Attempt at peace— Revolt of 
 Bologna— Blame and conduct of Florence— Firmness of the government— Cruel 
 plunder of Faenza by Hawkwood— Evil effects of excommmiication on Florentine 
 commerce— The Florentines cited to appear at Avignon— Donato Barbadori's bold 
 defence of the republic— The pope's reply— Florence condemned— Her firmness — 
 Party discontent— Ambassadors sent to justify her conduct throughout Europe — 
 Honours to the Eight of War— Called Eight Saints— Defensive measui-es- Succours 
 to Bologna under Ridolfo da Varano— Bologna invested by the Bretons under the 
 
XIV 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CONTEXTS. 
 
 XV 
 
 Cardinal of GcncTa— His crueltj'— Duels between two Bretons and two Italians— 
 Devastation of the Bretons— Horrid fate of Cesina - Unites the league more firmly 
 —The Breton leaders bribed and Hawkwood engaged by Florence— Faithlessness 
 of Ridolfo da Varano— Church projierty seized— The pope arrives in luly— State of 
 Rome— Vainly urged by Horence to revolt— Coluccio Salutati's letter — Produces 
 some effect — Vain endeavours at peace— Bologna returns to the church— Negotia- 
 tions for peace begun at Sarzana under Bcrnab6's mediation— Death of Gregory XL 
 —Election of Urban "VI.— War tacitly ceases on the pope's death . Page 367 to 406 
 
 CIUPTEll XXVII. 
 
 (from a.d. 1377 TO A.D. 1390.) 
 
 Domestic affairs of Florence— State of parties— Giorgio Scali— Terror inspired by the 
 Capiiani of the party Guelph— Tlieir artful conduct— Right of petition abu-^ed and 
 reformed— Fear of opposing the party — Giovanni Dini admonished— Increased 
 audacity of the party Guelph— vSaint Cathciine of Siena— Agitation, and insults to 
 the admonished — The community wearied— Preparations for revolution — Salvesiro 
 de' Medici— Chiefs of the tMo factions— Bold design of the Guelphs— Lapo da Cas- 
 tiglionchio's promptitude— Piero degli Albizzi's delay — Their compiict with Sal- 
 vestro — Broken— His anger, and its effects — His measures— Affects to resign the 
 gonfaloniership —Tumults in the council and city — His measures pass— Tumults 
 continue — SjTidics of trades — Different views — Hence confusion — Armed meetings 
 — A Balii created — Outrages begin — Lapo's house burned — He escapes in disguise — 
 More riots — The atlmonishcd restored on conditions — Luigi Guicciardini gonfalo- 
 nier attempts to restore i^eace- Great agitation in the city — New SjTidics chosen — 
 New measures— Arms again resorted to— The government intimidated — Salvestro's 
 popularity — Guicciardini's speech— Discontent of the populace — Their grievances 
 ' — Opposition of the upper and lower trades— Wool-trade— Its power and jurisdic- 
 tion:=dOnipf-M)rigIn of the name— Secret meeting of the populace at Ronca— 
 Their views unfolded — Revolt determined — Tlieir intentions discovered — 8alvcstro 
 and other leaders implicated— Tumult of the Ciompi— Their success and excesses — 
 Create knights — Their inconsistency — They take the Podesta's paLice — Their 
 demands — Not unreasonable — Granted— People impatient and suspicious— Expel 
 the Seignory— Occupy the palace— Michele di Lando gonfalonier— His prudence — 
 Restores order— Commands the Eight of War to quit the palace— Is thought to 
 favour the rich— Discontent and di^•ision of his own party — Council of Eight of St». 
 MiU"ia Novella— Their audacity and demands— Lando wounds and imprisons their 
 deputies, arms the city and disperses them— Resigns office — Resolutions against 
 the Ciompi — Giorgio Scali and his faction again in power — The two councils of 
 Podesti and Captain of the people reformed — Public measures— Peace by treaty 
 with the pope — Interdict removed — Law to check war — State of Florence after 
 these events — Popular and plebeian parties — New scrutiny — Constitutional reforms 
 — Union Priorate— Population — Dissatisfaction — Vicious system of criminal law — 
 Discontented Guelphs— Formation of free companies— Leagues— Plots— Piero degli 
 Albizzi — Donate Barbadori accused and executed amidst imiversal tumult — New 
 Balia — Exiles— Affairs of Naples — Alberigo di Barbiano— Beaten at Malmantile by 
 Everard Lando— Charles of Durazzo asks aid from Florence— la refused— Restora- 
 
 tion of church property— Florentine ambassador murdcre \ at Arezzo— Consequcn ccs 
 —Eight of Peace and Eight of War— Treaty with and departure of Durazzo— Discon- 
 tent and absence of rich citizens— Compelled to return— Bad laws of the minor 
 trades— National bankruptcy — Estimo— State of Florence— Tyrannical conduct of 
 the governing faction— Giovanni Cambi falsely accused— Scali and Strozzi's ^^o- 
 lence— The former beheaded— Barbarities— Children— State of the city— The noble 
 Popolani begin to rise— Guelphic standard raised— The wool-trade takes the lead 
 —Demands reform— A new Balia— Discontent of the minor arts and nobles— New 
 plots— Timiult— Fear of the Condotticri— New constitutional reforms— New BaliSL 
 —New exiles— Michele di Lando banished— New plots— New sedition of the Ciompi 
 —Its success and final repulse— Arezzo offered for sale— Difllcult politics of Florence 
 —Charles of Anjou arrives in Italy— Another plot of the Ciompi detected— A new 
 Balik— The two great councils again altered— Natural calamities and public misery 
 —Another tumult of the Ciompi— Bad feeling of the Florentine citizens— Power 
 and character weakened by their excesses— De Coucy's arrival— Occupies Arezzo 
 which is besieged by Florence and on Anjou's death sold to her— Fine organisation 
 of Florentine militia— Cost of Arczzo—Rejoicings— Magnificence of Alberti— Union 
 scrutiny— Vast numl)er of Condottieri— Leagues against them— Durazzo king of 
 Hungary— Murdered—Affairs of Naples and endeavours of Horence to pacify it- 
 Fall and exile of Benedetto degli Alberti— His death and character— Violence of 
 Faction— The BorselUno — FlorovAinos naturally peace-makers— Alarmed at the 
 progress of Visconte and the conduct of Siena— Urban's violence at Perugia— Dis- 
 putes witli Siena- Montepulciano gives itself to Florence— Discontent of Siena— 
 Visconte intervenes as a mediator— New league— Conquest of Padua and Verona- 
 Florentine advice to the i^eople of Montepulciano— Recalls her troops— Her alarm- 
 ing state— Offers to lYance— Gian-Galeazzo angry — Piero Gambacorti effects a 
 general reconcUiation— Death of Urban VI. at Rome— Boniface IX.— His character 
 —War inevitable— Gloomy character of the age— Cotemporary monarchs. 
 
 Page 407 to 467 
 
 CHAPTER XXMII. 
 
 (from a.u. 1390 TO A.D. 1402.) 
 State of Florence after twelve years' peace— Her public spirit and poUtics— Gian-GaleazzD 
 Visconte Count of Vertii— His dissimulation— Dethrones and poisons Bernab6, hLs 
 son and his own sister— Abolishes some taxes and is popular— Plague of dogs— War 
 between Padua and Verona— Gian-Galeazzo's cunning— Seizes Verona— Fall of the 
 Scala family— Quarrels with Francesco da Carrara— Marries his daughter Valentina 
 to Louis of Turenne— Besieges Padua— FaU of the Carrara fiimily and conquest of 
 Padua— Alarm of Italy— Of Florence— Ricci's speech— War resolved on— Ten of the 
 Balik— Ilawkwood engaged by Florence and sent to Bologna— Ho^tilitte^ begin in 
 the Senese state — Jacopo del Verme enters the Bolognese — Is unsuccessful — 
 Repulsed by Giovanni da Barbiano — Retreats — Bombarde—Y<^ng Francesco da 
 Carrara retakes Padua— And recovers all his dominions — Verona revolts — Is 
 retaken with great cruelty— Stephen of Bavaria arrives at Padua in aid of the 
 allies— Ferrara makes peace mth them— Conduct of Stephen and its consequences 
 —King of France's terms rejected and Count d'Armagnac engaged by Florence— 
 Mantua detached from Visconte- Plan to murder Hawkwood and Carrara— Plan of 
 
/ 
 
 xvi CONTEXTS. 
 
 campaifm— Advance of Hawkwootl to-wards :>Iilan— Forced to retreat by Jacopo del 
 Vcrme— Uncertainty of this movement as related by different authors— Its ability 
 and 8uccesf»— Count d'Armagiiac's defeat and death at Alexandria— Enormous cost 
 of the expedition— Florentine ambassadors prisoners— Ilansome<l—^■erme marches 
 ajfaini't Hawkwood— Skilful conduct of the latter— His tine retreat and dangerous 
 situation— Finally saves his army— Discrepimce of Italian authors on this transac- 
 tion— Ha-wkwood made a citizen of Florence and his family pro^^ded for— Alarm at 
 Florence— Fears for Bologna— Ilawkwoocl orderetl to that city- Invasion of Tus- 
 cany by Del Verme— Hawkwood recaUed— Negotiations for peace at Genoa— Tuscan 
 campaign— Hawkwood surprised at Poggibonzi— The Horentine territory ravaged 
 by Del Vcrme— The latter partially beaten and forced to retreat— Taddeo del Vcrme 
 prisoner— Horentine territory cleared of enemies— Del Verme advances once more 
 to Cascina— norentine suppUes stopi^ed -Incursions continued— A Florentine con- 
 voy captured— John Belcott's cowardice— Peace of Genoa— Conditions— Guido del 
 Paiagio's spirited declaration — Condottieri —Visconte's intrigues— Revolution at 
 Lucca— LazzeroGuinigi— Pisa troubled— Genoa vexed— Perugia in disorder— Piero 
 Gambacorta— His government— Unpopularity— And murder by Jacopo d'Appiano 
 —Revolution— Usurpation of the latter— Hollow tranquillity of Italy— Visconte and 
 Gonzagii's quarrel— The latter kills his innocent wife— Is denounced by Galcazzo 
 —Situation of Mantua— Visconte's attempts to destroy it— Fails— Revolution at 
 Ferrara— Convulsions at Genoa- Hawkwood's death— His discipline— Genoa still 
 convulsed— Gian-Galeazzo Visconte created Duke of Milan by the Emperor Win- 
 ceslas— Its consequences— Alliance of Horencc and Lucca— Another extensive con- 
 federacy of Italiiin states — League of France and Florence— All inconsequent- 
 Battle of Nicopolis— Tlie French king Charles VI. made Lord of Genoa— Visconte 
 sends succours to Appiano — Miizo degli Albizzi and new Baliii blamed— Peace 
 between Lucca and Pisa— Appiano's treachery— Attempts to surprise San Miniato 
 —Fails^— Alarm and council at Florence— War resolved on— Incursions of Barbiano 
 —Intrigues of Florence— Succours sent to Mantua— Carlo Malatesta— Dangerous 
 state of that city— Bridge over the Po destroyed and the seraglio of Mantua occu- 
 pied—Defeat of Milanese armies and flotilla by Carlo Malatesta, Gouzaga, and 
 Francesco Bembo at Govemola— Retreat of Del Verme— Victory not followed up- 
 Milanese victorious on the Po at Borgoforte and Mantua itself in danger— Peace 
 talked of— Negotiations procrastinatetl— Venice joins the league— Truce for ten 
 years— Visconte's duplicity— Attempts to gain possession of Pisa and other places 
 —Fails— Death of Jacoix) d'Appiano— His son Gherardo sells Pisa to Msconte— 
 Dangerous condition of Florence and state of Italy and Europe—" WhiU Penitents" 
 — VL-H:ontc Lord of Perugia— Revolution in Lucca— Which falls under Visconte's 
 influence— Venice concludes a peace with Milan independent of Florence — The 
 plague— League with the new emiK-ror Robert of Bavaria— His arrival at Trent- 
 Giovanni Bentevoglio Lord of Bologna— Visconte's intrigues and vast preparations 
 for war— His generals— Florentine arrangements— Allies beaten m a skirmish— 
 S«periority of the Italian men-at-arms— Allied army separates— Terror of Horence 
 —Quarrels with the emperor— Visconte attacks Bologna— Defeats the Florentine 
 army under Bemardone della Serra— Ofters i)eace— Despair of Horence— Gian- 
 Galeazzo dies of the plague— His character— Joy of the Rorcntines— Internal state 
 of Rorence— Miiso degli Albiz-zi— GonfiUonier of justice— His hatred of the Alberti 
 —Creates disturbance— A parliament— A Balia— Troops— Arbitrarj- measures- 
 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 xvu 
 
 Podesta dismissed-Two parties in arms-Donato AcciajuoU and Rinaldo Gianfig- 
 lazzi are sent to pacify the people who demand Vieri de' Medici to be their leader- 
 His refusal and spirited answer to Antonio de' Medici-Quiets the people-Military 
 preparations of the government-Use of arms forbidden-Baliil augmented-Fur- 
 ther persecution of the Alberti-Good citizens disgusted-Nobles made Popolani- 
 Tyranny of the faction in power in the case of Gianfiglazzi-Donato AcciajuoU s 
 disgrace and fall-More persecution-Maso's government an oUgarchy-Prmcipal 
 chiefs-Conspiracy against him by eight exiles fails-Their orat:on-.\nother and 
 more alarming plot by the exiles and Visconte-Discovered by Salvestro Cavicciuh 
 -More executions-Exiles and admonitions -The Alberti crushed-Reflections- 
 
 , Page 468 to 527 
 
 Cotemporary monarchs . • • • • ^ ^ 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS CHAPTER. 
 
 FOURTEENTH CENTVRY. 
 
 Moral and political reflections-Scanty information on the state of the lower classes- 
 Pauperism ef Florence-Much suffering from wars-Yet wealthy-Higher ransoms 
 demanded for Florentines than others-Struggles for and against luxury-Simph- 
 citv of manners combined-Plain food-Marriage portions -Riches of Niccolaio 
 degU \lberti-His charity-Magnificence of dress-Female ornaments-Sumptuary 
 laws against dress and entertainments - Buffoons and minstrels - Petrarch's 
 account of them in a letter to Boccaccio-Defensive armour partially worn by the 
 Florentines-Sacchetti's account of the fashions of his day-The head-gear enor- 
 mous-Monna Diana-Change of dress introduced by the French followers of the 
 Duke of Athens-Splendour of pubUc life at Florenc^Sir John Hawkwood's fune- 
 ral-Marriage presents of dress &c. in the Pitti famUy-Magnificence of dress a 
 prevaUing taste in Italy-Francesco Pippino and Giovanni Musso's accounts of dress 
 food and manners-Taste for wines-And cultivation of new sorts-Wolves com- 
 mon in the ^ineyards of Porto Venere-Marriage feast of Lionel Duke of Clarence 
 at Milan-Petrarch honoured there-Long enduring feasts-Efifect of sumptuary 
 laws on the Florentines- Petrarch's letter on Horentine luxury-Character of 
 norentine wit and anecdote-Jews availed themselves of superstition-pverbeamg 
 tyranny of the rich and great-Illustrative anecdote of this amongst the Medici- 
 Character of Florentine society, and aristocratic power of landholder^-Xlicnts- 
 Slavery still existing-Buonaccorso Pitti-His esUibUshment-Rank and influence 
 of Florentine merchants-Donati AcciajuoU's grandeur-AU the higher trades 
 honourable to every rank-Trade and gambling united-Buonaccorso Pitti's acts- 
 Martial spirit of the Italians-That of the English and Scotch as described by 
 Petrarch and its change-Sallust-Causes of Italian decay-Moral character of their 
 troops-Petrarch's account of Avignon and its maimers and morals-Reverence of 
 the Florentines for the church -Giovanni Magalotti-Their devotion and compunc 
 tion for the war against the i^pe-Its effects on the pubUc mind-Judicial astrology 
 and superstitious fears-Lay companies-Desire for reUcs-This religious feehng not 
 general in Italy-Padua and Venice-Prevalence of Aristotle's opinions and those of 
 Averroes-Sentence of young Venetians on Petrarch-Ignorance of the priesthood 
 especially at A^^gnon-Right of sanctuary modified by Urban V.-Dress of the 
 priesthood reformed -Contributions levied by Florence on the clergy-ParUy 
 
 VOL. II. ^ 
 
 ■f!ip^ 
 
will 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 repaid— Famines— Charitable conduct of Florence— Madness of hunper— Immense 
 cost of thes^e scarcities— Regulations for feeding the i)eople proposwl by Villani— 
 His astrology — Deplorable scenes in the market-place in times of famine— Officers 
 of abundance— Various sorts of wheat— average produce of the district compared 
 with consiunption— Ibices of wheats— General licence for making and sale of bread 
 — Its good effect*- Kevenue and expenditure of Horence- Table of it— Public 
 salaries — Retiections on them — Prosperous condition of Florence — Population — 
 Militia according to Goro Dati— Births, male and female- Schools — Convents, &c. 
 — Monasteries — Churches— Parishes — Wool-trade— Workshops— Work done &c. — 
 Bankers and other trades— Ovens— Consumption of food, wine, fruit ^tc- Foreign 
 magistrates— Dwellings— Town and country, numerous and magnificent — The 
 wonder of foreigners— Ariosto's description of them— Architecture -Reflections on 
 it— Democracy favourable to art— Excites energy and spirit— Encouragement given 
 to building— Improvement of houses itc— Suburbs extensive— Walls— Santa Croce 
 —Cathedral— Baptistry— Santa Reparata- Artists employed successively on the 
 Duomo — Its cost— Florence s\)CJ\i more on buildings than on wars - (Jiotto's tower 
 — Arnolfo di Cambio— Castello Ciuaratcsi otters to finish the front of Sta. Croce— Is 
 refused— Loggia della Pi;iz/a— Michael Angelo's proposal— Guelph and Ghibeline 
 distinctions infect the arts, dress itc— Military architecture— Military establish- 
 ment of Florence— Insufficient for garrisons Substitutes— The inhabitants— Cas- 
 telli—Rocchc— Inroads, their nature— Camps -Battles seldom bloody— Men-at- 
 arms — Ransom— Followers of each horseman— Defeat of one involves several— A 
 lance— Number attached to it— Various— Pay of one in Savoy— Florentine militia- 
 Mercenaries when first in us<^— Catalans— Companies-Source of modem tactics- 
 Advantages of mercenary' soldiers— Great military iwwer of the gen- ral- Bemar- 
 done delle Serre— Executes lioccanera of I'rato - No citixen exempt from service — 
 which vras rigidly enforce<l — Military life seductive and iKipular— Condotticri— 
 Ordclatii, Malatesti, Varani, Vlsconte, Alberigo of Barbiano raised the first Italian 
 company — Which was the source of all subsequent generalship -Pay of a lance — 
 Varioi;s expenses necessary — Cost of divers articles in tlie 1-lth century — Labourers' 
 wages — Price of necessaries compared with the present day— Itinerant military 
 adventurers— Infantry began to be more prized in the 14th century—" Clients " — 
 Their arms— Archers *:c.— Cross-bows— Shields— Other arms — Ilimgariim horse- 
 Engines of war — Cannon— Formation of numgonels ice— Barbarities to besieged 
 places — Nature of military service — Cavalcades— ii^rrciVo — Esercito Generate — 
 Bando, or Ban— CaraWa/c— Division of the militia— Civil commissioners with 
 armies — Other officers— Constables- Engineers — Heralds, trumpeters, surgeons, &c. 
 Gunpowder— When first used in Itdly—Boinbarda—Rcbaudichini—Sinvs ; gene- 
 rally women, monks, and minstrels— Their punishments— Pay of generals — Military 
 bank at Florence— Stockjobbing in Florence— Tax on bargains— Ihinishment of 
 bankrupts very severe— Honest dealing in trade encouraged -Minute account of 
 manufacturing expenses &c. marked on each piece of cloth— Great associations of 
 %■ Italian merchants for general security -Tolls &c.— In foreign lands— Two lines 
 of trade beyond the Alps— Power of united uicrchants-" Salca(]uardia" " Salva- 
 condotto," " Guidagio "— Extensive combinations of mercliants— Popes always 
 employed and protected them— Paper money at Milan — Princes and bankers 
 brought together by necessity — Florentine spies' in foreign states— I*ublic debt — 
 Real property of Horence — Sums expended in war— Cebraio's estimate of ancient 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 XIX 
 
 and modem money, from Piedmontese and Savoyard records -Corresponding esti- 
 mate by the author from Florentine records— Militant' pay— Knight— Squire— Man- 
 at-arms— Barbute— Lances - Crossbowmcn horse aiid foot— Crossbow-maker— 
 Archers— Client— Galley pay— Surgeon— Carpenter of engineers— Stone-cutter— 
 Cavaliere Banderese— Knight bachelor— Donzello— Dragoman— Price of a romance 
 — Hoi-ses- Journies— Petrarca's complaint— Horses- War-horses-Mules-Inns— 
 Silver plate— Expense of travelling— Buonaccorso Pitti's jouinics— His account of 
 Florentine justice and mtrigue— His own danger and that of his brother Luigi- 
 Reflections- Further proof of the power of Horentine rectors— Paulo di Lapo 
 CsistigUonchio- Louis and Francesco di Capua— Care of public morals— Laws 
 against gambling— Cccco di Vanni reinstated— Laws against loose women— Morals 
 —Female vanity and ingenuity— Manners— The tediousness of law— Velluti and 
 Frescobaldi— Villany of foreign rcHitors— Misfortmies of the Tiglioiietri family- 
 Severity to nobles— Pagonazzo Stro//.i— Orders to medical men— Pilgiims execu- 
 tioners— Revision of laws, periodical— Weisrlits and measui-es equalised— Register 
 of real property— Latin discontinued in legal enactments— Registry of public docu- 
 ments—Clerical abuses- -Minors protected from usury— Chi rges of notaries re- 
 stricted-Celebrated men— Law— DinodiMugello— Medicme, rhetoric, philosophy, 
 poetry. See.— Dino del Garbo -Toniniaso del Garbo—Torregiano— Reflections on 
 medicine— Petrarca's opinion of physicians— Roberto Bardi— Public lectures- 
 Bruno Cassini— Francesco da Barberino— Morals— Dante cited— Barbagia— Other 
 authors quoted— Poggio, Bar gigi—Landino— Love— Dociunentid'Amore—Bonifazio 
 Uberti—Dittanxondo— Musicians— Francesco Cieco— Massino— Cascia— CasseUa— 
 Dante cited— Guido Cavalcanti— Love— Anecdote— Cavalcanti's poetrj'— Dante— 
 Studies— Marriage— Elected prior— Banished— A wanderer— His haughtiness — 
 Boccaccio's character of him— Not exempt from love— Beatrice— La Vita Nuova— 
 Convitc— Monarchia— De Volgare Eloquio— Other works— Divina Commedia— 
 Seven cantos -wTitten before exile -Probable— Origin of the name^- Lectures on it 
 by Boccaccio— Multitude of commentatovs— Not yet imderstood— Boccaccio's anec- 
 dote of him— Petrarch— llis family— His account of himself— Description of his 
 person— Early grey— His vanity— Opinion of riches— His first sight and character 
 of Laura— Her influence over him— Dislikes the profession of law— Reflections- 
 General reputation of Italy— LiteratiuT the only object of imiversal interest- 
 Petrarch at Vaucluse— Recci\ cs letters from Paris and Rome to be crowned with 
 laurel— Chooses Rome— Goes to Naples— Examined— luN-ited by King Robert to be 
 crowned there— Crownicd at Rome— His Africa— His Triumphs sonnets and other 
 works- Never saw the Decameron vuitil just before his death— His opinion of it— 
 Griselda— His death— Influence on litctature and principles of punishment— Seems 
 to have had an idea of a new world— Recovers old MSS.— Complaints of the copj-ists 
 -Reflections on this— Boccaccio— Birth— Education-Applies to literature— Origi- 
 nates the lectures on Dante— Lives at Naples— Dante's opinion of King Robert- 
 Becomes acquainted with Petrarch -Sees Maria, La Fiammetta— Seduces her— 
 Manners of the time dangerous— Writes Filocopo at Maria's request— Returns to 
 Horence— Writes La Fiannnettu—Tescid(^—Ameto— Its subject— Returns to Naples 
 Queen Giovanna— Court of Love— ^\'rites Filostrato in Ottava Rima— He the 
 inventor of it— Writes the Amorosa Visione— Ninfale Fiesolano— Subdued by 
 Petrarch's genius— The Decameron— Reasons for writing it— Moral intention of it- 
 Becomes the stimdard of prose writing— Produces much malice— The author con- 
 
XX 
 
 coNTE>rrs. 
 
 verted by Pietro Petroni— Scared— Writes to Petrarch— The latter's advice— Fol- 
 lowed— Boccaccio's letter to M. Cavalcanti— Sends Dante's poem to Petrarch— The 
 latter gives his opinion of him— Advantages of then writing in Italian instead of 
 Latin— Boccaccio's death— Description of him— The Villani— Coluccio Salutati — 
 His Latin Epistles— Zanobi di Strada— Crowned at Pisa— Francesco Sacchetti— His 
 novels— Ridicules judicial astrology— Dante believes in stellar influence — Cited — 
 Agnolo Pandolfino— IILs style— Govemo dcUa Famiglia— Fine arts— Small progress 
 after Giotto — Andrea Oreagra — Architecture — Bernardo Orcjigna — Buffalmacco — 
 Society of Saint Luke established— Wood carding prevalent- Other painters — Re- 
 flections on the genius of the fourteenth centurj-- Recapitulation of celebrated 
 names— Amusements, tournaments, iicc.— Troops of maskers— May-day— Calendi- 
 maggio— Maggi, &c.— Befania— San Giovanni— Jubilee, its origin— Profusion of 
 provisions at Rome— Clement \1.*b supposed Bull— Very doubtful Page 528 to 667 
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 — ♦ — 
 
 I'AGE LINE 
 
 FOR 
 
 18 
 
 74 
 
 176 
 
 351 
 
 3, Note Luccino 
 
 2, „ feel the pain 
 
 2, „ Vol. ccxxv. 
 
 1, Marchionni 
 
 READ 
 
 Luchino. 
 feel pain. 
 Folio 224. 
 Marchionne. 
 
FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 BOOK THE FIEST. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1336 TO A.D. J342. 
 
 A LARMED at Mastiiio's ambition and seeing war ine\dtal)le, 
 
 xJL 
 
 A.D. 1336. 
 
 the Florentines worked witli jdl the vigour of angiy men, 
 and they had need, for he was no common enemy : 
 the lord of Verona, of Padua, Panna, and Viceuza ; 
 of Brescia Treves and Feltro ; of Beluno, Modena and Lucca ; 
 !\\'ith a revenue of 700,000 florins, assumed so imposing an 
 aspect as to justify full belief in the fulfilment of his most 
 arrogant denunciations. We are assured by Villani that 
 there was not at this epoch a single potentate of Em-ope 
 except the King of France who possessed resources so ample, 
 besides a numerous suite of dependent Ghibelines eagerly 
 crowding to liis standard ; no Italian prince had hitherto 
 equalled him in solid power, and few in the ambition and 
 talent to use it. Nevertheless, animated by present danger 
 all classes at Florence moved with a common impulse and 
 worked in concert ; manifestoes were published and circulated 
 throughout the peninsula ; aid was demanded from Naples, 
 Siena, Perugia, and Bologna, besides all the Guelphic cities of 
 Romagna and Tuscany, and alliances formed with most of them. 
 
 VOL. II, B 
 
FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY 
 
 The Lombard members of the late league were called upon to 
 see its conditions fulfilled, and open or secret negotiations 
 were commenced with almost all the states whose domestic 
 tj[iiarrels did not prevent their joining in hostilities against a 
 man now become fomiidable even to the most powerful. A 
 board of four Popolani and two nobles was created to conduct 
 the war under the title of " 1 Sel della Guerra'^ Fourteen 
 other citizens of the popular class were also formed into a com- 
 mittee of ways and means to supi)ly the general funds ; fur 
 that of the combined army of Florence and Venice which was 
 destined to act in Lombardy, seems to have been directed by a 
 particular lx)ard hereafter to be noticed ; both being limited to 
 one year s duration : yet this was a long stride, and thus the 
 evanescent nature of the ordinary administration was corrected 
 by a necessity arising from a wider, more permanent, imd m(jre 
 complex system of exterior politics. 
 
 These energetic measureb rendered the citizens so coniident 
 that on hearing of Pier Saccone's sudden alliance with Mastino 
 they instantly declared war agiiinst him without an attempt to 
 negotiate, and ])romptly occupying the mountahi passes of 
 Romagna cut off all comnmnication between these new ixllies, 
 while in concert with Perugia hostilities were carried up to the 
 very walls of Arezzo. But the great aiLxiety of Florence was to 
 adopt the most secure and effectual way of annoying so distant 
 an enemy as Mastino ; as the operations against Lmra even if 
 successful could but slightly affect the centre of his solid do- 
 mains and it became necessary to tind him enemies nearei* 
 home. Secret negotiations were accordingly commenced with 
 Azzo Visconti and other potentates, but more successfully with 
 Venice, first through Florentine merchants on the spot, and 
 then by a formal, but still secret, embassy composed of the gon- 
 falonier Francesco Baldovhietti and that Salvestro de' Medici 
 who afterwards acted so conspicuous a part in the political 
 factions of his couutrj'. The Florentine merchants were also 
 
 i 
 
 statesmen, and their government could therefore place the 
 management of any secret negotiation in the hands of men who 
 had been, or might, in the usual course of events, become 
 ministers of the republic ; who were perfectly acquainted with 
 the policy of their own country as well as with the character 
 and resources of that in which they resided; and who moreover 
 were enabled to preserve the most profound secrecy by means 
 of their simple mercantile character. 
 
 Venice was at this period highly incensed against the Scali- 
 geri of Verona as well on account of severe commercial 
 restrictions in the territories of Treves and Padua, as on that 
 of their interference with the salt works of Chioggia by a 
 rival manufactory which they established near Mestre : the 
 Venetians being jealous of their own monopoly of this article 
 annoyed the rising town and works, and the brothers retali- 
 ated by destroying their salt pans at Chioggia and occupying 
 Mestre itself*. 
 
 Before this epoch Venice had been almost exclusively em- 
 ployed in her eastern trade and conquests, and interfered but 
 little in Italian politics: although decided imperialists, the 
 (jruelph and Ghibeline factions were scarcely felt in that re- 
 public, and a succession of treaties with the rulers of Treves 
 Padua and Verona had hitherto pvotictod their commerce in 
 Lombardy and the neighbouring states. With Florence at this 
 epoch the Venetians may be supposed to have had no common 
 feeling but the usual petty jealousies of mercantile competition, 
 wherefore the project of a close union between them was full of 
 doubt and difficulty: common danger however removed all 
 obstacles and a treaty was concluded on the twenty-first of 
 June by which two tliousand men-at-arms and two thousand 
 infantry were to be employed in the territories of Treviso and 
 Verona, the expense being eipially divided between them. A 
 
 * Sardi, Istorie Fc-rraresi, Lib. vi„ p. 109.— Sabellico, Cronaca Vencta, Lib. i.- 
 cap. iii. — Muratori, Annali, Anno 133G. 
 
 B '2 
 
FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 mked commission of Venetian and Florentine deputies was to 
 direct the genend course of warfare, with power to increase the 
 army, and ample funds for secret seiTice an item of gi'eat 
 moment in those days when the revolt of disaffected towns 
 fonned one of the most common operations of war. Florence 
 was also to act independently against Lucca and if success- 
 ful attack Parma at her ONvn charge, both parties engaging 
 neither to make peace or truce without each other's consent 
 and to give three months' notice, before its niitural termi- 
 nation, of their intention either to finish or continue the 
 alliance. The treaty was then formally published by procla- 
 mation both at Venice and Florence on the iifteenth uf July, 
 and thus began the greatest enterprise which tlie latter state 
 had as yet undertaken and the lii-st grave interference of the 
 former in Italian affairs. This event was more reinarkable 
 because Venice, although habitutdly inclined to the Caesars. 
 had hitherto avoided any serious intimacy with Italian powers, 
 while Florence always an unflinching adherent of the church ; 
 which Venice ever kept distinct from and subservient to the 
 state; had in 1300 mainly assisted in defeating the Venetian 
 annies near FeiTara when opposed to the forces of Clement 
 the Fifth about the disputed succession to that [>rincipality. 
 To conduct the war with vigour ten of the most skilful and 
 opulent merchants of Florence were chosen, and with full 
 powers to raise funds on the security of :]On,(i(»o florins of 
 annual revenue arising from certain taxes now for the most part 
 doubled : one third of that sum however having been already 
 appropriated to pay the interest of a debt contracted for an 
 imnecessaiy war against Lucca. These ten commissioners in 
 conjunction with certain mercantile houses and other com- 
 mercial men, (amongst them the historian Gio. Villjiiii) under- 
 took to raise supplies for the whole duration of hostilities in the 
 following manner. They engaged with their own means and 
 credit immediately to raise 100,000 florins, one-tliird of which 
 
 CHAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY- 
 
 s 
 
 was a direct payment from their private coffers, and the re- 
 mainder from a loan amongst the citizens on the above men- 
 tioned public security ; some of the creditors to be repaid in a 
 year, others in two, according to circumstances. Those who 
 thus confidently risked their money received an interest of 
 fifteen per cent, per annum ; more cautious people who pre- 
 ferred the -responsibility of a private company to the security 
 of public faith, had only eight per cent. ; while the united body 
 of managing merchants appear to have cleared about five per 
 c^nt. on the whole transaction. Any person without disposable 
 capital who yet made use of his credit to borrow money for the 
 purpose of suppl}ing tlie public need, had a remuneration or 
 ''guerdon " of twenty per centum. 
 
 The expenses of this war were thus securely provided for, 
 but a national debt and a pernicious system of public loans was 
 now commenced which continued until it ruined the republic. 
 Two resident commissioners were dispatched to manage the finan- 
 cial and commissariat departments at Venice in conjunction with 
 two Venetians, while a couple more of knightly rank assisted 
 in the ducal cabinet and two other knights were attached to the 
 army as permanent members of the general's council. These mo- 
 netary arrangements received the applause not only of Florence 
 but of all Italy which as yet did not perceive the danger of an ac- 
 cumulating public debt, wliich vampire-like l)egan thus softly to 
 fan the public while it drained the sources of national existence. 
 
 A thousand infantry, bearing on their arms the united badge 
 of the two states, marched immediately from Florence and 
 were followed by six hundred men-at-arms, the same that had 
 been guarding the mountain passes between Arezzo and 
 Romagna under Pino della Tosa and Gerozzo de" Bardi : 
 Venice no less active immediately poured fifteen hundred men- 
 at-arms and a great force of infantry into the territory of Treves, 
 and Mastino had long foreseen and prepared for the combat*. 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. xlv., xlviii., and 1. — Scip. Ammirato, Lib. 
 viii., p. 103. 
 
FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Knowing how much mischief might be committed by a com- 
 paratively uisignilicant enemy, and having often experienced 
 the Ubaldini's fickleness, the Florentines sent a messenger 
 to learn what pai'ty they intended to favour in the approach- 
 ing contest. This powerful clan ^vith the Bishop of Arezzo 
 at its head had already felt both the friendship and enmity 
 of Florence and had then no mind to forfeit the one or 
 unnecessarily provoke the other. All therefore without hesi- 
 tation, not only declared for the allies but offered to attack 
 Arezzo and the Tarlati, and even allow the Florentines to 
 dispose of them and their possessions during the war ; saving 
 only episcopal rights ; provided that they should be comprised 
 as alhes in anv treatv that might eventuallv be concluded, 
 and these conditions were gladly accepted*. 
 
 About the same period another league was foraied with 
 Xaples, Bologna, and Pei-ugia, who together agreed to raise three 
 thousand cavalry in aid of the Guelphic cause of which Flo- 
 rence alone furnished eight hundred : Faenza and Imola were 
 afterwards admitted to this confederacy and an embassy was 
 dispatched to implore the pope's favour and if possible recon- 
 cile him with Bologna. Siena subsequently jomed it under 
 certain conditions which presened her friendship) with Arezzo, 
 and King Robert added one hundred men-at-arms to Ids con- 
 tingent. 
 
 During these transactions neither the army of Florence nor 
 Mastino's Lucchese garrison was inactive ; inroads, skinnishes, 
 and devastation occupied the troops of both nations ; the de- 
 fences of Empoli, Pontormo, Montelupo and other places w^hich 
 had suffered from the flood, were now repaired and ever}- pre- 
 paration made for active warfare ; a leader alone was wanting 
 but soon and miexpectedly suppUed. The Fiossi of Parma 
 after suffering excessive injustice from the power and perfidy 
 of Mastino and their hereditaiy foes the Correggi of that city, 
 
 * Scip. Ammirato, Lib. viii., p 404. 
 
 CHAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 found themselves ousted from all their domams in the Par- 
 masan and finally besieged by the Veronese army under 
 Spinetto Malespini in their only remaining stronghold of 
 Pontremoli. Piero de' Rossi the youngest of six brothers is 
 described as a man of high military talent and general ac- 
 complishments both of mind and body : to a daring courage 
 he joined exceeding skill and pradence ; prompt and decisive 
 as a general, he was averse from every act of cruelty and bore a 
 character unstained by the vices of that barbarous age. It was 
 his custom on undertaking any enterprise to wani his troops 
 against unnecessary bloodshed and to prohibit all outrage ; and 
 so much was he beloved for his humanity tliat there were but 
 few m his camp whether natives or strangers who did not give 
 him the name of father. Tall and beautiful in person he un- 
 consciously attracted the notice of every woman who looked on 
 him, while the purity of his morals was such as gained liim the 
 reputation of never havhig overstepped the bounds of chastity : 
 soldiers of every rank and nation were devoted to him, and this 
 was returned by a liberality that frequently left him destitute 
 of everjlhing but his horse, his arms, aiid his ornaments. 
 When he died his soldiers put on mourning, and long and 
 deeply bewailed their misfortune. Piero Rosso had been de- 
 tained as a hostage at Verona but contrived to escape, and on 
 the twenty-third of August offered his seiTices in person at Flo- 
 rence : struck with the confidence of one so lately their enemy 
 the citizens felt more disposed to remember the services of his 
 grandftitlier who had led their troops to victory at Campaldino, 
 than the injuries they had suffered from Piero himself while in 
 possession of Lucca, and without hesitation gave him command 
 of the army then ready to march against his former subjects 
 now the vassals of IVIastino*. In this situation he ravaged the 
 enemy's countr}% insulted his capital, and even passed the Ser- 
 
 * Sabellico, Cronaca Vencta, Lib. i., cap. iii. — Sismondi, vol. iv., p. 117, 
 who cites Cortusius* Hist. 
 
8 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLOEENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 chio by the bridge of San Quilico in hopes of drawing down on 
 himself the besieging army from Pontremoli : Malespini did 
 not move, but the governor of Lucca leaving the defence of that 
 city to the inhabitants made a bold push with all his garrison to 
 the strong position of Cemiglio where he could intercept Piero's 
 communications with Florence and compel him to retreat. 
 The Florentine general thus forced to make a retrograde 
 movement met his enemy on the fifth of September at Cas- 
 truccio s ancient intrenchments between the marshy lake of 
 Bientino (then more extensive than at present) and the momi- 
 tain : the Lucchese were instantly atti\cked and defeated, but 
 the excited soldiers heedless of Piero's command bore rashly 
 on in pursuit until near the gates of Cen-uglio they fell into 
 an ambuscade, and were in their turn driven back with great 
 slaughter. Piero Rosso foreseeing the probability of this had 
 kept the rest of his troops in hand, and after covering the re- 
 formation (.>f these fugitives he finnly encountered their pursuei^s 
 who came rushing down the hills in all the confidence of recent 
 victory : an obstinate combat and final defeat of the assailants 
 added new laurels to those already won by the Florentine 
 general, and the capture of ^lastino's banner with about 
 thirteen of his principal officei-s earned such satisfaction to the 
 heart of Florence that Piero was immediately promoted to the 
 more important command of the allied forces in Lombardy 
 where with his brother Marsilio he maintiiined a liigh and well- 
 deserved reputation. These two chiefs at the head of fifteen 
 himdred cavalry took the field in October and overran the 
 whole territoiT of TreWso up to the gates of that city ; then 
 retuniing by Mestre burned its suburbs and pushed on, per- 
 haps with more daring than discretion, amongst the dikes and 
 streams of Padua, until the world marvelled to see them reach 
 Pieve di Sacco unmolested, which they did on the fii*st of No- 
 vember 1336. Here Mastino might have attacked them with 
 four thousand men-at-arms from Padua, but he is accused 
 
 of over pinidence and the Rossi probably knew his character ; 
 yet entangled as they were in that aqueous district, escape 
 would have been difficult and combat almost hopeless. In 
 these trying circumstances Marsilio audaciously proposed to 
 send a challenge to Mastino and all his followers; but the 
 wary Veronese suspected the existence of a secret understanding 
 between the enemy and certain Paduan malcontents, also 
 doubtful of some of his foreign troops, and feeling sure of 
 ultimately taking liis adversaiy in a net by destroying all the 
 roads and bridges of that intei-sected country; he after an 
 empty show of battle effected the latter object and returned to 
 Padua convinced that he had been prudent in refusing what 
 the enemy seemed so anxiously to desire. On this the Rossi 
 began their retreat and with great and rapid efforts past every 
 stream river and canal by rafts of timber or wickerwork, until 
 they reached Bovolento on a branch of the Baciglione only 
 eight miles from Padua but commanding eveiy water communi- 
 cation between the Adige and Cliioggia. Here covered on two 
 sides by the river in a strongly-fortified position which had 
 free access to Venice the combined anny posted itself for 
 the winter equally ready for offensive or defensive operations ; 
 and tliis became their permanent head quarters duiing the 
 
 Will**. 
 
 The troops were soon augmented to three thousand five 
 hundred horsemen and five thousand foot, and with fresh spirit 
 attacked the Paduan salt works at Castello delle Salme which 
 Mastino had fortified : he and Alberto della Scala advanced to 
 their defence ; Piero offered battle which Mastino refused and 
 the place was carried in spite of him on the twenty-second of 
 November ; this and a subsequent discomfiture of four hundred 
 Veronese cavaliy on their way to Monselice diminished the Sca- 
 
 * Leon. Aretino, Lib. vi., p. 116. — cap, 
 Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. liv. — viii 
 Sabellico, Cronaca Vencta, Lib. ii., 1336 
 
 i., &c 
 , p. 407. 
 
 -Scip. Ammimto, Lib. 
 -Muratori, Annali, An. 
 
10 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 ligeri s reputation while it augmented that of their antagonists. 
 A.D.1337. ^^^^ stimulated, Piero on the twenty-ninth of Janu- 
 ary assailed Padua itself, made a lodgement in the 
 suburb of Ognissanti and would have maintained his post had 
 not the garrison succeeded in burning it down : this partial 
 success was not however entirely owing to Piero, for Marsilio 
 and Ubertino da Carrara two chiefs of Padua related to the 
 Rossi, and by whose means that city fell under the dominion of 
 Verona, had kept up a constant comnuniication with their 
 kinsmen: the cause was that Ubertino's wife had been outraged 
 by Mastino's elder brother Albert della Scala, then governing 
 Padua, who with the bold bnitality of a tyrant boasted of it even 
 to the husband himself: Ubertino said nothing, but immediately 
 added two golden horns to his ordinar}- crest until the moment 
 of revenge arrived. War favoured the designs of these chiefs 
 but ]\Iastmo probably suspecting this secret intercourse with 
 the Rossi, was far from having that absolute confidence in their 
 fidelity that they managed to inspire into his brother, witli 
 whom their influence was imbounded *. 
 
 Trusting to this Piero again on the seventh of February 
 pushed forward a small force and earned the suburb of San 
 Marco, but disappointed liy his supporting culuinns which had 
 gone astray m the night, he found himself at daylight in con- 
 siderable danger, with only a few men and no sign of revolt 
 in the city : rising with the circumstances, he boldly attacked 
 a gate, as if strong and confident, while his troops were gra- 
 dually withdrawn, and the gaiTison blinded by this audacity 
 allowed him to make good his retreat unmolested. 
 
 The usual style of warfore followed these unsuccessful 
 attempts ; indeed scarcely any other could have been effectually 
 adopted where each city, town, and ^illage, was inclosed or 
 regularly fortified, yet entirely dependent on the neighbour- 
 hood for its daily subsistence : a decisive battle being seldom 
 
 ♦ Ammirato, Lib. viii., p. 413.~-Muratori, Annali, Anno 1337. 
 
 CHAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 11 
 
 the wish of either party, devastation, revolts, sudden assaults, 
 empty boasts, insults, and cartels of defiance, characterised the 
 general course of hostilities in these romantic times. But the 
 average of human ability, however varied and circumscribed its 
 field of action may be, is in its particular application to the 
 popular business of the age and nation nearly equal at all 
 epochs : we may therefore conclude that the mode of warfare 
 then pursued was probably best suited to the period and \'iews 
 of belligerent nations, and he who displayed most talent in 
 conducting it was as much the great captain of the age as 
 Pompey, Osar, or Hannibal. The scale of operations was 
 necessarily too confined for any extensive exliibition of deep 
 military^ talent, yet the objects of war were perhaps accom- 
 plished as effectually as in the grander operations of our own 
 day ; although its horrors are common to both. Where pure 
 democracy prevails, heavy contributions, or the devastation of 
 their country, seems a legitimate means of making self-governed 
 nations feel and appreciate all the inconveniencies of war; but 
 this becomes unmodiiied cruelty when they are in reality the 
 mere vassals, or only the nominal controllers of their own govern- 
 ment. In the times and country of which we write the generals 
 capacity was judged of more by the amount of liis successful 
 ravages than his skill in conducting a campaign to auy decisive 
 national result ; it prhicipally lay in besieging towns, persuadmg 
 or bribing places to revolt ; in scorning the cotmtry, insulting 
 the enemy, and retiring, loaded with plunder, after a few weeks 
 of devastation and huAiiig arrogantly defied the advei-saiy to 
 battle. In the present instance the object of Venice and Flo- 
 rence was to exhaust IMastiuo's resources by a protracted war 
 which they knew he could not very long maintain against two 
 of the most powerful Italian republics. 
 
 Orlando Rosso, who during these events appears to have been 
 placed at the head of the Florentine army in Tuscany, marched 
 in November to raise the siege of Pontremoli which however 
 
!2 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 had already capitulated, and he retunied without having in 
 any way distmguished himself, for he lacked the talent of 
 his two brothers and seems to have owed liis exaltation 
 rather to their feme than any public impression of superior 
 abihty : the Florentines however still kept him at the head 
 of their Tuscan legions, for their spirit and confidence at 
 this epoch mounted liigh, and their resources were great and 
 conspicuous. Besides the great force in Lombardy, which had 
 already been increased to nearly five thousand men-at-arms, 
 and her own contingent for the Guelphic League, with Orlando 
 Rosso s powerful army emi)loyed against Lucca ; she still waged 
 a separate war on Arezzo, and by the help of Pemgia pressed 
 that republic so closely that Piero Saccone now despairing of 
 aid from Verona was compelled to give way before the popular 
 cr}^ and commence negotiations with the membei-s of this con- 
 federacy. The demands of Pemgia were however thought too 
 exacting, and a secret attempt of that peo^de to surprise Arezzo 
 during the treaty at once put an end to it, so that hostilities 
 recommenced. To Florence the Tarlati looked for more 
 fevourable teims as their mother was a Floi'entine of the 
 Frescobaldi race and they had many kinsmen in that city from 
 whom they expected support ; actual hostilities were therefore 
 no bar to this secret negotiation, but there would still have 
 been great difficidty in concluding a separate peace had it not 
 been for an occurrence that was eagerly seized on by Florence 
 as a clear justification of her conduct in doing so, although 
 contrary to the letter and spirit of her alliance with Perugia. 
 
 Lucigniano, a dependency of Arezzo being hard pressed by 
 the Pemgians sent ambassadors with an offer of its allegiance to 
 Florence who refused it from a fear of displeasing the latter by 
 a violation of the treaty which proliibited exclusive acquisitions 
 or separate negotiations to any confederate without the general 
 sanction. Upon this the people of Lucigniano offered their 
 town to Perugia and were instantly received under its protec- 
 
 CHAP. XI\'.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 13 
 
 tion, while about the same time the Bishop of Arezzo another 
 member of the League, appropriated to himself the strong 
 fortress of Montefocappio. These events excited the real or 
 feigned resentment of Florence which immediately followed up 
 the treaty with Pier Saccone and by the assistance of Regolino 
 de' Tolomniei of Siena, who was afterwards pensioned for it 
 by the Florentines, brought all to a conclusion on the seventh 
 of March 1337 1^. 
 
 By this important step Florence acquired the lordship of 
 Arezzo for ten years at the expense of 25,000 florins paid to 
 the Tarlati for the cession of their claims on the city itself; and 
 14,000 more for the rights of that family in the Val d' Ambra. 
 Besides these, 1^,000 florins were nominally lent to the Are- 
 tines to pay off the garrison of foreign mercenaries the instru- 
 ments of their oppression, while the Tai'lati retained all the rest 
 of their own family property and became citizens of Florence 
 as of Arezzo. Twelve Florentine commissaries at the head 
 of three thousand five hundred troops then took possession of 
 that city on the tenth of March and were met at two miles dis- 
 tance bv almost all the inhabitants of both sexes bearintr olive 
 l»rtmches in their hands and making the air resound with cries 
 of " Peace, Pence, loiKj live the Pu'puhUc and people of Florem-eS' 
 Tims accompanied these commissaries entered Arezzo and for- 
 mally received the resignation of Piero Saccone : it was imme- 
 diately remodelled in its old democratic form without distinction 
 of party ; the Guelphs were recalled, after sixty years of exile ; 
 a general amnesty proclaimed ; all offences pardoned, and mii- 
 versal joy pervaded a city that had so long and keenly suffered 
 from external war and domestic tyranny. 
 
 Great must be the misery of that countiy which thus joy- 
 fully resigns its liberty and independence into the hands of 
 a stranger I But the Aretines' satisfaction was somewhat 
 dimmished by the immediate construction of two citadels and 
 
 * Malavolti, Stor., Parte ii., Lib. v., p. 98. 
 
 WW 
 
u 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 the permanent residence of a strong Florentine garrison : a 
 board of twelve commissioners was also created ^vitll extraor- 
 dinary powers, but subject to qiuirterly renewal, for controlling 
 conjointly witb the Florentine seignor}' the public administration 
 
 of the town. 
 
 Thus was completed the annexation of this noble appendage 
 to the Florentme state at tlie total expense of about 100,000 
 florins ; besides a quaiTel with Perugia, and the loss of some 
 reputation as a direct breach of international faith. Yet Flo- 
 rence, fairly enough, eited the example of Perugia herself, as 
 well in her incipient negotiation with Arezzo as in the acqui- 
 sition of Lucigniano ; they declared that the alliance liad 
 actually expired ; but must jesuitically added that its provisions 
 although they prohibited lesser acquisitions did not forbid that 
 of the enemy's capital. They asserted that the Arctines would 
 never have come to any terms with Pcnigia wherefore if they had 
 not at once stepped in and closed with Tarlati, that city would 
 have been lost to both parties and the (iuelphic cause in Tus- 
 cany deteriorated. Such reasoning did not satisfy Perugia and 
 Florence so far gave way as to allow a judge of appeals to 
 reside and administer justice in Arezzo for five years under tli»* 
 title of *' Conservator oj the Peace,'^ which with the cession of 
 a few inferior towns softened the feelings of her ally while 
 Florence retidned the sovereignty. Villani acknowledges that 
 the conduct of his countrv in this transacti<»n wa> not strictlv 
 just, and that the intidelity of Perugia did not excuse it ; but 
 that she was tempted by the prospect of terminating an expen- 
 sive war and by the acquisition of considerable strength, terri- 
 tory, and national security*. 
 
 As vet the struj^j^le in Lombardv was not marked bv aiiv 
 
 V CO % K I 
 
 permanent advantage alth(jugh the combined forces had aug- 
 
 • Istoric Pistolcsi, Anno 133G. — Gio. 
 Villani, Lib. xi., cap. lix., \\., Ixi. — 
 Pompco Pdlini, Hist, di Perugia, Lib. 
 
 vii., pp. 530, o40, &^c. — Leon. Art tinu, 
 Lib. vi. — Scip. Aiuniirato, Lib. viii., 
 p. 415. 
 
 CHAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 15 
 
 mented to five thousand horsemen with " Barhuta "* or 
 visored helmets, besides a numerous infantry; an immense 
 display of strength in those days even without reckonuig the 
 two thousand men-at-arms employed by Florence in the 
 Tuscan war. After an unsuccessful attempt by Mastino to 
 assassinate Piero Piosso whose camp at Bovolento he attacked 
 and tired, a second invasion of the Trevisau district was made 
 by the latter and then the haughty lord of Verona began to 
 suspect that he had miscalculated the spirit and resources of 
 his antagonists as well as his own powers. His deceit, pride 
 and aggi'essions liad roused two ricli and powerful antagonists 
 who long before this had compelled him to crave the good 
 offices of his former confederates in negotiating a peace ; some 
 of these cliiefs had met at Venice for that purpose in the 
 previous January; Obizzo Man^uis of Ferrara, Giovanni Pepoli, 
 Manfredi Pio and otlier ambassadors embarked on the 
 Po "in a vessel then first built by Sordino of Ferrara the 
 court chamberlain, and afterwards c;dled the Buncintdro : for 
 it was large and magnihcent/" says S,(nli, " with saloons and 
 chambers and had fur its ensign a Centaurf. 
 
 * That the ''Burhuto.'" m.is a of Boyardo, (not Borni), Libr.» i", 
 vis«)rc<l hclnu-t may be ].r«.vr.l by a Canto xviii", Stanza xiv", — Canto xxi, 
 rffereuco to the Orl'ntdo li'Ht'.nornfo and Lib. i", Stanza xix. — 
 
 *' Lei jier (pu 1 <olj.a uieiite si niuta 
 Ma im tal ne dette ul «'avalier ardito, 
 Che (>(iff> r 2:li i'v il vunto alia liurhiita 
 Cala !icl -ri:<ln, f liitto Tha partito, 
 Maglia, ne piastia. in- sbertro Tauta, 
 ^la crudehueute al tianco Tlia fcvito." 
 
 *• Mcnan(b> hu' le botte aspre c diverse, 
 Itin;'.hh) chc a-pettava il tempo lia eolto ; 
 l*er() (he, cime ubertr) si sco, terse, 
 (iiii:i-r l''i;-!Kiti ' e Telino cbbe di>ciolto. 
 La JUif/'Uti' . 1'///' /. /"/ tiitto '..li apersc, 
 E erudelmeiite lo Ivii nel volto," «S:e. 
 
 t The name of tlie \'enetian state eonsidered to be a corruption of " i>/<- 
 sralley, the BiicenUiUr (Bwcrnturo) h cuifonuti'''' because in the decree for 
 
 '■ Tiie hauie of Kiiialdo's sword. 
 
16 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 These lords proceeded to Venice where they were joined by 
 Guido Gonzaga of jVIantua, and according to SabelUco, about 
 sixtv diplomatic envoys of various states interested in the 
 affairs of this powerful seignor : his court was crowded with 
 all the nobles of Northern luily that were in need either of 
 favour or protection, and he himself ambitiously aimed at the 
 kingly cro\N-n of Lombardy. The Lombard ambassadors were 
 publicly instmcted to restore peace if possible, but had secret 
 orders to join the allies if tlieir exertions proved unsuccess- 
 ful. At this conference Mai-silio Camira of Padua also 
 assisted as an envoy of the Scaligeri and (probably v^ith the 
 connivance of government) was insulted by the Venetian popu- 
 lace on his arrival in order to remove all bu^^picion of his real 
 object ; for it is related that in presence of the other ambas- 
 sadors either at a public audience or a banquet, lie ^ai.l in an 
 under voice to the Doge, " What iviU happen Prince, if ire 
 delirer Padua into thj hands T' To which Daiidolo replied 
 mthout any alteration of voice or feature, " We nill hntoir it 
 
 upon thee'^"^. 
 
 This negotiation failed entirely, for the allies would libtt-n 
 to no terms short of ceding Padua, Panna, Lu.c.i, and Treviso; 
 upon which the Maripiis of Ferrara at once openly joined the 
 league, and in a general meeting of the Lombard princes held at 
 Cremona in the following April not a chief would stir a finger 
 in Mastmo s cause : on the contrarj^ Azzo Visconti in bold and 
 homely teims reproached him with his faults. " Messer 
 *' Mastino," said he, " as I have had no share in the begiiming 
 •' of your wai', so do I wish to avoid its middle, and its end. 
 " And the reason you are so puffed up with the gloiy of your 
 
 building this vessel there was a pro- * Sardi, Hist. Ferraresi, Libro vn., 
 
 vision that it should have a crew of p. 110.— Libro del Polistore, tome 
 
 200 men. — The model alone remains xxiv., p. 700, Rer. Ital. Scriptores — 
 
 at Venice and like the city itself is only Sabellico, Cronica Vencta, Dccha ii% 
 
 a beaunful and empty relic of the Lib. ii°, cap. ii'\ p. 100.— Muratori, 
 
 ancient original. Aunali, An. 1336, 1337. 
 
 CHAP. XlJt.J 
 
 FLORIINTINE HISTORY. 
 
 17 
 
 " present rule, is because you scorn all the world. When I 
 " sent you a letter you treated it with contempt, and cared not 
 ** to open it, or read it ; but threw it on the bed, and remained 
 " four or five days before you answered me. Besides this you 
 " have had made for yourself a crown of gold, hoping to be 
 *' chosen King of Lombardy ; and to this part I reply that 
 " T will not suffer such a king. If the other lords of Lom- 
 " bardy will have you I know not. So now you may depart 
 " when you please, but place no hope in me " '•'. 
 
 Shortly after this Azzo Visconti, Guido Gonzaga, Obizzo of 
 Este, and otlier princes united against him ; a body of his 
 Gennan troops deserted, several dependent towns of the Paduan 
 and Trevesan states revolted ; and in June the allied armies 
 of Milan, Ferrara, and Mantua were reeiiforced at the last city 
 by Marsilio Rosso with two thousand four hundred men-at- 
 arms from Bovolento where Piero at the head of sixteen hun- 
 dred more and a numerous infantry still remained in camp. 
 Lucchino Visconti the generalissimo of this fine army, iiow^ 
 four thousand strong in men-at-anns alone, carried fire and 
 sword up to the gates of Verona : jMastino who wanted not skill, 
 spuit, or soldiers and would not brook the being thus bearded 
 in his own ca})ital, instantly poured out about three thousand 
 cavaliy and dai*ed Lucchino to battle at a place called Isola 
 delta Scala : but whether from want of resolution ; disagree- 
 ment with the marquis Xiccolo of Ferrara ; or a suspicion of 
 treacheiy in his German mercenaries ; or it may be, as Villani 
 drily observes, " fi-om the natural dislike of one tyrant to 
 overwhelm aiiotlier;" Lucchino retreated in great confusion 
 on the twenty-first of June with the loss of his tents and bag- 
 gage f. Leaving Verona strongly garrisoned Mastino pushed 
 boldly forward, and in his turn hisulted Mantua ; then turning 
 suddenly on Piero Rosso at Bovolento forced him to recall 
 
 * Libro del Polistore, cap. xxiii. — Rer. f Muratori, Annali, 1337. — Lib. del 
 Ital. Scrip., torn, xxiv., p. 763. Polistore, cap. xxii. 
 
 VOL. II. C 
 
13 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Marsilio in order to be Me to fight and restore his communi- 
 cation with Venice which the Veronese had cut off by occupy- 
 ing a position that also prevented the junction of the latter 
 without risking a battle. The danger was imminent, but 
 Piero s sagacity and the necessity of Mastino's presence else- 
 where, extricated both himself and brother from their diffi- 
 culties ; for knowing that the Veronese army which was only 
 three miles off, depended exclusively on the river for their 
 supply of water, he caused all the filth of liis camp to be cast 
 into it ; besides wliich, immense quantities of the hemlock 
 abounding in that neighbourhood was bniised to a pulp and 
 then sent doAni the stream : neither man or horse could drink, 
 and Mastino would have been obliged by this alone, as most 
 authors say he was, to abandon his position even if other 
 circumstances had not compelled him to retreat *. 
 
 A harassing protracted warfare was the game of Venice, and 
 the Rossi were never idle ; the maintenance of four thousand 
 Geiman horse alone, besides his Italian troops was a drain 
 that even Mastino's treasuiT could not long withstand and 
 secret intelligence with Mai'silio Carrara gave the allies 
 a hope of speedily becoming masters of Padua. Alberto 
 della Scala at this period resided in that city, a man more 
 addicted to licentious pleasures than government, to the amuse- 
 ments of peace than the conduct of wiu': the outrage com- 
 mitted on Ubertino s wife has already been mentioned, and yet, 
 as if the injur}- were forgotten on both sides, this nobleman 
 with his brother Mai'silio were as we have said the principal 
 
 * Sabellico asserts that he was only 
 compelled to decamp by the intelli- 
 gence of Luccino (Azzo?) Visconti's 
 appearance before Brescia but dates 
 Will not admit of this althouch it may 
 h'.- very possible that suspicion of Bres- 
 cian infidelity might thus early have 
 arisen in Mastino's mind. Sabellico is 
 scarce of dates and confused in his 
 
 narrative. (Lib. ii«, cap. ii», p. 102, 
 Decha, u\) The anonymous author of 
 the ^'latf/rie Pistolesi " says that Mar- 
 silio Rosso secretly passed the river 
 where Mastino did not expect him and 
 etfecttd a junction with Piero. upon 
 which Mastino decamped ; but there 
 is much disagreement in the different 
 accounts of this affair. 
 
 CHAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 19 
 
 counsellors and most intimate friends of Alberto. Marsilio 
 had once been lord of Padua but resigned it to the power or 
 influence of Cane della Scala and longed to reestablish himself. 
 Ubertino was excited by ambition and private revenge ; the 
 people were reduced to despair by exactions, and furious from 
 daily insults, therefore all parties were ready to revolt. A 
 secret correspondence with Venice was maintained which Mas- 
 tino is said to have discovered and immediately wrote to desire 
 that the two brothers should be imprisoned and put to death : 
 Alberto was at chess when the letter came and handed it 
 over to Marsilio without breaking the seal : the latter read 
 his death-warrant, and with unchanged countenance calmly told 
 Alberto that his brother merely wrote for a certain falcon of 
 which he had need at a hawking party, but sending Uberto 
 instant word to prepare for revolt that very night while he 
 remained with Alberto to prevent any further intelligence 
 reaching him from Mastino*. 
 
 Piero Rosso apprised of these preparations moved silently 
 on the night of the third of August to the gate of Ponte Corvo 
 which was instantly ()[)ened by the Guelphic adherents of Mar- 
 silio; at the same hour Alberto's palace was surrounded, 
 his guards disarmed, and he himself made prisoner. The 
 Veneto-Florentine army, four thousand strong in cavalry, 
 scoured the city l)ut molested none except the enemy's sol- 
 diers ; rigid discipline was observed ; Alberto was led a prisoner 
 to Venice and on the sixth of August Marsilio da Carrara 
 was declared Lord of Padua by the assembled people and 
 admitted as an independent member of the league f. 
 
 This success however humiliating to Mastino was quickly 
 followed by two events that threw a gloom over that joy 
 
 * Istoria, Padovana di Galeazzo Ga- 
 taro. (Apud Sismondi, vol. iv., p. 122). 
 + Istorie Pistolesi, An. 1337- — Gio. 
 Villani, Lib. xi., cap. Ixii., Ixiii., Ixv. 
 — Scip. Ammirato, Lib. viii. p. 422. — 
 
 Muratori, Annali, An. 1337. — Leon. 
 Aretino, Libro vi. — Sabellico, Cronica 
 Veneta, Decha ii% Lib. ii", cap. ii., p. 
 HI. 
 
 c 2 
 
20 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 with which so brilliant an event had filled the public mind, 
 and were he not already reduced so low might have changed 
 the whole aspect of the war. Marsilio de' Rossi worn out 
 with extreme exertion fell sick at Padua, and Piero while 
 leadmg on his men to the assaidt of Monselice was struck 
 by a javelin or aiTow in the loins, and died on the seventh 
 of August : grief at his brother's death conspiiing with dis- 
 ease and exhaustion, brought Marsilio to the gi'ave on the 
 seventeenth ; and Oriando out of pure regard tx3 their memory 
 was immediately made generalissimo of the combmed armies. 
 The wai' had been left by them in so prosperous a state that 
 Oriando, inferior as he was in abdities, had little difficulty in 
 maintainmg the ascendant : Mestre was taken soon after, Mon- 
 selice under the able Pietro del Venne held out for many 
 months and its citadel much longer ; Orci and Canneto m the 
 Brescian district followed and announced the speedy loss of 
 that capital ; for the Brescians tired of subjection determined 
 to change their master, and negotiated with Azzo Visconti, 
 who by a stratagem gained possession of the place on the 
 eighth of October, and of the citadel shortly after. It was con- 
 firmed to him by the allies and especially the Florentines, for in 
 their hatred to Mastino they seemed to have forgotten that Azzo 
 had been the friend of Castruccio, that he was the victor of 
 Altopascio and the disdainful insulter of their own capital. 
 Mastino now became alarmed ; Padua and Brescia were lost ; 
 his brother a prisoner ; town after town were slipping from 
 his grasp ; his treasury was exliausted, and fortune ever}' where 
 his enemy : nor was this all ; Charles, the son of John Kmg 
 of Bohemia, now Duke of Carinthia, had joined the allies, 
 made himself master of Feltre, and ultimately of Belhmo ; 
 so that the Veronese chieftain was forced to make another effort 
 for peace but mthout success. The confederates were too 
 high in spurit, too arrogant, and too exacting in their demands, 
 and Mastino was not yet down; negotiations were therefore 
 
 CHAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 21 
 
 A.D. 1338. 
 
 broken off; Albert still remained a prisoner, and the war 
 recommenced, more roughly than before: the Veronese dis- 
 trict was again ravaged in March and April, and Verona 
 itself insulted by running for the Palio under its walls ; the 
 Adige was passed without opposition, and sixteen hostile towns 
 unmercifully plundered '-'. 
 
 In May the strong and important town of Montecchio, the inter- 
 mediate link between Vicenza and Verona, surrendered 
 to the confederates and resisted all sul)sequent efforts 
 for its recapture ; Marsilio Carrara died in March and was suc- 
 ceeded by his cousin Ubertino who reduced Monselice in August ; 
 many combats took place in various quarters, and in September 
 Mastino was beaten with great loss while attempting to retake 
 the town of Montagnana ; the allies rode triumphant through 
 all the land and even mastered a suburb of Vicenza itself, while 
 the remainder of the city was reduced to the last extremity. 
 Mastino finally demanded aid of the emperor; but Louis 
 although willing was now at enmity with his former confederate 
 John of Bohemia and found the Tyrolese passes occupied by 
 the young Duke of Carinthia so as to preclude every chance of 
 succour from that quarter. Thus bafffed and unfortunate, his 
 capital threatened, and Vicenza on the point of surrendering, 
 tliis proud leader was driven once more to negotiate ; but 
 now \vith some hope of dissolving a confederacy that he knew 
 was united only by individual interest and a common anger 
 against himself. To gain his object he determined to treat 
 secretly with Venice alone, and if Villani says true his ambas- 
 sadors were ordered to distribute money with a lavish hand 
 amongst her principal citizens, imploring them not to counte- 
 nance the total ruin of Mastino and with him that of all the 
 imperial party in Italy. To give their exertions greater effect 
 they industriously spread a report that if the negotiation failed 
 Louis would march with six thousand French Barbute into Italy, 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. Ixxiii. and Ixxvii. 
 
 wwp.'-i^^raf 
 
22 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAF. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 23 
 
 and take part in the contest : these hrihes and threats were 
 accompanied by the most advantageous offers of peace, and 
 seconded by the Pisan and Lucchese envoys, both being 
 Ghibehne friends of Mastino and jealous of Florentine ascend- 
 ancy. But this piince was not friendless even in Venice ; 
 his large bribes, the accomplishment of their own objects, and 
 their natural inclination towards his politics added to some 
 little fear of an imperial visit, seemed to have tempted it« 
 citizens so far to sacrifice their ally as to consent that the great 
 object of Florentine warfare, the cession of Lucca, should be 
 entirely excluded from any treaty. A separate peaxje was 
 accordingly signed with Mastino in December and on the 
 eighteenth of the same month announced by a formal embassy 
 to the Florentines. At this unexpected intelligence anger and 
 disappointment took possession of Florence, and her people were 
 in a ferment ; but the Venetians remained cool and deter- 
 mined : fair conditions they said were secured to her which 
 might be accepted or rejected as she pleased, but no longer 
 count on the assistance of Venice if she decided on continuing 
 the war with Mastino. Councils, debates, public and private 
 meetings and univei-sal anger, were the result of tliis haughty 
 message ; passion prevailed here, prudence there, but mortifi- 
 cation everj^where : resentment finally gave way to necessity ; 
 a heavy expense had been incurred ; immense exertions made, 
 large debts contracted, the revenue mortgaged for six years, 
 every nerve of the commonwealth strained to breaking, and 
 therefore small hope of success in single-handed warfare against 
 the still powerful lord of Verona. Prudence finally gained the 
 ascendant, and ambassadors reached Venice with instructions 
 to insist first on a strict obser^'ation of the original condi- 
 tions of the league ; and failing this, to try for better terms ; 
 but with secret orders to sign the articles, if nothing better 
 might be effected. It was a vain effort ; nothing of great im- 
 portance could be gained from that implacable commonwealth ; 
 
 A.D. 1339. 
 
 the treaty was therefore ratified and peace proclaimed at Flo- 
 rence on the twenty-fourth of January 1339, with a sullen ex- 
 pression of displeasure. This was not diminished by a final 
 settlement of accounts in which the Venetians still 
 managed to preserve the ascendant, and Florence 
 again yielded to the inflexibility of a republic that now for the 
 first time laid the foundation of a new dominion on " Terra 
 firma," a dominion more brilliant than salutary, by which she 
 was finally entangled in the mazes of continental politics at a 
 moment when every exertion was necessary to preserve her 
 waning influence in the east, the real source of her power. 
 
 By this treaty Treviso and its territory besides several other 
 important places were ceded to Venice, others to the lord of 
 Padua ; Feltre and Belluno to the Duke of Carinthia ; the Ptossi 
 were reestablished in their possessions, the navigation of the 
 Po declared free ; Azzo Visconti was confirmed in the sove- 
 reignty of Brescia ; Alberto della Scala released unransomed ; 
 and Florence once more excluded from Lucca, the great object 
 of her aspirations, although m thirty-one months she had ex- 
 pended more than 000,000 florins in the war. Yet was not 
 her interest entirely neglected, nor was her portion small, 
 although inadequate either to her expectations or exertions : 
 she was confirmed in the possession of Fucecchio, Castel- 
 Franco, Santa Croce, Santa Maria-a-Monte, and Montetopoli 
 in Val-d' Arno ; of Montecatini, Monte Sommano, Monte Vet- 
 tolini, Massa, Cozzile and Uzzano in Val di Nievole ; and of 
 Avellano, Sorana, and Castel-Vecchio, in Val-di-Luna; be- 
 sides the important towns of Buggiano, Pescia, and the fortress 
 of Altopascio which were subsequently added, along with two 
 other small fortresses. Thus a great cantle was scooped out 
 of the Lucchese territory, its frontier opened, and that of Flo- 
 rence everywhere extended to the west, while the important 
 acquisition of Arezzo enlarged, rounded, and strengthened her 
 eastern boundary and increased her political importance. 
 
 K 
 
24 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CMAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 25 
 
 
 Within a brief period she had been twice overreached, and the 
 people were discontented ; but she had already meted out the 
 same measure without remorse to Perugia and justified her 
 own infidelity, therefore met no sympathy =:=. 
 
 Thus ended the Lombard war by a disadvantageous peace 
 after two years and a half of actual hostilities ; a war which 
 although reluctantly concluded and failing in its principal and 
 most selfish object, was still so far successful as to ciipple the 
 power humble the pride and render al>ortive the ambition of 
 Mastino, who with poetical justice was finally compelled to 
 pawn the veiy diadem which he had caused to be made for his 
 contemplated coronation as sole monarch of Lombardy. Yet 
 the bitter pill thus swallowed by Florence, forced on her as it 
 was by financial and commercial distress, was scarcely made 
 palatable by the enemy's abasement : this distress arose in a 
 distant and unexpected quarter and serves to exhibit the vast 
 extent and magnitude of her mercantile transactions : but first 
 it will be expedient to notice some political changes that hap- 
 pened in Italy during the continuance of the Lombard war. 
 
 Bologna which never remained long quiet after the expul- 
 sion of Bertmnd du Poiet, had in 1387 broken out once more 
 into open conflict ; the two potent families of Gozzadini and 
 Peppoli, who had been long struggling for masteiy, finally 
 came to a decisive battle on the third of July ; but one day 
 while the sons of Taddeo de' Peppoli were hotly engaged with 
 Brandaligi de' Gozzadini and many followers on both sides, 
 their father suddenly appeared and parting the combatants 
 as if desirous of peace, took Brandaligi in a friendly manner 
 to his own house and there with plausible discourse persuaded 
 liim to disarm his followei-s. No sooner was this accomplished 
 than the Bianclii, Bentivogli, and others of the Peppoli faction, 
 attacked and destroyed the palaces of the Brandaligi and 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. Ixxxii., 1 339.— Istoric Pistolcsi, Anno 1339. 
 Ixxxix., xc— Muratori, Annali, Anno — Sardi, Istorie Fcrrarese, Lib. vi. 
 
 drove them from the city ; and Taddeo with the aid of his 
 kinsman the Marquis of Este, after nearly two months of civic 
 agitation was made Captain-General and Lord of Bologna, but 
 without any alteration in its foreign policy or connexions. 
 The friendly relations with Florence were therefore undisturbed, 
 and the latter was about the same period not ill pleased to 
 find the Guelphic cause relieved from a powerful adversarj* by 
 the death of Frederic King of Sicily. 
 
 This was a prince of great ability, who for many years under 
 all the disadvantages of a new and unsettled dynasty withstood 
 the long-continued assaults and perpetual enmity of so able a 
 monarch as Robert : after Frederic's decease the king's hopes 
 were for a moment revived by a partial revolt in the island, 
 and preparations made for a descent ; but the attempt failed 
 and things held on their couree. An event of more serious 
 importance to a commercial state was the simultaneous arrest, 
 by Philip de Valois, of all the Italian merchants and bankers 
 in France : usuiy and extortion were the crimes laid to their 
 charge, and a belief in their guilt was sufficiently grateful to the 
 feelings of a needy aristocracy more eager to borrow than able 
 or willing to pay, much less to calculate the hazard of a loan. 
 But however innocent, there was no release for these victims 
 until the uttermost penalty were exacted, nor until the king had 
 realised a large sum by their ransoms. This of course gave a 
 check to Florentine trade which had already been considerably 
 perplexed by that monarch's debasement of the French currency ; 
 for to such an extent had he carried this ruinous practice that 
 the golden florin of Florence which early in liis reign was worth 
 only ten Parisian sous, in the year 1340 exchanged for thirty 
 pieces of the same denomination. New impediments and in- 
 creased troubles arose from Philip's w^ars with the English 
 Edward which drained the treasuries of both monarchs and half 
 ruined Florence ; at a moment too when the resources of this 
 state were all needed to pay for her own expensive armaments. 
 
 ij 
 
/ 
 
 26 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Edward III. had appointed the two great commercial houses 
 of Bardi and Peruzzi to be his agents and bankers ; all his 
 revenues, wool, and every material of wealth passed through 
 their hands, while they undertook to furnish him with the 
 money necessary for war and other public expenses : but this 
 expenditure so much exceeded both the public revenue and 
 mortgaged property that on Edward s return from France the 
 Bardi found themselves his creditors for more than 180,000 
 marks sterhng, and the Pemzzi for upwards of 130,000, each 
 mark being then equd to sometliing more than four and one- 
 third golden florins, or in round numbers to about two pounds 
 nine shillmgs of the present day *, so that the whole debt 
 amounted to 700,000/. steriing, weight for iveiffht, (independent 
 of the relative value of com at the two periods) which, says 
 Villani, was *' the worth of a kingdom." He then proceeds 
 to blame these two houses for being so tempted by an exces- 
 sive desu-e of gain as to risk not only their own but many other 
 people s property in one precarious investment ; for the greater 
 part belonged to persons who had trusted their capital to the 
 management of these long-established tirms, or accommodated 
 them with money on the ancient credit of their name. The con- 
 sequences of this calamity were not confined to Florence, they 
 spread throughout a wide circle of connexions in every part of the 
 civilized world by blighting the nearest as well as the remotest 
 branches of commercial business; yet the extensive landed pro- 
 perty of these houses still supported them and total bankruptcy 
 was thus avoided : but the Florentine commercial interest of 
 
 * The golden florin of Florence (at 8 
 to the ounce troy of 560 grains) would 
 weigh 70 grains therefore 4-^ florins 
 would be equal to 303*3 grains. In 
 two guineas there are about 258^ 
 grains of standard gold, therefore the 
 mark sterling (if as Villani says it were 
 then equal to 4^ florins) was also equal 
 to 21. 8«. lOfti. of the present day in 
 actual weight of metal at a rough cal- 
 
 culation. Wliat quantity of com or 
 labour this weight of gold would then 
 purchase is another and more intricate 
 question, and may have differed very 
 widely in Florence as a rich commer- 
 cial state from the less opulent coun- 
 tries of Europe at the same period ; 
 but its purchase value may fairly be 
 taken as at least equal to about £5 of 
 the present day. 
 
 CHAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 27 
 
 which they were considered the sustaining columns, was 
 terribly shaken ; no other firm could any longer be trusted, 
 and a general suspicion of all inferior houses pervaded the com- 
 mercial world from the Sea of Azof to the distant shores of 
 Britain. Just before this catastrophe the Bardi 's power and 
 wealth appeared so alarming that a decree passed on the four- 
 teenth of March 1338 aimed directly at them and forbidding 
 all Florentine citizens to purchase towns or castles beyond 
 the frontier, which by removing them from republican autho- 
 rity, facilitated treasonable designs against the state, and 
 was therefore displeasing to an ever-jealous people, who 
 omitted no occasion of curbing the nobles; but more par- 
 ticularly because these same Bardi had recently purchased 
 the fortified towns of Vernia, Margona, and other strong 
 places situated beyond the border, which gave them an inde- 
 pendent and, as it was considered, an illegitimate influence, 
 incompatible with the rank of simple citizens in a free 
 state *. 
 
 For some time after these events the Florentines remained 
 armed and watchful ; their acquisitions on the side of Lucca 
 required setting in order, and Mastino s sudden appearance in 
 that city alarmed the whole community even in the midst of 
 peace ; so little was he trusted : but this fear was dispelled by 
 his almost immediate departure with 20,000 florins, the levying 
 of w^hich had been his main object. Nevertheless a nervous 
 feeling of apprehension still weighed on the public mind as if 
 some indistinctly-conceived misfortune were threatening the 
 commonwealth. The unsatisfactory peace after so brilliant 
 and constant a success, had unsettled men's tempers; the 
 unpromising condition of their finances, the distressed state of 
 commerce, the failure of banks, and the sudden and depressing 
 reaction from years of high excitement, had unbraced their 
 
 ♦ Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. Ixxiv., Scip. Ammirato, Lib. viii'^, p. 428. — 
 Ixxxviii. — Leon. Aretino, Lib. vi. — Istorie Pistolesi. 
 
28 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY, 
 
 [book I. 
 
 mind : this despondency was increased by various meteorological 
 phenomena; such as eclipses, comets, unusmil stonns of hail and 
 thunder, and consequent injuo^ to public buildmgs ; added to 
 all was a deficient harvest and the dismal prospect of famine, 
 which altogether had an effect so superstitious that the lightest 
 and commonest accidents were received as sinister omens and 
 urged the people through fear of coming wi'ath to a laudable 
 course of pohcy. They accordingly became peace-makers ; and by 
 then- mfluence restored tranquillity in Romagna where Forli, Ce- 
 sina, Ravenna, Rimini, Faenza, Imola, and the Counts Guidi, 
 were all in a state of mutual hostUity : then turning to Perugia 
 they healed the wound so lately given by the acquisition of 
 Arezzo ; mutual concessions were made and Lucignano, Monte 
 Sansovino, Friano, and Anghiari were secured to the first, 
 whHe Florence was left in the unshackled sovereignty of the 
 last. Amicable arrangements were afterwards entered into 
 \vith Pisa to meet the coming scarcity, and then public atten- 
 tion was exclusively directed to reform the election of the 
 Seignory which had already been cUstorted by the daring frau- 
 dulence of ambition *. 
 
 A parliament or general assembly of the people was held on 
 the twenty-fourth of December to take this important subject into 
 consideration and in the course of their investigation it appeared 
 that one of the means used by ruling citizens to retain the 
 powers of government in their own hands was as follows. It 
 has been already mentioned that the names of all those citizens 
 who had been chosen as eligible for office in the general scru- 
 tiny were written on sepai'ate billets and deposited in six bags, 
 one for each Sesto of the city ; but instead of destroying those 
 billets which bore the names of candidates already elected to 
 the different offices of government ; they were artfully trans- 
 ferred to another set of purses until all the names were drawn; 
 and then the same operation was recommenced from the latter, 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. c, ciii., cv., cxiv. 
 
 CH\P. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 29 
 
 SO that the whole administration of government thus moved in 
 a circle and by remaining in the hands of a certain set became 
 a close aristocracy and almost an oligarchy ; to the exclusion 
 of nmnerous discontented citizens just as ambitious and not 
 more honest than themselves. These last however succeeded 
 in fixing public attention to this abuse and passing a law 
 in full assembly which commanded the immediate destruction 
 of all those names once drawn for office, without however 
 rendering the individuals themselves ineligible at the next 
 periodical scrutiny. In this manner was checked for a time 
 the tyranny of a prevniling faction ; but there were other ways 
 of maintaining and even increasing its authority which soon 
 manifested themselves in the second and unlawful appoint- 
 ment of the infamous Gabrielli d' Agobbio as supreme rector of 
 Florence. 
 
 The superstitious terror which had gained possession of the 
 inhabiumts was ere long contirmed by the visitation 
 of two dreadful scourges ; a devouring pestilence fol- 
 lowed by hard and withering famine : the first raged through 
 the town in unmitigated fury ; the last held it with so close a 
 gripe that the death of fifteen thousand souls within the city by 
 pestilence alone was insufficient to relax its pressure. A sixth of 
 the population exclusive of the suburbs, had perished, and yet the 
 intensity of want was still unmodified : conflagration added new 
 terrors to the scene ; and a liail-storm in May wiiich lay like snow 
 upon the gTound and destroyed the fruit, increased the general 
 miser}^ ; superstition gained fresh force, and Florence was wild 
 with lamentation wretchedness and woe. Religion then inter- 
 fered and pleaded for misfortune ; the public heart was softened ; 
 and at the instance of the church it was decreed that all exiles 
 should be recalled and allowed to remain unmolested on paying 
 a certain amount of taxation ; and that all confiscated property 
 still in the hands of government should be restored to the 
 widows and oi-phans of deceased refugees ; but the latter part 
 
 A. D. 1340. 
 
30 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book t. 
 
 CHAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 31 
 
 
 was imperfectly executed and as was believed the plague raged. 
 inconsequenceofthisfraud,untilwinter. The Florentines never- 
 theless drew some comfort from their misfortunes ; supersti- 
 tion gradually evaporated and made room for a certain small 
 philosophy which taught them to contemplate the plague as a 
 necessity of nature, and so far merciful as it carried off numbers 
 that must otherwise have slowly perished by famine ; while 
 the destmction of their fruit suggested the consolation, that 
 had it remained to be eaten by a sickly famishing population a 
 second pestilence would probably have been produced. 
 
 This serious state of the public mind was deemed a good 
 oppoitunit}^ for checking luxur>^ and reforming that general 
 tendency to show and magnificence which was fust overla}'ing 
 ancient 'republican fnigality and the simplicity of private life. 
 A new code of sumptuary- laws was therefore promulgated, by 
 which excess at feasts, dinners, and weddings ; at the making 
 of knights ; in presents to brides and other extravagances ; in 
 fimerak ; but especially in dowers, which impeded marriages 
 and filled convents, was once more forbidden without any 
 permanent effect ; for besides their direct opposition to the 
 very spirit and nature of human progress, these edicts always 
 come too late for the object ; they are commonly enacted 
 after the evil is introduced and the tiste confirmed. In a 
 declining state tliis taste \sill gradually wear away for lack 
 of nutriment, in an improving one it will push forward against 
 all impediments ; the only effectual check to be expected from 
 such restrictions (for there is no prevention) might haply be 
 found in making them prospective, smd as it were anticipat- 
 ing the issue of those inevitable cravings of riches and fancy by 
 the prohibition of what is as yet undesired or unattainable, 
 and this could only be accomplished in a poor colony from an 
 already civilised countrj- *. 
 
 It has been mentioned that there were other ways of un- 
 
 • Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. cxiv. — Scip. Ammirato, Lib. ix.,p. 434. 
 
 lawfully retaining the administrative power besides that which 
 had been recently abolished; namely by the niling sect 
 axjquiring a paramount influence over the election of the foreign 
 rectors, and thus rendering these functionaries entirely depen- 
 dent on themselves. This was a favourite mode of working, 
 and we have already seen that not content with the ordinary 
 govemoi-s, a third was added in 1335 under the new-fangled 
 title of " Ciipta'ui of the GuanV the value of whose services 
 was gratefully remembered by the ascendant faction. From 
 the bad conduct of a weak or artful administration Florence at 
 this time was indirectly mled by a cabal composed of two 
 individuals from each Sesto belonging to that class which was 
 called the " Popolaui Grassi" or richest citizens below the 
 mnk of nobles, although superior to most of them in power 
 and opulence. These oligarchs being detennined to admit no 
 equals into the government, managed to have the seignory 
 composed of such men only as were devoted to themselves, and 
 selected from their own class alone, equally excluding the lower 
 and lowest classes of citizens and the higliest ranks of nobility. 
 But not satisfied with nominating the Podesta, the Captain of 
 the People, and the Executor of the Ordinances of Justice, which 
 were already thought too many for the good government of an 
 independent community, they created the new office above 
 mentioned, and recalled Gabrielli d' Agubbio with a hundred 
 men-at-amis, two hundred infantry and an enormous salary ; 
 invested too as before with super-legal powers, to be a ready in- 
 strument in oppressing their fellow-citizens ; and this in despite 
 of the public decree which for ten yeare forbade his nomination 
 or that of any of his family to the rectorship of Florence. Such 
 was the nature of its liberty ! This tyrant resumed his former 
 course with implacable consistency, and being strengthened 
 with a band of myrmidons and an authority above all law, 
 swept away great and small, guilty and innocent, to destitution, 
 exile, and ignominious death. All Florence trembled save the 
 
32 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 33 
 
 master-tyrants that employed him ; most of the citizens, but 
 particularly the nobles, were exaspemtecl to so great a degree 
 that a conspiracy ^vas formed amongst the latter to hurl Jacob 
 Gabrielli and his masters from their unlawful emmence and 
 ^dndicate republican liberty. Amongst the minor sufferers 
 from his iniustice were Pietro de' Bardi and Baldo Fres- 
 cobaldi • the former was fined 6000 Lire for havmg out- 
 raided one of his own vassals at Vemio, a town beyond the 
 iurisdiction of Florence and therefore not subject to the ordi- 
 nances of justice ; the latter was also forced to pay a considerable 
 sum of money for a trifling offence which he even domed ever 
 haviiKt committed. Besides these there was also Andrea de' 
 Bardi'^a kinsman of the fii-st whom the government compelled 
 to sun-ender his fortress of Mangona to the republic. The 
 Bardi and Frescobuldi, both in rank and fortune were amongst 
 the most illustrious citizens of Florenrc iuid therefore un- 
 popular ^^'ith the ruling faction, especially the former, be- 
 cause their foreign possessions natundly brought them into 
 closer intimacy with other l)order-cliieftmns whose territories had 
 many pomts of contact with those of Florence and who were 
 generally readv to annoy her. Thus outraged, these powerful 
 families united in the determination to brhig a conspiracy 
 already in preparation against the government, to an immediate 
 issue, and being joined by the Rossi and many other noble and 
 even popular families on both sides of tVie Anio, the plot began 
 to assume a formidable aspect. Nor was external aid wanting ; 
 many independent barons eager to humble the burghers, had 
 promised their assistance; amongst them were most of the 
 Counts Guidi, the Tarlati of Pietramala. the Pazzi of Val d amo, 
 the Uberti and I'baldini of the Apennines, the Guazzalotti of 
 Prato, the Belforti of Yolterra and othei-s. These were to 
 gather thickly round Florence on All Saints' eve and the 
 hopes of the conspirators ran high, for on the following day 
 while the whole people were supplicating for the souls of their 
 
 dead, Gabrielli and his supporters were to be exterminated, the 
 seignory dissolved, and a revolution accomplished, which accord- 
 ing to the belief of some was to have entirely abolished the 
 popular form of government. This impression probably de- 
 terred many from openly joining in the plot who would other- 
 wise have been willing ; for notwithstanding its abuses the 
 form of government was popular and that of the nobles dreaded ; 
 yet success would still have been certain had every conspirator 
 remained true and firm to his resolution ; but as there is gene- 
 rally some feeble link in a long chain, so is there a weak or re- 
 pentant spirit in most conspiracies, a mind wliich unable to bear 
 the pressure of the crisis }ields to the force of circumstances. 
 
 The same Andrea Bardo whose peculiar wrongs amongst 
 many others the insurrection was intended to redress, whether 
 from remorse or a quarrel with his companions, revealed the 
 whole to his brother-in-law Jacopo degli Alberti one of the 
 ruling sect and therefore an intended victim. Alberti imme- 
 diately informed the priors and preparations were instantly 
 made to meet a danger more felt than distinctly apparent to 
 the gi'eater number of citizens : yet the city was soon in 
 violent agitation no person knowing exactly how to act, from 
 ignorance of facts, while both conspirators and priors were 
 equally afraid to begin ; the one from their prematm-e detection, 
 the other from apprehension of consequences. The conduct of 
 the ruling chiefs was however decisive ; they promptly repaired 
 to the palace and almost by force caused the great bell to be 
 sounded notwithstanding a strong opposition from Francesco 
 Salviati and Taldo Valori one a prior the other gonfalonier, and 
 both kinsmen of the Bardi. These men insisted on the im- 
 prudence of ringing the Canipana on every slight occasion, as 
 an armed multitude was always a dangerous auxiliary and more 
 easily roused than calmed ; it would therefore be wiser they 
 said to search into the truth of the accusation and afterwards 
 legally punish, than risk the destruction of Florence by an 
 
 VOL. II. D 
 
34 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [eook I. 
 
 ill-timed violence on the simple assertion of a single individual. 
 Their words were plausible but the motives probably appreciated, 
 for their voice was droNnied in loud and univei-sal reproaches of 
 folly and presumi)tion ; and a resohition for an immediate attack 
 on the conspirators was carried by acclamation. No sooner 
 had the deep tones of the Campana mng out the alanu tlian 
 the town as if by magic was ever}-where and at the same 
 moment in agitation and all the people aimed : horse and man 
 were soon arraved before the public palace, each civic com- 
 pany under its oavu standard, and loud cries of " Lonrf live the 
 People ' and " Let the Traitors die" echoed in eveiy street, 
 while the storaiy crash of the Campana jarred (»n the ears of 
 many a still unconscious citizen. The gates were promptly 
 shut to cut off all rommmiication from without, for the country- 
 was full of araied bands marching from eveiy side and concen- 
 trating on the capital, but still too distant to cooperate. The 
 conspu-atoi-s seemg their plot discovered, their allies far away, 
 and no signs of revolt on the right bank of the river where the 
 people were most powerful, determined to sell their lives as 
 dearly as they could, or if ix)ssible maintain themselves on the 
 left bank mitil succoui-s arrived. The bridge-heads of the 
 Ponte Vecchio and La Trinita which had remained in wood 
 since the great tlood were instan^ tired, aud from the adjohiing 
 houses a shower of aiTows poured down on every other approach : 
 the position w^s strong, and easily tenpblc n<4ainst all the ad- 
 verse force had their cause been popular ; but the nobles were 
 feared and hated and the people of Oitranh> remained true to 
 themselves and their party with whicli they felt even a ba<i 
 government to be identified : it was stdl democracy against 
 aristocracy, a common bond of feeling and principle, that even 
 the tvrannv of a Gabrielli was not sufficient to untie. The 
 inhabitants rose to a man, mustered under their own banner, 
 boldly attacked the conspii-atoi*s, extmguished theftre, tjok both 
 bridges, and then being jouied by their fellow-citizens, who after 
 
 OIAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 33 
 
 a hard fight had forced the Ponte alia Carraia, together pushed 
 on the attack with bolder spirit. The bridge of llubaconte was 
 still fiercely defended, but the conspirators being now assailed 
 both in flank and rear, were finally driven to the castellated 
 houses and towers in the Via de' Bardi, the strongest part of 
 their position, wliere they struggled long and obstinately, espe- 
 cially at the bridge wliich their antagonists were exerting even- 
 effort to possess. Meanwhile Gabrielli d' Agobbio feeling 
 that he would fidl the first sa(;rifice to victoiy on the adverse 
 side, stood trembling and stupified iu the midst of his guards 
 before the palace without making effort in favour of the 
 government : not so the Podesta ]\Iaffeo da Ponte Caredi oH 
 Brescia, who all unarmed as he was, instantly putting liimself 
 at the head of a few liorseuien hurried to the scene of action 
 and advancing alone over the bridge amidst a flight of arrows 
 with outstretched arm demanded a parley. 
 
 His high station, his l)uldness, and venerable character ex- 
 cited instantaneous admiration and respect ; the combat stopped, 
 the revolted chiefs crowded round him, and liis lirm and earnest 
 expression of wisdom and humanity, was listened to with silent 
 attention. 
 
 " If I were conscious," he is made to say, " if I were con- 
 " scions O most noble citizens of ever having done auglit to 
 " injure one of you in the exercise of those «luties attached to 
 " the high station where your voices have placed me, or if 1 
 " had even suffered wrong from any of j^ourselves, certes 1 
 " would not now appear almost unarmed in the midst of you 
 •' and expose myself either to your vengeance for the former, 
 " or your mistrust on account of the latter. But as my inno- 
 " cence gives me the confidence to come and reason with you, 
 " even here in the middle of hostile spears, so do I hope that 
 " your consciousness of never having injured me, will assure 
 " you that I am only come for the purpose of benefiting your- 
 " selves : if then vou have this reliance in my motives, resign 
 
 D '2 
 
36 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 t( 
 
 (( 
 
 n 
 
 
 
 n 
 (I 
 
 these dangerous arms which are even less hurtful to your 
 antagonists than to you, I do not only mean if you be over- 
 come, which you must necessarily be, Init even if you remain 
 victorious in this unnatural conflict.— Will your families 
 rejoice in your victory? — Have you not sisters, wives, and 
 daughters of the same blood as that which you now have 
 dared to shed ? How can you rejoice in a \'ictory that will 
 make them weep for fatliei*s brothers and nephews slain by 
 their kinsmen's swords ! Will you not respect their sorrow ? 
 Lay down these arms then, since certain victor}^ were it even 
 now in your hands, can bring nothing but crime and misery. 
 But I will not deceive you ; there is no hope ; the succoui*s 
 you expected come not, and were they come where would 
 they find an entnmce when every gate is in the hands of the 
 citizens ? The bridges are all occujiied ; the whole Sesto of 
 Oltramo is in the power of your enemies except this single 
 street ; and can this single street long resist the power of 
 the whole Florentme people ? It would be folly to believe 
 so !— But if on the other hand you ex{)oct, as you must ex- 
 pect, to be overcome, what are you resolved on '? Are you so 
 blinded by furj- that you cannot behold your own certain ruin ; 
 can you not see the plundering, the conflagi'ation, the mur- 
 ders, the carnage that will shortly fill this unhappy street ; 
 or do you believe that the people will be more merciful to 
 you than what they have persuaded themselves you by your 
 conspiracy intended to be towards them ? Believe rather 
 that such men will be so much the more cruel to you than 
 you would ever have been to them, because the lower classes 
 and mere populace are commonly more ferocious than those 
 of noble blood ; poverty makes them rapacious ; licence, 
 anger, fierceness, impunity, all will drive them on to ever}' 
 devilish act however daring and horrible I You will see 
 the ancient mansions of your forefathei-s plundered burnt 
 and destroyed witli all their treasures I Wliat do I say ? 
 
 CHAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 " These are trifles that may be restored ; but you will se( 
 " wives, your daughters, your children, all mercilessly butcl 
 " and then your own selves will follow ! Shun, fly from s^ 
 " horrors ; provide for your safety ere this, and worse evil^ 
 '* that I shudder to think of, fall upon you ! With all my 
 " power and influence ; if you will only accept my mediation, 
 *' I will honestly assist you, and if I cannot obtain your entire 
 " pardon I will at least secure for you a safe and unmolested 
 " retreat." 
 
 The sad reality of his words and full confidence in his sin- 
 cerity overcame the conspirators; their spirit bowed to dis- 
 cretion and he became their advocate with an indignant people. 
 Promptly returning to the priors he with equal success per- 
 suaded them to sanction the conditions offered, and the insur- 
 gents were allowed to retire to their castles the same night by 
 the gate of Saint George without further molestation and 
 almost without noise, under the safeguard of the Podesta. 
 Agitation then gradually subsided, the city soon became tran- 
 quil, and on the following day legal prosecutions were com- 
 menced ; but against those only who had actually taken up 
 arms ; after this each man laid aside his harness and all quietly 
 returned to their usual occupations. 
 
 By the wisdom of one man Florence was thus saved from 
 further bloodshed, but so many citizens of all ranks had been 
 engaged more or less in the conspiracy without actually appear- 
 ing in arms that it was deemed most prudent to restrict the 
 condemnations to those only who on being called upon did not 
 assist the government, or who had taken an active part against 
 it in the insurrection. About thirty of the Bardi, Frescobaldi, 
 and Rossi were declared rebels and the Guelpliic cities of Tus- 
 cany and Lombardy, forbidden with greater malice than pru- 
 dence, but with all the influence of Florence, to receive the 
 fugitives : the latter thus hunted sought shelter at Pisa and 
 the court of Avignon and became implacable enemies of their 
 
FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 country : their houses were demolished their property 
 Icated ; and both jVIangona and Veniia were afterwards 
 
 Kstly acquired by a forced sale (the latter after several 
 fonths' siege) from Andrea and Piero de' Bardi. 
 
 About the same time another law was made which again 
 forbid any Florentine to purchase or possess castles in a foreign 
 stat« within twenty miles of the frontier : but not yet content, 
 the Florentines \\'ith extreme arrogance condemned no less 
 than nine of the Counts Guidi who had taken part in this 
 conspiracy, and by such an insult made them still bitterer 
 enemies of the republic. The Urban truops seem to have 
 felt the want of more efficient arms in this sedition, for 
 every citizen that could afford the expense was thenceforth 
 required to furnish liimself with a cuirass and steel helmet 
 after the maimer of the Flemmings, and six thousand cross- 
 bows were immediately purchased at the public charge for 
 their use. 
 
 Such was the conclusion of this alarming plot the result of 
 general misrule and individual suffering : mikl treatment would 
 have done good, but the subsequent condemnations had only 
 the effect of exciting new and augmented anger so as to pro- 
 duce a second attempt the following year, by which Schiatta de' 
 Frescobaldi lost his head, and six other gentlemen of the Bardi, 
 Frescobaldi, Pazzi, and Adimari families were condemned as 
 rebels--. 
 
 As nothing is more selfish, cra\ing, and insatiable than 
 power, a simple victor}^ over their enemies was insuf- 
 ficient for the mling faction, especially as their re- 
 venge had in the first moment of success been more restrained 
 by fear and discretion than by clemency : not content there- 
 
 * To commemorate this escape of the — Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. cxviii., 
 
 city a solemn procession with otFerings cxix. — Istorie Pistolesi. — S. Ammi- 
 
 vras ordered on the 26th November to rato, Lib. ix., p. 43G. — N. Macchia- 
 
 be annually repeated on All Saints' velli, Lib. ii". 
 dav. — Annali di Simoue della Tosa. 
 
 A.D. 1341. 
 
 CHAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOEY 
 
 39 
 
 fore with one captain of the guard they replaced Gabrielli 
 whose office had expired, by the creation of two, one for the 
 city and one for the country ; and having once broken the law 
 by electing that miscreant they had no difficulty in again doing 
 so by choosing his kinsman, Currado della Branca, to replace 
 him. But as if conscious of their own turpitude in thus doubling 
 this outrage on public ophiion, they committed the country 
 <tuard to a man whose character and recent services insm'ed a 
 just administration of its unconstitutional powers and Maffeo 
 da Ponte Caredi was elected ; yet even his integrity was insuf- 
 ficient either to calm the public mhid or conceal the sinister 
 olvjects uf his employers. None whom the oligarchy even sus- 
 pected were allowed a moment s rest, and the nobles became 
 so much more than ever the victims of persecution, that they 
 were ready to sell themselves and their country for one long 
 refreshing draught of vengeance : they only waited, says Mac- 
 chiavelli, for a fiiir occasion ; '* it came well ; and they used it 
 
 better"*. 
 
 While these events were passing in Tuscany the ill-luck of 
 Mastino della SraLi still clung to his Lombard policy : Pama 
 and its territory formed the connecting link between his eastern 
 and western states, and be^me so much the more valuable as 
 it strengthened Lucca the possession of which gave him so firm 
 a footing in Tuscany. To secure that important dominion 
 he Jiad given it in fief to his own uncles of the Correggio 
 race, the deadly foes of the Rossi, and trusted to gratitude and 
 relationship for its safety ; but in those fierce times of ambition 
 and romance, the ties of blood were often snapped in the start 
 for power, and all moral considerations trampled in the race. 
 Azzo de' Correggi the third of four brothers and the friend of 
 Petrarch, disgusted at being compromised with the pope by the 
 deception of Mastino in a certain negotiation wherein he was 
 employed, made it a reason for revolting from the latter and 
 
 ♦ Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. cxxiii.— N. Macchiavelli, Lib. ii". 
 
40 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 aspiring to independent sovereignty : secretly demanding aid 
 of Luchino Visconti who had succeeded his nephew in the lord- 
 ship of Milan ; also of the lord of Mantua, and Robert of 
 Naples, with the covert approbation of Florence and the pope ; 
 he after a hard struggle succeeded in driving forth his nephew's 
 garrison and along with his three brothers boldly assumed the 
 
 government-. 
 
 Mastino who had already quarrelled with Milan and Mantua 
 was not in a condition to recover this loss especially as the 
 people hated him, and therefore, despairing of Lucca, now com- 
 pletely severed from his dominions, determined to sell it to the 
 highest bidder whether Pisan or Florentine. Pisa dreading to 
 see the power of Florence as it were fixed and watching at her 
 very gates wished Lucca to be free and refused the purchase, 
 but Florence was still determined on this acquisition at any 
 price : Luchino Visconti offered her a thousand men-at-arms 
 if she would break the peace with Mastino and besiege Lucca ; 
 mistrusting the motives of an old enemy the proposal was 
 declined, and as dexterous traders the Florentines preferred 
 the more busmess-like proceeding of a simple purchase. A 
 commission of twenty citizens was formed in July 1341 to 
 
 * The four Correggi governed well for " Quel c' ha nostra natura'" in which 
 
 a year and admitted Petrarch who was he describes the liberation of the 
 
 then on a visit to Azzo, into their country and the fraternal union of the 
 
 councils. He wrote a Canzone on this four Correggi in their public govern- 
 
 occasion which is not generally printed meut thus : 
 with his other poetry, beginning 
 
 " La patria tolta a Tunghie de' tiranni, 
 
 Liberaraente in pace si govema, 
 
 E ristorando va gli antichi danni, 
 
 E riposaudo le sue parti stanche." 
 "E ringratiando la pieta supema. 
 
 Pero ch' un' alma in quattro cori alberga, 
 
 Ed una sola verga, 
 
 £ in quatro mani, ed un medesmo fcrro." 
 
 Gio. Villam,Lib. xi.,cap.cxxvii. — Is- Letter of Petrarch to Cardinal Co- 
 torie Pistolesi, An. 1341. — Muratori, lonna, vol. ii., Lib. iii.,pp. 14, 17. 
 Annali, An. 1341. — De Sade, Mem., 
 
 r!IAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 41 
 
 manage this transaction in all its consequences, with full 
 powei-s to raise money for the purpose in any way they deemed 
 fit ; to make war or peace ; form alliances ; and attack whom 
 and what they pleased for a whole year, without any subsequent 
 responsibility. Such vast powei-s could scarcely work well, 
 and the less honestly from their limited period ; they were 
 besides, the pure essence of faction and party aggrandisement 
 and consequently engendered evil. 
 
 For Lucca, shorn as it was of some of its finest towns, 
 250,000 golden liorins were offered and accepted, although 
 Florence had still a debt of 400,000 hanging heavily on her 
 resources for the cost of the late war; tmd this for a state 
 once thought too dear, even with unviolated territory, at 
 80,000! Nor was this all, the pm'chase brought Florence 
 into direct collision with Pisa a republic less powerful and 
 opulent but equally brave and determined, and also justified in 
 her opposition not only by the more legitimate motive of self- 
 defence, but by the direct claim of a previous purchase for 
 wliich the money had been actually paid in 13-29. Fifty 
 hostages, and amongst them the historian Giovanni Villani, 
 were sent on the ninth of August to Ferrara under the 
 Marquis of Este s protection, where sixty of equal mnk arrived 
 from Verona as pledges of mutual fidelity ; and the bargain 
 thus concluded, no bounds were set to the peculation and 
 extravagimce of the conmiissionei-s. War with Pisa being 
 certain, troops were levied and preparations canied on so 
 lavishly that their expenditure amounted to 30,000 florins 
 a month besides the militar}^ assistance demanded from 
 every ally of the republic. The sagacious and implacable 
 Mastino in thus entangling Florence took ample vengeance for 
 the late war and all he had suffered in consequence : he solaced 
 himself with the thought of having sold to his enemy a ruined 
 and besieged city at an excessive price, and of having by the 
 same stroke involved her in a dangerous quarrel with Pisa and 
 
42 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 other hostile states which he foresaw inubt ultimately be en- 
 gaged in the dispute, for the Pisans whose treasury was then 
 full detemuned with tlie aid of Visconti to substitute iron for 
 gold in the acquisition of Lucca. They immediately raised 
 twelve hundred men-at-arms besides three companies of civic 
 Cavallate, and sent and)assadors to conclude a treaty of alliance 
 with ]\Iilan : Luchino was well disclosed; for besides his en- 
 mity to Mastino and consequent auger against Florence Pisa 
 had otherwise won his goodwill and the former had not only 
 rejected his prorfered aid but by the pm'chjisc of Lucca re- 
 lieved Mastino from the burden of its maintenance, and with 
 the purchase money supplied him with ntw resources*. 
 
 Azzo Viscunti who played so distinguished a pai't in the Cas- 
 truccian and Lombard wars died after nearly eleven years' sove- 
 reignty and in the flower of his age on the sixteenth of August 
 1330, with the reputation of a just and beneficent prince who 
 possessed the then singular quality of really attending to the 
 welfare of his people : he is described by cotemporary authors, 
 besides liis fine figure and noble aspect, as being gracious, good, 
 wise, and adored by his subjects, three thousand of whom went 
 into mourning at his death. Azzo had employed his mind and 
 treasures on useful and beautiful works, and every one pros- 
 pered under his government : Lord of ]\Iilan, Pavia, Cremona ; 
 Lodi Como Brescia and Bergamo ; besides Piacenza Vercelli 
 and Vigevano ; as he was the best so wjis he the first Visconte 
 that was really sovereign of Milan. None of the Torriani, nor 
 Ottone, nor Matteo, nor Galeazzo luul yet dared to put their 
 name on the national coinage; that of the city, the King (jf the 
 Romans, the Emperor, or Saint Ambrose, beuig the common 
 device ; but Azzo boldly though cautiously, substituted liis o\sti 
 alone, entwined by the Viscontine serpent \. Azzo s uncle and 
 
 * Ranieri Sardo, Cronaca Pisana, tap. cap. cxxvii., vxxx. 
 
 Ixxix. — IstoriePistolcsi,Tronci Annali + Xotwitlistaiiding the dimiiiislied 
 
 Pisani, vol. iii. — Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., power of the Emperors in Italy, they 
 
 CilAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 43 
 
 successor Luchino was an austere but licentious man, who it is 
 said, never pardoned nor was known to love anybody but his 
 own children: jealous of Azzo's popularity he is described as 
 hating and persecuting all his friends and ministers, yet con- 
 tinued his general plan of govennnent with severe justice and 
 great sagacity, without however being personally exempt from 
 cruelty : but under his sway arts, science, commerce and re- 
 finement advanced, and Asti, Bobl)io, Parma, Crema, Tortona, 
 Novara and Alexandria were in various ways added to his 
 dominions =:=. 
 
 Francesco da Postieila one of Azzo's friends and principal 
 ministers had married jMarglierita Visconti a beautiful and 
 virtuous woman whom Luchino wanted to seduce but failed in 
 the attempt ; her indignant husband taking advantage of the 
 prince s unpopularity conspired with other offended nobles to 
 depose him and place Matteo, Bemabo', and Galeazzo, his 
 three nephews at the head ofafiliirs. The plot w^as discovered 
 and Postieria e^.aped to Avignon, but Luchino never lost sight 
 of him : by a forged letter in the name of Mastino della Scala 
 he was insidiously invited under flattering promises to Verona : 
 having arrived at ^Marseilles he found there a Pisan galley, 
 sent at his own retpiest with the assurance it is said of that 
 state's protection ; but no sooner was he landed than arrested, 
 and being hurried away as a prisoner to Milan suff'ered de- 
 capitation along witli his innocent wife and many of his 
 friends and adherents. This was the peculiar service that 
 cemented Lucliino Viscontis new alliance with Pisa ; yet the 
 extreme treachery attributed by Villani to the latter seems at 
 least but doubtful; the Pisans and Florenthies hated each 
 
 were still feared, and Azzo therefore 
 did not venture at once to assert his 
 independence by too bold an assiniij)- 
 tion of the high prerogative of coining 
 money in his own name. He first 
 merely added the initials A. Z., then 
 
 omitted the Emperor's name, and 
 finally his own name and device alone 
 remained to stamp the coin of Milan. 
 * Corio, Hist, di Milano, Parte iii%fol. 
 216. — Pietro Verri, Stor. di Milano, 
 vol. ii., cap. X., p. 133. 
 
44 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Other with an intensity not 3'et entirely evaporated, and there- 
 fore all such assertions must be received "svith caution ; Mura- 
 tori does not notice it ; but of Postierla s arrest and deliver}^ to 
 Luchino by the Pisans there is no reason to doubt, any more 
 than the subsequent tragedy *. 
 
 A general council was assembled in the cathedral of Pisa to 
 discuss the policy of war, where according to a chronicle of 
 that city as quoted by Sismondi, Giovanni Buonconti Prior of 
 the Anziani addressed his fellow-citizens as follows. *' Seignors, 
 " we liave now assembled you to annoimce the purchase of 
 " Lucca by Florence ! The Florentines intend that this acqui- 
 " sition shall throw open the gates of Pisa to their aims ; and 
 " already do tliey menace oui' city with barricades even at the 
 " foot of its walls, in order to stane us into slaveiy ; and when 
 " we shall be reduced to surrender thev mean to destroy 
 " the ramparts, raze the principal quarters to the ground and 
 " preserving one alone give it the name of Firenzuola. It re- 
 " mains for yourselves to judge of what it may now become 
 " you to do." At these words, rather addressed to the actual 
 passions of the audience than to truth, a general feeling of 
 indignation per^'aded the assembly and the cathedral rang with 
 cries of war ; yet Giovanni Benigni who prospered as advocate 
 of the Florentines at Pisa was bold enough to make one un- 
 successful attempt at a peacefid settlement!. "Seignors," 
 said he, " you well know the present power of the Florentine 
 
 ♦ Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. cxxxi. — 
 Corio, Parte iii., fol. 217. — S. Amnii- 
 rato. Lib. ix., p. 443. — Muratori, 
 Annali, Anno 1340. — P. Verri, Storia 
 di Milano, vol. ii., cap. xii., p. l40. 
 t In these days even- free city had 
 what was called an " advocate"'' or 
 consul resident in every neighbouring 
 state, whose duty was to send minute 
 accounts of all that occurred day by 
 day, and also act in some sort as an 
 envoy, by declaring in the public 
 
 coii-icils the commissions intrusted to 
 him ; and, according to Roncioni, Gio. 
 Benigni convoked this council and 
 began the debate. Buonconti an- 
 swered him, both speeches being alike 
 in substance but not in words to the 
 above. — Jioncloni^ Istorie Pisane, 
 Lib. xiii., p. 780. — Parte i., vol. vi., 
 Archivio Storico Italiano. Roncioni 
 also places the meeting of this assem- 
 bly during the siege of Lucca, but be- 
 fore war was declared. 
 
 CHAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 45 
 
 " republic for you behold her in close alliance with most of 
 " the Tuscan states; with several in Lombardy ; with Bologna; 
 " and lastly with Robert of Naples ; and to the sagacity of the 
 *' Florentines you are I believe no strangers. I from the 
 " affection I bear to my countiy would be a negligent and 
 " undutiful citizen if I did not' attempt to dissuade you from 
 " this useless war, which with certain and infinite misery will 
 '* bring uncertainty in everything else except the expense. And 
 " although the Florentines have purchased the state of Lucca, 
 " only let us remain at peace and we may fairly expect that 
 " they will prove good neighbours ; for it is not their custom 
 " to molest others without provocation." Benigni was not 
 without supporters, but Giovanni Vernagalli a man of weight 
 and prudence, demonstrated with great earnestness the justice 
 and necessity of war on the principle of self-preservation, and 
 the question was carried almost by acclamation ^-. 
 
 The bad policy of exasperating a body so powerful as the 
 recent exiles of b'lorencc now became apparent ; for Guelphs 
 as they were, having been excluded by Florentine influence 
 from the Guelpliic stjitcs, most of them in despair sought and 
 received shelter at Pisa niid were indefiitigalile in securing 
 the assistance of all those barons who had joined in their 
 recent conspiracy. The Pisan league was now therefore becom- 
 ing formidable; for besides jMilan, Parma, Padua, and Mantua, 
 all enemies of Mastino ; Siinone Boccanegra the newly elected 
 and first Dojre of (lenoa, joined this confederacv ; and bv the 
 means of Florentine exiles, the Counts Guidi, the Ubaldini, 
 Ordelafli lord of Forli, with all the Gliil)elines of Romagna 
 and Tuscany were added to the list. The contingent of Luchino 
 alone for which he was to have 50,000 florins, amounted to a 
 thousand men-at-arms under his kinsman Giovanni Visconti 
 d' Oleggio ; and live hundred and fifty more cavalry were sent 
 
 * Cronaca di Pisa apnd Sismondi, vol. iv., ]>. 1(>4. — Tronci, Annali Pisani, 
 vol. iii. 
 
46 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [B(I<>K I. 
 
 CHAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 47 
 
 from the other Lombard allies, so that independent of the 
 Genoese cross-bows, a body of three thousand men-at-arms 
 were soon assembled. A national force composed almost 
 entirely of civic troops had about the middle of August entered 
 the Lucchese territory, and by bribeiy obtained possession of 
 CeiTuglio and Monte Carlo ; then marching directly on Lucca 
 invested that city. With wonderful rapidity ihey surrounded 
 it bv a fortified line twelve miles long composed of two 
 deep pahsaded ditches inclosing a broad space on wbich the 
 armies of Lombardy and Pisa were separately encamped and 
 imi)en-ious to any sudden attack from within or without. The 
 prompt formation and rapid movement of tliis m-niy took Flo- 
 rence by surprise ; she had nothing ready to oppose it, nor 
 even sufficient force at hand to take pos^^essiun of Lucca had 
 the road been open ; but no time was now lost ; two thousand 
 horse were quickly raised ; and in consequence of a league 
 formed in the precedhig June with Naples, Peiugia, Siena, 
 Bologna and Ferrara, though purely defensive against the 
 emperor or any other prince comhig with an armed force into 
 Italy, gave her an increased command of friendly assistance -. 
 Summonses were despatched to all her numerous allies demand- 
 ing prompt succours in case of war being declared by Pisa, and 
 so great was her hifluence that Siena, Perugia, Agobbio, 
 Bologna, Ferram, Verona, Volterra, Prato, San (Timi.i:fnano, 
 Colle, the Guelphs of Piomagna, and even the ( iliibeliiK Tarlati 
 of Pietramala, all pom*ed in their forces, until the united anny 
 amounted to between three and four thousand men-at-arms and 
 ten thousand infantiy, under the chief command of Matteo da 
 Ponte Caradi the late Podestaf. 
 
 Although a vjJiant and good soldier, Mattuo was unequal 
 either from his rank or talents to the cuiuhut of such an army; 
 the former indeed was an object of scarcely less importance 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib. ix., p. 44 L valli, and dates this in l.'U2. 1 follow 
 
 + Uoucioni calls him Matico Ponlcca- Amiuirato. 
 
 than the latter for the maintenance of discipline at a period 
 when so many of the highest nobility and even sovereign princes 
 hired themselves out as Condottieri with more or less of fol- 
 lowers, and could ill brook obedience to a general of inferior 
 rank although invested with all the authority of so powerful a 
 republic. Villani asserts that there were above fifty captains 
 in the army more fitted to command than he, but that the 
 ambition of the twenty war commissioners repulsed wiser 
 counsel and was even deaf to King Piobert's advice who 
 strongly protested against the Lucchese expedition altogether ; 
 wherefore they refus<'d to have any of that royal family or 
 nation as generalissimo of the lea<^ue. 
 
 Havhig previously sent an embassy to make a formal protest 
 against the warlike [uocet^diiigs of Pisa, the Florentine army 
 concentrated at L'ucecchio ;uid thence crossed the Pisan 
 frontier, took Ponta.lora and the Fosso Anionico ; burned the 
 towns of Cascina, Sancasciano. and San Donnmo, and .vasted 
 all the Contado as far as liorgo delle Campane only two miles 
 from the capital : after this insult they turned short round 
 towards the Val d' Km, plundered burned and mined all that 
 countiy unopposed as far as Ponte di Sacco and continued the 
 campaign until lieavy ndu^ compelled them to return to their 
 quarters in and about I'lieerchio. Tliis inroad produced no 
 decisive result ; much misery was inilicted, the besiegers were 
 not j)rovoked to quit their entrenchments, and the war 
 remained as before: the general was accused of ignorance; 
 the war commissioners of obstinacy ; for thevhad been alreadv 
 informed by the most ex})oi-ionccd soldiers that the true base 
 of operations, in order to raise the siege of Lucca, was on the 
 Fosso Arnonico where good quarters and provisions abounded, 
 and where the posit it ni i-ould liave been easily strengthened on 
 the side of Pisa. They were advised to occupy Pontadera in 
 force, strengthen its w((rks, construct a redoubt at Castello del 
 Bosco, leaving a sutiicient garrison to secure the commuuica- 
 
48 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book t. 
 
 CHAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 49 
 
 tions with Florence, and then frequent and effective inroads 
 might have heen safely made even to Porto Pisano and Leghorn, 
 as well as in every other direction romid Pisa, by passing the 
 Amo on temporar}' bridges, scoui'ing the Val-di-Serchio, and 
 cutting off all commmiication between the besieging army and 
 the capital : this, as was afterwards contirmed by tlie Pisans 
 themselves, would quickly have raised the siege and 
 A.D. 1341. £^j.^g^ ^jj^^j ^Q ^^ engagement with inferior numbers. 
 
 Mastino, who appears to have been justly accused of a ma- 
 licious union of vengeance and protit in his compact with Flo- 
 rence, now insisted on her occupying Lucca and its subject 
 towns under the threat of instiuitly selling that state to Pisa 
 with whom he was in constant negotiation. This ill-timed 
 demand occasioned much discussion, as well on the impossibility 
 of complving as because numbers had opened their eyes to the 
 folly of purchasing at an exorbitant price a place actually 
 blockaded by a powerful and determined enemy; and many 
 were the voices for an instiuitaneous dissolution of the compact 
 accompanied by a >igorous prosecution of the war against Pisa 
 in her o^vn territoiy. Such a proceeding was justified on the 
 ground that the Veronese chief had not fultillcd his promise 
 as he should have done by the deliveiy of Lucca and its depen- 
 dencies unfettered into the luxnds of the Florentines : but once 
 more the intiigues of the war commissioners and their adherents 
 silenced wiser counsel and alleged that the national lionom' would 
 be tarnished by a timorous relinquishment of the enterprise. 
 A resolution to gain better terms was however carried in the 
 assemblies, and two ambassadors were ordered to return with 
 those of Verona as far as Ferrara, where by the mediation of 
 Obizzo of Este, and considering the loss of Cerruglio and Monte 
 Carlo, the price was reduced to 180,000 iloiiii^ : 100,000 of 
 which was to be paid in a year and the rest in live ; but ]\Ias- 
 tino became bomid to maintain a body of live hundred horse in 
 the Florentme senice while the siege of Lucca continued. It 
 
 is said that a much better bargain might have now been made 
 had the Florentines shown less eagerness ; for Mastino exaspe- 
 rated at the Pisans for their close alliance with his enemy 
 Luchino, never intended to put his threats into execution : but 
 the commissioners were dishonest if Villani, a shrewd and close 
 observer, may be credited. He says there was strong reason 
 to beheve that Mastino would not have received more than 
 •200,000 florins of the original purchase-money had it been 
 paid, and was even ignorant of the greater sum being in ques- 
 tion, the commissioners of both sides having cut across each 
 other like scissors and clipped the public interest in passing. 
 
 The Florentine army was ordered to march on Lucca in two 
 divisions and reunite at a place called Colle delle Donne in 
 the Val di Pescia about eight miles from the capital, the 
 camp bemg formed at Gragnano only a few miles from the 
 enemy : here the possession of Barga and Pietra Santa was 
 formally received from Mastino s commissioners by a council 
 of two deputies from each Sesto of Florence, which was now 
 attached to the army with more embarrassment than mili- 
 tary knowledge. The besiegers had hitherto maintained a 
 blockade m three separate divisions, but on the enemy's ap- 
 pearance concentrated their whole force on a single point which 
 enabled the Florentines by preconcerted signals to penetrate 
 then- partially unguarded lines and throw eight hundred men 
 into the citadel while Mastino s garrison evacuated the place 
 by the same operation. 
 
 These troops were accompanied by Giovanni de' Medici, 
 Naddo de' Rucelhd and Ptosso de' PJcci as syndics of the 
 republic which thus found herself in possession of the .so long 
 coveted city, of which Giovanni de' Medici assumed the mih- 
 tary command, the other two remaining as treasurers and com- 
 missiaries for the garrison. In defiiuice of the besiegers, 
 and the frequent skirmishes between outposts besides the loss 
 of Fort Pontetetto on the Ozzori torrent, they managed to 
 
 VOL. II. E 
 
50 
 
 FLORENTINE UISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE lUSTORY. 
 
 51 
 
 receive regular and constant supplies of money from their own 
 camp, hy*^ which a continual lluw of provisions was attracted 
 from the enemy's Geman troops who caring little about 
 final results made the most of their position and opportunities. 
 The risans might thus have been tired out and their supplies 
 gi-adually cut off without any fears for the besieged who had 
 eight months" provisions ; but the impatience of faction could 
 only be satisfied by a general battle which was therefore 
 peremptorily commanded. This unlucldly happened at the very 
 moment when Giovanni Visconti disgusted with the Pisans for 
 failing in some part of their agi'eement, was as he afterwards 
 declared, on the point of quitthig the service and returning t^j 
 Milan. Nevertheless obedience became necessary and on the 
 first of October the army descended to San Piero a Vico near 
 the river Serchio in the plain of Lucca and sent a challenge to 
 their opponents : the Pisans were far from declining a battle 
 and both armies levelled the intenening ground for the com- 
 bat, a practice common in that age ; the besiegers moreover 
 demolished a great part of their exteraal Unes for the sake of 
 freer movement in case of a repulse, and both sides prepared 
 for a general engagement. 
 
 The Florentine anny of two thousand eight hundred men- 
 at-arms with a numerous infantr\'^:< drew up in two lines, 
 the Feditori Hanked by three thousand crossbow-men con- 
 sisted of twelve hundred gentlemen principally Tuscans and 
 amongst them two hundred and fifty Senese of high rank who, 
 havmg been knighted immediately before the action, swore to 
 maintain the honom- of their spurs, and well redeemed the 
 pledge. Behind these fluttered a line of various-coloured 
 banners supported by the second division which was a solid 
 body of troops including all the rest of the army both 
 
 ♦ Sardo (Crownm P/sflua) says that 3100 cavalry and 20,000 infantry, 
 the Florentines had 4000 horse and (Cap. Ixxix., p. 112.) 
 more than 30,000 foot; the Pisans 
 
 cavalrj' and infantry ; in rear of all stood the loaded baggage 
 train which seems still to have been destined as a rallying 
 point in case of misfortmie. The Pisans with neariy equal 
 numbers and better bowmen, were drawn up in three lines, 
 their Feditori eight hundred strong being led by the Cap- 
 tain-General Xolfo da Montefeltro and Arrigo Castracani, 
 flanked by strong bands of native and Genoese crossbow-men, 
 both famous in that day. (Hovanui Visconti at the head of 
 eighteen hundred JMilanese and Gemian cavalry and all the 
 infantry, led the second division under his uncles banner, 
 while a reserve of four hundred men-at-arms kept within the 
 lines to hold the garrison in check and serve as a rallying 
 point for fugitives; these were commanded by Ciupo degfi 
 Scolari and Francesco Castracani, the former a Ghibeline 
 e.xile of Florence, the latter an independent chieftain and 
 cousin of Castmccio. Both armies being prepared the trum- 
 pets sounded and the b'editori in a single line feathered 
 up their reins and lowering their lances dashed forward 
 as if at a tournament, but the Pisans met them so rouf^hlv as 
 to make everything tremble : the Florentines were repulsed 
 but soon rallying charged again and again and the battle be- 
 came obstinate ; man to man, and horse to horse, the ground was 
 long and stoutly contested, until the Pisans, borne do^vii by 
 weight and numbers, were sent headlong back upon their fine 
 of standards. The Florentines then drove like a tempest on 
 their enemy's main battle where a rough and determined struggle 
 with great honour on eveiy side, doubtfully maintained the con- 
 flict ; the crossbow-men soon wheeled up on either flank and 
 shot so fast and well together that horse and man came to the 
 ground like grass from the mower's scythe : the Florentine 
 ranks were wasting fast, when by a final effort this line too was 
 broken; Visconti and his standard taken ; and Arrigo Castracani, 
 the exile Baldo Frescobaldi, with many other chiefs and men 
 of lesser note made prisoners. The day seemed now to be 
 
 E 2 
 
52 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 won and in this beUef the gallant Feditori relaxed their order 
 to secure their prisoners : but all this while the mam battle of 
 Florence looked on mactive and the fugitives rallied on their 
 reserve within the camp ^vhere we are told that Ciupo degli 
 Scolari who had been quietly watching the fight, after repuls- 
 ing a sally of the garrison, seized on this crisis to let loose a 
 number of camp-followers at full speed upon the Florentine 
 baagage with loud cries that the Feditori were beaten and the 
 battle lost: and this so scared tlie guard that panic-struck the 
 whole train broke into sudden confusion and dispersed. The 
 Florentine main battle which was drawn up full one third of 
 a mile from the ix)int of conflict, seeing this false attack 
 and consequent tumult in their rear, and deceived by the 
 disorder in front, where their squadrons, broken and mingled 
 with the enemv, seemed already beaten whUe his third Ime 
 showed a firm, steady, and increasing front ; instead of advanc- 
 ing as they should, turned like cowards and fled in disorder 
 with all the mfantry at their heels. 
 
 Ciupo and Francesco Castracani obser^-ing the success of this 
 stratagem fell with their fresh squadrons on the dispersed and 
 tired though victorious Florenthies, recovered exerj prisoner 
 except Visconti, who had been hurried off" to the rear, and 
 after another obstinate struggle completely defeated them. 
 The slaughter of men according to Florentine writei-s was not 
 great for their armour was generally impen'ious to arrows ; 
 but two thousand five hundred hoi-ses lay dead on the 
 field by bolts from Genoese and Pisan crossbows, which 
 says the Istorie Pistolesi were on that day the real workers 
 of victor}^ There were scarcely a thousand prisoners made 
 in all, but amongst them the Florentine general and some 
 Veronese genUemen of high rank ; for the main body re- 
 treated unmolested to Pescia while many broke through the 
 hostile Unes and sheltered themselves in Lucca : the Pisans 
 had the honour and advantage of the day but are supposed by 
 
 CHAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 53 
 
 A.D. 1341. 
 
 Florentine writers to have lost more men and horses than the 
 defeated army *. 
 
 The first news of this victory was of course mingled \Nith 
 great exaggerations both at Ferrara and Florence ; in 
 the former city the hostages gave themselves up for lost, 
 under the idea that Florence was entirely disabled, and Giovanni 
 Villaui relates a conversation between himself and one of his 
 comimnions characteristic of the time and country. 
 
 His fellow-hostage on the news of this defeat said " ' Thou 
 '^ ' Giovanni, hast made many records of our past histor}- 
 " * and the other great events of the age ; now say what can 
 " * be the reason that God has permitted this misfortune to 
 " ' befal us, the Pisans being greater sinners than ourselves 
 " * as well in perfidy as having always been enemies and per- 
 *' ' secutors of the holy church while we have ever been obe- 
 " ' dient to it and even its benefactors ? ' We replied to 
 *' this question as God beyond our small amount of knowledge 
 " mspired us ; saying, ' That with us there prevailed one 
 " * little sm amongst others, that displeased God more than 
 *' * those of the Pisans ; that is to say the being destitute of 
 " * either faith or charity.' The gentleman somewhat cho- 
 " leric, rejoined * Why do you particularly mention charity 
 " ' when more of it is given away in one day at Florence than 
 " ' at Pisa in a month ? ' I replied, * You speak true, but 
 *' ' as a reward for that branch of charity which is called alms 
 '* * God has protected and will continue to protect us from 
 " ' greater perils ; but real charity is wanting amongst us ; 
 " ' first towards God because we are not thankful enough for 
 
 * Sardo and Roncioni say that the 
 battle was fought on 2nd of October 
 1342. Tronci agrees with the Flo- 
 rentine writers by placing it under the 
 year 1341, but the Pisans began their 
 year differently from any other people. 
 — Raneiri Sardo, Cronaca Pisana, vol. 
 vL, Parte ii*, Arch. Stor. Ital.— Ron- 
 
 cioni Istor. Pisan., Lib. xii., p. 784. 
 Arc. Stor Ital. — Istorie Pistolesi. — 
 Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. cxxxiv. — 
 Leon Aretino, Lib. vi. — Tucci, Storia 
 Antica di Lucca, MS. — S. Ammirato, 
 Lib. ix., p. 446. — Tronci Annali di 
 Pisa, vol. iii., Anno 1341. 
 
54 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 " • so many benefits conferred ; moreover because we have 
 " * exalted our city to such a height ; also by our presumption 
 *' * in not being contented with our present boundaries and are 
 " ' coveting not only Lucca but other towns and cities unlaw- 
 " * fully. How charitable we were with our neighboui*s is 
 " ' manifest to all by our meddling with and betraying each 
 " * other ; by one neighbour endeavouring to ruin his compa- 
 " ' nion, consort, and even his own brother; and by our 
 " ' infamous wronging of the weak and unprotected. Fidelity 
 " * and charity towards our own repul)lie and particular com- 
 " ' nmnity have also manifestly vanished : but the time of our 
 " ' misfortunes is come : each citizen in order to satisfy his 
 " * own petty desires and serve his personal interests \Nill fmu- 
 '• ' dulently usui*p and expose to sale the most important offices 
 " 'of the state and the consequent danger to the common- 
 " ' wealth is never thought of. But the Pisans are the reverse, 
 " 'they are united amongst themselves and faithful to their 
 " ' country, although in other respects they are as great or 
 " • jxreater sinners than ourselves : but our Lord Je^us Christ 
 " ' says in the Evangelist, " I will punish my enemy with my 
 " ' enemy." ' Silence being thus put to these questions each 
 " remained satisfied with the explanation ; we acknowledged 
 *' our defects and agreed that little charity was amongst us 
 " either in community or individually " *. 
 
 This defeat at fii-st filled Florence with dismay, but the 
 truth restored tranquillity; shops were reopened, trade re- 
 sumed, and each citizen pursued his usual occupations as if 
 nothing had occurred to disturb them, while government took 
 instant measures to assemble a more powerful ai'my : assistance 
 was promptly demanded from King Robert and other allies, 
 new levies were made ; and merely because he liappened to be 
 nearest at hand, Malatesta da Pamini a man of warlike reputa- 
 tion was raised to the chief militar}^ command. He arrived in 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. cxxxvi. 
 
 CHAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 55 
 
 A.D. i:u2. 
 
 Februar}^ 131*2 and although his reputation raised some expec- 
 tations of success the people were not the less anxious 
 to have a Neapolitan prince as their generalissimo : 
 disappointed in this but learning that the Duke of Athens 
 was coming from France certain Florentines wrote secretly 
 to offer him the chief command, which, being needy he ac- 
 cepted without hesitation and repairing to Naples, l)ut keeping 
 his motives secret, provided himself with men and horses on 
 pretence of recovering his estates in Attica which were then 
 held by the royal family of Sicily. 
 
 Meanwhile King lloljert, now grown very old and a^'aricious, 
 was entreated by the Florentines to send a royal prince and 
 troops to their assistance, but averse to the expense, yet loth 
 to mortify so old a friend, a proposal was made which he thought 
 could not be ontertained for a moment and would therefore 
 either remove the dilemma or repay him if accepted. A formal 
 embassy was accordingly despatched to demand from Florence 
 the possession and lordship of Lucca as it stood in lol3, and 
 on these conditions promised his aid both by sea and land 
 against Pisa : Robert did not conceive it possible that Floren- 
 tine pride would ever stoop to such terms, but he was mis- 
 taken ; the citizens were all too anxious for his help, too eager 
 for war ; thev saw clearly throudi him but knew that he could 
 not live long, and at once acipiiesced. Suqirised at their 
 success the Neapolitan ambassadors repaired directly to Pisa 
 and sternly demanded thiit the siege of Lucca should be raised 
 as now forming part of their nuister's dominions : the Pisans 
 uncertain whether this were not a stratagem of Florence yet 
 fearful of olfending so powerful :i prince, respectfully answered 
 that their reply should be made by a special embassy, and thus 
 gained time but pressed the siege with redoubled vigour. The 
 Florentines urged King Robert to fulfil his promise, but still 
 unwilling to spend money he held cautiously back and all they 
 could accomplish, instead of a royal prince and army, was to 
 get six hundred cavalry under the Duke of Athens, half the 
 
56 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 57 
 
 I 
 
 III 
 
 expense being paid by themselves. This disgraceful conduct, 
 especially the denial of naval succours, was considered as the 
 cause of all subsequent disasters, and so high was public indig- 
 nation that sui-mounting ancient enmity, and in concert with 
 Mastino della Scala, ambassadors were actually despatched to 
 the Emperor Louis at Trent and a negotiation commenced by 
 which he engaged to recall the Germans from Pisa and send a 
 force to Tuscany in aid of Florence. His ambassadors had 
 ]>een received there with public honours and every other mark 
 of friendship hi 1341, and fifty knights besides divers gentle- 
 men of liigh rank actually joined the Florentine army. Ever}^- 
 thing therefore seemed tending to a closer union, when a 
 change in German affairs with the usual apprehensions of 
 Ghibeline ascendancy at Florence arrested this strange con- 
 nexion, and the counsel of cooler but more determined Guelpha 
 carried a decree to prosecute the Pisan war with national 
 resources alone. 
 
 The fame of so unexpected a transaction however soon spread 
 over Italy ; and it was probably on this occasion that Petrarca 
 assailed it with all the fire of a poet and a patriot *. Ptobert of 
 Naples became alarmed, and many of his rich nobles and pre- 
 lates with liirge sums in the hands of Florentines, apprehen- 
 sive of consequences, suddenly withdrew their deposits. This 
 caused so rapid a drain on the city that coupled with heavy 
 taxation and the subsequent loss of Lucca, many of the first 
 banking-houses were compelled to stop payment and ruined 
 smaller merchants in their fall. Amongst them are the names 
 of Peruzzi and Bardi, who appear to have quickly resumed 
 business after their recent failure ; also the Acciauioli, Buon- 
 
 * Canz. " Italia mia."' — 
 
 Ne v*accorgete ancor, per tante prove, 
 Del Bavarico inganno 
 Ch' alzando '1 dito, con la morte scherza, &c. 
 
 De Sade (Mem. pour La Vie de Petrarque, vol. ii., Lib. iii.) places this spirited 
 Canzone in the year 1344, but I think vnih insufficient reason. 
 
 accorsi, Cocchi, Antellesi, Uzzani, Corsuii, Castellani, Peren- 
 doli and many others : the mischief spread, specie failed, goods 
 were offered at Florence for half their former value and found 
 no purchaser, while in the country prices fell still lower. Never- 
 theless the Florentines pertinaciously adhered to their great 
 object, and marching from Val-di-Nievole on the twenty- 
 seventh of March began the campaign of 1 342 with more than 
 two thousand foreign veterans in their pay. Forty gentlemen 
 of Florence accompanied the army with their followers as 
 volunteers, and a board of six deputies was attached to the 
 council of war : besides these, upwards of two thousand more 
 cavalry were supplied by the allies without reckoning the in- 
 fantry of Counts Guidi, which alone amounted to ten thousand 
 men, besides a numerous militia from the district and contado 
 of Florence itself. 
 
 In the old position of Gragnano Malatesta remained idle for 
 six weeks ; and though commanding so fine an army trusted 
 more to intrigue than action : but liis kinsman Nolfo di Monte- 
 feltro the Pisan general was also from Romagna and quite as 
 expert in all the duplicity for which that province was notorious : 
 the troops therefore remained unoccupied and Florence natu- 
 rally became suspicious and discontented. The enemy far more 
 active succeeded in inducing Piero Saccone with all his clan, 
 and even Arezzo itself, to meditate a revolt ; but Guglielmo 
 degli Altoviti averted this danger by that chief's arrest along 
 with three kinsmen, all of whom he sent prisoners to Florence 
 where they narrowly escaped execution. The rest of that 
 family fled to their castles and broke out into open revolt : but 
 the example spread ; the Ubaldini with some aid from Milan, 
 besieged Firenzuola and beat a detachment which was march- 
 ing to its assistance under one of the Medici ; the town fell by 
 treachery, was plmidered and burnt, and the Pazzi and Uber 
 tmi of Vald'amo took prompt advantage of this success to raise 
 an insurrection in that province, by which Castiglione, Campo- 
 giallo, and Treggiaia were soon wrested from the Florentines. 
 
58 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 Finding that all his intrigues were baffled by a counter- 
 working deeper than his own Malatesta moved on the ninth of 
 May tJ'san Piero in Campo on the Serchio, about two miles 
 from the enemv ; here he was reenforced by the seventy-five 
 German knights and gentlemen-at-anns already mentioned ; 
 here also were the Florentines joined by Walter de Brienne 
 titular Duke of Athens ^^'ith a hundred retainers on horseback 
 in their pay. This is he who in 13-26 had acquired some 
 popularity "as the Duke of Cakd.ria s lieutenant at Florence ; 
 and as one who was on the point of playing so desperate a 
 game in her domestic policy may here be further noticed.^ 
 
 We leam from Ducange, as quoted by Sismondi, that Walter 
 de Brienne was bom in Greece of that mixed race which sprung 
 up after the fii-st crusade from the intenuarriages of a Euro- 
 pean and an Asiatic popidation, and were designated by the 
 appellation of " PuUanir His father was driven from Athens 
 bvthe great company of Catalans in 131-2 but retained the 
 duchy of Lecce in Puglia as his patrimony. The Catalans 
 having submitted to Frederic King of Sicily in 13-26, that 
 monmh's three sons successively took the title of Duke of 
 Athens and steadily mled the principality. Walter neverthe- 
 less had favour from the kings of France and Naples, where- 
 fore the Florenthies hoped finally to overcome King Robert's 
 avarice by treating the friend of a deceased son and the man 
 whom he had himself named as his lieutenant, with peculiar 
 distinction. Brienne was of small stature and revolting 
 aspect ; of a cautious but false disposition, a treacherous heart 
 and dissolute manners : no morals, no religion ; nothing ever 
 checked liis ambition except avarice, and of all the good qualities 
 that might have illustrated his progenitors, their valour only 
 became this man's inherittmce. Such was he whose fatal con- 
 nexion ynih Florence so unhappily recommenced at the dis- 
 astrous uivestment of Lucca =5=. 
 
 Sismondi, vol. iv., p. 1 70.— Roncioni, Istor. Pisane,Lib. xiii., Ar. Stor. Ital. 
 
 CHAP. XIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 59 
 
 The army with great difficulty from rains and floods, crossed 
 the river Serchio on the eleventh of May 134-2, and after a useless 
 offer of battle threatened the fortress and bridge of San Quilico ; 
 this drew forth troops from both armies and caused frequent 
 skinnishes without any serious result. There were two bridges 
 over the river both occupied by the Pisans, the Florentine 
 army being posted between them and divided by the river 
 from the enemy's camp which was in this part unfortified. 
 Here therefore the great effort should have been made to 
 throw supplies into Lucca; but Malatesta had lost time and 
 the river continued higli, so that the Pisans had four days' 
 leisure to strengthen also this portion of their camp ; but no 
 sooner had the waters abated than a German knight dashed 
 through the river with all his vassals and charged the new 
 defences ; the Duke of Athens as bravely followed, and their 
 example led on others, until fifteen hundred men-at-arms and 
 a more numerous infantry were hotly engaged and carried the 
 enemy's entrenchments at the Ijuice's point. Instead of sup- 
 porting so spirited a charge ]\Ialatesta sounded the retreat 
 and tlms lost a second occasion oi revictualling and probably 
 raising the siege of Lucca, for he might previously have occu- 
 pied this ground even before a single bulwark had been raised, 
 when the garrison confidently allowed both armed and un- 
 armed citizens, men and women, to issue out and satisfy their 
 curiosity without any apprehension. 
 
 That night the Pisans repaired tlieir works ; rains and floods 
 again poured down, and ]\lalatesta either through indecision or 
 treacheiy relinquished the enterprise and retreated to Cerruglio 
 where he encamped on the twenty-first of May. After an 
 unsuccessful attack on that iilace he retired to Fucecchio and 
 thence ravaged the Pisan territory with some trifling advantage : 
 meanwhile the Lucchese, seeing themselves so shamefully 
 abandoned and having consunied their pro\isions, surrendered 
 on the skth of July 13P2, 
 
60 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 Thus with an army as powerful as that which conquered 
 Mastino deUa Scala the Florentines were not only unable to 
 raise the siege of Lucca but even to maintain that city against 
 the inferior forces of Pisa ! So hurtfid is power without talent 
 or the honesty to use it properly. But ill success was not con- 
 fined to the army : during the delays of Malatesta negotiations 
 had begun, and a treaty was almost concluded between Florence 
 and Pila by which the latter agreed to pay 180,000 florins and 
 10,000 a year in perpetuity, with a ''Polio'' and a steed in 
 scarlet trappings, as marks of homage for the undisturbed posses- 
 sion of Lucca : this miscarried through the intrigues of Rucellai 
 and his faction and with it every hope of accommodation. 
 
 For nearly thirteen years the Florentines had pursued this 
 
 object with a perseverance worthy of a better cause and better 
 
 fortune ; but a fatality seemed to attend on all their actions, 
 
 Lucca was destined to yield but not to them, and Villani takes 
 
 care to remind us of his friend Dionesio del Borgo's prophecy, 
 
 that Florence would have the lordship of Lucca ''from the 
 
 hands of a man whose armorial hearings are red and black; 
 
 hut xcith great vexation, expense, and shaiJie to your community:' 
 
 This he says was verified in the person of Guglielmo Scannacci 
 
 degli Scannabecchi of Bologna, Mastino s commissioner ; whose 
 
 device was a black goat on a red field, and he certainly gave 
 
 up Lucca to the Florentines with all the vexation, shame, and 
 
 expense that had been predicted *. 
 
 CoTKMPORARY MoNARCHs.— England : Edward III. — Scotland : David II. 
 —France : Philip VI. of Valois.— Castile and Leon : Alphonso XL— Aragou : 
 Peter IV. — Portugal : Alphonso IV.— German Empire : Louis of Bavaria. — 
 Pope : Benedict XII.— Naples : Robert (the Good).— Sicily : Frederic II. 
 (of Aragon) until 1337, then Peter II.— Greek Empire: Andronicus the 
 younger until 1341, then John Palceologus.— Ottoman Empire : Orcan. 
 
 ♦ S. Amn.irato, Stor., Lib. ix., p. 447. Lib. Ixxix.— Raffaello Roncioni, Istorie 
 —Giov. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. cxxxix., Pisane, Lib. xUi.— Tronci, Annali 
 cxl. — Ranieri, Sardo, Cron. Pisana, Pisani, vol. iii°, p. 171. 
 
 CHAP. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 61 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1342 TO A.D. 1344. 
 
 A.D. 1342. 
 
 The repeated disasters and ultimate failure of this war pro- 
 duced their usual effects on the public mind and Florence 
 teemed with abuse both of the government and the 
 twenty commissioners who had conducted it ; shame, 
 vexation, and augmented debt were its only acknowledged 
 results, and every public and private assembly even the very 
 shops and markets rang with unmeasured expressions of dis- 
 gust. The ascendant faction therefore determined by an 
 immediate change of rulers, either to overawe the citizens, as 
 in the time of Gabrielli d' Agubbio, or endeavour to cast off 
 their unpopularity by directing public attention to the conduct 
 of another who as the niling power could scarcely escape cen- 
 sure however faultless his conduct. The behaviour of Walter 
 de Brienne had once prepossessed aU Florence in his favour, and 
 his recent gallantry at Lucca had renewed old impressions ; he 
 was therefore, towards the end of May made " Captain and 
 Conservator of the people ^^ to which after the termination of 
 Malatesta s engagement, was added his military command and 
 along with it almost unlimited authority "vsdthin and without 
 the city. Florence iit tliis epoch contained three factions, 
 two of which were active and powerful. First the nobility; 
 driven to desperation by an implacable democracy ; secondly 
 the " Popolani Grassi " or opulent burgesses who had mono- 
 polized all power emolument and public honours, and were fast 
 
62 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 reducing the commonwealth to what may be called a close 
 corporation with its accustomed evils. Alike obnoxious to 
 nobles and people, they persecuted the one, insulted the other, 
 and oppressed both, wherefore the advancement of Walter was 
 a popular act bv which ever}- class expected to profit ; it was a 
 change ; and changes after misfortune often come with a brighter 
 aspect than they may always desen'e. 
 
 The fii-st measm-es of de Brienne were equally agreeable to 
 the two extremes of faction, but fdled the centre with dismay : 
 Giovanni de' Medici late governor of Lucca and one of the most 
 jwwerful of their number : had his head chopped off in August, 
 chietlv on an accusation, which he was made by torture to own, of 
 having through bribery allowed one of the Tariati to escape from 
 Lucca°when that family revolted. Immediately afterwards Gug- 
 lielmo degli Altoviti sulfered a like sentence for peculation wliile 
 governing Arezzo ; but it was generally believed that the gold 
 of Pietmmala whose chiefs he had sent prisonei-s to Florence 
 influenced the Duke of Athens in this condemnation. Naddo 
 de' Rucellai and Rosso de' lUcci were the next victims: 
 accused of briberj' and pecidation at Lucca both received sen- 
 tence of death, and escaped only through the power of their 
 families by paying enormous lines besides exile and imprison- 
 ment, for pmdence not mercy mduced the Duke to spare 
 them. Affectation of modesty or a deeper cunning had made 
 him choose the Franciscan convent of Santii Croce for his ordi- 
 nar}- residence; it was a mendicant order and denoted humility, 
 and the ample space in front of that building favoured the 
 meetings of those numerous popular assemblies by which he 
 intended to work out his designs ; as the examples he had 
 already made were amongst the most powerful of the obnoxious 
 class Walter de Brienne was liailed by the populace and more 
 than the populace, as an impartial detennined man who would 
 distribute wliat they called justice with a fearless hand ; for 
 justice and tyranny are as easily confomided, when apphed by 
 
 CHAJ'. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 63 
 
 a discontented people to their nilers, as in their application to 
 the same people by a cmel and arbitrary government ^=. 
 
 The terror of those who had invested de Brienne with this 
 authority was only equalled by their astonishment in finding 
 themselves the first objects of his tyranny, and his con- 
 fidential intercourse with the nobles completed their dread 
 of what was likely to follow. He was eagerly courted by the 
 latter and urged to make liimself Lord of Florence, for he had 
 promised to abolish in their favour the detested ordinances of 
 justice: to the burgher fiunilies ; particularly the Peruzzi, 
 Antellesi, Acciaiuoli, Ihionaccorsi, Bai'oncelli and others, all 
 deep in debt ; he proniised public assistance to save them from 
 their creditors ; to the lower classes he behaved with peculiar 
 affability, and even familiarity ; promising that they also should 
 have a share in the <ommouwcalth. Thus winning golden 
 opinions from both ends of society he heard his name blessed 
 while riding through the streets, and wherever he turned beheld 
 his armorial bearings enil)l:i/.(^ncd either from love or fear, over 
 ever}^ shop and palace in the capital. ''Erviva il ubi^to Slf/nore " 
 was shouted whenever he presented liimself, " Lout/ live the 
 man icho punishes the (jreat icith out fear V His will w^as law, 
 he was monarch in all but the name. 
 
 While tilings were in this palmy state the office of the 
 Twenty expired ; they had ruled the commonwealth more for 
 their own views than the i^oneral good; had augmented taxes 
 and increased the public debt ; nothing prospered under them ; 
 and their very existence was an impediment to the Duke's 
 ambition : trustuig therefore both to the fear and goodwill 
 that he had inspired in the various classes according to their 
 peculiar expectations, Walter coolly requested from the priors 
 the absolute and perj^etual lordship of Florence. The astonished 
 seimiorv would not listen for an instant to a demand that 
 neither kings nor emperors had ever dared to make, and in 
 
 * Mar. di Coppo, Stefani, Lib. viii., Rub. 551. 
 
64 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 defiance of his popularity plumply refused their consent. But 
 Walter had better security: the nobles from anger ; the bankrupt 
 popolani from distress ; and the poorer citizens and populace 
 from detestation of the late commissioners; all offered him their 
 armed assistance to carry out his views. With such encourage- 
 ment he on his own authority summoned a general parliament 
 to meet at Santa Croce and consider the public safety; this so 
 alarmed the priors, whose permission was not even asked, that 
 they deputed certain of their number to confer with him on the 
 evening of the seventh of September and then addressed him 
 thus. "Ve come to you O Seignor, moved fii-st by your demand, 
 " and secondly by "the orders wliich you have issued to as 
 *' semble the people, because it appears certain that you wish 
 *' by extraordinar}^ means to obtaui that which we have refused 
 " to your solicitations : nor is it our intention to oppose your 
 " designs by force, but simply to demonstrate how heav}^ is the 
 " burden that you are about to take upon your shoulders and 
 " how dangerous the course you pui-sue ; in order that you 
 " may remember our advice along with that of those who 
 " give a different counsel, not for your good but to siitisfy their 
 " own vengeance. You are trjdng to enslave a city that has 
 ♦' ever been free ; for the power that we have occasionally con- 
 '* fen-ed on the Neapolitan monarchs was that of confraternity 
 " not bondage. Have you seriously considered what in a city 
 '♦ like this may be the full strength and meaning of the word 
 " * Liberty r which no force conquers, no time consumes, and 
 " no merit counterbalances ! Think Sir, how much power it 
 " needs to hold such a city in slaver}^ ! Your foreign guards 
 " are insufficient ; those within, you cannot trust ; for the very 
 *' citizens who are now your friends and counselbn-s, so soon as 
 '* they by your help shall have subdued their adversiiries will 
 '* seek means to extinguish you and seat themselves in your 
 " place. The plebeians in whom you confide will turn at the 
 •* slightest accident, so that m a short time you may expect to 
 
 CHAP. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 65 
 
 see the whole city your enemy to its own and your ruin. 
 Nor will you be able to find a remedy for this evil; for 
 notwithstanding that those princes who have but few enemies 
 can secure their own authority by death and exile ; yet amidst 
 universal hatred security was never found : it is never known 
 where mischief may begin, and he that fears all can be cer- 
 tain of none : Nay, if you attempt a remedy you increase the 
 danger, for those who remain become more bitter in their 
 hatred and more eager for revenge. That no time suffices to 
 exhaust the desire of freedom is certain, for we have frequent 
 examples of its resumption in cities whose living citizens 
 never enjoyed it and only loved the sound as they heard it 
 echoed by songs and traditions of their ancestors, yet when 
 once recovered preser\^ed it with obstinacy against every in- 
 vader : and even if their fathers had not reminded them of it, 
 the public palaces the seats of justice and all the ensigns of 
 freedom would have done so, for all would have been eagerly 
 sought for and known by the citizens. But what pecuharly 
 good work have you ready to compensate for the lost sweet- 
 ness of liberty, or to destroy the pubhc affection for our actual 
 state ? Not even were you to add all Tuscany to Florence 
 and return in daily triumph from without would it avail you ; 
 for that glory would not belong to them but to you, and the 
 citizens would not acquii-e subjects but fellow-sersants by 
 whom their own sei'^ itude would be made more galling. And 
 though your conduct were even saintly, your manners cour- 
 teous, your judgments just ; all this would not suffice to 
 raalve you beloved; if you believe otherwise you deceive 
 yourself, because eveiy tie is irksome every chain heavy to 
 tliose who are accustomed to freedom. A good prince and a 
 turbulent people can hardly exist together, for they must soon 
 either be quickly assimilated or the one be soon overcome by 
 the other : wherefore you must resolve to retain this city 
 by violence; for wliich citadels guards and foreigners will 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
66 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 er 
 
 n 
 
 (( 
 
 t( 
 
 (( 
 
 scarcely avail ; or else be satisfied witli that authority which 
 " we have already bestowed upon you. The latter we ad- 
 vise, with this warning, that voluntary obedience is alone 
 durable ; and we urge you not to allow yourself, blinded by 
 ambition, to clamber up to a place where you can neither 
 " remain nor pass, and therefore from which with infinite 
 '' mischief to yom-self and us you must surely fall '" -. 
 
 A long and protracted discussion followed and was finished 
 by the execution of a compact confirmed by oaths which con- 
 tinued Walter de Brienne in absolute power, with the juris- 
 diction and allowances before enjoyed by Charles Duke of 
 Calabi-ia, for one year beyond his actual ai>pointment, on con- 
 dition that he would maintain the existing constitution and 
 public liberty, uph(.ld the seignoiy according to law, execute 
 the ordinances (»f justice, and adjourn the next days parlia- 
 ment to the square in front of the public palace for a final 
 ratification of his authority. On these conditions the priors 
 consented to attend in form and propose him to the people. 
 On the following moniing the Duke of Athens :irmed his 
 retainers to the number of four hundred and twenty men 
 and supported by most of the nobility, besides Giovanni della 
 Tosa and his Consorteriaf, with many of the Popolani, all 
 secretly armed, proceeded to the place of adjuunnneiit. At 
 his an-ival the Gonfalonier. Priors, Buonomini. and Gonfa- 
 loniei-s of companies with all their subordinate officers and 
 attendants issued in state from the palace and seated themselves 
 along \vith the duke on the " Uiwjhhra " ; or marble landing 
 
 name for mutual protection. 
 X The Rhrjhkra or Annokkra, 
 (from Arhujare, to harangue), was 
 the broad flight and hmding of white 
 marble steps forming the ascent to the 
 Prior's palace, now the Palazzo Vev- 
 t7</o of Florence, and from this ] dace 
 all public propositions were ma<le to 
 the parliament or general assembly of 
 the people. 
 
 * Macchiavelli, Storia Fior., Lib. ii". 
 
 Unless Macchiavelli found this 
 
 speech amongst the public records to 
 ■which he had access as secretary, I 
 should imagine it to be his own com- 
 position from the substance of what 
 reallv passed, because 1 find it nowhere 
 
 else. 
 
 •f* The Consvi'tirkt was an union of 
 
 several families under one common 
 
 at its base. Silence having been commanded Francesco Piusti- 
 chelli one of the priors, arose and attempted to harangue the 
 people, but on coming to the words '\for one year;' his voice, 
 by preconcerted plans, was lost in a tumult of shouts, of '' For 
 life, for life,'' which commencing with a few wool-carders and 
 retainers of the nobility stjitioned on the skirts of the crowd, 
 rolled onward with gathering force until the whole square rang 
 with the cry of ''For life^ " Let the lordship he for lifer " Let 
 the duke be our Jord^ These words were joyfully reechoed by 
 the nobles who rushing up the steps closed round their idol, 
 tossed him lightly on their shoulders and attempted to enter 
 the palace ; but as the gate was closed, according to custom 
 when the seignory were outside, axes were loudly called for : 
 between force and treachery they succeeded in placing 
 Walter on the judgment seat and then thrust the priors con- 
 temptuously into one of the meanest chambers of the build- 
 ing. The great gonfalon of Florence was torn from its staff 
 while the banner of Alliens overshadowed the battlements ; the 
 ordinances of justice were given to the winds, and the great 
 republican bell rang out a loud Te Deiiin for the triumph of 
 absolute government, liinieri of San Gimignano, captain of 
 the priors guard wli.. treacherously opened the palace, and 
 Cerrettieri de" Visdoinini the dukes esquire were dubbed kni'^hts 
 on the spot, Guglielmo of Assisi the captain of the people ac- 
 quiesced in everything and accepted the place of l^argello ; but 
 the Podesta Meliaduso d" Ascoli renounced his oflice, yet with 
 doubtful signs of sincerity, since he consented to remain as one 
 of the dukes retainers. Great rejoicings followed, and two days 
 aftenvards a decree of per])etual dictatorship i)assed through 
 all the councils ; the priors, now shoni of their power, were 
 removed from the seat of government to the Petri palace 
 in San Piero Schereggio with an honorar}- guard of twenty 
 instead of a hundred men; most of the citizens were dis- 
 armed, and then, after a solemn thanksgiving and oflering 
 
 F 2 
 
68 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 69 
 
 at Uie shrine of Santa Croce, Walter de Brienne considered 
 himself securely settled in the government ^. 
 
 Sul r the heedless impetuosity of a pec,.le .hose gne. 
 ances were real and complaints just ; hut .hose means and 
 ZZ were mistaken : hlinded hy passion and deceived hy the 
 ar^s of their champion, confidence hecame unbounded, and 
 c^ifoundrng institutions wnth men, they ^^-^^^ ^^^ ^X^^^ 
 liberty from its pedestal and set up a monster m its place. 
 Such folly is scarcely excusable even in an oppressed and ex- 
 Jed populace yet it was only repeatuig the lesson lately taught 
 TetZ a worse object, by the very men ^^^^^- 
 now displacing : and the only difference between the Duke of 
 Uhens and Giacomo GabrieUi is that the fonner ..s elected 
 with upright intentions by many, and with excusable feelmgs 
 by most, as their perpetual ruler; the latter -n^-^^^^^ f r 
 ith the worst intentions, for a year : m the choice of W al tei 
 the people exercised an acknowledged and legitimate authonty ; 
 but the electors of Giacomo usuri^ed their power and disobeyed 
 a positive law : that was the sudden act of a too generally 
 calumniated mulutude, thi. the coolly calculated measure of 
 constituted authorities intrusted .ith the maintenance of pub he 
 liberty On the other hand the conduct of the nobles was the 
 result of a settled plan of vengeance to overturn, no matter 
 how, a form of government which had almost dnven tliem 
 beyond the pale of society and made them desi)erate by a con- 
 tinually recurring persecution!. „ , , i , 
 The Duke of Athens lost no time in making all the dependent 
 cities of Florence own his authority by separate elections as 
 perpetual ruler, and Arezzo, Pistoia, CoUe, Voltorra, and baii 
 Gimignano soon acknowledged him while orders were simul- 
 
 • Istorie Pistolesi, Anno 1342. - ^^^^^%^'t^^ 2ftl 
 Gio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. iii. - -- S. Anjm rato ^>b >x ' L. 
 Marchionne di Coppo Stefani, Istona Arctino, Lib. v,. -- »*""^'«»' 
 
 Fiorentina, Lib. 'viii.. Rub. 555., ^»^-^'' ^'^i,""^^ ^ ^^^^^^^ 
 vol xiii. Dclizie dcgli Eruditi Toih t Ciiov. Villani,.Lib. xu., cap. 
 
 taneously dispatched for a le\7 of troops in France and Bur- 
 gundy to sustain his power, so that he very soon had eight 
 hundred foreign men-at-arms in his pay besides Italians. His 
 relations too humed over in shoals to share the favour of their 
 kinsman ; but when Philip of Valois, (who had been told that 
 his journey to Naples was a pilgrimage), heard of Walter's 
 exaltation, he dryly remarked " Alherge il est le Pelerin, mais 
 il y a mauvnifi ostein And his words were quickly confirmed. 
 A grave letter of reprehension and advice was also received 
 from Robert of Naples in which the Duke is told that as 
 neither wisdom nor virtue, nor long friendship, nor worthy 
 sei-vices, nor vengeance for their wrongs had made him lord of 
 the Florentines ; but only their great discord and evil state, he 
 had better govern by the people and their laws than by his 
 own exclusive authority : he is told to restore the priors to their 
 palace and power, to quit tlie former himself and reside in that 
 of the Podesta where Charles of Calabria lived ; and as the 
 Florentines had seven in their administrative council he was 
 adnsed to have ten " a conn no n numher that unites in itself all 
 the sinffular )uunbers and means that they should not he ruled 
 hy factions or division hut in common''^. 
 
 A state of warfore being unfavourable either to the accumula- 
 tion of money or consolidation of power, which formed the para- 
 mount objects of Walter s ambition, no time was lost in strength- 
 ening his influence amongst the dependent cities of Florence, 
 and concluding a peace with Pisa and all her allies, but totally 
 unmindful of Florentine honour or interests f. By a treaty 
 signed in October the possession of Lucca was confirmed for 
 fifteen years to Pisa ; the Guelphic exiles were re-established in 
 their rights, and the Duke was to have the nomination of a Po- 
 desta for the same period, while Pisa retained possession of the 
 
 * Giov. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. iv. or peace wth Pisa formally to all the 
 
 t According to the anonymous author councils and acted with their con- 
 
 of the Istorie Pistolesi the Duke of sent. 
 Athens submitted the question of war 
 
70 
 
 FLORENTTNE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 71 
 
 citadel of Agosta and all the solid power, siil>ject to the pay- 
 ment of 150,000 florins to the Duke by fifteen annual instal- 
 ments*: the Florentine merchants were exempted from all 
 impositions for five years only, although hy ancient treaties 
 they had a perpetual franchise : all exiles of the republic m the 
 Pisan senice were pardoned as well as their allies of the 
 TJbaldini, Pazzi, Tarlati, and Ubertini families, so that the 
 rebellious Bardi luid Frescobaldi with all tlieir ^>llowers returned 
 in triumph to Florence f . 
 
 Thus extenially secured, the Duke began his internal and 
 unsteady govenmient and being in consequence of king Robert s 
 advice, unwilling to efface every form of republican institutions 
 appointed nine priors from the lowest class of artisans, shorn 
 of power, honour, and ever}' ancient distinction except a new 
 standard, where his own arms were emblazoned between those 
 of the people and the city, with the popular escutcheon hanging 
 as a medallion round the neck of the Athenian lion. The 
 nobles who had expected to see the people irretrievably 
 crushed, became alarmed at this open display oi an union which 
 they never anticipated ; and the more so when it was followed 
 by the condemnatiim of two members of the Bardi family : one 
 in a penalty of 500 florins for having assaulted a citizen that 
 had insulted him, the other less heavily for a more serious 
 offence. But the popolani themselves had no reason to exult, 
 for their gonfaloniei-s of companies were abolished ; the laws 
 and regulations of trades repealed, and every office that dis- 
 pleased the tymnt annulled without hesitation ; the priors were 
 mere shadows tmd the variable Walter de Brienne finally united 
 himself with butchers, vintners, wool-carders, and the lowest 
 artisans, whom in his bad Italiiui he called *' Le bone popule "J. 
 
 * Sardi savs only 50,000 florins, paid cioni, Lib. xiii., p. 791.— S. Ammirato, 
 
 in seven voars, were given ; and Ron- Lib. ix., p. 460.— Istorie Pistolesi, 
 
 cioni 100",000. An. 1342.— Leon. Aretino, Lib. vi. 
 
 t Gio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. vnii.~ X M. di Coppo Stefani, Ub. vuj., 
 
 Sardo, Cron. Pis., cap. Ixxxi.— Ron- Rubric 566. 
 
 For more security he deprived the citizens of their heavy 
 cross-bows, strengthened the palace windows with iron bars, 
 erected a strong auteport before it, purcliased the surrounding 
 houses, and finally began to construct a massy and extensive 
 fortress in which he did not scmple to use the materials already 
 collected for rebuilding the Ponte Vecchio. To form more 
 secure outposts he arbitrarily seized on several castellated 
 houses and high towers that surrounded the palace square and 
 ganisoned them with his retainers without remuneration to the 
 owners : such doings opened the public eyes ; his tyranny 
 began to be painful to all ; old taxes were augmented and new 
 ones imposed; the regular assignments for discharging the 
 national and foreign debt were withheld, the hostages unre- 
 deemed and the public creditor defrauded : as a judge his 
 punishments were heavy and his judgments vicious; his officers 
 were corrupt, his courts venal, and his former justice and 
 courtesy changed to implacable cruelty and unbounded pride. 
 
 Such was the lord of Florence ; and his ser\^ants imitated 
 and even overstepped their master's iniquity. He suspected 
 and disgusted the nobles while he courted the populace, who at 
 this epoch began to be called " Ciompi " corrupted from 
 *' Compere:' A familiar appellation of the French soldiers 
 which afterwards became famous in the seditions of Florence*. 
 Foui- hundred thousand florins were illegally extracted from 
 the people in little more than ten months l)esides what was 
 levied on the dependent cities, while six noble rectors with 
 great power and salaries swept through the rural districts 
 fleecing the rest of the nation. The wives and daughters of the 
 citizens were seduced, insulted, and outraged with impunity ; 
 even charitable institutions were robbed and their funds 
 lavished on licentious women ; the sumptuary laws against 
 female dress and ornaments, hitherto so dear to Florentine 
 
 * March, di Coppo Stefani, Lib. viii., Rubric 575, vol. xiii., of Delizic degli 
 Erud. Tosciini. 
 
72 
 
 FXORENTTNE HISTOEY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 husbands and fathers, were all abrogated ; pubUc prostitution 
 was concentrated, licensed, and taxed for the benefit of subor- 
 dinate officei-s of goverameut : and though the family feuds 
 which were still numerous both in the city and Contado were 
 for the most part tranquillised large payments were extracted 
 from the parties ; nevertheless this was a good deed and the 
 only one of Walter's acts that survived his expulsion. Five 
 hundred and fifty thousand florins of public revenue were 
 altogether plundered ; eighty thousand more were raised by a 
 new estimation of property ; and after a solemn promise of 
 laving on no other tax, fresh exactions were daily made in the 
 shape of tolls, loans, penalties, or any other form that was 
 likely to answer the purpose; so that *^(iO,On(> florins were 
 eventually invested in French and Neapolitan securities. 
 
 His government was nominally composed of the priors, who 
 were nothing ; of the bishop of Lecce his own vassal ; of the 
 Podesta Baglione of Perugia, a rapacious minion ; of his Bar- 
 gello and Conservator, and the infamous Guglielmo of Assisi, 
 a ready executioner of the most iniquitous commands. Along 
 ^^^th these was his friend Arrigo Fei, an instrument peculiarly 
 acute in devising the readiest means of extracting money from a 
 suffering and complaining people ; besides three judges with 
 summary jurisdiction, who held their court in the houses of the 
 Villani and according to Giovanni with unbounded corruption. 
 The bishop of Assisi, brother of the conservaUn-, and the judge 
 of Lecce assisted in his council ; and the bishops of Arezzo, 
 Pistoia and Volterra, with I'arlato of Pietramala and Ottaviano 
 Belforte of Volten-a, were retained as a sort of honorary 
 advisers but real hostages, about his court to secure the obe- 
 dience of their respective cities and possessions, as well as to 
 maintain an outward appearance of piety and religious counsel. 
 With the citizens he held little or no intercourse, and his only 
 real counseUors were Baglione, Guglielmo, and Cerrettieri : 
 his decrees were absolute, and always given under his own 
 
 CHAP. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 73 
 
 A.D. 1343. 
 
 private seal, which the chancellor took good care should not 
 be unprofitable to himself. 
 
 Terror, cruelty, extortion and debauchery marked his reign 
 and stamped the image of his character, for he was, says Vil- 
 lani, a man of little firmness and less faith ; sensual, ungracious 
 and avaricious ; diminutive in stature, thin-bearded, malevolent, 
 but very sagacious, and more of a Greek than a Frenchman*. 
 
 No act told more against him than the forcing of Naddo 
 Rucellai, through his sureties, back to Florence, and 
 then hanging him, contrary to all faith, for an alleged 
 conspiracy in concert with Siena against his person : the charge 
 was not entirely unfounded, but his sureties were compelled to 
 pay 50U0 florins on pretence of peculation subsequent to his 
 original crime, and as Naddo was a man of great talent and 
 influence with numerous friends, his death was peculiarly 
 unpopular. Scarcely less so was a new offensive and defensive 
 jiUiance with Pisa, and the joint maintenance of a body of 
 troops ; an act which shocked the prejudices not only of Flo- 
 rence but all Guelphic Tuscany. The appointment of sLx rec- 
 tors from the class of nobles to govern rural districts, although 
 meant to soften the asperity of that faction whose support he 
 was unwilUng to lose, entirely failed ; but being desirous of 
 showing his confidence in the people generally, he executed 
 with horrible cruelty a certain Matteo di Marozzo for having 
 revealed to him a conspiracy of the Medici and others against 
 himself. Such an example might have been considered sufficient 
 to have checked any further denouncements of plotters against 
 so merciless a tyrant, yet Rinaldo Lamberto suffered death soon 
 after for a similar revelation, so that whether he were warned 
 truly or falsely, or if his conduct were in any way criticised, cer- 
 tain death was the result ; a hard measure for Florence whose 
 greatest liberty was in the free discussion of public men and 
 measures f. 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. viii. Mar. di Coppo Stefani, Lib. viii., Rub. 
 
 f Gio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. viii. — 568. — Macchiavelli, Lib. ii°. 
 
74 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book r. 
 
 CHAP. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 75 
 
 II 
 
 V 
 
 III 
 
 Crowds of the tyrant s countrj-raeu poured unceasingly into 
 the city to whom he confided the most important charges ; 
 French customs, French nilers, and French attu'e, scandalised 
 the still simple Florentines who found themselves insensihly 
 changing their ancient lioman toga, which says Villani " was 
 the handsomest, the noblest and the most decent of any other 
 nation," for the short close vest and broad waist-belt of the 
 French which could not be put on without assistance. His 
 seductions, outrages, and the legalised estiblishment of public 
 brothels disgusted the majority, especially the older citizens, 
 who saw with indiiniation their children of both sexes rapidly 
 sinking into vice and debaucher}- and exposed to the example 
 and mmatural passions of dissolute and rapacious strangers *. 
 
 The dignity of tlieir nation was trampled on ; their customs 
 outraged ; their laws in fragments ; their regulations despised ; 
 pubhc decency openly insulted, and the modesty of both sexes 
 was melting gi'adually away. Unused to princely pomp ; unused 
 to the armed myrmidons that commonly attend it ; unused to 
 show outward honoiu- to those they hated ; and above all, unused 
 to restrain their thought, or speech, or action, they boiled with 
 indignation when they beheld the mangled tongue of Bettoni 
 Cini borne before him on a spear only for having found fault 
 with the load of Uixes by which his countrjnien were oppressed. 
 The man was insignificant, a slanderer, and generally hated ; 
 but his punishment was cruel, disproportionate, and unjust ; he 
 therefore met with universal commiseration. 
 
 ''An injustice done to one threatens mann " is an old Italian 
 adage that could only have sprung from their free institutions ; 
 and with this and libertv in their heart, one sympathetic feeling 
 shot like the electric fluid through every ner^'e, and roused the 
 whole community. A very ancient Florentine proverb which 
 says, " Firenze non si muove se tutta non si doW\ was verified 
 on the present occasion, for every house felt the tynmt s rod 
 
 ♦ Gio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. iv.— + Florence never moves unless all 
 Istorie Pistolesi. feel the pain. 
 
 and abhorred his jurisdiction : the nobles were deceived and 
 mortified ; the Popolani Grassi were driven from power and 
 consequence, and ground to the veiy dust ; they beheld their 
 relations despoiled and massacred, and bore a deadly hatred to 
 the tyrant : the middle classes saw trade languish, the city 
 decline, public faith ])roken, and the whole community writhing 
 under a searching taxation; a bad harvest and consequent 
 scarcity put the populace entirely out of humour, while cruel 
 executions and the general seduction of mves and daughters 
 affected every class indiscriminately. Such was the condition 
 of Florence when three principal conspiracies, by three different 
 bands of citizens, in three distinct places, were simultaneously 
 worldng; all struck by one bolt from the pregnant cloud of 
 tyranny ; nobles, popolani, and artisans, ignorant of each other's 
 plans, but each determined to strike alone for liberty; as besides 
 the general suffering, eveiy order bad its peculiar grievance : 
 the ambition of the first was disappointed ; that of the second 
 humbled ; and the tliird saw the fmit of its labour pass away 
 like a shadow and vanish in the coffers of the tyrant*. 
 
 Angelo Acciaiuoli the Bishop of Florence who had mainly 
 contributed to the dukes elevation, now seemg his error, became 
 chief of the first conspiracy ; he wfis supported by the numerous 
 and powerful Bardi, the llossi and Frescobaldi, besides many 
 others of equal note, some of whom had prematui'ely invited 
 Pisan assistance, and all had claimed that of Siena Perugia and 
 the Comits Guidi. 
 
 The second plot was directed by Manno and Corso Donati, 
 the Pazzi, Albizzi, and Cavicciuole, who unexasperated by per- 
 sonal injuiy fought for their country alone. At the head of a 
 third were Antonio Adimari, the Medici, Bordoni, Rucellai, 
 and Aldobrandini, all burning with hatred and revenge. These 
 were the principal conspiracies amongst many, for the whole 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. viii., — Del. dcgli Eriuliti Toscani. — S. Aui- 
 xvi., xvii. — Marchionne di Coppo Ste- mirato, Lib. ix., p. 465. 
 fani. Lib. viii., Rubric 576, torn. xiii. 
 
76 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [bOuK I. 
 
 CHAF. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 77 
 
 nation smarted and Florence at length according to the proverb 
 began to move. Each plot had its separate plan of assassina- 
 tion ; one to kill the tyrant while proceeding to the council, 
 another to bring him down with a cross-bow in the streets, a 
 third at the public games, a fourth when he visited his mistress 
 at Casa Bordone in the Via Croce al Trebbio ; and for the 
 latter a house at each end of that street had been liired and 
 filled witli men, arms, and materials for barricades, so as to 
 take him in a tmp, while the other conspirators roused the people 
 to revolt. All these failed from the hourly increasing suspicion 
 of Walter who doubled his guards, armed his person, and con- 
 cealed his movements*. 
 
 At this period one of the conspirators, Antonio Baldinaccio 
 degli Adimari let a Senese friend, who was intimate with 
 Francesco Brunelleschi, into the secret in order to procure 
 external aid; the Senese asked Francesco's advice on tlie suppo- 
 sition of his being also implicated ; but the latter through fear 
 or some other unworthy motive still held to the duke and 
 alarmed for himself, revealed the whole affair. Two rather 
 obscure citizens were immediately arrested on the Senese gen- 
 tleman's information who was unacquainted with any other 
 principal conspirator: torture soon brought all to light: the 
 extent of tliis conspiracy became alarming : Antonio Adimari 
 was immediately summoned to appear before the council, and 
 trusting to high rank and the fidelity of his companions boldly 
 answered to the call ; he was arrested, and instiintly imprisoned. 
 The capture of this cliief filled the city with such terror that if 
 the duke had only scoured the streets and hanged the conspi- 
 rators, as Uguccione Buondelmonti and Francesco Brunelleschi 
 advised him, ere the consternation subsided he would have 
 stifled all further rebellion ; but frightened at the numbers 
 against him he first sent to ask aid of his allies, (for treaties 
 had been signed in the spring wixh Mastino, Peppoli lord of 
 
 • Gio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. xvi. 
 
 Bologna, and the Marquis of Este) ; and when assured of these 
 succours having crossed the Apennines he summoned three hun- 
 dred chiefs of the principal families, amongst whom were most 
 of the conspirators, to assist, as had been frequently done, at a 
 general council in tlie great hall of the palace, where death or 
 perpetual imprisonment were secretly awaiting them. 
 
 The consciousness of his own machinations alarmed each 
 conspirator : friend asked advice of friend ; the fatal list went 
 round, explanations followed, truth oozed out, and the persuasion 
 of an universal conspiracy reassured the community: it was 
 now deemed nobler to die bravely with sword in hand, than go 
 tamely like sheep to be slaughtered in their ovm republican 
 halls ; wherefore inst.uit revolt was resolved upon and every 
 citizen prepared for the crisis. 
 
 On Saint Anne's day Saturday the twenty-sLxth of July ; 
 the very moment for which they were summoned ; all the heads 
 of families, except the Buondelmonti, Cavalcanti and a few of 
 the Popolani, armed themselves and followers and prepared the 
 bai-ricades, each band secretly assembling in the dwellings of 
 its chief. An unusual stillness suddenly peiTaded Florence, 
 broken only by the tramp of patrols from about six hundred 
 ducal men-at-arms distributed through the town. About mid-day 
 two preconcerted frays were simultaneously heard in the Mer- 
 cato Vecchio and Porta San Piero and a low deep murmur of 
 ^*To arms. To arms," arose from a crowd of the populace pur- 
 posely stationed in these places. At this signal the iron-studded 
 gates of eveiy tower and palace were cautiously unbarred, and 
 from each a mailed chieftain followed by a band of resolute 
 citizens and sturdy peasants came abroad in arms. A thousand 
 horsemen and ten thousand foot all clothed in steel, besides a 
 lialf-armed populace scoured through the streets, and closing 
 stealthily round the palace, made its grey walls ring to their 
 sudden shout ''Death to the tyrant and his crew; long live the 
 people, the commonwealth and llbertij.'' Twelve streets leading 
 
 U\ 
 
78 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 to the public square were promptly barricaded and the duke s 
 rmards attacked in divers places ; for it was feared, if he made 
 a sally that many who had declared against hmi would never- 
 theless'have joined his side; this was fortunately prevented, and 
 scarcely three hundred fought their way to the palace before 
 ever>' passage was closed. House and tower now bristled with 
 men and anns ; arrows, javehns, stones, tiles, and missiles of 
 ever}' kind poured in showers upon the helmets ot the Burgun- 
 dian miard : the windows were tilled with cross-bows, and the few 
 mang'^onels thev could procure played from the adjacent towers. 
 XotHng could long withstand such a storm, and at sunset 
 Walter'^s men-at-arms took shelter in the palace leaving their 
 horses to the multitude. 
 
 The podesta s palace had in the meantime been forced by 
 Manno Donati and Niccolo Alamanno, and the podesta himself 
 souctht refuge with the neighbouring Albizzi while the palace 
 wasVundered and eveiy public document given to the flames. 
 Corso Donati in emulation of his famous grandfather's deeds 
 two-and-forty years before, led on his men to the Stinche and 
 Volognana prisons where he liberated a host of friends and 
 kmsmen to assist the glorious cause. Across the Anio the 
 Bardi, Frescobaldi, and Kossi occupied both gates and bridges 
 and cut off all communication between the two parts of Flo- 
 rence, being determined even if their friends failed not to yield 
 that quarter ; at evening however they threw open their de- 
 fences, crossed the river and joined in the general assault. 
 Next morning brought three hundred men-at-arms and four 
 hundred cross'-bows led by six spirited gentlemen of Siena to 
 the rescue; two thousand hardy soldiers from San Mmiato 
 swelled the liberal ranks ; from Prato five Imndred more came 
 hurrj^g in ; old Simon of BattifoUe who of yore had ruled the 
 commonwealth for King Robert, did not now desert the citizens, 
 but with his son Guide led four hundred vassals under the 
 palace walls. Five hundred men were on their march from Pisa; 
 
 CHAP. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 79 
 
 but the Florentines disdaining the help of sucli an enemy even 
 to conquer their freedom, proudly refused all assistance from 
 that quarter and reprehended those nobles who had requested it. 
 Bands of vassals from divers barons were continually increas- 
 ing ; the Contado poured in its stream of fearless partisans, and 
 all Florence teemed with a determined spirit of revenge. By 
 night and day the conflict was continued ; no respite was per- 
 mitted ; the bolt, the clang of arms, and the tramp of a thou- 
 sand steeds, rang loudly and incessantly, and exulting cheers, 
 and distant shouts, and cries and screams, from the child's treble 
 to the rough bass of tlu' veteran, startled the capital; but 
 louder than all and high above the universal din rang the shrill 
 cr\', of '' Death to the tunnit,'^ and struck terroi* to the innermost 
 chambers of the palace. In vain was the popular standard 
 displayed from the whidows ; tli«^ people were deaf to parley: no 
 chivalrous shout from within answered taunting their cheers, 
 for the spirit of liberty was no longer there, and a sullen, silent, 
 and dogged resistance was alone opposed to popular enthusiasm. 
 
 Antonio Adimari vet a prisoner, who a few hours before saw 
 only death and torture before him, was now led from his dun- 
 geon, created a knight by the tyrant, and sent forth to pacify his 
 outraged countrymen. But the mind of Antonio was as time in 
 prosperity as it was firm in danger : he first disdained, but by 
 the advice of the alarmed and besieged priors, afterwards sub- 
 mitted to the disgrace of such knighthood, and then came forth 
 to lead his own band of conspirators agamst the palace *. 
 
 Meanwhile a parliament was held by the bishop and princi- 
 pal citizens, and a Bali a or provisional government of seven 
 nobles and seven popolani appointed with full powers until 
 October: Count Simone of BattifoUe was named podesta, but 
 he refused that oflice and all the sanguinaiy duties that were 
 
 * Antonio Adimari probably considered lionourablc to fight against the person 
 this a forced and invalid dignity, other- from whom the honour of knighthood 
 wise it was in that dav considered dis- had been received. 
 
80 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CFIAP. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 81 
 
 i 
 
 m 
 
 annexed to it and certain to be exercised ; wherefore Giovanni 
 Mai-quis of Valiano ^vas elected, and six citizens, l.oth noUes 
 and popolani, were ordered to perform the duties until his 
 arrival. A close search was made after all those who had been 
 instmmental in executing the cruel measures of Walter de 
 Brienne, and ere long a certain Simon of Norcia, a man high 
 in office ; Filippo Terzuole ; and a notary of the Consenator ; 
 all cruel and rapacious minions; were discovered and instantly 
 tom to pieces. Amgo Fei was taken m the disguise of a 
 monk and murdered, liis body was dragged naked through the 
 town and finally suspended by the feet before the pilace 
 wmdows; it was then embowelled and spread out lilvc a 
 slaughtered hog in the shambles. While these revolting 
 scenes were passing in Florence, Arezzo profited by the crisis 
 and storming the Florentine citiidel, whicli was lield for the 
 duke, reestabhshed her o^nti independence : Castiglione Are- 
 tino followed this example ; Pistoia destroyed her citadel, took 
 Serravalle, and declared herself free ; Santa Maria-a-Monte 
 and Montetopoli threw off all subjection ; Volten^a returned to 
 its ancient lord Ottaviano Belfoite ; Colle and San Gimigiiano 
 renounced their allegiance ; many others recovered their inde- 
 pendence, but nearly all effected this by bribing the Florentine 
 governors : thus in a few short hours did this high-reaching 
 duke and almost sovereign of Tuscany fall from the pinnacle of 
 his glory to the condition of a beleaguered prisoner amongst 
 the very people on whose necks he had so lately trampled *. 
 
 On the first of August 1343 six days after the revolution 
 began, when the ducid garrison had nearly consumed its pro- 
 visions, Count Simone di BattifoUe again endeavoured to 
 pacify the citizens and bring their tyrant to terms ; but the 
 people would listen to no poj'ley until Cerrettieri de' Bisdomini, 
 Gughelmo d' Assisi and his son a boy of only eighteen should 
 be delivered into their hands. These were the most detested 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib. ix., p. 472. 
 
 A.D. 1343. 
 
 of the ducal minions and the chief instmments of his cruelty ; 
 nor did the child's youth and extreme beauty excite compassion, 
 for he was known to be as cruel and relentless as his sire! At 
 first, unappalled by the terrible example already made, Walter 
 bravely enough refused to give up these miscreants, and re- 
 mained stedfast in this generous resolution until his mutinous 
 garrison declared " that they would surrender even the duke 
 himself sooner than die of starvation ; and as they 
 had the will so had they the power of doing so." 
 Walter still resisted, but in vain ; his resolution at length 
 failed and the sacrifice took place. 
 
 It was settled that the beautiful but heartless boy should be 
 first cast forth amongst the enemy, a victim to the Medici, the 
 Rucellai, the Altoviti, the friends of Bettoni Cei and a crowd 
 of others, all eager to shed his blood and crouching like tigers 
 for their prey ; each man firmly grasping a poniard in his right 
 hand watched for the culprit while the left unconsciously 
 pulled back his comrade lest he should outstrip him in the 
 race of blood. The wicket was at length mibolted and slowly 
 opened; the trembling boy was thmst out and in an in- 
 stant a hundred daggers were buried in his breast ; another 
 minute saw the mangled remnants of that form so lately 
 beautiful now reeldng on a thousand lances : the miserable 
 father; for he was still a father; just beheld this sight 
 when his own body pierced by many a blade still smoking 
 from the murder of his child was torn to atoms and in a 
 moment crowned the spears of those whom his own cruelty 
 had brutalised. 
 
 But neither the struggles of death nor the blood of the vic- 
 tims nor the sight of their mangled flesh could subdue such 
 ferocity ; they only added madness to fury and new appetite to 
 revenge; for when the eyesight was sufficiently gi'atified some, 
 as if to drive down vengeance directly on the heart actually 
 devoured the reeking flesh of their victims wliile others more 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 G 
 
82 
 
 FLORENn>'E HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CtfAP. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 83 
 
 M 
 
 1 
 
 fastidious kindled sundry fires, roasted their several porUons, 
 and even invited their neighbours to the feast*. 
 
 The people vvere so thorouglily absorbed in vengeance on 
 these two that they forgot the third and worst of the °"^e>-eants^ 
 for he not only shared in all the dukes iniquity but acted 
 against his o^vn friends and countrj-men ; yet in the general fur,- 
 he was forgotten, even remained uncalled for : Ky m the palace 
 until nightfall and then escaped through the efforts of his nu- 
 merous kinsmen. . , 3 i 
 
 More terrified than humbled, the duke now wished to capi- 
 tulate and a treatv was with difficulty accomplished through 
 the exertions of Count Simone assisted by the Senese ambas- 
 sadors and the Bishop of Florence; his person being guaranteed 
 until clear of the Florentine territory on condition of there 
 signing a foniial renunciation of evcrj- right that he could pos- 
 sibly claim over Florence. 
 
 The palace was surrendered to the negotiators on the third 
 of Aucnist Vn-S after eight days' resistance against the whole 
 republic • but bv their advice the Duke of Athens remained 
 until the night of the sixth, when passing through the gate 
 of Saint Nicholas and iilong the left bank of the Anio he 
 crossed it higher up and soon arrived at Poppi m the pro- 
 vuice of Casentino : there with great difficulty, and not until 
 after a threat of being taken back to Florence, was he com- 
 pelled to sign his abdication. From Poppi he repaired to 
 Venice and secretly embarking sailed for Lecce m Pugha 
 leaving his troops to seek as they might for their arreai-s of 
 
 waives. „ , ^ ^ 
 
 Thus ended the lordship of Walter Duke of Athens hy 
 which he was enriched, Florence impoverished, and the citizens 
 tiiught a hard but salutary lesson on the value of civil liberty 
 
 • Tlu« terrible tmgedv has been re- who pretended to war against the 
 
 peated even in our own day at Naples horror, of the great trench Rcvolu- 
 
 under the auspices of Cardinal Ruffo by tion. 
 llie so-called advocates of legitimacy, 
 
 and the danger of faction. After this revolution the city 
 became quiet, the people soon disarmed, the shops were imme- 
 diately thrown open, and every citizen resumed his ordinaiy 
 labours : the Balia reversed every act of Walter s government 
 except that for the pacification of Florence and its Con- 
 tado by the stoppage of private feuds ; and thus the beauty 
 of one good deed still shone through a dismal night of guilt and 
 wickedness. 
 
 " This duke," says Macchiavelli, " was avaricious and cruel 
 in his government, difficult of access, and haughty in his con- 
 versation. He wanted the service, not the affection of manldnd 
 and therefore preferred fear to love. Nor was his appearance 
 less odious than his manners ; for he was short and black, with 
 a long spare beard so that in every way he deserved to be 
 hated, and therefore in ten months his wicked conduct lost him 
 that power with which the sinful councils of others had invested 
 him "* . 
 
 But these few months of tyranny destroyed the fruits of 
 many prosperous years : Florence the rich and powerful mis- 
 tress of Tuscany, the rival of Venice and Genoa, lost all her 
 treasure and nearly all her conquests. During the late war with 
 Mastino and up netirly to the accession of Walter de Brienne, 
 she inled in Arezzo, Pistoia, Lucca, Prato, Volterra, CoUe and 
 San Gimignano ; she possessed nineteen fortified towns in the 
 state of Lucca and forty-six on her own territory without count- 
 ing those belonging to nol »les subject to her sway : now all was 
 changed ; the dependent cities not only revolted uith her 
 
 * Frammcnto dl cronam^'' anony- 
 mous. — This Frammcnto is [)rinttd in 
 the collection of Domcnico Maria 
 Manni (Firenze 1 728) and I suspect it to 
 be the '•'-Piccol Diario di Giovanni dl 
 Durante, del Popolo di San Piero 
 Marjgiore di Firenze" mentioned by 
 that author in his ^^Metodo jKr 
 istudiar,(ir. La Slona di Firenze " — 
 Annali di Simone della Tosa. — Gio. 
 
 Villani, Lib. xii.,cap. xvi. and xvii. — 
 Istoric Pistolesi, Anni 1 342 and 1 343. 
 — Marchionnc di Coppo Stefani, Isto- 
 ria Fiorentina, Lib. viii., Rubrica 576 
 to 585. — Del. degli. Erud. Toscani. — 
 Leon. Aretino, Lib. vi. — Scip. Am- 
 mirato, Lib. x., pp. 462 to 472. — Mu- 
 cliiavelli, Stor. Fior. Lib. u°, Sis- 
 mondi. Rep. Ital. vol. iv., Cha. 35. — 
 Cronica di Donate Velluti, p. 73, &c. 
 
 G 2 
 
S4 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 CIUP. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 S5 
 
 against the Duke of Athens, but >,. ber al^ in t^lieir o.n 
 behoof and eagerly seized this occasion to free themselves from 
 Florentine dominion. She ^as not only unable but too wise 
 to assert her claims in a moment of such exhaustion ; being 
 almost sure of then- friendship, she would not risk their enmity ; 
 wherefore ambassadors were despatched to congi'atulate the 
 citizens of Arezzo on their recoYered liberty and renounce all 
 iuiTsdiction OYer them : a similar course was taken with the rest, 
 and most of them returned within a few months to their former 
 state of dependance ; even Arezzo after a few years followed 
 
 their example. ....<.• 
 
 Domestic affiiirs began by a refoimation of the admmistratiYe 
 ctovemment: the Balia^^ of the Bishop, and fourteen commis- 
 sionei^ which had been formed during the revolution now 
 created a second Balia of a hmidred and tifteen deputies, them- 
 selves mcluded ; namely seventeen popolani and eight nobles 
 from each quarter with powers to fonn a permanent constitu- 
 tion Previous to this, m consequence of complaints from the 
 people of Oltramo and those of San Piero Schereggio who 
 formed two Sestos of Florence, and were only represented by 
 one prior each although they paid more than half the civic 
 taxes, it was settled that the town should resume its ancien 
 division into quarters m order to equalize taxation, pohtical 
 power, and public representation. 
 
 After this time the quarters were designated from their 
 principal chm-ches with a banner for each: that of Oltramo was 
 complete in itself and called the quarter of Sauto Sjnnto 
 with an appropriate standard in which was embroidered the 
 dove-like incarnation of the Holy Spirit on an azure field : 
 the name of San Piero Scheraggio merged into that ol " Santa 
 Crocer and bore a turquoise banner charged with the cross of 
 gold: ^' Santa Maria Novella'' gave its name to the third 
 quarter in whose blue ensign glittered a gilded sun : the Bap- 
 
 * « Bana-^ literally n.eans power, aiuhoritj-, and was in fact a dictatorship. 
 
 tistery of " San Giovanni,'' a more reverenced edifice than the 
 neighbouring cathcHlral, was embroidered in gold with the crossed 
 keys, on a sky-coloured tield, and became the standard and de- 
 nomination of the fourth (piarter. New civic divisions being 
 thus established along with a new Balia, the far more difficult 
 and iimdious duty of sharing political power, was next begun. 
 The aristocracy fairly argued that as they were the principal and 
 most active agents in recovering public liberty they had a right 
 to participate in (ncry puldic otlice ; and in this they were sup- 
 ported by several of the Po})olani Grassi who having tasted the 
 sweets of power and being closely connected by iiitermaniages 
 with the no])ility, were willing to share the public government 
 with them : but tlie nnddle class of citizens and the still poorer 
 ranks above the mere populace, wislicd to exclude them from 
 the seignory and two colleges, yet consented to their enjoyment 
 of every other office. 
 
 This although barring the in from government was a great 
 relief from the state of almost absolute outlawry in which 
 they had hitherto lived, and was probably considered so by 
 a majority of nobles as ilie conditions were accepted by a 
 plurality of voices but rejected as unjust by the Bishop and 
 Senese ambassadors, who had great influence. It was tliere- 
 fore decided that as all had assisted in regaining their liberty 
 all had a right to share its fruits : that two orders alone should 
 he acknowledged, the nobles and the people ; that one third 
 of the priors should be cliosen from the former and two- 
 thirds from the latter ; and that the crimes of the first were 
 thenceforth to be subject to the same legal process as those of 
 the last*. 
 
 Upon these principles liacked by the Senese embassy and 
 Count Simone di Battifolli, the board of priors was increased to 
 
 * According to the cotemporary an- volt, that the former should have their 
 
 nalist Simone della Tosa, there had share in the government, which was 
 
 been an agreement made between the not well kept by the people. — Vide 
 
 nobles and people previous to the re- Anno 1343, Annali di Sim. della Tosa. 
 
86 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 twelve, namely one noble and two popolani from each quarter ; 
 and eight counsellors instead of the twelve goodmeu, half from 
 each order ; (for the gonfaloniers of companies were not yet 
 restored) while ever)- other office was to be equally shared be- 
 tween the nobles and people. This arrangement was not 
 received by the latter with much favour: great agitation per- 
 vaded the mass and nearly burst out into open revolt when 
 a report became rife that Manno Donati and some other power- 
 ful aristocrats were chosen as prioi-s : seeing however that these 
 nobles were peaceable men the storm subsided and a momen- 
 tary calm returned, without real satisfaction : the new seignory 
 took immediate possession of the public palace and the bishop 
 with his Balia of fourteen returned to their private dwellings, 
 yet without resigning this delegated power which did not 
 legally expire until the following month *. 
 
 September 1343 was remarkable in Florentine history. 
 Tlie Duke of Athens had been dready expelled, his tyranny 
 annihilated, and in this month concord seemed apparently 
 restored to a long di\ided people : the aristocracy, no longer 
 oppressed, felt that its exertions deserved the recompense just 
 received ; for it had been most active in the destruction of a 
 tyrant who oppressed the nobles less perhaps than others ; but 
 as it is easier to bear adversity than prosperity, no sooner were 
 they established in their just civil equality than they attempted 
 to soar far above it ; their ancient ^'ices burst out afresh, and 
 although scarcely mustering a thousand families they wanted 
 to trample on the Popolani who were many times that number 
 and the most opulent members of the community. With one 
 third of the voices amongst the priors and eqmility in all other 
 magistracies they felt- scarcely more contented than the gene- 
 rality of the people were at their having received so much. As an 
 exclusive caste they had in fact more official power than at first 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. xviii.— di Coppo Stcfoni, Lib. viii., Rubric 
 S. Ammirato, Lib. i.\., p. 474. — M. 588. 
 
 CHAP. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 87 
 
 appears, for even in the Priors' council if eveiy one of the popo- 
 lani were opposed to them, a bare majority of two-thirds would 
 have accrued : but this was very unlikely ; for besides close and 
 frequent relationship many of the Popolani Grassi were them- 
 selves nobles in everything but the name, and with as numer- 
 ous a ti-ain of friends, clients, vassals and kinsmen ; while in 
 all other magistracies, as the nobles had equal power and 
 greater union, by acting well together they could carry every 
 question that required only two thirds of the votes imless the 
 latter happened to be equally divided ; and all this was so well 
 understood that suitors were accustomed to take the precaution 
 of propitiating official nobles with well-timed presents. On the 
 other hand many of the Popolani Grassi who had formerly 
 monopolised all power and profit were angry and discontented 
 at its loss : then there were the minor tradespeople who deemed 
 themselves equal to either of the others ; they also murmured at 
 their portion, and the Popolani favoured their claims because 
 they could generally influence them by superior rank and 
 riches ; but if not, there would be fewer of them elected than 
 of the nobles, who from their natural pride and the recollection 
 of ancient injuries were always ready to take vengeance on the 
 hated order of the Popolani. These discontents would perhaps 
 have gradually subsided had there been any discretion in the 
 aristocracy ; but years of adversity had failed to quell the pride 
 of this intractable order, and a strong feeling of terror and sus- 
 picion impressed the community at the idea of their restoration 
 to office, for there seemed to be a peculiar and vital elasticity in 
 their pride that would ever spring to its liighest insolence when 
 popular compression was removed *. 
 
 Instead therefore of burjang their wrongs in oblivion they 
 unwisely began to revenge them : the ordinances of justice 
 were no more ; and althougli the Balia liad established a public 
 
 ♦ Gio. Villani, Lib, xii., cap. xix. — Mar. di Coppo Stefani, Lib. viii.. Ru- 
 bric 588. 
 
88 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 rejrister in their stead where the misdeeds of noblemen were 
 regularly inserted for punishment ; yet the latter remained still 
 too strong for law and committed ever}^ crime from murder 
 downwards, with impunity : they laid false accusations against 
 citizens, and carried their arrogance to such a height that the 
 Popolani knowing there were many names of the most reck- 
 less bold and powerful nobles in the election-lists, became 
 alanned for the consequences and determined on resistance. 
 Many of the Popolani Gmssi however acted from pure jealousy ; 
 they envied the power of these noble antagonists and had no 
 other object than to seat themselves in their place : cabaL> 
 spnmg up eveiy-where ; miiversiil indignation seconded habi- 
 . tual popular jealousy and the general ciy was that for one 
 former tyrant a thousand fresh one,s had started up ; so that 
 between insolence and lawless actions on one side, and rage 
 on the other, in less than two montlis after the expulsion of 
 Walter de Brienne the city had again fallen into a state of 
 convulsion. Giovanni della Tosa, Antonio di Baldinaccio 
 degli Adimari, and Messer Gen de' Pazzi, all displeased at 
 this conduct of the aristocracy, although themselves nobles, 
 joined hand and heart with the people. They consulted the 
 popular leaders and the bishop Acciaiuoli, also a noble and 
 well disposed but weak; and notwithstanding that some of 
 these were Priors themselves it was resolved that tranquil- 
 lity could not be expected while nobles were eligible to that 
 dignity. 
 
 Acciaiuoli has been blamed, without reason, for yielding to 
 tliis comicil, which nevertheless seemed best adapted for 
 presei-ving peace, and with miappreciated frankness, he at once 
 proposed to his Balia the exclusion of all nobles at the next 
 election of Priors, leaving their right to eveiy other office un- 
 touched. 
 
 Meetings were consequently held at Santa Felicita in 
 Oltramo, where the gi*eat aristocratic leaders, the Bardi, Piossi 
 
 CHAP. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 89 
 
 and Frescobaldi were paramount ; and there the well-meaning 
 prelate endeavoured to gain his companions' approbation of 
 the proposed arrangement as the safest and wisest both 
 for themselves and their countiy : but the mere proposal 
 enraged this assembly ; his reasons were condemned and 
 scouted, and the churchman himself denounced in unmeasured 
 terms. 
 
 ** Let UH see,'' cried the furious nobles, " let lis see xclio will 
 dare to exehide Hsfnun the Seitjuonj ! Who will expel us from 
 that Florence whieh ive >i<i red from the tijranfs hands?'' The 
 foremost in this violence were the r)ardi especially Piidolfo, 
 lie called tlie bislir)p a traitor who had lirst betrayed the re- 
 public and given it to the duke ; and then betrayed and expelled 
 him! " And now," added he, " thou wishest also to behave in 
 the same treadierous manner to us." It would be monstrous, 
 they argued, that tlie Fiesolines, the people of Feghine and 
 Semifonte, the con<|uere(l foes of Florence, should alone enjoy 
 the honours jiiid dignities of the republic ; those that were 
 sul>dued command I While they ; the conquerors ; the tme and 
 ancient citizens, were denied ; and in their own countiy con- 
 demned to obey the very people they had vanquished! What 
 they had acquired with danger they now vowed to defend with 
 valour, and (lisi»lay tlie same spirit in vindicating their own 
 rights as thoy had lately done in achieving the liberties of their 
 countiy. The meeting was then dissolved and an appeal to 
 arms resolved by the nobles : but their opponents were not 
 intimidated, and under the conduct of Antonio Adimari, Geri 
 Pazzi, and Giovanni della Tosa, armed and marched to the 
 palace with loud shouts of ''Long lire the jjeople and death to 
 the traitor nohles^ Tumults increased and the outer}' redoubled ; 
 the popular Priors who were in the palace with their aristocratic 
 colleagues were violently threatened if the latter were not in- 
 stantly surrendered. " TA row them from the windows, throw your 
 noble colleaifuesfroni the windows, or we ivill hum you and them 
 
90 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 and the palace tor/etherr The popular Priors still pleaded ear- 
 nestly and loudly for their colleagues, declared them to be good 
 and loyal citizens, and that there was no disagreement amongst 
 the Seignory ; it was all in vain ; the people knew that the as- 
 sertion was a benevolent falsehood ; fire and fuel were instantly 
 called for and applied to the anteport ; the nobles were forced to 
 jield; they renounced office and with some danger reached 
 their houses through an angry multitude. This happened on 
 Monday the twenty-second of September scarcely two months 
 after the Duke's expulsion ! Such was the variable state of 
 this restless city, a city that the famous Michael Scott before 
 the battle of Mouteaperto prophesied would not long flourish 
 but fall into dirt and dissimulation *. 
 
 The nobility being thus expelled from supreme power no 
 time was lost in filling up their places : by a new arrangement 
 the eight counsellors were abolished and in their place the 
 eight remaining priors assisted by the chiefs of the twenty-one 
 trades, elected twelve new counsellors, three for each quarter 
 and all popolani, reestablished the gonfaloniers of companies to 
 the number of four for each quarter instead of the old comple- 
 ment of nineteen ; created Sandro da Quarata, (one of the 
 sitting priors) Gonfalonier of Justice, and to avoid the too 
 frequent assembly of parliaments a Council of the People con- 
 sisting of seventy-five from each quaiter was established. 
 Thus, says Villani through storms and dissimulation the public 
 government once more made its way into the hands of the 
 people : democracy was indeed again paramount ; if that can 
 be called democracy which wanted only titles and a few more 
 years of recorded antiquity to identify it in the fullest significa- 
 
 ♦ Gio. Villain, Lib. xii., cap. xix. — 
 Macchiavelli, Libro ii°. — S. Ammi- 
 rato, Lib. ix., p. 474 — M. di Coppo 
 Stefani, Lib. viii., Rub. 588. Michael 
 Scott's words accordinir to Villani, are 
 ** Non diu stabit stolida Floreniia 
 
 Jlorum; decidet in fatidum, dh- 
 shnulata vivcC And Dante who 
 seldom omitted a sarcasm on the un- 
 quiet nature of his countrymen re- 
 proves their inconstancy in the sixth 
 Canto of his " Purgatory. " 
 
 CHAP. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 91 
 
 tion with a long-established aristocracy. The richest citizens 
 had been gradually forming an oligarchy in the state, which 
 creeping upward on the stem of liberty had acquired a power 
 that excited the people s jealousy scarcely less than the nobi- 
 lity itself: like them they had their massive palaces, their 
 " Loggia " and aspiiing towers ; their broad lands, their followers, 
 and their baronial rights : with numerous families and still more 
 numerous clients, their houses were the resort of youthful citi- 
 zens as haughty and ambitious as the proudest aristocracy. Still 
 the connecting link of citizenship was not entirely snapped ; 
 they were Popolani, not Nohili, and never could be so, for 
 riches and industry might always make an inferior citizen their 
 equal ; and the same general tie, but particular distinction, that 
 existed between these and the middle class of Florence, ob- 
 tained also between the latter and the simple artisan : the sun 
 of ambition shone brilliantly for all, but jealousy was the cloud 
 that intercepted it. 
 
 While these events were passing, a severe dearth of food in- 
 creased public discontent, poverty as usual feelmg it the most : 
 com was kept back for speculation, or sold with enorm/Dus 
 profit by every grain-holder, except one citizen of rank, a cer- 
 tain Andrea Strozzi, who perhaps at fii-st from compassion, 
 distributed it daily at a moderate price and became so popular 
 that from folly or madness he at last issued out on horseback 
 in complete armour followed by a mob of several thousand 
 people and surrounded the public palaces with cries of " Lontj 
 live the poor and destruction to the rich and the ' Gabelle.' " 
 The tumult was soon quelled by a few arrows from the 
 palace windows and the man was hurried off by his friends ; 
 but it showed the public temper and revived as the nobles 
 thought their hopes of success against opulent burgesses. 
 The lower orders were accordingly courted, the cry was 
 repeated at their barricades whenever a concourse of poor 
 citizens happened to assemble within heaiing (for hostile pre- 
 
92 
 
 FLORENTINE UISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 parations had been openly making) and every means were 
 taken to detach them from the Popolani Grassi. Outward aid 
 was souMit even from Pisa and Lombardv, internal researches 
 were augmented ; the bridge heads again bari'icaded and occu- 
 pied; "5Vr/v/yj"* eveiy where conspicuous, and everything 
 denoted civil war. The citizens were no less active ; succours 
 from both Siena and Pemgia were already on their march to 
 Florence ; those from the former were delayed by a stratagem 
 of the nobles but linally joined with an augmented force of 
 heavv-armed soldiers. 
 
 The principal heads of opposition on the light bank of the 
 river were made, first by the Adimari-Cavicciuli, one of the 
 most warlike daring and powerful families uf their order : they 
 inhabited the present Coi-so degli Adimari, then filled with 
 their houses palaces and towers from the Corso to their loggia 
 in the Piazza di San Ciiuvjunii ; next by tlie scarcely less 
 potent clan of the Cavalcanti in ]\Iercato Nuono : and ])y the 
 Pazzi and Donati at San Piero ; all these streets and buildings 
 having been strondv armed and fortified. 
 
 The leading families of Oltranio, namely the Xerli at the 
 Ponte alia Carraia, the Mainielli in the Via ^laggio (the 
 Ponte a Santa Tnnita was not as yet rebuilt) and the Rossi 
 and Bardi at Ponte Vecchio and Piubaconte bridges, had all 
 strongly fortified themselves along the whole line of the Arno, 
 Samt George's gate on a height above beiiv4 also in possession 
 of the Bardi. On a rumour that the twenty-fifth uf September 
 was to be the day of outbreak, the people of San Giovanni 
 with the Medici, Ptondinelli, and Ugo della Stufa at their 
 head, reenforced by the inhabitixnts of Borgo San Lorenzo, the 
 butchers, and other trades-people, to the number of a thousand, 
 determined not to wait for the attack, but on the twenty-fourth 
 under tlu-ee banners of their quarter without orders from the 
 
 * " Serrarjlj " were merely strong barricades or rather stoccadcs inclosing 
 a certain space of city. 
 
 CHAP. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 93 
 
 Seignory assaulted the Adimari-Cavicciuli, and with increasing 
 Strength after a fight of three hours obliged them to capitulate. 
 Their persons and property were spared and the victorious citi- 
 zens with new force and spirit attacked successively the Donati, 
 Pazzi, and Cavalcanti, who intimidated by the fall of the Adi- 
 mari made but little resistance and surrendered on the same 
 conditions. The last and most formidable quarter still remained 
 to be subdued ; it was strong in men and arms and firm of pur- 
 pose ; the fortified houses of the Piossi, Bardi, Manuelli, and 
 Nerli, extended in an almost unbroken chaina long, and many 
 of them hanging over the Arno, from the bridge of Ptubaconte 
 to that of Carraia ; Ponte Vecchio forming the centre. Strong 
 barricades were thrown across all these bridge heads ; the Via 
 Maggio and the Piazza de' Frescobaldi were occupied by that 
 family and the no less powerful liossi, who overawed the peo- 
 ple and checked any attack from the southward while they 
 maintained a line of connection between the Nerli in the 
 west, and tlie Mannelli and Bardi at the eastern extremity of 
 the position ; the gate of Saint George being still held by the 
 latter. Arrayed under their various standards the citizens 
 assembled in front of the public palace where the golden cross 
 of Santa Croce waved over four brave bands of mailed spear- 
 men, and the sun of Santa Maria Novella glanced on an 
 equal number of cross-bows and heavy-armed infantiy : further 
 off the splendid temple of San Giovanni glowed in its azure 
 field as the several companies defiled from the Mercato Vecchio 
 to the appointed place of combat. The cross-bowmen spreading 
 along the quays and towers and houses, maintained a constant 
 play of arrows on the opposite works, while the hea\T-armed 
 foot compressed into one dense column moved forward, and 
 with a sudden rush thought to carrv the Ponte Vecchio which 
 was then open and of wood ; but they were met by such a 
 shower of missiles from the towers of the Bardi, Rossi, and 
 Maimelli, all clustered about that pomt, and so rough a recep- 
 
94 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 95 
 
 tion from the ranks below, that after a long stmggle they were 
 repulsed with fearful slaughter and lost more men here than in 
 all the three former engagements. 
 
 After a while they rallied, but ill-pleased with their treat- 
 ment left the two companies of the Viper and Unicom, belong- 
 ing to the Santa Maria Novella quarter, to blockade this bridge, 
 and marched to Rubaconte : here the Bardi were alone, but 
 received them with such a stonn from above and below that 
 after leaving many of their gallant comrades on the gi'ound 
 they were again compelled to retire, and ordering two divisions 
 of the Santa Croce men to watch this bridge also, retraced 
 their steps and moved on the Ponte alia Carraia. During 
 these attacks the wool-carders and artisans of San Friano and 
 the Fondaccio di Santo Spirito, led on by the Capponi with 
 other famihes of Popolani Grassi, made a spirited attack on the 
 Nerh, and though the latter fought stoutly they were driven 
 from their defences and completely beaten : the Serraglio 
 at the bridge head, having no towers to protect it, was carried 
 by assault from within and the passage opened for those com- 
 panies whose banners were now seen advancing along the 
 opposite quay. Thus reenforced they lost no time in assailing 
 the Frescobaldi who deeming themselves safe on that side were 
 hotly engaged with the people of Via Maggio ; but taken so 
 unexpectedly in tlank by the whole civic force they lost all 
 heart and quitting the battle fled to their several liouses with 
 their hands crossed upon their breasts imploiing mercy uf their 
 victors. It was granted ; and the citizens hurried on to the 
 Rossi and Mannelli who successively fell by the same flank 
 movement so that the fierce-spirited Bardi were left alone to 
 gain the day or die. The former they saw wiis now impossible 
 against all the strength of Florence, and magnanimously re- 
 solved upon tlie latter: the people's repeated attacks on both 
 bridges and opposite the Borgo San Jacopo were repulsed with 
 great braver}' ; rarely, says Ammirato, was an enemy's city 
 
 
 attacked with more valour or defended with more courage than 
 the Via de' Bardi on that memorable day. On one side, the 
 people were indignant that a single family should thus resist 
 the whole united city ; on the other, that single family re- 
 mained as true to their cause as they were implacable in their 
 hate, and expected no mercy if they surrendered : certain to 
 die by the executioner they deemed it more glorious to breathe 
 their last through the bars of their helmet like true knights, 
 tliaii tamely otfer their tlu'oat to the knot or axe of the 
 headsman. With such feelings the battle became desperate, 
 and the assailants finding it impossible to force tliis position at 
 their present points of attack bethought themselves of another 
 expedient: in the preceding spring a new street had been opened 
 from the neighbourhood of Santa Felicita towards the Arcetri 
 gate, on purpose to establish a communication without the walls 
 in case of tumults between the lords and people ; and also for 
 enabUng the latter to defend that gate without passing within 
 the lines of the Rossi and Bardi -. 
 
 Three companies were immediately despatched through this 
 street to fall upon the rear of the Bardi s position : this drew 
 many from the defence of the bridge-heads and Serragli ; for 
 the attack was sudden, unexpected, and in their weakest point ; 
 alarm spread rapidly and resistance slackened : seeing this, 
 a German knight of the name of Strozza, who had done great 
 deeds that day in the people's cause, forced his way through 
 tlie Serraglio at Ponte Vecchio and in the foce of a shower of 
 missiles led his men to the other side. Being supported by 
 the blockading troops, who attacked and carried the bridge-head 
 at the same moment, he struck terror through the antagonist 
 ranks, and rapidly following up his blow compelled the dis- 
 heartened Bardi to seek shelter in Borgo San Xiccolo. Here 
 they were protected by the ]\Iozzi and other adverse families, 
 who had with the company of La Scala previously occupied that 
 
 ♦ Gio Villani, Lib. xii", cap. xiii". 
 
96 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book i. 
 
 CHAP. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 97 
 
 quarter as well as the Ponte Rubaconte, besides some other 
 houses of the Bartli at San Georgio, in order to defend their 
 own property which lay in the neighbourhood and was exposed 
 to the indiscriminate fuiy of a victorious multitude. The lives 
 of the Barch were thus saved but their dwellings were plundered 
 even to the very tiles and timber of the roofs ; and then no 
 less than twenty-two houses and palaces were burned to ashes 
 with a loss of 00,000 florins to that numerous and powerful 
 
 race ^•'. 
 
 Thus terminated the great and final struggle between a mixed 
 democracy and pure aristocracy in Florence, between an indig- 
 nant people and their imperious nobles : the ancient aristocratic 
 spirit was thenceforth broken : convinced when too late of the 
 folly of attempting to oppose a united peojile they sullenly l)ent 
 tlieir necks to the yoke of popular government and became, 
 says Ma*?chiavelli, more affable and complying : but this he 
 says " was the reason why Florence lost all her military charac- 
 ter and all her generosity;" an assertion perhaps of some 
 truth, but wliich would require a more intimate knowledge 
 of those times and circumstances than we now possess to 
 substantiate f. 
 
 In the calm that followed this furious tempest, the de- 
 mocratic orders floated like a victorious navy, intent only 
 on securing their prizes and repairing the injuiies they had 
 sustamed. Independent of the mere populace who were at- 
 tached to no corporate trade, three classes of democracy now 
 became poUtically distinguished; namely the upper, middle, 
 and lower, for the nobles were little better than outlaws. The 
 Popolani Grassi from their acknowledged riches and authority 
 were habitually considered as superior, but the ''MedianV' 
 or middle classes, and the " Artefici Minui'i " or small trades- 
 
 * Muratori, Annali, Anno 1343. — Ammirato, Lib. ix. — Franimcnto di 
 
 Gio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. xxi. — Cronaca, (Collection of I). Manni.) — 
 
 Istorie Pistolcsi. — Mar. di Coppo Ste- Cronaca di Donato Velluti, p. 75. 
 
 fani, Lib. viil, Rubrica 5.^2.— Scip. t ^Ij^chiavelli Istor., Lib. ii». 
 
 men acquired an important accession of political power. In 
 breaking up the old democratic oligarchy the constitution was 
 remodelled and for a while a spirit of genuine republicanism 
 and comparative tnmquillity pervaded the commonwcaltli : 
 this salutary change was accomplished by Count Simone di 
 Battifolli in conjunction with the Senese and Perugian am- 
 bassadors together with a new Balia of two hundred and six 
 or seven citizens chosen from every acknowledged class of the 
 community. In it were included the nine priors, the twelve 
 goodmen or councillors ; the sixteen gonfaloniers of companies ; 
 the five officers of commerce ; the fifty-two *' Ciqntudlni " or 
 consuls of the various trades, and twenty-eight " Arroti " or 
 adjuncts from each quarter whi<'h lust being all artificers gave 
 a considerable majority to tlmt class. J-^vcry jiopular citizen 
 considered worthy of holding office was comprised in the scru- 
 tiny-hst, and a hundred and ten votes were to carry the election 
 of any candidate ; but as a hundred and twelve monibcrs were 
 artificers it is not surprising that the names of three thousand 
 three hundred and forty-six candidates were set down as com- 
 petent to conduct the affairs of government; of the whole 
 nmnber however scarcely a tenth .survived the scrutiny of 
 the gonfaloniers of companies to whom a jmwerof selection was 
 . finally intrusted. By this assembly, which seems to have 
 really represented the citizens of Florence it was decreed on 
 the twentieth of October, to elect a gonfalonier of justice ; two 
 priors from each quarter; twelve goodmen and sixteen gonfa- 
 loniers of companies in the following proportion ; for the prior- 
 ship, two Popolani Giussi, three Mediani, and three Aitefeci 
 Minuti ; tlie gonfalonier from each class and each quarter suc- 
 cessively ; beginning with Santo Sjjirito ; and the others as it 
 would seem from whatever class they happened to be drawn. 
 But this preponderance of the lowest order of competent citi- 
 zens in the Balia after a while produced inconvenient conse- 
 quences and means were found to modify it on the plea that 
 VOL. II. i' 
 
93 
 
 FLORENllNE HISTOnY. 
 
 [bcok I. 
 
 CHAP. XX.] 
 
 FLOnENTINi: HISTORY. 
 
 99 
 
 tlio third onlor cnjoynl mon^ tliuii its fair proporti-.Ti of poll- 
 lical power; miJ so tin.' salutary n'^'iilations uf CniinL ISimou 
 and his foreign coadjutoi-s were ultimately violate.l. 
 
 The constitution being thus rei'staldished on u broader aud 
 more cquiUible basis the revival of the ordinances of justice was 
 next discussed, and here again the benevolence of Count Simon 
 and his companions was etloctually exerted : as a reward for 
 their own disinterested servic(^s they made two requests; first 
 for a modiiication «)f the sovrro laws against tlie nobles aud 
 secondly lor the admission of a certain pt)rtion of thcni to the 
 hououi-s of democracy: this was a f^liar[) tri;d of gratitude in the 
 existing temper of the iieople ; nevertheless both petitions were ^ 
 l>artially granted. ]\v the ordinances of justice it was usual to 
 levy hues of MOOO lire on tlie wliole family of a noble culprit, 
 however innocent or distantly related, besides tbe punishment 
 due to the individuid ollender : this liability wils now confniedto 
 the third degree of parentage in a direct line unlesa the culprit 
 iverc killed by his own /cinsunn, or delivered up to justice; in 
 which case the penalty no longer could be enforced, or the money 
 was to be repaid if already exacted. Several noble families had 
 joined the people in their late sti-uggle; otliers were ackuow. 
 ledged to be quiet inollensive citizens ; many, especially in the 
 country, were reduced in power and riches, and some of them 
 so much impoverished as to be dependent on their own manual 
 labour for existence. To gnitify Count Simon and his col- 
 leagues as well as .to dilute and weaken tbo aristnemcy by a 
 reduction of its mnubcrs. about fivo hundred nobles were admit- 
 ted into the democratic order, .so far at kast as to be eligible to 
 every oflice except those of prior, goodmen, gonfaloniers of com. 
 panics, and captain of the rural '' Lemjues " or militar}- miiou3 
 of parishes ; all of which were closed to them for five years. 
 -But on the other hand, if any one of tbesc freedmen during the 
 ten following years should by a council of the people be pro- 
 nounced guilty of wilful nmrder ; of the amputation of a hmb; 
 
 of severely wounding, or of .lirfcily t^r indinctly injin-iiig the 
 property of a Topolano, h<^ was instantly to be <looiiied to the 
 punishment of peq»etual nobility. Yet there were noble fami- 
 lies some of whose members had sacriliccd their lives in the 
 popular cause that, savs Villain, throujrh mere envv were 
 -refused even this modilicd recumponso : and such, he adds, is 
 commonly the meed of services rendered to the people, espe- 
 cially to the Florentine ]»PO]de, amongst whom, if the balance 
 ^had been rightly adjusted were several fannlies and races of 
 the Popolani that for their wicked deeds and tyrannical con- 
 duct deserved to be jdaced amongst the nobles more than the 
 -greater part of those who were compelled to remain in that 
 ^class ; and all this in conseipienee of bad government-:'. 
 ;' The lii-st election of jtublie ollicers that took place after 
 these regulations were conjpleted was so favourable to tlie 
 inferior ranks that everv suspicion of treachcrv vanished, con- 
 fidence was restored and the city once more n^sumcd its usual 
 trauquilhty after liaving experienced four revolutions within a 
 little more than thirteen months, every one of them accompa- 
 nied by civil war, or tunndtuous assemldies of armed and angry 
 citizens. First the oligarcliy of the ro[Kdani Grassi was over- 
 thrown and changed into absfdute tyranny by the Duke of 
 Atliens, who ui his turn fell under the combined force of nobles 
 and people; then the expulsion of the former from the Seig- 
 nory and their utter destruction as a political body, and finally 
 the mixed rule of all the juqMilar orders. "Which may it 
 please the Lord," continues Villain, " to render an instrument 
 of salvation and exaltJition to our repuldic : but 1 doubt it, in 
 consequence of our sins and faults, and because the citizens ai*e 
 void of all love and charity amongst themselves, but full of 
 deceit and treachcrv the one a'^ainst another. And this cursed 
 art has remained in Florence amongst those who are our rulers ; 
 namely, to promise fairly, and do the contrary ; if they be not 
 
 • Gio, Villr.ni, Lib. xii., cnp. x.xiii. 
 II '^ 
 
100 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 101 
 
 AD. 1343. 
 
 persuaded by especial prayers or great inducements. Where- 
 fore not without reason doth God permit his judgments to Ml 
 
 on nations, and this is enough for those who have 
 
 undei'standing." 
 After these transactions Count Simon was furtlier rewarded 
 hy the restoration of ceitain family possessions unjustly held 
 from him by Florence, and in November peace was confirmed 
 with Pisa nearly on those conditions signed l)y the Duke of 
 Athens, except that the Florentines were restored without 
 limit to all their ancient immunities and privileges in that city. 
 It was a treaty of necessity, not inclination, therefore unsatis- 
 factoiT, impopular, and unstable *. 
 
 Although the distribution of political power in Florence 
 l>ecame at times sufBciently disturbed between tliis period of 
 her liistory and the loss of liberty in 153*2, yet as the great 
 i constitutional frame and machinery of govennncnt remained 
 unaltered to the last, this chapter may perhaps be usefully 
 finished by a general view of the principal magistracies as they 
 were somewhat enthusiastically described by the historian Goro 
 Dati about seven-and-thirty years after the present epoch. 
 •' What the Sacred Scripture tells us," he ])egins, " should be 
 received as certain ' Except the Lord keep the city, the 
 watchman waketh but in vain.' And therefore all that we 
 may say of this just and magnificent govennnent, (keep the 
 saying in thy mind,) it is God that by his grace, and by the 
 prayers of the glorious Virgin Mar}% (of whom more mention 
 is made in Florence than any other city in the world,) and by 
 the prayers of Messer Saint John the Baptist, cliampion and 
 advocate of this city, it is God that rules and supports the 
 state and its government; who by his grace gives virtue to 
 men in order that they may receive the reward of it. And 
 for that thou mayest clearly understand it, 1 say that this city 
 is endowed with the active virtue, that employs itself about 
 
 • Gio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. xxii., xxiii., xxiv., xxv. — S. Ammirnto, Lib. ix. 
 
 I 
 
 many things of which there has been frequent and particular 
 mention made in this treatise. This virtue prepares, as 
 Martha did, with anxious care all those things that prudence 
 dictates ; but the said city is not less singularly endowed with 
 the contemplative virtue which brings 'us nearer to God like 
 Mary Magdalen, and thus being united with God and God 
 with her, he holds and preserves the said city. Let us speak 
 first of the active life. 
 
 "There are four Gonfalons for every quarter, each with its 
 particular device, and under each its own company whose 
 captain is called the Gonfalonier. Next there are the trades, 
 twenty-one in number, seven of them called the major trades, 
 and fourteen the minor trades. 
 
 ** First is that of doctors of laws and notaries which has a 
 proconsul superior to its consuls and is ruled with great 
 authority and may be called the trunk of all the doctrine and 
 skill in the profession of the notaiy's art throughout Christen- 
 dom : and here there have been great masters and authors 
 and workers in it. 
 
 " The source of the doctors uf law is Bologna, and the foun- 
 tain of the notarv s art is Florence. 
 
 " Next comes the trade of those merchants that traffic out 
 of Italy, who are more numerous in Florence than in any 
 other city. 
 
 " Then follows the banking or money changers' trade which 
 throughout the worid may be said to be almost entirely in 
 Florentine hands for they have establishments in all the mer- 
 cantile towns. 
 
 " The fourth art is the wool-trade. More and finer woollen 
 cloths are made in Florence than any other place; and its 
 masters are good, great, and honoured citizens, and under- 
 stand their work. 
 
 *' The fifth is the silk-trade wliicli includes both the raw and 
 manufactured article, as well as cloth of gold and silk and the 
 
102 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 103 
 
 goldsmith's art, in which trades they work nohly especially in 
 silk stuffs. 
 
 " The sixth is the art of the apothecaries, doctors, and retail 
 vendors of clothing and other small ware : and this is a great 
 trade in the number of persons. 
 
 " The seventh is the furriers, pellisse-makers, and tanners of 
 fine skins and here finishes the list of the seven major arts. 
 
 " Then come the fourteen minor arts or trades, each distinct 
 and regulated according to its business. 
 
 *' First the linendrapers, and secondhand dealers in clothes 
 and furniture ; then the shoemakei*s, the smiths ; the dealers 
 in salt and seasoned meats, &c., the butchers (which seems to 
 have included graziers and breeders) ; the vintners ; the inn- 
 keepers ; the waist-belt makers, the leather-dressers, the 
 cuu-ass-makers ; the locksmiths ; tlie master-masons ; the 
 master-carpenters, and the bakers. 
 
 " The seignors are the eight priors of the arts, two for each 
 quarter, and the gonfalonier of justice who is chosen in turn 
 from every quarter at each new election. All these are men 
 chosen from the best of the inhabitants for their excellence of 
 character and conduct ; and the gonfalonier is as it were the 
 chief of all the priors and must be forty-five years of age. 
 The morning he taiies ofi&ce he is presented with the gonfalon 
 of justice, a red cross in a white field, on a great silk standard 
 which he keeps in his chamber, and whenever he goes out with 
 it on horseback the whole people must follow in his train and 
 obey him. 
 
 " Slx of the priors are chosen from the higher trades and two 
 from the lower ; and two people of the same * Consorteria,' 
 or two relations by the male line are not eligible to this ofi&ce 
 at the same time nor for one year afterwards ; and none can 
 be elected a second time under three years. The first election 
 commences on the calends of Januaiy and the office lasts two 
 months ; and so on throughout the year, clianging the govern- 
 
 ment six times. On the morning they enter into office all the 
 shops are shut and a general holiday is kept : the whole popu- 
 lation assembles before the palace to escort those who have 
 just left office to their homes, accompanied by their relations, 
 friends, and nearest neighbours after having spent the two 
 previous days in instructing the new seignors in all public 
 business then under consideration. During these two months 
 they never quit the palace but sit in council every day, and 
 elect a president, each in his turn for three days by lots ; and 
 the others for these three days must follow him wliile he w^alks 
 by the side of the gonfalonier : and he presides, proposes, and 
 puts all matters to the vote ; and without him no business can 
 be done. Their deliberations are always secret and their votes 
 given by ballot: they have a monk for their secretary whq 
 receives the black and white beans in a box : each secretly 
 giving him one which he with the same secrecy places in the 
 ballot-box; the hlack being 'yes' and the vchite, 'no;' and two- 
 thirds of black beans are necessarj^ to carry a question. Each 
 has his private chamber in the palace, the gonfalonier being 
 first considered in the arrangement of apartments, and each 
 has his sen-ant to attend on him in his own room and at the 
 public dinner table. These mne servants are extremely respect- 
 able persons and their situation is considered honourable ; each 
 has two under servants to send about on business they them- 
 selves being always obliged to remain in the palace. There 
 are one hundred attendants for the whole establishment all 
 dressed in green livery with certain public badges ; these are 
 forced to attend on the priors when they go into public and are 
 also employed to carry the commands of government to the 
 citizens : they are commanded by a foreigner who is much 
 honoured and respected called the ' Captain of the Foot- 
 
 men. 
 
 " Of such consideration are these attendants that if any one 
 of them were a debtor or had a price set on his head for a 
 
104 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 105 
 
 crime, no citizen or public functionary could molest hint on 
 pain of death without the permission of the said seignors. 
 
 ** No one is allowed a seat at the dinner table of the priors 
 except their notar}% foreign potentates or their ambassadors, 
 or those of any other republic when it is intended to honour 
 them: or sometimes, on particular days the Podesta and 
 Captain of the People with a few of those citizens who are in 
 office. 
 
 " The table of these seignors is said to be as well prepared, 
 as richly ornamented and as cleanly served as that of any other 
 seignory : three hundred golden tlorins a month are allowed 
 for this alone ; besides which they have fifers and musicians 
 and jesters and jugglers (all then held in high esteem) and 
 ^verj- sort of amusement ; but they have little time for such 
 things, being soon called away by the president to public 
 business which always abounds and never fails tlioni. 
 
 "Their notaiT remains two months, as they do, in the palace, 
 and has no other duty than that of writing their deliberations : 
 but there is also a pennanent notaiy who assis;ts when neces- 
 sary, is keeper of the law books and orders of government, and 
 has to make a journal of all the proceedings of the prioi-s and 
 their colleagues (the twelve Buouomini and sixteen gonfaloniers) 
 with the councils. 
 
 " They have also a chancellor or secretary whose office is per- 
 manent. He has to correspond with all the foreign govern- 
 ments and private persons on the part of the commonwealth : 
 they are always poets and men of gi'eat learning *. 
 
 " There are many under secretaries to do the less important 
 business of the seignoiy, whose office power and authority (the 
 seignory 's) are beyond measure great : their ^vill is law while 
 they remain in office but they rarely put forth all their 
 
 • Amongst those who filled this post Carlo Marsuppini, Marccllo Virgilio ; 
 we find the names of Collucio Salutati, and though last not least, Nicolo Mac- 
 Leonardo Aretino, Poggio Bracciolini, chiavelli. 
 
 Strength; only in extreme cases and on certain great and 
 necessary occasions. 
 
 "They are not liable to be called to account for their conduct 
 while in office except for venality and peculation and then they 
 are judged by the ' Executor of the Ordinances;' (of justice) or 
 in case of his absence, by the Podesta. 
 
 " The next office is that of the sixteen gonfaloniers of com- 
 panies which begins on the eighth of Januar}^ and lasts four 
 months : they must be ready whenever called upon, which is 
 almost every day, to place themselves at the feet of the seig- 
 nors, as the cardinals at the pope's feet, and give their advice. 
 The morning of their inauguration is kept as a festival with 
 closed shops ; the seignory come out on the Riughiera with the 
 podesta and captain of the people one of whom ascends the 
 rostmm and makes an eloquent oration in honour of the 
 seignoiy and gonfaloniei-s ; then each receives his gonfalon and 
 with trumpets and fifes playhig before him proceeds home 
 accompanied by his followers ; and each gonfalon has under it 
 three pennons with the same device and presented at the same 
 time as the banner itself. 
 
 "There is another office called the Buonomini or good 
 men : it commences on the fifteenth of March and lasts three 
 months while the days increase in length ; and at Midsummer 
 when they begin to shorten fresh ones enter on their office 
 and remain until the day equals the night; then the next 
 until the shortest day ; after which another set comes in until 
 days and nights are again equal. And this is done with a 
 certain mystery ; and they have to attend any day when called 
 upon at the feet of the seignory to give advice ; and by the 
 laws of the community there are many questions of great 
 moment which cannot be determined by the priors alone : these 
 two offices are called Colleagues * and are in high reputation, 
 
 * In the old writers we almost con- for Colleghi, which may sometimes 
 stantly meet with the word Colkgi lead to a mistake in the denomination 
 
106 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 C!UP. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE XHSTORY. 
 
 107 
 
 *' Next comes * The Council of the Peoi)lc ' formed of ten 
 persons from each of the sixteen companies, all the consuls of 
 the arts, together Tsith the colleagues, seigiior}% and certain 
 other offices, in all about two hundred and fifty. In this 
 council are confirmed every law, statute, and order of the 
 republic already passed by the seignors and their colleagues ; 
 and if there be not two-thirds of black beans, the question is 
 lost ; and what passes this council has still to go to another 
 called the ' City ' or ' Common Council,' where countmg the 
 seignory and colleagues there are two hmidred members ; and 
 if the question does not gain two-thii'ds of the votes in this 
 council also, it is lost ; but just, useful, and honest thmgs pass 
 and become law. 
 
 *' The ' Died de Balia,' (or Ten of Power,) is composed of 
 persons either elected by open vote or the ballot, and are ex- 
 perienced respectable and chosen men : but this office is only 
 created in time of war and then they have both within and 
 without the city, in all militar}- affiiirs, the whole national 
 authority. 
 
 " The office of the ' Eight of the Guard,' has to watch against 
 any attempts to injure the government, the city, or the posses- 
 sions of the republic : it has no power to punish but is bound 
 to place the offender in the hands of the Podesta who executes 
 justice. 
 
 " The office of ' Regulators of PMic Accounts ' is composed 
 of six persons whose duty it is to receive and superintend the 
 revenues of the community, see that the public be not cheated, 
 examine the treasurers' books, and take care that all arrears 
 are paid up by national debtors. There are also the governors 
 of the gate-tolls now called Masters of the Custom-house, of 
 salt, wine, and contracts, who have much business to mind, and 
 particularly to see that the pubhc be not cheated. 
 
 of these two magistracies, -which were the whole body, Buonomini and Gon- 
 eenerally called Colleagues, not Col- faloniers, arc also called the Colleges 
 leges, as might easily be supposed ; yet by some writers. 
 
 " The office of ' Captain of the Party GueJph ' is grand and 
 honourable, more from remembrance of the past than any 
 thing they have to do in the present day : they have to receive 
 many revenues and spend them in honour of the Guelphic party. 
 
 " The office of the ' Ten of Liberty" is of infinite importance 
 and given to men of great science and experience : all civil causes 
 are brought before this court as well as complaints of injustice, 
 frauds, deceits, false documents; in short any dispute of a 
 civil nature between man and man is here examined, and de- 
 cided if possible, without reference to a court of justice. It is 
 a court of equity, and discretion, and very useful to the poor 
 who have not wherewithal to spend in actions, lawyers, and 
 attorneys. 
 
 " The ' Officers of Abundance ' are only created in time of 
 dearth to secure a sufficient supply of grain for the public. 
 
 " The office of the ' Grascia ' or superintendants of provisions 
 has to oversee the mills and millers and protect the public from 
 fraud in weight or measure : they also hold a sort of couit for 
 all those cases which do not come under the jiurisdiction of any 
 of the trades. 
 
 "There is also an office for the widows and minors elected by 
 open vote ; good and honest men who fear God and love mercy. 
 They are responsible for all minors placed under theii' charge 
 until the minority terminates. 
 
 *' The ' Officers of the Castles ' and fortified places have to see 
 that all the fortresses of the republic are in good repair and 
 effectually provisioned and garrisoned. 
 
 "The * Officers of the Towers ' have to attend to the city walls 
 and country bridges, the street pavement, and the general state 
 of the roofs and projections that may have been neglected. 
 
 " The ' Officers of the Condotta' have the superintendence of 
 recruiting, paying and reviewing the troops. Besides these 
 there are many other offices, each with its establishment of 
 clerlis and treasurers. 
 
108 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 II 
 
 H 
 
 " There are also the Consuls of the Arts, each art with its 
 particular hall which is held in great honour and highly orna- 
 mented : courts of justice are held in them twice a week by 
 the consul or consuls of the trade to which it belongs ; for some 
 trades have eight consuls, some six and othei-s four according 
 to their numbers and busmess, and from the sentence of these 
 consuls there is no appeal. A consul of any art may judge 
 matters brought before him by one belonging to another trade 
 if the complaint lie against a member of that over which he 
 presides, and also decide any cause for or against a person who 
 is not enrolled in a trade, under similar circumstances. 
 
 "In the 'Commercial Court' is a foreign doctor of civil law, 
 \^ith sLx citizens as a council, chosen from the ablest and most 
 respectable of the said trades, one from each of the five major 
 arts ; for those of the law and the fui'-trade are excepted ; and 
 one chosen by lot amongst the fourteeii minor arts in conjunc- 
 tion with the fur-trade : and it is thus ordered because the above 
 five arts are composed of merchants, and only a few of their 
 most experienced men are elected. Before this comt are 
 brought all the great questions and cases of mercantile and 
 maritime affairs throughout the world ; and things that happen 
 by sea and by land, bankruptcies, affaii-s of mercantile com- 
 panies, seizures, and an infinity of questions ; and just judg- 
 ments and able decisions are pronounced; and there is no 
 appeal. This office has a house and a palace, both of great 
 size ; and honoured, and ornamented, and magnificent. The 
 period of office for the councillors is only three months, but 
 that of the judge six ; and he must remain in the palace with 
 his notar}' and attendants and is not allowed to have his ^\^fe 
 and children there. 
 
 *' The three principal ' Rectors ' now remain to be noticed ; 
 namely, the Podesta, Captain, and Executor. It is necessary 
 that they should be foreigners whose place of abode is at least 
 sixty miles from Florence : their office continues for six months 
 
 CHAP. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 109 
 
 and they cannot be re-appointed for ten years. Neither can 
 any of the Podesta's judges return mider an equal lapse of 
 time unless by virtue of the particular decree of the state con- 
 firmed by all the councils; which rarely happens. This is 
 done to prevent the rector having relations, friends, or acquaint- 
 ances amongst the great or the small, but that he should be 
 alone guided and influenced by the laws of the city, which it is 
 his duty to observe. These three rectors have great authority 
 and are held in high honour. 
 
 " First ; the said podesta has attached to his court four judges, 
 doctors of civil law : and sixteen notaries ; because in his court 
 there are pleadings in all civil actions ; of inheritance, testa- 
 ments, dowers, purchases, sales, and in all cases where there 
 is a public instmment that requires legal investigation and 
 confirmation. He has to maintain a large establisliment and 
 keep many liorses, for which he receives a salaiy of "2300 
 florins in six months, and is lodged in a magnificent palace ; 
 and none can be podesta, nor captain in Florence, under the 
 rank of count, marquis, or knight ; and he must be also a 
 Guelph : and for the Executor, it is necessary that he should 
 be the contraiy, and not of those ranks ; but that he should be 
 one of the people and a Guel2)h. Tlie Captain, the Podesta 
 and Executor have authority over all the condemned and 
 banished ; as well as over homicides, thefts, robberies, forgeries, 
 and hi all criminal actions whatsoever. 
 
 " The Captain, as he is called, 'oj the People ' and his court, 
 are for the protection of the city the state and its government, 
 and he has sunnnary jurisdiction over those who make anv 
 attempt against the commonwealth. The Executor has sum- 
 maiy jurisdiction only over the nobles in defence of the people; 
 and this office was created in old times to repress the arrofrance 
 of the great. 
 
 " I will now proceed without saying more of the offices within 
 the city; but those without are what remain to the citizens 
 
f 
 
 no 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORt. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 and have salaries and rewards ; and the principal of them are 
 as follow. First the captains of Pisa, of Arezzo, of Volterra ; 
 who are lords of those places for their half year of office ; and 
 they have unbounded summary and legal authority for the pro- 
 tection of their charge. Then follow the Podestas of Pisa, 
 Arezzo, and Pistoia ; the Captains of Cortona and Borgo San 
 Sepolcro ; the Podestas of Prato, CoUe, San Gimignano, Monte 
 Pulciano and others, who all have civil and criminal jurisdic- 
 tion with many judges and attendants and are much honoured. 
 Then follow the vicars of San Miniato, the Val-di-Nievole, 
 Pescia, Firenzuola, Poppi, the Casentino and Anghiari, besides 
 three in the Pisan territory. After these come the Captains 
 of the Pistoian Alps, Romagna, and Castrocaro, the Podesta 
 of Castiglione-Aretino ; the Captain of the Pisan Maremma ; 
 besides a number of other Podestas too numerous to narrate 
 even were it desired. 
 
 " To these offices are appointed the best and most discreet 
 citizens who go into those places some to gain honour, some 
 riches ; some one thing, some another, and it often happens 
 that tliere are those who succeed in acquiring what they 
 wanted either wholly or partially, and sometimes the con- 
 trary, that is shame and injur}^ ; because the deeds of the Flo- 
 rentines cannot easily be hidden ; too many eyes are upon 
 them ; and he that doeth well gets the merit of it, and he that 
 doeth ill is soon known, and is punished, and corrected, and 
 castigated, according to what is due to justice, and for an 
 example to others. And when these officers return to Flo- 
 rence from the said places, the works they have done are well 
 examined, and each is rewarded according to his desert. And 
 by virtue of this justice the good are always invited and 
 encouraged to do well, and the wicked and evil-doers are 
 terrified and punished ; and good increases, and ill decreases ; 
 and concord follows in the city amongst the great, and the 
 small, and the middling ; each honoured according to his rank, 
 
 CHAP. XX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 Ill 
 
 and according to his worth ; and from this proceeds a melody 
 so sweet that it is felt in heaven and moves the saints to love 
 this city and defend her from any that want to disturb a state 
 so tranquil and serene" *. 
 
 CoTEMPORARY MoNARCHs.— England, Scotland, France, Spain, Portugal, 
 German Emperor, Greek Emperor, Ottoman Empire all unchanged. Naples- 
 Robert the Good to 1343, then Johanna I.— Sicily: Peter II. to 1342 then 
 Louis.— Popes: Benedict XII. to 1342, then Clement. VI. ' 
 
 * Historia di Fircnze di Goro Dati, Lib. ix. 
 
112 
 
 FLOKESnNE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXI.] 
 
 FLOREXTINE HISTORY. 
 
 113 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1344 TO A.D. 1349- 
 
 Florence ^hich by the Italians of the middle ages was 
 held to be one of the noblest cities in the ^vorld ^vas from her 
 civil broils becoming every day more unfortunate . 
 A.D.im ^.^^g ^3^^ if jijg Lombard war be excepted which 
 was more brilliant than useful, almost constant ill-luck attended 
 her measures; ai>d this is by cotemporary authors attributed 
 to the self-interested and exclusively personal ob.,ects of he. 
 rulers wliich rendered them insensible to eveiy feeling of 
 real patriotism. A fierce intractalde spirit pervaded ev-ery 
 political sect and the public good was but an empty watch- 
 lord to the sons of faction ; besides tWs the mama of poli- 
 tics had become so absorbing that the greater part of her 
 merchants quitting their shops and their warehouses, hastened 
 to take an active part in the public discussions and assemblies 
 of the commonwealth *. Yet while war, tyranny, and revolution 
 were thus shaking her. the rest of Italy was far from being in 
 an attitude of repose : Pisa feveri.h at home was at outward 
 
 ♦ " La gcnte nuova c i subiti ^ladagni 
 Oraoglio, c tlismisuni ban gcncrata, ^ 
 Fio'renza, in .0, .i cUe t„ gir. tcu pi^gn. .^^ ^^^^^,^ ^^^^^ ^^. 
 
 An upstart multitude and sudden gains 
 
 Pride and excess, O Florence ! baye in tbcc ^ ^ 
 
 EngenderM, so that now in tears thou mourn s^^^^^^ ^^^^^ 
 
 war with the Malespini and Visconti; Mantua and Milan 
 made common cause against Ferrara and Verona ; the Correggi, 
 ccmtinually worried by their domestic enemies, disposed of 
 Parma to the house of Este, from whom Lucchino Visconti 
 forced it in 1340 : Padua suffered from licentiousness, murder, 
 and usurpation : Venice was tranquil ; but Bologna writhed 
 under the crushing tread of the Peppoli, and the petty tyrants 
 of Romagna were plunged in wars, treacherj', and bloodshed. 
 In the midst of this, half the Peninsula was ravaged by a 
 horde of merciless robbers the disbanded instruments of am- 
 bition, and thus a wide wave of destruction swept over Italy. 
 Nor were Transalpine countries more calm or happy : Ger- 
 many was disturbed by the imperial struggles against papal 
 implacability and the movements of its discontented piinces ; 
 France while withering under the rod of Philip was overrun 
 by the victorious English, and England was half ruined by 
 the effort. Christian Spain was disturbed by internal wars ; 
 iSicily was unceasmgly vexed, but still unconquered by the 
 persevering efforts of llobert; and after his death Naples 
 itself became the theatre of domestic convulsions debauchery 
 and blood : but some of this requires more detailed relation. 
 
 Ptobert King of Naples died in the month of Januaiy 1343 
 after a long and not inglorious reign, having survived for half 
 a year his nephew Carobert or Carlo-Uberto king of Hungary- 
 the legitimate sovereign of Naples whom by the Pope s favour 
 he had excluded from that inheritance; and Giovanna his eldest 
 grand-daughter, a girl of sixteen and wife of Andrea brother 
 to Louis kuig of Hungar}% became heiress to the crown. 
 Robert had played a busy part in the affairs of Italy and 
 possessed many useful qualities; he made wise laws; was 
 accounted just ; encouraged arts sciences and literature ; was 
 himself deeply learned, and died with the world's applause : but 
 he was ambitious, warlike, and imbued with all the fierceness 
 of the Guelphic spirit; qualities which in that age rather 
 
 VOL. It. I 
 
114 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 increased than lessened his reputation, so that accorcUng 
 to the standard of the time he stood deservedly high in the 
 world s estimation. The unquiet reign of Giovanna also con- 
 tributed to throw a brighter gleam over his memor>^ and 
 augment the general regret; not that she seems to have been 
 deficient m sense or firmness, but her extreme youth exposed 
 her to temptations and dangers which an equally young and 
 inexperienced husband was incompetent to repel. Robert had 
 bequeathed her his kingdom to reign alone, but witli a pro- 
 vision that Andrea should also be crowned at the age of 
 twentv-two : they were however scarcely seated on the throne 
 when 'a certain Friar Robert and other Hungarian followers of 
 her husband gradually began to absorb the powers of govern- 
 ment until Giovanna found herself a Queen only in name, and 
 together with her rude and indolent husband, almost a prisoner 
 in'^the hands of strangers. The royal kinsmen or '' ReaUr as 
 they were called, and the Neapolitan barons retired to their 
 castles in disgust, and despising Andrea s unwariike mdolence 
 joined the prince of Tarento who was then preparing an expe- 
 dition for Greece where he iifterwards gjiined some honour. 
 Disputes subsequently arose between the royal couple, each 
 being ambitious of independent power; these were encouraged 
 by the Reali for their own views ; factions became rife, and 
 Friar Robert foreseeing his own dowiifall in the increasing 
 public disgust, invited King Louis to take possession of th(' 
 throne as the rightful heir of diaries ]\Iartel and Carobert : 
 Louis preferred making a direct application to the Pope 
 for his brothers investiture, not as the husband of (tiovanna. 
 but as rightful heir to the crown of Naples. These nego- 
 tiations were long continued, but the Queen was solemnly 
 crowned, dulv invested with the khigdom, and did homage in 
 Clement VL' on the last day of August 13-14, Friar Robert 
 still maintaining the ascendant. The influence of Louis was 
 however sufficient to procure a buU for his brother s coronation 
 
 CHAP. XXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISIORY. 
 
 115 
 
 s 
 
 long before the period designed by King Robert, a circum 
 stance that created so much alarm in consequence of Andrea";- 
 unpopularity, that several of the Neapolitan barons with the 
 connivance of Charles Duke of Durazzo who had married the 
 Queens sister, and others of the Reali, all of whom had 
 their particular views on the throne, determined to prevent 
 this ceremony by murdering Andrea : this they accomplished 
 on the eighteenth of September 1345 at the city of Aversa, in 
 the following manner. 
 
 The royal couple had not been long retired to rest when 
 one of the bedchamber women informed Andrea that im- 
 portant despatches requiring his instant attention had arrived 
 from Naples. It is said by some that the Queen seemed 
 troubled, and made an effort to detain her husband ; he how- 
 ever rose and left the chamber the door of which was instantly 
 shut : the conspirators waited for hiin in a portico between the 
 Queen s bedroom and the council-tlianiber and believing that 
 he wore a magic ring the gift of his mother which preserved 
 liini from iron or poison threw a silken noose round his neck 
 and after a hard struggle hung him from a balcony over the 
 garden where other conspirators caught hold of his legs and 
 finished the deed. 
 
 While this tragedy proceeded, Andrea's nurse Isolda, who 
 had accompanied him to Naj^des and rarely quitted his sight, 
 awakened by the noise rushed into the royal chamber and 
 tremblmg demanded her child. The Queen was alone, seated 
 near the bed, with her face buried in her hands, and she 
 answered confusedly : Isolda still more frightened flew with a 
 torch to the window; but the murderers ha\dng done their 
 principal work fled in alarm, leaving the lifeless body extended 
 before her eyes on the grass below. Isolda's screams soon 
 roused the dmnkeii Hungarian guards, the castle, and all the 
 city, and baffled the conspirators' design of burying their victim 
 in the garden. It can scarcely be supposed that Giovanna was 
 
 12 
 
IIG 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 117 
 
 ||j 
 
 N 
 
 entirely innocent of this deed, but she has ahle advocates, and the 
 truth seems involved in equal mysteiy with the conduct of Queen 
 Mary in our own eventful historj- : public opinion was agahist 
 her at the time, but the passions of men, their hate, self-interest 
 and ambition, ran as tiercely at Naples in the fourteenth century 
 as in Britain in the sixteenth. It was nevertheless a deed to 
 electrify all Europe even in a barbarous age, but less by the 
 act itself than the rank and impoilance of the victim. The 
 kingdom was instantly convulsed, ai'med and angrj- men sprang 
 up like spectres ; many held to the Queen who had power, 
 treasm-e, and the Castle of Naples in her hands : amongst these 
 the most conspicuous was Louis brother of the Tiince of 
 Tarento who was supposed to have been her lover and now 
 aspired to her hand ; the Duke of Durazzo headed another 
 faction and opposed him ; the Prince of Tarento led a third : 
 disorder eveiywhere abounded ; and in the midst of all King 
 Louis was prepjiring an anny of wild Hmigarians rather to 
 possess himself of the throne than revenge the murder of his 
 kinsman. Such was the state of Naples m 1340, three years 
 after the death of Robert*. 
 
 The Venetians about this epoch were besieging Zara which 
 had revolted ; its citizens with the offer of their sovereignty, 
 implored the aid of Louis who promptly accepted it and with a 
 large army attempted to raise the siege ; because if possessed of 
 Zara he could have embarked for Puglia in defiance of Venice ; 
 but he was baffled : his provisions failed, his aimy retreated and 
 for that year he was compelled to rehnquish his object ; yet 
 being closely allied with Poland and still closer with Louis of 
 Bavaria who held the Tyrol, he detennined to enter Italy by the 
 passes of that country. This emperor driven to desperation by 
 
 ♦ Gio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. X., xxvi., Costanzo, Istoria dl ^>!>.^i' ^^^l' J" 
 
 Kvxv., lii., liii., lix.-Giannoni Stor. Lib. vi., p. 353 ; and vol. n., L,b. vu , 
 
 Civile' di Napoli, vol. x.. Lib. xxiii., p. ^52.-Cron.ca et Histom <1. ^apoh 
 
 -Muratori, Annali.-Sismondi, Rep. di Fra. Lujgi \ ulcam, Lib. ii., cap. 
 
 Ital., vol. iv., cap. xxxvi.—Augelo di iv., p. 504, Mb. 
 
 the implacable Clement w^ho contemptuously refused all his 
 advances and humiliations, joined his Hungarian namesake 
 and engaged to mvade Italy the following year with a force 
 sufficient to take vengeance on the Pope, the Guelphs, and 
 the detested house of Anjou. But Clement was neither 
 disposed to permit this inroad nor see Giovanna a legiti- 
 mate vassal of the church dethroned, however criminal he 
 might think her : he therefore raised new enemies against the 
 Bavarian and amongst them a competitor for the empire in the 
 person of Charles ^Marquis of Moravia son of the now blind 
 but still active John King of Bohemia. The election by 
 Clement's exertions succeeded, but all Germany was disturbed; 
 and the new Emperor s father having fallen a few weeks after 
 at the battle of Crccy, Loiiis w^ould soon have overwhelmed 
 him had he not himself been killed by a fall from his horse in 
 October 1347 ; then Charles IV. was acknowledjred both bv 
 church and empire *:=. 
 
 The misfortunes of Florence gave Pisa a more commanding 
 aspect ; Volterra and Pistoia had sought her protection, and 
 she was in close alliance with Lucchino Visconti, by far the most 
 powerful prince of Italy (and excepting the kings of England, 
 France, and Hungary) of all Europe ; he maintained a stand- 
 ing army of from three to five thousand men-at-arms and was 
 lord of seventeen great cities in Lombardyf. This attitude 
 did not last, but for a while gave an unreal importance to 
 the Pisan republic which besides being impoverished by war, 
 was, on a sudden quarrel \\Tth Lucchino, brought into new dif- 
 ficulties. Giovanni Visconti d' Oleggio when liberated from 
 Florence, trusting to the power, and probably with the con- 
 nivance of Lucchino, repaired to Pisa and after having vainly 
 demanded compensation for his losses conspired ^\ith the two 
 
 • Gio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. Ix,, Ixvii. f Gio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. Ixxiv. 
 — Muratori, Annali. 
 
 ■psi^npff- 
 
113 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Castracani s assistance, to usui-p that lordship. The plot being 
 detected one head was chopped off, the Castracani fled from 
 Lucca, and Giovanni himself was unceremoniously expelled : 
 Lucchino enraged at the insult instantly impnsoned some 
 Pisan hostages whom he had engaged to release, and with an 
 insolent message sent his kinsman back at the head of two 
 thousand men-at-arms to revenge himself. Nothing could be 
 more pleasing to the Florentines than this quarrel who to 
 favour it, maliciously made over the advantageous post of 
 Pietrasanta to Luccluno's brother-in-law the IJishop of Luni, 
 while Visconti's anger was further excited by seehig iSerazzano, 
 Lavenza, ^Massa, and other places still withheld from the family 
 of Malespini his near kinsmen, notwithstandhig all his threats 
 and remonstrances ''•. 
 
 Taking advantage of the Florentine gift, I.ucchino's forces 
 assembled at Pietrasanta in 1343 forced the Pisan entrench- 
 ments with gi-eat slaughter at Eotaiu, and after the usual 
 course of devastation without any decisive event, entered the 
 unwholesome Maremma where they were stH.n thinned by 
 malai-ia; losmg amongst others, Arrigo Castracani who witli 
 his brother mherited all their father's activity and ambition 
 without his talents +. 
 
 Earlv in the vear 1345 Pisa concluded treaties with Mastino 
 della Scala, Peppnli of Bologna, Ferrara, and some of the lords 
 of Ptomagna agiiinst Lucchino : Florence although invited 
 refused to join, and the Milanese army opened the campaign 
 by a repetition of the last year s mroads which continued until 
 May when the Marquis Malespini died; and ns he was the 
 great cause and fomenter of this war Genoa now stepped in as 
 a mediator to restore tranquillity : the troops were recalled 
 and a treaty signed, by which Pisa retained possession of 
 Lucca, Lucchino received 100,000 florins for his expenses 
 
 * Istorie Pistolesi. — Gio.Villani, Lib. Pisani.— Sismondi, vol. iv., c. xxxvii. 
 xii., cap. xxiv., xxvi.— Trouci, Annali f CJio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. xxix. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. ] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 119 
 
 and the wretched people suffered as usual ; but with this 
 ended for the moment all Lombard interference m ^^ ^3^^ 
 
 the affairs of Tuscany -. ^ • f fr..... 
 
 In Genoa the Doge Simone Boccanegra after a reign of lour 
 years heavmg that the Grimaldi, Doria and Spinola families 
 with other nobles were coming in arms against him publicly 
 renomiced his dignity before a general assembly of the people 
 and retired with all his family to Pisa. A Doge from he 
 popular class was promptly elected who instantly repre^^^d the 
 aristocracv, and in January 1 345 induced the citizens of Savona 
 to expel'the whole of their nobility: this was a signal for 
 Genoa herself, which followed their example the next day, wij 
 some opposition however from the Squarciafichi and Salvatichi 
 ikmilie , which was soon overcome, as well as a subsequent 
 attack of the Doria faction. The Doge, Giovanm di Monterena 
 immediately allied himself with Lucchino Visconti who sup- 
 puTd five hundied men-at-arms and in July 1345 after some 
 partial success succeeded in reestablishing peace between the 
 
 two conteiulnig factions f. ^ n„ ^^ j „p 
 
 Both this una tl^e peace ^vith Pisa were acceptable to Luc- 
 ehiuo who with Filirrino Gonzaga of Mantua was sufficiently 
 o^ upied in pvosccu/4 the war against Verona Ferra^a..d 
 Bolo-tm, and contemplating the ultimate ac<ims:t,on of Pfe ma^ 
 A tm^e had been made by the belligerents for three years from 
 Ma"h :V1H, as well as between Mastino della Scala and 
 Ubertino da Cav.ara of Padua, to *« great annoyance of 
 Venice who fcar.d for her recent acquisition of T.eves . and 
 t w s luring this suspension of hostilities that the Con-eggi of 
 iama Imrassed bv Mastinos enmity and by many exiled fami- 
 r T^hat tv determined to sell it to the Marquis Obizzo of 
 S or?0 Strms. The bargain was concluded m Oc.- 
 ,,e,. 1344 with Mastinos consent, who was fearful of Parma s 
 
 . Gio. Vntani, Ub. xii., cap. x.xvUi. t Gio. Villani. Lib. xii.. cap. xxxvii. 
 — Istorie Pistolesi. 
 
120 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 121 
 
 . I 
 
 II 
 
 falling into the hands of Lucehino Visconti ; and a safe-conduct 
 being granted by Filippino through his states, Obizzo lost no 
 time in taking formal possession. But such an occasion was too 
 tempting for the morality of that day, and Filippino da Gonzaga 
 having gained Lucehino by the prospect of actpiiring Parma, 
 determined hi concert with him to break the tnice, his plighted 
 word, and every other tie that even in those times was held 
 sacred ; and with eight hundred Milanese aivalry make the 
 Marquis of Ferrara prisoner on his return through Reggio. 
 
 The ambuscade was secretly prepared, Obizzo 's escort sud- 
 denly attacked and upwards of seven hundred of them made 
 prisoners ; but the marquis himself, who with the rest of his 
 company Wcis behind the main body, escaped safely to Parma 
 and subsequently reached Modena by a surer road. There waa 
 a general burst of indignation against this treachery ; but Filip- 
 pino nowise abashed declared that he had gi-anted a safe-con- 
 duct to go, but none to return ; and moreover followed it up 
 with direct hostilities, assisted by all the power of Milan. 
 
 On Obizzo s side were Mastino and Peppoli, and war raged 
 in all its fury until the middle of 1340 when Mastmo made a 
 secret treaty with Lucehino : Obizzo thus abandoned and seeing 
 that he never could hold Parma in the midst of his enemies, 
 determined to make peace with Visconti and cede that city 
 for about what its acquisition had cost him : a reconciliation 
 aftei'wards took place with Filippino and general peace was 
 restored to Lombardyin December 1340. 
 
 The acquisition of Parma added not a little to Visconti's 
 power ; he had already become lord of Asti and Alexandria, 
 had acquired supreme dominion over Lunigiana ; and in the 
 following year Boljbio, Tortona, Alba, Cherasco, and other places 
 as far as the Alps were added to his dominions ; so that he 
 began to be dreaded by the rest of Lombardy, and continual 
 wars were the consequence *. But such wai-s would scarcely 
 
 • Muratori, Annali. 
 
 have proved so constant or mischievous had they been confided 
 to native valour instead of German mercenaries ; this practice 
 had now become so general that the bulk of every Italian 
 army was composed of them, and when peace arrived they were 
 thrown loose on society until again purchased by the next 
 person who chanced to be in want of their assistance. 
 
 Lucehino Visconti by an economical administration of his 
 resources was the first to reduce these freebooters into the 
 form of a standing aniiy, and there seems to have been a 
 steady daring valour in their character that at all times gave 
 tliem a confident superiority over Italian soldiers. It was by 
 the dismissal of some veteran bands of German cavalry that 
 Pisa rendered her army inefficient against Lucehino who 
 promptly received them, but whether free or serving, these 
 troops assumed a formidable aspect: well amied, numerous, 
 disciplhied, and experienced in war, with their equipments and 
 formation complete, they felt their strength and instead of dis- 
 banding, as was usual when unemployed, kept well together 
 and were determined to use it. They were persuaded to take 
 this step by *' Guarnieri '' or Werner a German adventurer 
 who became their leader, and being paid by Pisa at the rate of 
 four florins a month for each horseman were, with the consent 
 of her Lombard allies and Ordilaffi lord of Forli, sent covertly 
 against Bologna in revenge for the constant assistance which 
 she gave to Florence during the late war *. 
 
 By secret directions from the Duke of Athens in concert 
 with Pisa they first entered the Senese dominions robbing and 
 killing all before them until they were bribed by a heavy con- 
 tribution to leave that territoiy ; Perugia then felt their weight 
 and the duke's enmity, for both these states had refused to sur- 
 render their liberties into his hands : the country of Arezzo 
 was next ravaged ; they afterwards crossed uato Piomagna with 
 
 * Istorie Pistolesi.— Gio. Villani, Lib. Este, di Gio. Bat. Pigna, Lib. iv., p. 
 xii., cap. ix. — Sardi, Historic Fcrrarcsi, 366, et seq. Venice, 1572. 
 Lib. vi., p. 111. — Hist, de Principi di 
 
II 
 
 li< 
 
 1-2-2 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY 
 
 [book I. 
 
 fire and sword and everj^ scourge of war ; Fiimini and Fano 
 were blighted in t)ieir course ; each tyrant employed them in 
 turn and the master of to-day was the victim of to-morrow : 
 they called themselves the " Great Company " and were soon 
 augmented by the junction of almost everj^ German in Italy 
 besides many Italian bmids : their camp was the theatre of cvciy 
 villany ; four thousand cavalry ; a numerous infantiy ; boys, fol- 
 lowers, prostitutes : every fonn of human brutality : no law ; 
 no order: plunder, rape, contlagi'ation, nmrder : all was suf- 
 fered and all applauded by their chief: gloning in his wicked- 
 ness this miscreant outdid even his owii myrmidons in blas- 
 phemy by carrj-mg in silver letters on his breast, I am " Duke 
 Werner, Lord of the Great Company; the enemy of 
 mercy, of pity, and of god." 
 
 Such was the army that now directed its march on Bologna: 
 Peppoli opposed it with a strong force, but more effectually 
 with money ; yet so great was the oppression in that city that 
 a body of the citizens endeavoured to admit the fiend in order 
 to destroy the tpant ! Gold and power prevailed and the 
 tjTant triumphed. Finally this humcane drove onward into 
 Lombardy where for some months it ravaged Keggio, :Modena, 
 and Parma, and when these countries were exhausted Werner 
 proposed to revisit Bologna but found such a force opposed to 
 him that he deemed it better to treat, and Peppoli with his 
 Lombard allies and the :Marquis of Ferrara offered him a cer- 
 tain sum to repass the Alps; they were accordingly paid, 
 marched off in successive detachments too small for mischief, 
 and returned by degrees into Germany ; but this nefarious 
 company became the mother of gi'eat calamities-. 
 
 From the foregoing sketch it will be seen that no general 
 bond of union existed amongst the various states of Italy ; no 
 common political or social object fixed them ; they were com- 
 
 • Istorie Pistolesi.— Gio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. ix.— Sismondi, vol. iv., cap. 
 xxxvi. 
 
 CHAP. XXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 123 
 
 patriots in name, language, manners, and religion, but not in 
 national feeling : personal ambition, self-aggrandisement, and 
 private interest were the prime springs of action, and were 
 set in motion by the most diabolical passions of human nature : 
 each petty lordship and greater state was a centre of disturbance 
 to its neighbours, and commonly a volcano within itself : the 
 rulers throughout, whether one or many, were alwa3'S despotic 
 and generally tyrannical ; and where the word of mlers is law- 
 legitimate self-indulgence is sooner exhausted than the appe- 
 tite appeased. Civil liberty as we have it, was scarcely under- 
 stood, while i)olitical freedom mostly bordered upon license, 
 and was always the playtliing of faction : a better system was 
 theoretically understood and acknowledged in Florence; the 
 wish too, partially existed ; good laws were devised, but badly 
 executed, and never long withstood the assaults of public immo- 
 rality. Nevertheless tliis general agitation encouraged mental 
 elasticity, and human energies are seldom exerted for unmixed 
 evil ; a bold spirit of political liberty pervaded the mass, espe- 
 cially in republican states; and human thought, and speech 
 and industry were left comparatively free. It was not the 
 liberty of our own time and country, but it suited the ideas of 
 that age; the people were satisiied to be the acknowledged 
 source of power and to enjoy the privilege of choosing their 
 government, without seeming to trouble themselves about its 
 despotic acts, unless widely spread and multiphed; it was their 
 own idol and they worshi})ped it. 
 
 Amongst these various elements of modem liberty these 
 germs of political regeneration, the most sagacious and perse- 
 vering w^as perhaps the republic of Florence ; in that common- 
 wealth at least the main stream of public opinion ran against 
 abuse while a thousand private eddies vitiated its waters or dis- 
 turbed its action : the middle and lower classes, those who feel 
 the strain without sharing the movement, were ever jealously 
 watching the conduct of their superiors with as much honesty as 
 
124 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 fnooK I. 
 
 was left untouched by their more decided exclusion from official 
 temptations. At the epoch in which we now resume our nar- 
 rative they were however in power ; they in fact ruled the state, 
 and an aristocracy so recently subdued was still the great ob- 
 ject of their fears : hence as early as December of the past year 
 no less than seventeen members of the Rardi, Kossi, Fresco- 
 baldi, Donati, Pazzi, and Cavicciuli families, were unjustly 
 exiled although they had already retired to their castles ex- 
 pressly to avoid giving either offence or suspicion to the people. 
 The same spirit again showed itself in a league made with 
 Perugia, Siena, and Arezzo, to pull down the Tarlati and all 
 others that might attempt to usui-p the government of any free 
 state : new lists were made of exiles and public rebels whose 
 official sentences had been bmiied in the revolution, and hai'sh 
 laws were again prumidgated against the nobles, by which rela- 
 tions became responsible for each other's conduct although 
 really or nominally enemies. Nor did this vindictive spirit 
 stop here ; many nobles had retired to the various courts of 
 Italy ; Milan Verona Ferrara Bologna Naples, all had shel- 
 tered and employed them ; but they were now denied this 
 refuge ; their intercoiu^e with tyrants was jealously regarded, 
 and on pain of being proclaimed rebels they were ordered 
 to return and reside with their persecutors. In this temper 
 of the people it was unlikely that the great offender should 
 escape, nor did he deserve their favour : the Duke of Athens 
 from the moment of his return to France never ceased impor- 
 tuning Philip for redress against Florence and compensation 
 for his pretended losses by no less an act than the seizure and 
 spoliation of all Florentine merchants settled in tliat country ! 
 This was a tender point; for whatever prosperity accrued to 
 Florence from her vast and univei'sal commerce, she was sensi- 
 tive as a cobweb and the slightest touch for good or evil, at the 
 extremities, instantly vibrated to the centre. Ambassadors were 
 promptly despatched to place the duke's conduct in its true 
 
 CHAP. XXI.] 
 
 Fr.ORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 125 
 
 light before King Philip while a reward of 10,000 florins was 
 publicly offered at Florence for his head : the Florentine mer- 
 chants trembled, but the popular government was bold ; and 
 moreover decreed that a contemptuous painting should be made 
 of him and his infamous minions on the wall of the Podesta's 
 palace as a memorial both for citizens and strangers. This insult 
 redoubled Walter's enmity and in the following Feb- 
 ruary actually brought an embassy from Philip to 
 demand reparation ; but the Florentines easily made their case 
 good against him and the ambassadors were treated with pe- 
 culiar honour. Neither king nor duke were however so easily 
 quieted, and letters of reprisal were at once issued authorising 
 the latter to arrest imprison and torture the Florentines at his 
 pleasure, without risking life or limb, as traitors to their lord 
 the Duke of Athens. The Florentine ambassadors were not 
 heard, their offers of referring the cause to any tribunal out of 
 France were scouted, and a general flight of the whole com- 
 mercial body was the consequence *. 
 
 Such was the precarious state of commercial persons and 
 property in those days when the Italian merchants were de- 
 signated by the contemptuous names of '* dog,'" *' usurer,'' and 
 every other opprobrious epithet, because they justly demanded 
 liigh interest for their money and a great price for their wares. 
 
 The Duke of Athens had reason to be content ; for the pub- 
 lic debt incurred by the purchase and war of Lucca in addition 
 to his sweeping robberies, left the community totally unable to 
 satisfy the demands of its creditors : the whole sum amounting 
 to OT 0,000 florins was secured on public credit ; but unable to 
 liquidate so large, an amount a plan was then adopted by go- 
 vernment, and the first payment made in October 1345, which 
 has been since followed with the most injurious consequences 
 by all European nations. 
 
 A rejnster was made containing the names of all public 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. xxxvi., Iviu 
 
126 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 creditors and to each of these >vas consigned a portion of the 
 public revenue equal to five per cent, per annum paid monthly 
 on the money due. The quantity of cash thus collected was 
 vulctarly called - Monte " or " Heap : " it increased m war and 
 diminished in peace ; could be disposed of as other merchan- 
 dise • varied in its value according to the circumstances of the 
 time' or the hopes or fears of the parties ; gave the government 
 a greater command of money, and consequently a wider means 
 of mischief; lightened the pains of taxation and imparted 
 present strength with the certainty of future weakness ; it was 
 in short the first permanent fimded debt of Florence, and pro- 
 bably of anv other nation *. • i i,- 
 Mastino della Scala however was flxr from content with this 
 arrangement; he was engaged in war; demanded 100,000 
 florins ; and becoming suspicious of Florence put not only the 
 hostactes but every Florentine merchant at ^\M•ona and ^ icenza 
 into prison ; this was a hard act and the Marquis of Este at 
 once inteiTOsed as a mediator ; .Mastino repaired in person to 
 Ferrara, and a compromise was finally made for the immediate 
 payment of 00,000 florins to liquidate the debt. It was not 
 easy to raise this, but government accomplished it by promising 
 any national creditor who would lend a sum equal to his exist- 
 incr claims, full pavment of the double debt in two years ; 
 M^tino was thus satisfied, both merchants and hostn-cs were 
 set free and the national debt confined within the bounds of 
 the republic. Thus ended the folly of purchasing the city ol 
 Lucca, but not its consequences \. 
 
 Whatever might have been the defects of this exclusively 
 democratic government, it was at least mar^^ed by a bold and 
 victorous assertion of its o^^^l dignity, not amidst the pnde of 
 power and conquest but in distress and poverty, a boldness that 
 excited both censure and surprise ; and this was particularly 
 
 ♦ Gio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. xxxvi. Rub. xii.--T.oon. Aretino, Lib jii. 
 —Mar. di Coppo Stefani, Lib. viii., f Gio. Villaui, Lib. xu., cap. xlix. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 XX..] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY 
 
 127 
 
 manifested in its treatment of the clergj and inquisitor of 
 Florence. Many of the nobles and Popolani Grassi belonged 
 to the sacred orders where they carried all their wonted inso- 
 lence along with them, and the more confidently from a reliance 
 on certain ecclesiastical privileges which were supposed to raise 
 them above any civil jurisdiction: on the other hand the inferior 
 artisans, new to honoius and unaccustomed to power, were not 
 disposed to use their authority too meekly and far from unwil- 
 ling to exert its utmost force in cases even remotely affecting 
 the nobles and richer citizens. The conduct of the clergy had 
 however become so offensive as to draw forth a decree which 
 amongst other provisions declared, that if a priest were thence- 
 forth to outrage a lay citizen he should, notwithstanding all 
 pontifical briets to the contrary, be prosecuted in the ordinaiy 
 courts as if he were a simple layman, and be liable to the same 
 punishment both in goods and person : and if he presumed to 
 appeal either to the pope or any delegated ecclesiastical judge, 
 his appeal should be disregarded and judgment given as if 
 none were made, and his nearest relations rendered liable in 
 person and property f(»r its instant;nioous withdrawal. Appeals 
 of any sort to ecclesiastical judges whether from layman or 
 priest, were at the sauie time forbidden in civil suits: this was 
 to abate a custom then prevalent of embarrassing the legal 
 judgments on private contracts, as well as in those numerous 
 mercantile causes with which so many recent failures had filled 
 the courts of Florence =:=. 
 
 The necessity and aljstract justice of these measures as wtII 
 as the commonwealth s strict right to uphold its judicial dignity 
 iire iUiknowledged by the honesty of Villani wliile his super- 
 stitious veneration for the church denies the lawfulness of 
 using it to the prejudice of ecclesiastical rights : but the bold- 
 ness of such an act at that epoch in the face of a rich and 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. xliii. — March, di Coppo Stefani, Lib. viii., 
 Rubrica 16. 
 
128 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 imperious pontiff, may be easily conceived when both contem- 
 porary and subsequent writers either openly blame it as sacri- 
 legious, or handle it with hesitation and delicacy as if fearful 
 of\eing thought to approve of such a precedent ; nor was so 
 enlightened an audacity ever afterwards renewed until the 
 memorable reign of Peter Leopold of Austria. 
 
 A serious quan-el with the pope and a malediction on all 
 who had been instrumental in this invasion of chm'ch rights 
 followed as a matter of course ; the weakness of Bishop Acci- 
 aiuoli for making no opposition to this law was genendly blamed 
 by the devout, and attributed to depression of spirits consequent 
 upon the misfortunes of his family which had suffered by the 
 recent failures. Yillani sharply reproaches him and adds, that 
 the commonwealth was ill governed by the nobles, and worse 
 by the Popolani, and at that time abounded with obscure and 
 ignorant artisans without discretion, who ruled it at their 
 pleasure. "May it please God," he continues, "that their 
 administration turn out well, but I doubt it." The honest 
 prejudices of this historian, himself one of the richer class of 
 Popolani, were probably startled at the audacity of the new 
 rulers and shocked at their severity even against Walter de 
 Brienne; but he tacitly gives them the preference over their 
 predecessors, sometimes covertly applauds, and is always too 
 just to blame inchscriminately. 
 
 The government soon after displayed equal determination 
 but accompanied with some barbarity, in a subsequent quarrel 
 with the chief inquisitor of Florence. 
 
 Piero deir Aquila a Franciscan monk of a haughty avaricious 
 nature who held that office, was appointed by the Cardinal of 
 Spain to act as his agent for the recovery of 1^2,000 florins due 
 by the bankrupt company of Acciaiuoli ; and as a better secu- 
 rity for this debt the inquisitor caused Salvestro Baroncelli, one 
 of the partners, to be arrested by three of the Podesta's messen- 
 gers and other officei-s, as he came out from the prior's palace 
 
 CHAP. XXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 129 
 
 with their peniiission and official escort. This insolent and 
 illegal act created an immediate tumult; the palace guards 
 joined those of the captain, rescued the prisoner and arrested 
 the messengers, who were immediately sentenced to lose one 
 hand and have ten years of banishment : even the Podesta 
 after humbling himself before the indignant Seignory saved the 
 rest of his officers from a similar fate only by proving that in 
 their ignorance they had been misled by the messengers. 
 Upon this Piero delF Aquila retired in anger to Siena leaving 
 an anathema on the pi'iors and captain of the people unless 
 Baroncelli were delivered up within six days. 
 
 This violent conduct was appealed against by a formal em- 
 bassy to Clement which unfolded the whole proceeding with a 
 complaint of the inquisitor's anterior practice of receiving 
 bribes for pardons on false accusations of heresy : by this he 
 had accumulated 7000 llorins in two years when such a thing 
 as a heretic scarcely existed in Florence. But he managed, 
 they said, by citcliiiig at every unguarded expression and, if 
 tlie offender were rich, twisting it into a crime against religion, 
 to swell his official records, fill his private coffei*s, and simul- 
 taneously recoiomend himself as a zealous champion of th3 
 Catholic faith. ' 
 
 Clement notwithstanding his anger about the late edicts was 
 compelled in justice to suspend the inquisitor and annul his 
 acts ; but the Ilorentincs to prevent any repetition of such 
 abuse made a decree after the example of Pemgia, Spain, and 
 other states, that forbid any future inquisitor to meddle with 
 matters beyond his office or to impose a fine on Florentme 
 citizens. If he could convict them of heresy, they might be 
 most religiously burned, but not fined for their opinions or be 
 any longer confined in the nK^uisitor's prisons : these were now 
 abolished and those of the community made the common recep- 
 tacle for all offenders. Besides this, public officers were for- 
 bidden to arrest any man at the instance of the inquisitor or 
 
 VOL. II. K 
 
uo 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 131 
 
 the bishops of Florence and Fiesole without ordei-s from govern- 
 ment. The armed attendants of the first and last were re- 
 stricted to six, and those of the second to doable that number ; 
 for the abuse of this privilege had arrived at such a height that 
 no less than two hundred and fifty citizens carried arms agamst 
 law under the auspices of Piero deir Aquila and for his sole 
 emolument, an example that was either set or followed by both 
 
 the bishops. . . , r^i .• 
 
 The news of these innovations did not dimmish Clement s 
 discontent at the previous attacks on ecclesiastical power, 
 wherefore the Cardinal of Spain chagiined at his onvti failure 
 f(3und no difficulty in fomenting so much ill-will at the court of 
 Avignon that Florence was again throvMi into such a state ot 
 commotion as requked a second embassy to assuage. 
 
 These decided proceedings coupled with a pure democraUc 
 ascendancy in all the principal magistracies, was so gratmg to 
 the nobles and Popolaiii Grassi that some partial intercourse 
 took place between them, and this being perceived by the rulmg 
 powers a resolution was immediately passed to recal eveiy 
 public grant made to individual noldes for public services no 
 matter how ancient : a hard measure, and the length of time 
 that such rewards had been enjoyed rendered it also an uiyust 
 one, although most of these gifts were, iK.t the proofs of a 
 whole nation s gratitude, but that of an ascendant faction. 
 
 By this decree and without allowing any opportunity ot 
 defence, the Pazzi lost property which they had enjoyed for 
 four-and-thuty years ; the della Tosa family were simdarly 
 treated ; and the Pini and others suffered in a like manner : 
 the whole amount, a comparative trifle and taken rather 
 throucth anger than principle, was spent on the Ponte \ ec 
 chio, ^this year termmated, and the Ponte a Santa Trinitu. 
 which was completed in 1346-'-. 
 
 • Gio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. xliv.- eiT.-Leonar.lo Arctino, Lib. vii.- 
 Mar. di Coppo Stefan!, Lib. viii., Rub. Sc. Ammirato, Lib. x. 
 
 While government was thus employed commerce received a 
 severe shock ; the town was already full of bankrupts and the 
 first failure of the Bardi and Pemzzi with its disastrous conse- 
 quences has already been mentioned; but the resources of 
 these potent houses appear to have exceeded their honesty, as 
 notwithstanding the numbers that were ruined in their fall they 
 now reappear as the great financial agents of England and 
 Sicily trusted with enormous credits, and once more fallmg 
 into a state of total banlo'uptcy. Edward III. owed to the 
 Bardi alone 900,000 florins besides 000,000 to the Peruzzi, 
 and 100,000 was due to each by the Sicilian monarch. The 
 mania for speculation seems at this epoch to have pervaded 
 Florence, for the number of inferior houses and private indi\i- 
 duals that were again mined by these foreign loans in the 
 hands of the Bardi and Peruzzi, is spoken of as enormous ; 
 and consequently the extent of public injury in a small com- 
 munity so closely linked, and solely depending on commerce, 
 can scarcely be api)reciated. " cursed and ravenous wolf," 
 exclaims Villani ^\-ith all the bitterness of a sufferer, " cm*sed 
 and ravenous wolf swohi with that insatiable greediness that 
 rules or blinds our distracted citizens who through their thirst 
 of gaining money from the great, place their own and their 
 neighbours' substance at their disposal ! And by this is our 
 republic so lost and desolate that scarcely any property remains 
 with our people save amongst some few artificers and money- 
 lenders who by their exactions consume and gather together 
 for themselves the scattered poverty of our subjects and citi- 
 zens." This honest man had good cause to rue the evils he 
 describes, for the failure of the Buonaccorsi brought him to 
 poverty and it is also said to prison, along with many other vic- 
 tims ; even the Bardi now resigned everything to their creditors 
 and from all then* princely domains only paid about thirty per 
 cent, of what they owed, while the Peruzzi paid one-third less 
 on their real property and compounded for sixteen shil- 
 
 k2 
 
132 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. XXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 133 
 
 lings in the pound on die recoveo^ of what was clue by the two 
 
 sovereigns*. 
 
 This general impoverishment served as an additional incen- 
 tive to le^nslation on a favourite subject amongst the graver 
 citizens ; for in Florence female fancy and extravagance were 
 continuallv at war ^rith masculine pmdence and gravity ; so that 
 sumptuar:^ laws were repeatedly enacted and form a prominent 
 chapter in the - Florentine Statnter Especial officers were 
 api^ointed to execute them while female ingenuity still baffled 
 lemslation : the priors however showed a fair example by com- 
 mencing with their own table and then proceeded to more 
 
 useful reforms. , ^ ^ ■ 
 
 Inorder toremedv the many legal abuses and excessive delay in 
 litigated questions of real property, by which then as 
 A.D. 1346. ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^g^ ^^g commonly mined, the prioi-s were in- 
 vested with authority to form a board of two citizens from each 
 quarter who were to register all real property in the Florentine 
 dominions as well as everv subsequent alienation of it, and thus 
 establish a secure title without the necessity of further proof ; 
 a vast benefit everywhere, but especially in that time and 
 countiy where the lawless great with utter contempt for public 
 opinion despoiled the poor by advancing bold unfounded claims 
 ba^ed onlv on riches and the law s delay. Nor were the cri- 
 minal courts unheeded ; for a feeling was abroad that many 
 innocent people at various times had been condemned and exe- 
 cuted bv unjust judges, wherefore a law was about this time 
 passed to forbid the Podesta's twelve foreign ab^eb.ors irom 
 bem<^ chosen in anv place withhi thirty miles of his ordinary 
 residence, and while in Florence to separate them entirely 
 from him and the citizens, except when employed on official 
 business. Other restrictions were added, all theoretically laud- 
 able, but useless when unsupported by just and moral feeling 
 in the people or honest principles on the bench: ni the 
 
 ♦ Gio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. Iv. 
 
 same spirit a new magistracy called the " Fourteen Defenders 
 of Liberty " was created to enforce these and all other public 
 ordinances. Giovanni da Cerreto who became gonfalonier in 
 May was not however quite satisfied with the provisions that 
 his predecessors had made for preserving the dignity and 
 authority of government; he therefore issued a decree that 
 stamped with the crime of rebellion any assistance afforded to 
 persons who presumed to appe;d from the national tribunals or 
 endeavoured to procure the interference of foreign courts with 
 the judgments awarded in those of Florence, particularly when 
 in favour of government-. This laudable jealousy of eccle- 
 siastical meddling went hand in hand with the fear of imperial 
 aggressions and Ghibeliiie intluence, both of which still con- 
 tinued so strong that tlie election of Charles IV. although the 
 chosen candidate of Clement and contemptuously called the 
 " priests' emperor," aroused an ancient spirit along with a new 
 and formidable party in th(^ political factions of Florence : 
 Henr}^ of Luxemburg and their beleaguered city were not yet 
 forgotten ; John of Bohemia's enmity was comparatively recent, 
 and liis son was naturally misti-usted on the imperial throne. 
 A league with Siena for ten years to support Pope Clement 
 and the church was the first symptom of public suspicion ; but 
 the captains of the " Party Guelph " now began to interfere 
 with the government and as conservators of that interest pro- 
 cured a law to exclude from public office all district citizens 
 unless three generations of their family, including themselves, 
 had been bora in Florence or the Contado. This law was con- 
 sidered the more necessary because many of the inferior arti- 
 ficei"s from the neighbouring towns were amongst the Consuls 
 of Arts and under that title found a place in the scrutiny- 
 list ; they raised the influence of the lower orders ; were chosen 
 priors, colleagues, gonfeloniers, and exercised all these offices 
 with such presumption as to disgust the old and genuine citizens. 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib. x., p. 497. 
 
134 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOHY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 135 
 
 This was an insidious attack on the real democracy, hut the 
 ostensihle motive was an apprehension of fostering and aug- 
 menting Ghibeline sentiments in the administrative comicils by 
 the introdueUon of these strangers, whose opinions were either 
 known or suspected, at a moment too when new fears had ansen 
 from the emperor's intention of visiting Italy ; and especially as 
 amonc'st them were Flemings, Gennans, and other foreigners 
 who hi asserting a Florentme birth and (^uelphic principles 
 could give no satisfactorj' account of their progenitors*. 
 
 This incipient interference of the party Guelph in state poli- 
 tics was the commencement of important changes, particularly 
 the elevation of that magistracy to a pernicious height with 
 the despotic exercise of unconstitutional powtn-s that brought 
 death and exile on many a citizen and ultimate destractiou 
 to liberty. Encom'aged by the success of their efforts the 
 *' Party " soon after attempted another reform of the scnitmy- 
 Usts where, as they declared, the names of many Ghibelines 
 had been introduced amongst the consuls of the twenty-one 
 arts ; but the latter were still so powerful that a sedition was 
 apprehended if this inquisition were pushed too hastily forward. 
 To satisfy the Party Guelph however a decree issued 
 A.D. 1347. ^^^^ annulled the' official eligibility of any GhibeUnc 
 whose father or himself, from the year 1:^00 to the date of the 
 law, had been declared a rebel, who had lived in a rebellious 
 town, or had joined in open war against the commonwealth. 
 The penalty was 1000 tlorins both to electors and elected, with 
 the forfeiture of the latter s head if not paid within a given 
 time ; and nobodv, unless known to l)e a tnie Guelph and 
 friend of the church, although not a rebel or enemy of Florence, 
 could enjoy anv public office whatever under a penalty of 500 
 tlurins besides *1000 to be levied on the seignoiy before whom 
 he should be accused if they did not condemn him after his 
 
 * Gio. Villmi, Lib. xii., cap. Ixxii.— Mar. di Coppo Stcfani, Lib. viii., Rub. 
 632, Note. 
 
 ineligibility had been proved. To accomplish this, six respect- 
 able witnesses were necessary, all previously known and 
 approved by the consuls of the trade to which the accused 
 belonged if an artisan ; and if not ; by the priors and their 
 twelve good counsellors. 
 
 This incipient inquiiy into the political principles of public 
 men led to important consequences, as will be seen hereafter ; 
 but its immediate effects were the condemnation of several 
 artisans and the refusal of office by many others through fear 
 of similar treatment : their places were of course filled up by 
 staunch Guelphs and men of higher rank ; and eveiy low weed 
 thus removed left the ground more open for taller plants ; 
 but now the noxious shadow of the party Guelph began 
 to spread un wholesomely over the commonwealth. This 
 baneful influence was further strengthened in the following 
 July when six priors, with an intention of indirectly paralysmg 
 the new law, endeavoured to enact that no witnesses whatever 
 should be Talid against a Ghibelme unless previously approved 
 of by the priors, and their colleagues: the attempt created 
 much disturbance, the party Guelph authoritatively opposed it, 
 and the law of January was confirmed with more severe 
 penalties than before -"'. 
 
 But these apprehensions of Charles and the Ghibelines were 
 not confined to Florence, wherefore a Guelphic league was in 
 the same spirit concluded with Siena, Peragia, Arezzo, and 
 other places ; amongst them San Miniato, which driven to 
 desperation by aristocratic tyranny surrendered herself and her 
 hberties for five years to the Florentines. Known Ghibelines 
 were further persecuted by a prohibition to use annorial bear- 
 ings ; and to show public hatred in a more significant manner 
 towards the Duke of Athens, all those priors appointed by him 
 were coupled with the former in this insulting and contemptuous 
 decree ; and where they had already assumed arms and placed 
 
 * Gio. Yillani, Lib. xii., cap. Lxxix., xcii. 
 
136 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 them on, or in their houses; as was customary after the honours 
 of the priorship ; they were compelled to remove the escutcheon 
 in disgrace under penalty of 1000 florins. Public officers of 
 all descriptions except those in charge of prisons were also 
 forbidden by this seignoiy to carry offensive arms, and everj' 
 possible precaution seems to have been taken to prevent those 
 private atfrays and sudden acts of bloodshed which the manners 
 of the age so much permitted and encouraged : these were the 
 chief proceedings of a low and real democracy *. 
 
 About this period considerable interest was excited in Fk)- 
 rence by the appearance of an embassy from the celebrated 
 Nicola di Rienzi tribune of the Roman people whose bold 
 rapid and somewhat theatrical career had l)ecome the wonder 
 and admiration of Europe. The long protracted absence of 
 pontifical government had made Kome a scene of anarchy : n<» 
 law, no justice, no civil protection ; every man acted for liim- 
 self alone, without reference to the safety or the rights of 
 others : the two senators Oi-sini, and Colonna, each with his 
 owni faction, were hereditaiy and deadly enemies : the public 
 revenue was plundered, the pope defrauded, the streets 
 infested with assassins, the roads with robbei-s, and pilgrims no 
 longer visited the sacred shrines, for none were sale from 
 viofence : the ancient temples everywhere rose into fortresses 
 and notliing but war and slaughter were seen in the Ete^mal 
 City. In the midst of this confusion appeared a certain Nicola 
 or Cola son of one Lorenzo or lUenzo a petty innkeeper, and 
 Madalena a washerwoman of Rome. Cola di Rienzo s own 
 exertions had already raised him to the rank of notary ; his 
 natui-ally refined intellect was cultivated until lie became a 
 perfect scholar ; he excelled in all literaiy acciuircments and 
 was gifted with powers of elocution for beyond the common 
 standard : an enthusiastic admirer of ancient Rome he existed 
 only in her authors, revelled amidst her antiquities, deciphered 
 
 ♦ Gio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. xcii. 
 
 CHAP. XXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 137 
 
 her mouldering inscriptions, and lamented her fallen state ; but 
 while still musing over her misfortunes heroically resolved to 
 accomplish her deUverance, His extraordinary abilities, dis- 
 played in an embassy to Avignon where Petrarch is said to have 
 been joined with him, so struck Pope Clement VI. that he im- 
 mediately made him notary to the apostolical chamber at Rome 
 although deaf to the eloquence that would fain have persuaded 
 him to return there. In tliis distinguished post Cola gained 
 universal respect by his integrity, and soon began to declaim 
 openly against the oppressors of his country : at a public meet- 
 ing in the capitol he fearlessly reproached the leading factions 
 with their crimes but gained nothing except a blow from An- 
 dreozzo Colonna, and an indecent insult from an underling. 
 His next feat was the exhibition of an allegorical picture on the 
 walls of the capitol which told the melancholy storj^ of Rome 
 and the fate of more ancient nations under the withering 
 eifects of injustice, and when the people's attention was once 
 excited, he suddenly poured forth one of those powerful strains 
 of eloquence in which he so much excelled, and with all the 
 spirit of the Gracchi denounced the nobles and their disgi'ace- 
 fui tyranny, even with more reason than those worthy and 
 renowned citizens. On another occasion he produced a 
 decree of the ancient senate which he had recently discovered, 
 and showed it to the people as an act of that body in- 
 vesting Vespasian >rith the authority of emperor: after this 
 he again harangued them on the antique majesty of the Roman 
 people who made emperors their vicars by clothing them with 
 theii' own rights and power. " These princes," said he, " only 
 " existed by the will of your ancestors ; and you, you have 
 " allowed the two eyes of Rome to be torn away ; you have 
 "allowed both pope and emperor to abandon your walls 
 " and be no longer dependent on your will." The conse- 
 quence of this, as he told them, was banished peace, ex- 
 liausted strength, discord, the blood of numbei-s shed in private 
 
133 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORT. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 war ; and that city, once the queen of nations, reduced so low 
 as to be their scorn and mocker}'. *• Romans," he continued, 
 "you have no peace; your lands lie untillcd ; the jubilee 
 *' approaches ; you have no provisions ; and if those who come 
 " as pilgrims to Rome should find you unprovided they will 
 " carry the verj' stones away in the fuiy of their hunger, and 
 " even the stones will not suffice for mkIi a multitude." 
 The people applauded and the nobles mocked him: hke the first 
 Bmtus thev even invited him for amusement to their revels 
 and made him harangue them like a mountebank while they 
 ridiculed his eloquent tniths and fearless denunciations. Alle- 
 gorical paintings were from time to time posted in various parts 
 of the city with corresponding labels, such as " The hour of 
 justice approaches, wait t ho it for her,'' and, ''Within a brief 
 space the Romans will reassume their ancient and good stated 
 
 But Rienzo was still ridiculed and his proceedings considered 
 as the mere visions of leanied vanity : it was not with pictures 
 and sententious mottos, they said, that Rome could now be 
 ref^enerated, something more was requisite : Cola was also of 
 this opinion, ajid seeing that the public mind, whether in 
 gravity or mockery, was now alive to the subject, inmiediately 
 resolved on more vigorous action. Secretly assembling a con- 
 siderable number of the most determined spirits from every 
 class except the veiy highest nobility, he addressed them on 
 the Aventine Hill and conjured them to assist him in the 
 deliverance of their common countr}' : he unfolded his plans ; 
 assured them of the popes acquiescence; developed the re- 
 sources of Rome and the wholesome vigour of an honest popu- 
 lar government ; and then administering an oath to each he 
 dismissed the assembly. 
 
 On the nineteenth of May 1347 taking advantage of the 
 potent Stefano Colonna s temporar}' absence with most of his 
 forces, Cola proceeded in solemn but unarmed procession to 
 the capitol where he laid his whole enterprise open before the 
 
 CHAP. XXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 139 
 
 assembled people : shouts of enthusiastic approbation rolled 
 through the crowd and Rienzo was instantly invested with 
 sovereign authority. Old Stefano Colonna soon returned 
 and haughtily refused to quit Rome again at the command of 
 the dictator whose orders he treated with contempt : on hear- 
 ing this Rienzo suddenly assembled the armed citizens, and 
 by a vigorous assault on the stronghold of Stefano mastered all 
 his forces and compelled him to fly from the city with only a 
 single domestic : the other liarons succumbed, the town was 
 guarded, fortified, and soon cleared of those ferocious bands of 
 miscreants that had so long infested it under aristocratic 
 licence and protection: a parliament then assembled which 
 sanctioned every act, and bestowed on Rienzo the high-sounding 
 
 titles of TRIBUNE OF THE TEOPLE, and LIBERATOR OF ROME. 
 
 Thus was Roman liberty for a moment restored by a single 
 member of her humblest class of citizens : such is the power 
 of eloquence, when tyranny prepares its way and honesty dic- 
 tates its periods ! The Muse of Poetry too, has thrown her 
 wreath over the brows of that '' Spirto gentiV" that dared, 
 though but for a season, to drive oppression from those ancient 
 walls, which the world still feared, and loved, and trembled at-^ 
 
 An oath of obedience to the tribune was administered, and 
 generally taken, even by some of the Orsini, Colonnesi, Savelli, 
 and several others of the proudest barons who now bowed to 
 liis authority : the roads were made safe ; the markets soon 
 filled ; the poor received protection, severe and instantaneous 
 justice was distributed ; no murders, no violations, no outrages 
 now remained unpunished and all became so tranquil, safe, and 
 orderly that a i)urse of gold might have been openly and se- 
 curely carried through the streets of Rome. With all this 
 excellence there was yet a certain vanity about Rienzo that 
 
 • See Petrarca's Canzone generally "Spirtogentil^che quelle memhrareg- 
 though perhaps erroneously supposed gi" " L'antiche mura^ ch* ancor 
 to be addressed to Cola, ' beginning teme^ed ama, E irema'l mondo;' kc. 
 
HO 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 argued weakness and instability: he assumed the pompous 
 titles of " Nicola the Severe and Clement ; " '' Lihemtor of 
 Borne; " " The Zealous for the f/ood of Italy,'' '' The Lover (f 
 the Worldy'' and *'The Aufjust Tribune:'' but upright magis- 
 trates were created, many chiefs of factions who disturbed the 
 country were executed, the noxious and nonjuring great were 
 banished, and a gleam of tranquillity burst over the long- 
 benighted city. 
 
 To save Rome was not suflficient ; Cola aspired to be the 
 liberator of all Italy and to restore the lloman commonwealth 
 to its ancient national plenitude : he therefore wrote pompous 
 epistles to the Italian states and princes and so imposing had 
 been his success that they were everywhere received with 
 reverence. From Florence in particular, which he tlatteringly 
 styled the daughter of ancient Rome, he demanded and in- 
 stantly received militar}- aid, and his ambassadors were most 
 honourably entert<ained notwithstanding, as we are told by 
 Villani, that wise and discreet persons pronounced the tri- 
 bune's enteq)rise to be a fantiistic proceeding tliat would never 
 
 last. 
 
 Rienzo's vanity augmented daily, until at last causing himself 
 to be dubbed a knight, he with vast ostentation jmd expense 
 finished by bathing in the great porphyrs' sarcophagus where 
 the emperor Constantine was supposed to have received his 
 baptism : he also affected to write with a pen of iine silver, de- 
 claiing that his office was too noble for its holder to use a 
 common quill. Louis of Bavaria, Charles of Bohemia, and 
 the imperial electors, were theatrically summoned to appear 
 before the majesty of Rome and show their reasons for pretend- 
 ing to dispose of the empire ; and even Clement VI. and the 
 whole sacred college were as is said also cited to return : but 
 here the apostolic vicar, hitherto his steady supporter, pro- 
 t«:;sted against any such interference with pontifical power, 
 wliile Rienzo careless of consequences declared that all he did 
 
 CHAP. XXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 ]41 
 
 was dictated by the Holy Spirit, and even styled himself a can- 
 didate for that uiexplicable mystery. 
 
 The powerful Colonnesi, the Savelli, and Orsini could ill 
 brook this upstart s sovereignty, and therefore secretly banding 
 together attempted to enter Rome with a strong force ; but 
 Rienzo assembled the citizens and completely routed them, 
 killing a Stefano, a Giovanni, and a Pietro Colonna besides 
 many other nobles and their followers. The tribune's head 
 was not strong enough to support all this ; he multiplied cere- 
 monies, indulged in vain pomps, walked in fanciful processions, 
 was clothed in gorgeous attire, carried globes and crowns ; and 
 in short acted all the romance, and exhibited all the scenery 
 of antitpiity in a manner (piite unworthy of his original charac- 
 ter and the gravity of his office. He in fact loved these pomps 
 more than the people did whom he thought to dazzle ; and in- 
 stead of stimding alone, and simple, and severe, to tell his own 
 story, hke one of the columns of his native city, he was soon lost 
 in the empty splendours of modem royalty. 
 
 Exhausting the national treasure ; served by the great 
 alone ; his wife and kinsmen similarly honoured ; allpng 
 himself by his sister's marriage with the unpopular nobility ; 
 and afterwards making his son, in allusion to his success, 
 assume the title of " Messer Lorenzo della Vittoria; " the once 
 honoured tribune began to decline in public estimation. He had 
 contrived to get old StelVino Colonna and the principal Roman 
 barons within his power but treated them honourably ; once at 
 a dinner given to them, that ancient chief, while discussing the 
 tpiestion of whether it were better for a state that its rulers 
 should be prodigal or avaricious, took hold of Rienzos richly- 
 .'mbroidered mantle and said ; " For thee Tribune, it would he 
 *' better methinka to urar more humble attire and not to dress 
 " thyself in these pomjtous ornaments.'' Cola stung by the sar- 
 (^asm instantly quitted the table and ordered all the assembled 
 nobles to be arrested on pretence, true or false, of a conspuracy 
 
142 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 to assassinate him, and public preparations were next day made 
 for their decapitation ; but whether Cola really intended to 
 execute thera or only to strike terror by the perfonnance of a 
 solemn farce seems now uncertain. That his charge of conspi- 
 racy was just, is asserted by several writers, and it is also said 
 that Rienzo had positively determined to put all the barons to 
 death at one blow, but becoming aware of the great public ex- 
 citement and compassion that would arise at the sight of so 
 many illustrious victims he was alarmed for himself and mak- 
 ing a virtue of necessity forgave them all : they were pardoned 
 on the scaffold, and after riding with the tribune through Ptome 
 and being presented with rich apparel were appointed to 
 various stiite offices, in order to efface eveiy suspicion and verify 
 the pardon ='^ 
 
 This apparently capricious display of authority was univer- 
 sallv blamed : *'a flame," it was said, *'liad been lighted that 
 would not be easily extinguished," and tlie consequences soon 
 became manifest : if these gentlemen had l)een really guilty 
 they now had an opportunity of proceeding more confidently to 
 their work ; if not, false mercy after real injustice was only 
 mockerv. Thev indijmantlv retired from Rome, revolted from 
 the tribunes authority; roused up their vassals; occupied 
 Nepi, and Palestrina ; and plundered all the country up to the 
 gates of Rome. 
 
 On this occasion Rienzo showed no resolution, no military 
 talent, none of the ancient working spirit; after much delay 
 he marched against the seditious nobles but accomplished 
 nothing ; Colonna bearded him under the veiy walls ; a gate 
 was opened and some in*egular sldrniishing ensued; young 
 Colonna boldly entered alone, was attacked and killed, old 
 Stefano endeavoured to rescue him but also fell, and the 
 tribune ostentatiously boasted of victoiy. There was yet more 
 
 * Vita di Rienzo, cap. xxviii.— Scritta da iuccito Autorc nel Sccolo xiv. 
 
 CHAP. XXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 343 
 
 danger within, where a certain Neapolitan Count Minorbino 
 occupied a house of the Colonna; he was an exile and had 
 sought shelter in Rome where his disorderly conduct drew 
 down the anger of Cola ; being ordered to retire he refused, 
 and having banicaded his position was attacked by a detach- 
 ment of cavalry. The bells sounded, but the people were care- 
 less, languid, indifferent ; IMinorbino was countenanced by the 
 popes legate ; the favour of Cola had declined, and his orders 
 and eloquence were now alike unheeded. At length being con- 
 vinced that all his moral influence had passed aw^ay and his 
 power evaporated. Cola di Rienzo after seven months' reign 
 resigned his ensigns of oflice on the seventeenth of December 
 1347 and retired to the castle of Saint Angelo ; the city gates 
 were opened, the exiled barons returned, and Rome soon 
 relapsed into a worse state of anarcliy than before *. 
 
 For more than tliirtv vears the heavy chain of misfortune 
 had been falling, link dfter link, on the devoted city of Flo- 
 rence : wars, sickness, poverty, famines, floods, fires, and san- 
 guinary revolutions, liad successively tried the spirit of her 
 sons ; yet so great was its elasticity that they still rose supe- 
 rior, and still held on their wonted course of national enter- 
 prise. It was hoped that misfortune had at length exhausted 
 her quiver, when they were again stricken in common with all 
 the world by her most deadly shaft, the great and desolating 
 plague of UU-s. 
 
 This dreadful visitation, which began in the fiir east and 
 rolled dismally over the western world, pressed with unwonted 
 weight upon Florence where the people were predisposed 
 for disease by a succession of events that both 
 morally and physically had affected the whole commu- 
 nity. As far back a^ \^ year 1345 unusual and constant rains 
 
 A.D. 1348. 
 
 • Vita di Cola di Rienzo. — Gio. Vil- iv., cap. xxxvii, — Petr.irca's Letter 
 lani, Lib. xii., cap. xc — cv. — Muratori, to Cola. F/(/cJ De Sade, vol. ii., Lib. 
 Arinali, An. 1347. — Sismondi, vol. iii.,p. 336. 
 
144 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 accompanied and followed by earthquakes continued from the 
 end of July to the beginning of November ; the hanests were 
 nearly ruined ; but few grapes appeared ; tillage was inter- 
 rupted, and the little wine that could be made had proved un- 
 wholesome. 
 
 The Amo again swamped bdf llorence ; streams, swelled 
 into torrents, rolled over banks and bridges and ravaged every 
 district : Rifredi and Borghetto were ruined by the Terzollii ; 
 the Mugnone and Kimaggio did eiiual mischief, and an over- 
 whelming flood was hourly expected in the capitid -. 
 
 The next year's harvest liiiled, and the rain still poured 
 down through April, May, and June laiG, with storms and 
 tempests, and a partial destniction of the smaller seeds : mis- 
 fortune seemed busily broothng, but not for Florence alone ; 
 France and the rest of Italy were struck with ecjual apprehen- 
 sions; com and wine again failed; the i)oultry perished for 
 lack of food ; cattle of every kind wef e feaiiully diminished ; 
 the price of oil became enormous, and fruit was almost en- 
 tirely extinct: land produced at the utmost a quarter, and 
 in some places only a sixth of the customar}- crops, and even 
 that was miwholesome : want came like an armed man ; the 
 peasants abandoned their farms and robbed from each other 
 through sheer necessity ; or else begged their bread in Flo- 
 rence where the concourse of starvmg wretches was over- 
 whelming. 
 
 Xo land could be tilled unless the owner provided sustenance 
 in kind for his labourers besides the necessary seed, and this 
 was almost impossible even at an enormous . ,)Nt : in fonner 
 scarcities corn was extravagantly dear but still to be had ; now 
 there was scarcely any even for the highest offers until the 
 government with hifmite exertion and by mere dint of money, 
 imported it from the Maremma Romagna Sicily Sardinia 
 Calabria Barbaiy Tunis, and the Archipelago. But even the 
 
 • Gio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. 1. 
 
 CHAP. XXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 145 
 
 receipt of this was difficult; for Pisa equally distressed, detained 
 all that entered Porto Pisano until her own market was sup- 
 plied. Thirty thousand florms were nominally thus spent, one 
 tliird of which was supposed to have found its way into the 
 cotfers of dishonest and heartless peculators. Ten great ovens 
 were erected by the government and strongly barricaded where 
 by day and night men and women were constantly employed 
 in making bread: this was distributed every morning at 
 the sound of the gi-eat bell, to churches, convents, countiy 
 parishes, and hungry creatures ; but with exceeding difficulty, 
 from the fierce pressure of starving multitudes. In April 1347 
 it was found by the bread-tickets received that no less than 
 ninety-four thousand people were daily furnished with two 
 loaves each from these ovens. In this were not counted the 
 citizens and their households who were already supplied and 
 did not share in the public distribution, but bougiit better bread 
 at more than double price from the numerousprivate ovens. It 
 was exclusive also of religious mendicants and other svstema- 
 tic beggars who in infinite numbers crowded into Florence 
 from the adjacent towns and districts, and were m continual 
 altercation with the citizens. Yet none were refiised whether 
 stranger or subject, and all classes joined hand and heart in 
 reheving the general misery. The increase of grain from the 
 wheat harvest of 1347 reduced the price, towards the end 
 of June, wliich however soon momited up again from the 
 eagerness of bakers to purchase, in order to uphold the market 
 by refusing to make more than a certain quantity. This 
 plunged the city into confusion ; tumults began, which the 
 priors calmed by hanging the baker who commenced this 
 system and com fell to its natural value wliich the harvest 
 gradually diminished =:-. 
 
 Death and sickness of course attended tliis suffering, and to 
 alleviate the general distress the priors as early as March had 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. Ixxxiii. 
 L 
 
146 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 147 
 
 m 
 
 h 
 
 decreed that nobody should be arrested for my debt under 
 100 golden florins until the following August ; and also, with 
 a premium for importation, put a maximum price on the bushel 
 of wheat- this was useless; because hunger backed by 
 money overcame law, and com sold for double the government 
 value For further alleviation all the prisoners ni the puolic 
 jails were released on a compromise with their creditors and 
 enemies, as mortality had already begun in these places to the 
 number of two or tliree in a day ; public debtors for less than 
 100 florins were also set at liberty on paying fifteen per cen 
 of their fines ; but very few could take advantage of this, for all 
 were suffei-ing from poverty hunger and distress * 
 
 The eff-ects now began to appear ; women and children o 
 the poorest classes sank under the woeful pressure ; this lasted 
 until November and carried off about four thousand souls ; but 
 it was worse in Prato Pistoia and Bologna, in Romagna and 
 throughout all France. In Tm'key, Syria, Tartai^^ and India, 
 sickness raged ^ith mihe.ird-of violence, givhig lise and cm- 
 rency to a thousand marvellous t^des, such as fire issumg Ironi 
 the earth and air, and consuming men, cattle, houses, trees, 
 and even reducing the yevy earth and stones to cinders -.those 
 who escaped this, died of pestilence ; and on the banks of the 
 Tanais, at Trebizonde, and in all the neighbouring countries, 
 only one pei-son m five was left among the Uving: m other 
 places it is said to have rained great black maggots with eight 
 lects ; some alive, some dead ; whose sting was death and ^-liose 
 coWion poisoned the atmosphere; but these are the least 
 incredible of the numerous fables that this universal scourge 
 generated in morbid imaginations, and in wliich all men, bemg 
 Ln-or.struck, believed imphcitly. Turkey, Greece, Egypt, Syria. 
 Crete, Rhodes, and the other eastern isles bowed before the 
 pestilence; thence it travelled with the course of trade to 
 Sicily, Sai-dinia, Elba, Corsica, and throughout the coasts ot 
 
 • Gio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap- Ixxxiii. 
 
 Italy : four Genoese galleys carried it to that city out of eight 
 that had fled from the Euxine ; Milan scarcely felt it, but as 
 there were then no lazarettos it swept over the Alps, searched 
 every vale in Savoy, ravaged Provence and Dauphine, infected 
 Burgundy and Catalonia ; missed Brabant, but holding on its 
 course carried death and misery through the rest of Europe 
 until 1350, when it had penetrated even the Boreal regions and 
 nearly depopulated Iceland, which has never yet recovered from 
 its touch. 
 
 " The disease," says Giovanni Villani, " was of such a nature 
 that none sui-vived its attack for th^ee days : certain tumours 
 appeared in the groins and under the arms ; the patient 
 then spit blood ; and the priest that confessed him, and the 
 neighbour who looked on him often took the malady, so that 
 every sick creature was abandoned : no confession, no sacra- 
 ment, no medicine, no attendance ; yet the pope granted a 
 pardon to ever}^ priest who administered the holy communion 
 or confessed, or visited and watched the dying man"-'. 
 
 This was in 1347, and solemn processions and offerings 
 were made for three days together to avert the pestilence from 
 Florence : in December the price of bread again augmented, 
 because Romagna had absorbed eveiy bushel of grain from the 
 Mugello district; Venice was empty and in want; Louis of 
 Hungar}''s invasion of Puglia together with pestilence on 
 the coast, prevented her customary supplies from Sicily and 
 Southern Italy. 
 
 Guards were placed round the Florentine state and grain 
 once more purchased, so that the year 1348 came in with fear 
 and hope, but some diminution of miseiy : all these sufferings 
 had painfully prepared a way for heavier calamities, and they 
 struck with lulling force on a sickly, weak, and desponding 
 people. 
 
 Whether the great plague of 1 348 fell with more fatal effects 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. xii., cap.lxxxiv, — Matteo Villani, Lib. i., cap. ii. 
 
 L 2 
 
148 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 uii Florence than other places may be doubtful ; yet the des- 
 criptive pen of Boccaccio, who adopts it as an introduction to 
 liis brilliant but indecent novels, has thrown a pall of immoi'- 
 tality over this scene of universal desolation and of death. 
 
 *'The year of our Lord's incarnation 134S, had already 
 come," says this author. '* when in the noble city of Florence 
 lovely beyond all others of Italy, appeared the mortal pestilence 
 which by the operation of superior bodies or from wicked deeds, 
 was by the just judgment of God for our con'ection let loose on 
 mortals. It began some yeai-s before in the eastern comitrio 
 and after having deprived them of an inconceivable imss (»f 
 living beings rolled westward in a continued course from realm 
 to realm with mournful augmentation. Human wisdom and 
 Imman prudence availed not, for the city liad already been 
 cleansed of its impurities by officers especially appointed : 
 entrance was denied to all infected persons, and ever}' mean> 
 employed to preseiTe the pubhc health. Neither were humble 
 supplications to the Almighty more successful, although made 
 not once but repeatedly in religious processions and divers 
 other ways by devout persons ; for very early in spiing the 
 dismal signs "^glared horribly palpable and manifested them- 
 selves in wonderful ways : not as hi the east where bleeding at 
 the nose was a plain symptom of inevitable death ; but at tli. 
 beginning, both in male and female, there appeared about th.^ 
 groins and under the arm-pits certam tumours some of which 
 increased to the size of a common apple, others to that of an 
 egg; and those greater 'and these less, and were vulgariy 
 called '* GavoccioUr And from the two parts of the body 
 above mentioned these deadly gavocciuli within a brief space 
 began to sprout and swell indiscrimhiately in eveiy other ; and 
 soon after this the nature of the disease began to change into 
 black or livid spots, which in many appeared on the arms, 
 thighs, and other places ; some large and few, othei-s small 
 and numerous : and as the gavocciolo at fet was and always 
 
 CHAP. XXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 119 
 
 remained a certain sign of death ; so also were these spots on 
 whomsoever they appeared. 
 
 " For the cure of this malady neither the advice of medical 
 men nor the virtues of any nostrum availed or profited; on 
 the contrary, whether it were that the nature of the illness 
 would not permit, or that the ignorance of doctors (of whom 
 besides regular physicians, the number of both sexes without a 
 particle of knowledge, wiis enormous) could not divine the 
 cause and therefore could apply no remedy; not only few 
 survived, but almost all about the third day from the appear- 
 ance of these symptoms ; some sooner, some later ; most of 
 them without fever or any other accident expired. 
 
 " This pestilence was the more awful, because it darted from 
 sick to healthy persons, as lire to dry or unctuous matter when 
 held within its reach : the evil went still further ; for not only 
 tlie keeping company with and speaking to infected persons 
 struck down the healthy and inflicted nmtual death, but even 
 the simple touch of clothes or anythuig once handled by the 
 suiferer seemed iustiuitly to transmit disease and death along 
 with it to the toucher. 
 
 " A marvellous thing will it be to hear what I am about to 
 relate ; which, if it had not been seen by the eyes of many in 
 common with my own, I would hardly have dared even to 
 credit much less record although the story might have come 
 from those most worthy of belief. I say then that so efficient 
 was the nature of this malady in transferring itself from on^ to 
 another that not only man to man, but what is still more 
 strange, as it often happened, that the clothes of those who 
 had been ill or died of the plague, on being touched by any 
 inferior animal not only infected it but within a brief space 
 destroyed existence ! And this I one day witnessed with my 
 own eyes as I liave above declared. 
 
 " The clothes of a poor man who had died of plague having 
 been thrown on the highway, two hogs approached, and accord- 
 
150 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 ing to the custom of those animals first turned them over and 
 over with the snout and then taking them up shook the rags 
 about their own cheeks ; but in a short time, and after some 
 contortions as if they had been poisoned ; both fell dead upon 
 
 the infected heap ! 
 
 ** These things and many others like them or even more 
 wouderfid, generated fears and fantasies in those that remained 
 alive, but almost all tending to the cruel resolution of flying 
 from the sick and all belonging to them ; because in doing so 
 all of them believed that they were securing their own safety. 
 
 "There were some who fancied that to live moderately and 
 avoid ever}^ excess would be most efficacious in resisting con- 
 tagion, and so having formed their society they shrank from all 
 others by shutting themselves up in those houses where no 
 sickness as yet existed ; to live better they eat the most delicate 
 food and drank the finest wines, but hi great moderation, 
 holdmg no intercourse with the outward world, nor permitting 
 tales of death or sickness to reach their ears ; but with music 
 and every other diversion that their means afforded they con- 
 tinued to dwell in seclusion. 
 
 " Others of a contrary' opinion affirmed that drinking deep, 
 and enjoyments, and suiging, and rambling about for amuse- 
 ment, and satisfymg every appetite, and mocking and ridiculing 
 everything, was a sovereign antidote to all existing evil : and 
 as they said so they did : for night and day, now at one tavern 
 now at another, onward they went ; drinking without mode or 
 measure, but mostly at other people s houses, whatever pleased 
 and delighted them : and this was easily done, for almost all 
 as if they had deserted life, abandoned the care of themselves 
 and everj'thing they possessed; wherefore most dwellings 
 remained open to the worid at large, and the stranger that 
 entered used them as if he were the lawful owner : but with 
 all this brutish sensuality they still kept aloof from the sick. 
 *' And in such affliction and misery was also the revered 
 
 CHAP. XXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 151 
 
 authority of our laws both divine and human, that deserted by 
 their ministers, they had fallen to ruin and dissolution: for 
 these like the rest were either sick or dead ; or if any remnants 
 existed they were useless; wherefore all persons were left to 
 their own imaginings. 
 
 *' Many other people took a middle course between these two, 
 neither restricting themselves in their food like the foiTner, 
 nor running to excess in drinking and dissipation like the 
 latter ; but made use of things moderately according to their 
 wants ; and instead of shutting themselves up they rambled 
 about the town; some with bunches of flowers, some with 
 odoriferous herbs, and others with fragrant mixtures of spices 
 which they carried in their hands and continually applied to 
 the nostrils, esteeming it an excellent thing to comfort the 
 brain by their perfume because the air was loaded and dis- 
 gusting with the stench of death, disease, and offensive medi- 
 caments. 
 
 " Some again entertained more unfeeling sentiments (as if 
 they were haply more secure), declaring that there was no 
 better, nor even so good a remedy for the plague as to fly 
 before it; so, moved by this argument and caring only for 
 themselves, numbers of both sexes abandoned their native city 
 their homes their friendly meetings, their dearest relatives and 
 all their property, and sought those of the stranger ; or else 
 retired to the seclusion of their own coimtry dwellings : as if 
 the anger of God, being once moved thus to punish human 
 wickedness, would spare the rod to them and strike only those 
 inclosed within the walls ; or, as if they counselled eveiy one 
 to fly because the final hour of Florence was arrived. 
 
 " And although of those who held these various sentiments 
 all did not die, yet neither did all escape ; nay, many of each fell 
 sick, but after their own example wliile in health, were almost 
 ever}^here deserted and left alone to suffer. 
 
 " But to say nothing of one citizen shunning another; of 
 
152 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 neighbours disregarding their friends ; or of near relations but 
 rarely giving mututd assistance, and then only fearfully and 
 distantly ; this tribulation had inspired so deep a terror in the 
 breast of man and woman, that brother abandoned brother, 
 uncles their nephews, sistei*s their brothers; often even the 
 wife her husband ; but what is still worse and scarcely credi- 
 ble ; both fathei*s and mothers lied from their own children as 
 if they were aliens, and refused either to visit or attend them I 
 Wherefore it followed that for them that sickened, of whom 
 there were multitudes of each sex, no other help remained 
 than the charity of friends (and these were rare) or the avarice 
 of servants who attended for enormous wages and extnivagant 
 allowances ; but even of these, few could be had ; most of them 
 were persons of coai-se habits and many totally unaccustomed 
 to such services, useful in nothing except to give what the 
 patients demanded or watch until they died ; and in such ser- 
 vice they often lost both themselves and their gains. 
 
 " From this desertion of the sick by parents friends and 
 neighbours together with the want of attendants, arose a cus- 
 tom which before was scarcely heard of; namely, that no 
 woman however charming beautiful or high in rank, when once 
 infected cared about beinj? attended bv one of the other sex 
 whoever or whatever he might be, or young or old ; and to 
 him without any shame would expose every part of her pei*son 
 as if to a female whenever the malady required it, and which 
 for those who survived became the source of diminished modesty 
 in after times. 
 
 *' Many died that haply might have lived by timely aid : so 
 that between a want of that assistance which sufferers could 
 not procure, and the malignant nature of this disease, the 
 multitudes of those who daily and nightly expired in Florence 
 would be tenible to hear, even without beholding ; wherefore 
 almost of necessity, things contrary to all former habits were 
 engendered amongst the surviving citizens. 
 
 CHAP. XXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 153 
 
 " It was a custom ; and we still see it maintained ; that in 
 cases of death every female relation and neighbour should 
 assemble within the deceased's house and there weep for his 
 loss : and before the mansion every male kinsman and nearest 
 neighbour also assembled, with other citizens in great num- 
 bei-s, attended by divers of the clergy according to the dead 
 man s quality ; thence on the shoulders of his peers, with 
 funeral pomp of torch and music the corpse was slowly borne 
 away to that church which he had previously chosen for a 
 sepulchre. 
 
 *' But when the pestilence raged most fiercely these things 
 almost entirely ceased and new customs superseded them ; for 
 people then died not only without such assemblies of wailing 
 women, but passed from the world, in many instances, without 
 even a single witness ; and few were those to whom the piteous 
 sobs and tears of relatives were in mercy conceded ; but instead 
 thereof was heard the laugh or the jest, or the convivial feast! 
 and this custom the women in general, casting aside their sex's 
 softness, did for their own especial advantage most quickly 
 leani. 
 
 " There were but few whose bodies were accompanied to the 
 church by more than ten or twelve of their neighboui's ; nor 
 were even these honourable citizens, but certain grave-diggers 
 from the lowest classes named " Becchini " who performed this 
 mercenary service: they roughly shouldered the bier and 
 moved hastily and carelessly along, not to the church which 
 the deceased had selected, but to the nearest cemetery% led by 
 some half dozen priests with few lights and sometimes none, 
 who assisted by the Becchini, and not troubling themselves 
 much about a funeral service tossed the body into any unoccu- 
 pied pit that they happened to tind. 
 
 " The treatment of the lower and a great portion of the middle 
 classes was still worse, because the greater part of these being 
 confined either by hope or poverty to their houses, thousands 
 
154 
 
 rLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 daily sickened, and being destitute of assistance were allowed 
 to die : and manv there were who daily and nightly terminated 
 their existence in the streets, and many that expii'ed in their 
 own houses the stench of whose carcases was the first notice 
 of their dissolution. 
 
 " Of these and other victims all places were full, and the 
 neighbours, not less moved by the fear of putrid bodies than by 
 charity towards the dead, with the assistance of public porters 
 when they were to be had, dragged the corpses into the street 
 and left them before their several doors where especially in 
 the moniing they were to be seen in heaps by those who 
 wandered through the tainted thoroughfares. 
 
 " Biers, or in their absence planks, were afterwards brought 
 to remove the dead ; nor did one bier carry only two or thi-ee 
 together ; many times it happened that the husband, the wife, 
 two or three brothers, a father, or a son, were in this way tossed 
 promiscuously upon the same conveyance ; nor was it less fre- 
 quent for three or four biers to join a couple of priests who 
 were going with the holy cross, as they thought for one single 
 citizen, and returned with six or eight and sometimes many 
 more. 
 
 " No lights, no tears, no followers, honoured these interments ; 
 for tilings had come to such a pass that not more thought was 
 wasted upon those that died than would now take place about a 
 herd of goats: wherefore it is plain, that what the natural 
 course of events had not been able to teach the wise, by com- 
 paratively trilling and mifrequent calamities ; namely, that 
 they should bear them with patience ; the very magnitude of 
 the evil instructed even the most simple, by making them heed- 
 less of death and misfortune. 
 
 " All consecrated ground became now insufficient for the heaps 
 of dead that every day, and almost every hour, were borne to 
 the several churches, more especially when it was wished to 
 give each a separate grave according to ancient custom : great 
 
 CHAP. XXI.] 
 
 l-'LORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 155 
 
 pits were therefore excavated in every cemetery where bodies 
 were cast by hundreds and piled like bales of merchandise in 
 a vessel's hold with a scanty covering of eaith as soon as the 
 pit was full. 
 
 " But in order not to go seeking out every particular incident 
 of by-gone miseiy inflicted on our city, I say that notwith- 
 standing its heavy calamities the sm'rounding countiy was not 
 a whit more spared ; for independent of towns, (which suffered 
 like Florence in proportion to their size) amongst the villages 
 and scattered population, the miserable peasantr}^ without care 
 or comfort medicine or attendance, in the roads, and fields, and 
 houses, by day and night ; not like men but beasts, sank down 
 and hopelessly expired : wherefore they, like the citizens, 
 became loose and lascivious, and prodigal and reckless of eveiy- 
 thing around them ; so that oxen, asses, sheep, goats, hogs, 
 fowls, and the veiy dogs themselves, faithful as they are to 
 man, wandered from their homes and strayed as they pleased 
 through field and meadow where the untouched harvest still 
 grew and ripened in the midst of universal desolation. And 
 many of these creatures as if endowed with reason, after having 
 pastured all the day returned at eve to the stall in all their 
 fullness without hearing tlie accustomed voice of then* pastor. 
 
 *' But leaving the countiy and returning to the city ; what 
 more can be told except that so great and terrible was the 
 WTath of Heaven, and perhaps in part the cruelty of man, that 
 between March and the following July, what with the force of 
 this pestiferous malady and the want of common attention pro- 
 ceeding as it did from the fears of the healthy ; more than one 
 hundred thousand human beings as is certainly believed, were 
 torn from Ufe within the walls of Florence, where previous to 
 this deadly visitation it would have been scarcely supposed 
 that so great a population existed. Oh I how many gorgeous 
 palaces ! how many noble houses ! how many superb mansions ! 
 so recentlv filled with numerous families, of lords and ladies, 
 
156 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 now stood empty even to the lowest drudge of the household ! 
 Oh how majiv illustrious nices ! how many ample inheritances ! 
 how many splendid fortunes now remained without a rightful 
 owner ! How many valorous gentlemen ! how many lovely 
 women ! how many aspiriug youths (whom even Galen Hippo- 
 crates or Esculapius himself would almost have pronounced 
 immortal) dined in the moniing with their fomilies their friends 
 and their neighhours, and the following evening supped in 
 Hades with their ancestors * I" 
 
 Such is the vivid picture dra^vn by Boccaccio ! But while 
 contemplating this awful image of human misery, we seek in 
 vain for one bright figure to relieve the gtiieral gloom ! Not a 
 touch of benevolence, self-devotion, or sensibility, anywhere 
 appears I no friendship, no love, no virtuous or heroic art ; no 
 picture of domestic affection ; not a trait of charity ; not a 
 touch of human s)Tnpathy is displayed ! Nothing bright or bene- 
 ficent breaks on the dismal scene, nor is there a single group 
 in the whole composition to relieve the broad mass of heartless 
 suffering or vindicate the feeling and dignity of man ! All is 
 dark, earthly, selfish : none of that religion that overcomes 
 peiil, of that perfect love that braves it ; nothing to sliow that 
 man also may exercise heavenly benevolence and rise superior 
 to danger and misery and death ! 
 
 Yet amidst the vast population of Florence there must have 
 been many who touched by the hand of love and charity 
 appeared hke beneficent spirits to alleviate the sufferings of 
 their fellow-creatures, for such beings are never totjilly extinct : 
 pity it is that the liistorian s pen has not transmitted their 
 names and their actions to posterity ! 
 
 In this wide and wasting pestilence all Europe was more or 
 less immersed : she was bereft of three-fifths of her population; 
 and excepting Milan together with a few places at the foot of 
 the Alps, the whole of Italy was shaken to its centre. Genoa 
 
 ♦ Gio. Boccaccio, Introduzione del Decamerou. 
 
 CHAP. XXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 157 
 
 lost forty thousand, Naples sixty ; and Sicily and Puglia the 
 incredible number of five hundred and thirty thousand souls I 
 The city of Trapani was completely depopulated ; all died ; and 
 her silent walls and empty dwellings were alone left to tell the 
 tale. Throughout Tuscany the harv^est of death was propor- 
 tionably great: Pisa lost four-fifths or as some say seven- 
 tenths ; Florence three-fifths ; but Siena mourned for eighty 
 thousand of her buried citizens and never recovered from the 
 
 blow*. 
 
 Amongst the illustrious victims of this universal sacrifice 
 were the celebrated Lam-a of Arignon and the historian Gio- 
 vanni Villani of Florence : the latter says Sismondi (and his 
 words will suit all subsequent, as they are the echo of antece- 
 dent writers) " was the most expert, faithful, elegant and ani- 
 mated historian that Italy had yet produced : we have made 
 habitual use of his histoiy during more than half a century 
 with that confidence that is due to a judicious cotemporaiy 
 nuthor who had himself taken part in public affairs." Villani 
 was in fact much more than a mere historian, and like almost 
 all Florentines became both merchant and politician ; he tra- 
 velled into France and the Netherlands, was several times in 
 the Seignor}% superintended the building of the present walls, 
 directed the mint, and filled other high offices in the common- 
 wealth. He served also against Castruccio, was one of the 
 hostages delivered to Mastino della Scala, and spent a long 
 life in public and private acti\ity ; but finally ruined by the 
 failure of the Bonaccorsi with whom he was in partnership, his 
 latter days were apparently uidiappy and he died amidst the 
 misfortunes of his countiyf . 
 
 • R. Roncioni, Ist. Pis., Lib. xii., p. two centuries unpublished, but at last 
 
 807. — R. Sardo., Cron. Pisa, cap. came to light under the care of Zan- 
 
 Ixxxii. — S. Ammirato, Lib. x., p. netti of Venice, in 1537— wanting the 
 
 505.— Matteo Villani, Lib. i., cap. i., two last books, and full of en-ors ; after 
 
 ^P^ which other editions rapidly followed 
 
 t His Chronicle remained for nearly in 1554, 1559, and 1507, &c. 
 
158 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 159 
 
 II! 
 
 Sickness gave way before the August sun, and all that 
 remained of the Florentine people were free from disease at 
 the new Seiguorj-'s inauguration on the first of September, but 
 what the remnant was we are not told ; so small however that 
 poverty disappeared, and riches abounded in consequence of 
 accumulated inheritances. Yet instead, as some expected, of 
 men's hearts being softened and subdued and penitent, and 
 tunied to religion and vutue and moderation by so awful a 
 catastrophe Florence immediately became a theatre of luxuiy 
 riot and debaucheiy ! As if the hand of Gud were tired, and 
 death was swallowed up in victoiy. Feasting, taverns, and every 
 kind of licentious revel occupied the people ; both sexes high 
 and low, with new and fanciful attire ; but more especially the 
 latter, flaunted through the streets bedizened like players in 
 the rich gannents of illustrious families, all now extirpated ! 
 And as if these satumaha were to be everiasting, few labourers 
 would return to agriculture, fewer still to trade : and those few 
 insisted on exorbitant remuneration. Unbounded pride and 
 heartless prodigality were everj-where triumphant : the hand 
 of death had removed the burden of poverty ; the departure 
 of death had removed the weight of ten'or, and the rebound was 
 startling I With feelings numbed and passions free, no wish 
 was too vicious to indulge, no idea too strange for belief. Super- 
 abundance of agricultural produce was ignorantly looked for m 
 consequence of the scarcity of mouths, and the contraiy hap- 
 pened ; for everj'thing fell short and long continued so ; in some 
 countries even to the most biting famine: manufactures of 
 almost all kinds, clothes, ever\^thing necessary for the human 
 body, were in like manner expected to appear spontaneously 
 and in profusion ; but the reverse took place ; most sorts of 
 manufactured goods soon doubled their fonner cost, and all 
 labour Ijrought tvrice the money that it fetched before the pesti- 
 lence : disputes, lawsuits, contests ; disturbances of every class 
 sprouted like nettles throughout the land, and Florence long 
 
 and severely felt their evil consequences. Immense treasures 
 too had been willed away by dying men to public charities, or 
 in trust to corporate bodies for the poor ; some directly, others 
 after several successions, all now swept off by extemiinating 
 plague : amongst others there was left to the corporation of 
 Orto-san-Michele alone, tlie vast inheritance of 350,000 florins, 
 a sum equal to one year's revenue of the commonwealth ! This 
 was in tiiist for the poor : but there were no poor : no paupers : 
 no destitution ; death had murdered poverty ! Money, houses, 
 and other valuables abounded ; the directors felt their hands 
 at hberty, their conscience easy; and unbounded peculation 
 was the result : the elections were kept close amongst them- 
 selves ; they reelected each other : power and profit moved 
 round in a circle undisturbed by any external influence for 
 three long years, until at last the angry voice of Florence 
 destroyed this nefarious and disgraceful system. In a similar 
 manner but with better management 25,000 florins were left 
 to the hospital of Santa Maria Nuova, and an equal sum to the 
 new and useful company of " Misericordia ; " so that the city 
 most abomided in charitable resources at the veiy time when 
 poverty was for the moment annihilated. 
 
 Many corrective laws for the various existing evils were pro- 
 mulgated by those magistrates who still retained their discre- 
 tion and now resumed their power : one of these was to exone- 
 rate minors and married women from any legal responsibility 
 in affairs of pecuniary and other property, unless with the con- 
 sent of their relations or guardians declared before a judge in 
 the com! of the above coi'poration of Orto-san-Michele, which 
 had ex-ajjicio their guardianship. At the same period and no 
 less to encourage population by the residence of students than 
 for the dignity of Florence, a public college was founded for the 
 first time, and able professors appointed to the whole range of 
 science, besides civil and canon law, and dogmatic theology =!=. 
 
 * Filippo Villani, Lib. i., cap. vii., viii. 
 
160 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY, 
 
 [book I. 
 
 It mictht have been supposed that all accounts between 
 debtor and creditor had been cancelled by the plague ; but se 
 many fraudulent bankruptcies had previously occurred and so 
 unwholesome a system of mercantile credits had been allowed 
 that it became an article of swindling speculation, and large 
 orders were frequently given on long credit with the sole vieu 
 to future insolvency. As a remedy there was now published a 
 decree forbidding any citizen to buy or sell on credit, not only 
 in the state itself but within a hundred miles of Florence, on 
 pain of losmg his reputation and a fine equal to the amount of 
 the purchase-money. Nor were sumptuary' laws forgotten; 
 for riches and luxur>' required control, and a check was there- 
 fore placed on the expense of mamage ceremonies which ii.»u 
 were frequent in consequence of augmented wealth and thiii 
 ix)pidation : but as these could not at once raise citizens to the 
 state new scrutiny-lists became requisite for three years which 
 from necessity admitted the nobles to many public offices both 
 
 in town and country. 
 
 These matters being once settled it was hoped that the city 
 would gradually subside into the ordinarj' quiet and occupations 
 of common life ; when suddenly the Ubaldini, trusting to then- 
 strong Alpine fastnesses, began to assemble numerous bands 
 of rebels and outlaws and make inroads on the province of 
 Mu^ello ; so that after some vain attempts at peace a body of 
 troops was marched against them and a war commenced with 
 this restless and powerful clan which in her actual weakiies> 
 became extremely troublesome to Florence*. 
 
 CoTEMPORARY MoNARCHs.— No changcs sincc 1343. 
 
 * Ammiruto, Lib. x.,p. 509.- M. Villani, Lib. i., cap. xx.ii.-xlv. 
 
 CHAP. XXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 161 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1349 TO A.D. 1354. 
 
 A.D, 1349. 
 
 Although the Ubaldini were no match for Florence even in 
 her present weakness yet their numerous clansmen, armed, 
 warlike, and aggressive ; and their many fastnesses, 
 resting like eagles' nests on the crags and passes of the 
 Apennine, secured to them all those advantages usually enjoyed 
 by mountaineers from the power of makuig sudden descents on 
 their lowland neighbours : the castigation already inflicted was 
 too slight to check their sweeping incursions as long as they 
 possessed these strongholds, and a board of eight citizens was 
 consequently appointed to conduct this mountain w^ar. The 
 priors were moreover instructed to make at least one yearly 
 invasion of their couiitr}^ under the penalty of 1000 florins 
 each, until these turbulent chiefs should be again reduced 
 to submission : the whole family of Ubaldini was denounced ; 
 intermarriages between thein and Florentines prohibited, and 
 a price set upon the head of every individual of that race 
 whether alive or dead. 
 
 In June a fresh army occupied their hills and took Monte- 
 geinoli ; it reduced one chief to obedience, captured Monte- 
 colloreto, Roccabruna, Lozzole, Vigiano, and other places; 
 insulted Susinana and Valdagnello, and after considerable 
 devastation, leaving strong garrisons in the captured places, 
 retired about the month of August to Florence. Meanwhile 
 Colle and San Gimignano had returned to their allegiance ; a 
 
 VOL. IT. 
 
 M 
 
162 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY 
 
 [book I. 
 
 ClUP. XXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 163 
 
 board of sixteen citizens was created to impose new taxes and 
 take measures for repeopling the city ; a league was formed 
 ^ith Siena Perugia and Bologna against a new company of 
 freebooters then organising hi Puglia under the terrible and 
 notorious Werner; the pay of Florentine soldiers was aug- 
 mented to meet the scarcity caused by pestilence and the year 
 1349 linished in comparative tranquillity. 
 
 But while these thmgs were passing in Tuscany the kingdom 
 of Naples was vexed throughout. In 1:^47 king Louis of Hun- 
 gary had sent ambassadors to prepare his way by conciliating 
 the^ different states and piinces of Italy : and about the same 
 time his rival, queen Giovanna, married her cousin Louis of 
 Taranto, to the great scandal of all good Christians ; for in tliat 
 day such unions were considered little better than incestuous. 
 The pope was less scrupulous, more especiidly as he 
 A.D.1350. ^^_^^^ ^^^ ^^^.^^^ ^^ ggg ^ powerful Hungarian monarch 
 
 establish himself in the realm of Naples ; he therefore favoured 
 Giovanna : particulariy as the pontifical residence was within 
 her hereditary possessions and the city of Avignon her own 
 property. Meanwhile the Hungarian emissaries were far more 
 active, and finally succeeded in making the city of Aquila revolt: 
 this town although only founded by Frederic IL had already 
 risen to great power and importance and its defection was a 
 severe blow to the court of Naples which was then in its wonted 
 state of discord : the royal princes were all at variance and only 
 l)y prayei-s promises and excited hopes, could the queen prevad 
 on Charies of Durazzo to mai'ch agaitist the rebels. Durhig the 
 siege a Hungarian prolate accompanied l)y two hundred knights 
 weU furnished with arms and money descended the Alps and 
 began to levy forces in Romagna and La IVIarca : with the help 
 of ''the lords of llimini and Foligno besides other troops raised 
 in the Abruzzi, they soon assembled a body of two thousand men 
 and mai-ched directly on Aquila. Durazzo might easily have 
 opi^osed them, but disgusted with the queen's marriage which 
 
 occuiTed about the same time, he indignantly raised the siege 
 and returned to Naples while the grand Hungarian army crossed 
 the Alps and advanced on Puglia. At Foligno the pope's legate 
 arrested the royal progress and interdicted any forward move- 
 ment under pain of excommunication : heedless of this, king 
 Louis continued his march to Aquila and began hostilities 
 with six thousand men-at-arms and a numerous infantry ; but 
 Naples ever too much distracted to be a difficult conquest was 
 now at his feet ; the discontented barons joined him at Bene- 
 vento and all marched in a body on the capital. 
 
 Giovanna fled in alarm, took to her galleys and sought refuge 
 in Provence ; her husband followed soon after, and accompanied 
 by his faithful minister Acciaioli whose influence supplied liis 
 necessities, rejoined her at Arignon*. In the meanwliile king 
 Louis advanced to Aversa the scene of his brother s murder, 
 but was not joined by any of the Eeali who distrusting him, 
 at first kept aloof; afterwards on receiving solemn assur- 
 ances of their persouid safety they ventured to court, were 
 received with distinction and honourably treated ; they even 
 dined in the royal presence and experienced every outward 
 mark of genuine hospitality. 
 
 After the banquet Louis expressed a ^rish to see the room 
 in which his brother Andrea had been assassinated ; this was 
 an alanning declaration for his guests who were all suspected 
 of being well-\rishers to the success of that abominable murder 
 if not actual accomplices : it was however too late to retreat ; 
 they were in the king's power and followed him trembling : on 
 arriving at the fatal spot Louis turned suddenly on Durazzo 
 
 * Niccola Acciaioli Grand Seneschal 
 of Naples Mas a friend of Petrarch's 
 and of a high Florentine family ; hut 
 he attached himself to the fortunes of 
 Robert and Joanna of Naples. After 
 acquiring great fame riches and digni- 
 lics, he died in 1365 and was buried 
 
 >vith great honours in the Certosa 
 Convent near Florence which he had 
 founded. Petrarch was latterly dis- 
 pleased with him for not keeping a 
 promise ; for which act Acciaioli is 
 sharply reproached by that poet. 
 
 M 2 
 
164 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [B(tOK I. 
 
 aiid with a withering look accused him of being accesson^ to the 
 deed. The duke's guilt was doubtful, but his fate certam : he 
 in vain protested his innocence and begged for mercy ; at u 
 sicni from the piince a dozen Hungarian daggers were planted 
 iu^'his breast and he fell on the very spot which had so lately 
 been polluted by the murder of the unfortunate Andrea. Head 
 and bodv were soon separated, and to complete the revenge 
 both were ignominiously tossed from the same balcony on to 
 the same tuft of grass where the strangled corpse of Giovanna's 
 husband had been found by his attendants. 
 
 This was the only death : the other princes were sent pn- 
 soners to Hungary' and Louis entered Naples as a conqueror 
 quietly mounting a throne acquired without a blow, but which 
 he did not find it quite so easy to retain. Alarmed at the 
 plague he after four months of severe if not ciiiel admmistra- 
 tion suddenly diskuided the greater part of bis troops and 
 retired into Hmigarj' leaving the unsteady people with an 
 almost universal wish lor the restoration of their -lueen. Louis 
 of Tarento who had been sedulously strengthening his party 
 at Avignon, was eager to avail himself of the Hunganan's 
 absence and this change of public opinion, but being destitute 
 of money he sold tluit city to Clement VL for 30,000 flonns 
 and the dtle of King of Naples. This supply enabled him to 
 equip ten galleys and engage Duke Werner, who had been 
 just dismissed from the Hungarian senice, with a company o 
 twelve hundred men as his general. Niccola Acnaioli had 
 retm-ned eariv to Naples and was indefatigable ; principally 
 tlirough his management the king and queen were enabled by 
 the month of August 1^48 to shape their course towards 
 the capital and resume the government although the metropo- 
 litan castles and most of the national fortresses were still m the 
 hands of staunch Hungarian gamsons *. 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. i., cap. ix. to xxi. Istoria Civile di Napoli, vol. x., ML. 
 — Costan/,0, Istor. di Napoli, vol. ii., xxui., p. HJ, et scq. 
 Ub. vi., p. 357 to 377.— Giannone, 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 XXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 165 
 
 The notorious Werner was a Condottiere of far too much 
 importance not to receive the highest honours from Louis and 
 Giovanna ; indeed so necessary was he at this moment that the 
 former to secure his fidelity disgraced himself by receiving the 
 rank of knighthood at his hands yet failed in attaching this 
 robber to his service. 
 
 After having been dismissed by the Hungarian early in 1348 
 Werner had resumed his wonted course of plunder, sacked all 
 those towns in the Komaii Campagna which were spirited 
 enough to refuse him tribute, and massacred without mercy or 
 distinction the whole population of Anagni for having presumed 
 to defend themselves against his licentious soldiery. 
 
 Although there are examples of similar abominations pre- 
 vious to the time of Werner yet he has been generally con- 
 sidered the first as he certainly was one of the most mischievous 
 of those condottieri that so long devoured tlie substance of 
 Italy : finding that he could not indulge his predacious habits 
 mider the government of Louis he passed treacherously over 
 to Currado Lupo the Hungarian commander and thus enabled 
 him to advance on the capital, near which at a place called 
 Mehto the Neapolitan barons were completely discomfited on 
 the sixth of June 1;U0 in an irregular battle, with little blood- 
 shed but many prisoners. 
 
 This success gave Lupo militaiy command of the whole open 
 countiT ; cities and towns were forced to ransom the surround- 
 ing harvest with enormous sums, and the mischief rose to such 
 a height that Pope Clement was compelled to interfere and 
 at last succeeded in establishing a truce between the bel- 
 ligerents -''. 
 
 After this, Duke Werner entered the service of Francesco 
 Ordelafii of Forli, for Romagna was also in confusion and the 
 lordship of Bologna had passed to the sons of Taddeo Peppoli 
 deceased in KU7. 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. i., cap. xlvii. to L— Costanzo, Istor. di Napoli, Lib. ^n., p. 277. 
 
165 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Cola di Rienzo had already escaped in disguise from the 
 castle of Sant Angelo and appeai'ed almost as a mendicant at 
 the imperial court of Charles IV. who after hhtening a while 
 to his propositions delivered him into the hands of Clement VI. 
 at Avignon where he long remained a prisoner. 
 
 In Pisa ahout the same period (1347) two powerful foctions 
 arose and filled that city with fresh dissensions: the young 
 Count Reniero della Gherardesca had succeeded to all the 
 power and puhlic honours of his family ; from childhood he had 
 been captain-geneml of the republic, an office which during his 
 minority was administered by his kinsman Dino della Rocca 
 and the chiefs of the popular party ; but as manhood approached 
 the adverse faction gradually managed to supplant them in the 
 young chieftain's confidence. The leader of these mw coun- 
 sellors, who from the nick-name of " Bevfjo '" (a weak soft per- 
 son) given to the young count, were called " Berfjolini" was 
 Andrea Gambacorta. The other fiiction were extremely reluc- 
 tant to divest themselves of a long hold of office, the source of 
 power and protit, although their administration had not been 
 entirely blameless or midisturbed : they hud been frequently 
 accused of dishonesty and had in consequence received the sig- 
 nificant appellation of " Raspantl " or peculatoi^, and thus were 
 the two parties distinguished. A violent spirit was fust rising 
 when Reniero suddenly died and the Raspanti were instantly 
 accused of poisoning him : this pushed both parties to extremes 
 and after a hard struggle the latter were driven from Pisa 
 on the twenty-fourth of December 1347, Andrea Gambacorta 
 with the Bergolini remaining lords of the commonwealth; and 
 thus commenced the power of the Gambacorti in Pisa-. 
 
 Luchino Visconti, whose policy was always to support that 
 pally from which he could gain most and most easily cast otf 
 
 ♦ Mem. Istor. di piii Uomini Illiist. cioni, Tst. Pisa, Lib. xiv., p. 803. — 
 
 Pisani, tomo, ii ', p. 339, and annota- Gio. Villain, Lib. xii., cap. cxx. — 
 
 tions. — Cronaca di Pisa, Scrip. R., Tronci, Annali.— Muratori, Annali. — 
 
 Ital., vol. xiv., p. 1017-18. — Ron- Sisuiondi, vol. iv. 
 
 CHAP. XXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 167 
 
 when done with, assisted the Doria, Grimaldi, and other 
 Genoese exiles in l:»is, and would perhaps have acquired the 
 lordship of that city if death had not claimed him in the fol- 
 lowing Januar\\ In this spirit he had already quarrelled with 
 Filii^pino Gonzaga of ]\ltnitu;i because the latter refused to 
 give up certain places that he demanded, and at once declared 
 war against that ruler: Mastino della Scala and Obizzo of 
 Este united with Lucliino, but the Mantuan prince hurried 
 back from Naples where he had followed the long of Hungary 
 and hastily assembUng a few sokliers sui-prised and defeated 
 the Milanese army before its junction with the allies while he 
 forced the latter to a precipitate retreat. But death luckily 
 cut short Luchino s ambition which had grown foraiidable to 
 his neighboui-s, and (iiovainii Visconti Archbishop of Milan, a 
 man of somewhat milder nature, succeeded to the sovereignty 
 which he had hitherto nominally shared with his deceased 
 brother. 
 
 The miion of spiritual and temporal power gave unwonted 
 energ)' to Giovanni "s government : Bernabo and Galeazzo Vis- 
 conti were immediatelv recalled from an exile to which the 
 jealousy of their late uncle had condemned them, and even 
 Lodovisi sou of Stefano was released by his cousin from a long 
 imprisonment which he had endured since the days of Azzo. 
 One of Giovanni's first acts was to make peace with Mantua, 
 but Mastino prosecuted the war alone, and Romagna con- 
 tinued in its accustomed state of dissension from the violent 
 conduct of Malatesta di Rimini. 
 
 Sicily also was shaken by two powerful factions both of 
 which gained strength from the minority of King Louis after 
 death had removed the steady hand of his uncle and guardian 
 William. Rome also continued in its usual state of confusion 
 and half obedience to ecclesiastical power under the rule of 
 three senatoi*s, a Colonna, an Orsini, and the legate. 
 
 Meanwhile the actual weakness of Florence encouraged 
 
16s 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 audacity in her restless neigliboui*s and forced her to adopt 
 a more organised system of defence : the Ubertini became 
 troublesome and were chastised ; the national defences were 
 strengthened and reformed ; three great military divisions 
 were created and placed under three separate officers called 
 Vicai-s : one of these was stationed at ^lontopoli in the lower 
 Val d 'Aruo ; another at Monte Varchi in the upper Vale ; and a 
 third at Poggibonzi to protect the Val d'Elsa, all with sufficient 
 troops and officers for any emergency, and totiilly indepen- 
 dent of garrisons, because the Castelli and other fortresses were 
 given in charge at less expense either to their own inhabitants 
 or the various municipalities in whose territor}' they happened 
 to be situated *. 
 
 Prato although really governed by Florence continued at 
 this time like many other petty states to preserve a nominal 
 independence notwithstanding that the people had in 13-^7 
 bestowed the lordship of their city on Charles Duke of Cala- 
 bria. The powerful family of Guazzalotri had however acquired 
 great influence and maintained its ascendancy with a tolerable 
 government under the friendly auspices of Florence ; but the 
 older members of this house dying off, a young arrogant gene- 
 ration succeeded who assuming unearned superiority soon 
 became unmodified tvrants. This however would not have 
 signified (for the Italians were becoming accustomed to tyraimy 
 under the forms of liberty) had they still quietly submitted to 
 Florentine dictation ; but choosing rather to govern indepen- 
 dently and having moreover committed several cmel actions, 
 that repubhc determined to possess itself of Prato which, as 
 a preliminar}^ step, was forthwith purchased from Queen Gio- 
 vanna for 17,500 florins and incorporated in the Contado, 
 supreme jurisdiction in capital cases being thenceforward trans- 
 ferred to the metropolis. Whatever satisfaction Florence might 
 have received from this acquisition must have been considerably 
 
 * Scip. Amuiirato, Lib. x., p. 512. 
 
 CHAP. XXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 169 
 
 modified by seeing her ancient ally the Bolognese republic fall 
 suddenly under the power of the dreaded and too 
 
 /. 1 ^T- .' A.D. 1350. 
 
 powerful Visconti. 
 
 Giovanni Archbishop of Milan, quiet under the fiercer 
 dominion of his brother, was nevertheless a Visconti ; and no 
 sooner was he absolute lord of twenty-two cities with their 
 vast and fruitful territory, than unchecked by ecclesiastical 
 ties but strengthened by its power, the bold ambitious spirit 
 of his race brake forth with redoubled and insatiate vigour : 
 and although some meek and friendly expressions of attachment 
 to Florence carried no present sound of war, little doubt was 
 entertained of an ultimate desire to extend his conquests far 
 beyond the Apennines and disturb the peace of Tuscany. 
 
 The revolution of Bologna occurred in this wise. Pope 
 Clement VI. imitating the Mosaic law, and on the very' 
 reasonable pretence that a secular jubilee, if of any spiritual 
 advantage, could only aftect the limited number of pilgrims 
 who happened to be in existence at the moment of its celebra- 
 tion, resolved to retrench the original period to one half and 
 accordingly proclaimed a second jubilee for the year 1350. 
 This at least was the ostensible reason ; but the real object as 
 with Boniface was ]\Iannnon ; an object now realised beyond 
 all hope and far exceeding the first experiment. The fearful 
 pestilence which still ravaged many parts of Europe filled 
 multitudes with a desire of plenary indulgence for past and 
 present transgressions, and hence the treasures incessantly 
 dropping into ecclesiastical coffers were enormous. Accord- 
 ing to Matteo Villani twelve hundred thousand pilgrims were 
 assembled in Rome during the Lent of that memorable year : 
 the city is described as one vast inn where all Christendom 
 was received and fed ; and the profit on provisions alone which 
 the Romans effectively monopohsed, was unmeasured and as- 
 tomiding. One half of those offerings that unceasingly poured 
 into the churches belonged to themselves the other to the 
 
170 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 pontiff; and these be had predetermined to employ in reducing 
 all Romagna to subjection. The ecclesiastical states although 
 long abandoned bv imperial ambition had never been more 
 than nominally under ecclesiastical rule; Koniagna was parti- 
 tioned amongst a set of petty tyrannical lords who preyed on 
 each other and their countr}* while they crushed the spirit of 
 the people, and possessing but little individual force could 
 when thus disunited make only a slight resistance to {uiy 
 powerful aggressor. 
 
 Matteo Villani tells us that Pope Clement VI. and his 
 cardinals feeling ashamed that the church should have been 
 so long depiived of these rich territories resolved to regain 
 them by force of arms, and the general weakness consequent 
 on plague and famine induced him to believe it an easy task. 
 His relation Astorgio, or Hector de Durfor't had already been 
 created Count of Romagna, and being well furnished with 
 men and monev received instructions to Itriim the whole of 
 that countr}' under ecclesiastical rule. Assistance was sepa- 
 rately demanded from each of the Lombard tvrants ; from 
 Bologna, and from Tuscany ; the two former granted it, but 
 all the Tuscan states declined to cooperate. Although the 
 Count of Romagna was secretly ordered by force or cunning to 
 subject each tyrant successively, his ostensible motive was to 
 punish Giovanni Manfredi Lord of Faenza for havhig revolted 
 from the church, expelled the papal followers, and separated 
 from the ecclesiastical Guelphs of Italy*. 
 
 Durfort demanded and received assistance from the Peppoli, 
 as well as from the Alidosi of Imola which city he occupied, 
 but both were insincere and secretly^ favoured Manfredi for 
 both dreaded the resumption of papal power in Romagna, and 
 the intercourse became a mere trial of deception on all sides. 
 The Malatesti of Rimini and Pollenti of Ravenna, too saga- 
 cious not to foresee their own niin in the pope s triumph, openly 
 
 • M. Villani, Lib. i°, cap. liii., liv. — Sismondi, vol. iv., p. 268. 
 
 CHAP. XXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 171 
 
 sided with Manfredi and engaged Duke Werner and his fierce 
 companions in their cause *. 
 
 The count however, from Visconti, Mastino, Ferrara, and the 
 Peppoli, had assembled at Imola about a thousand auxiliary 
 horse besides his Provencal forces, and artful as the barons of 
 Romagna themselves, exhibited an unbounded confidence in 
 the lords of Bologna; yet more wily than warlike, he had lost two 
 months before Salervolo instead of investing Faenza itself, and 
 Giovanni de' Peppoli endeavoured to increase this delay by 
 oifering his own mediation in order to bring Manfredi to terms. 
 This was accepted with apparent eagerness by the count who 
 affected to be guided entirely by Giovanni s counsel and a nego- 
 tiation actually commenced while he was secretly plotting with 
 the malcontents of Bologna to assassinate both brothers. The 
 treason was discovered ; but still so artfully was Count Dur- 
 fort's part in it concealed that he not only managed to excul- 
 [)ate himself completely but even to entice Giovanni Peppoli 
 into his camp on pretence of bringing the negotiation with 
 Manfredi to a conclusion. This step was contrary to the advice 
 of Giacopo de' Peppoli; Giovanni was received with every 
 external mark of honour and friendship but was startled l)y 
 unexpectedly finding himself a prisoner in the counts tent who 
 sharply accusing him of bringing Werner and his five hundred 
 myrmidons into Faenza sent him off captive to Imola while 
 his troops were disarmed, pillaged, and driven from the papal 
 campf. 
 
 Thus warned Giacopo Peppoli lost no time in seeking aid 
 amongst his allies : Milan and Rimini sent him troops; Flo- 
 rence none; for she had no reason to be satisfied with the lords 
 of Bologna but on the contrary would have been well contented 
 to assist in displacing those tyrants had the Bolognese citizens 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. i., cap. Iviij,, lix. 
 + M. Villani, Lib. i", cup. Ivi., 
 Iviii , Ix., l\i. — Mui-atori, Annali, 
 
 Anno 1350. 
 268. 
 
 — Sismondi, vol. iv.. 
 
1-2 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Still retained spirit enough to seize the opportunity of recover- 
 ing their freedom. Neither had she any wish to quarrel with 
 Clement ; hut Visconti less scnipulous on that point sent ambas- 
 sadors to remonstmte with Dui'fort against the detention of liis 
 ally and demand an instant release. The complaint was un- 
 heeded and Peppoh's liberty refused on the plea of his having 
 excited Faenza to revolt, besides other convenient reasons ; 
 moreover Durlbrt even managed to seduce the archbishop "s 
 contingent of troops then in camp and so dismissed the em- 
 bassy 'i^ Meanwhile Duke Wenier at the invitation of Jacopo 
 Peppoli marclied with his five hundred Barbute from Faenza 
 to Bologna and although an enemy of Florence and w^arring 
 against the church, threaded the mountidn passes of its terri- 
 tory without any opposition from the priors then in office, but 
 to the great indignation of the public. At Bologna his deport- 
 ment was rather that of a master than a senant ; seizing at 
 once on a whole street for his quarters he set an example 
 which was not lost upon the other auxiliaries, so that many of 
 the mhabitants were expelled from their homes, the people 
 plundered, famished, and oppressed within, while the papal 
 army ravaged everything without f. In these circumstances 
 Jacopo Peppoli not only agreed to deliver Bologna to the 
 care of Florence, but even consented to abdicate in hopes of 
 thus removing eveiy obstacle to a reconciliation with Avignon : 
 certain influential Florentines however who served on their 
 own account in Durfort's army, hoping if Bologna fell to be 
 made governors there, rendered this negotiation fruitless, threw 
 tlie Bolognese into despair, and increased the Count of Ko- 
 magna's audacity^. Thus situated the city could scarcely have 
 stood a moment if broken promises and want of pay had not 
 caused disappouitment and mutiny amongst the papal troops 
 and finally compelled Durfort to deliver Giovanni Peppoli into 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib i., cap. Ixiii. •{• M. Villarii, Lib. i., cap. Ixv. 
 
 X M. V^illani, Lib. i., cap. Ixv., Ixvii. 
 
 CHAP. XXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 173 
 
 their hands : they paid themselves by his ransom which cost 
 80,000 florins-, and this fortunate restoration threw fresh spirit 
 into the government, for he was a man of ability, a good sol- 
 dier, and generally feared by the citizens f. 
 
 Nor was Giovanni's return displeasing to Florence, because 
 that government really anxious to restore peace and if possible 
 the popular ascendancy in Bologna, thought both of these 
 objects would be more easily accomplished by his release and 
 the consequent diminution of Count Durfort's power. Ambas- 
 sadors were therefore sent to Bologna and the preliminaries 
 signed, by which the church was to be made paramount ; re- 
 publican government reestablished ; the Peppoli were to abdi- 
 cate, and the constitution to be reformed under a commission 
 of Florentine citizens nominated by their own republic. These 
 advantageous terms were at first accepted by the Count of 
 Uomagna but finally rejected through the intrigues of Frignano 
 a natural son and agent of Mastino della Scala who secretly 
 aimed at the possession of Bologna for liimself. 
 
 The Peppoli were so mortified by tliis failure that they 
 determined to sacrifice the independence of their country as 
 well as their own honour on the altar of vengeance by secretly 
 selling both to the Archbishop of Milan while they maintained 
 an outward show of negotiation with Florence, under whose 
 protection the citizens of Bologna were anxious to be placed. 
 This scheme was successful and Giovanni repaired to Milan, 
 completed the bargain for ^200,000 florins, and then unblush- 
 ingly returned to Bologna with an open avowal of his treachery ! 
 
 The citizens were furious and the populace clamorous, but 
 being afraid to strike, all quietly subsided into abject submission: 
 Florence would have gladly assisted them had there been suffi- 
 
 * Corio (Histoiie Milanese, Parte iii% is probably nearer the truth. 
 p. 224) says 30,000 florins of which f M. Villani, Lib. i., cap. Ixvi. 
 10,000 were paid down and this sum 
 
174 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 cient spirit in the place to work upon ; but this being want- 
 ing Galeazzo Visconti at once occupied the town, and thus a 
 new and fertile source of war and niiseiy was opened upon 
 Italy =^ 
 
 Gasparo Visconti assumed the command of Bologna and in the 
 following October the Archbishop of Milan was publicly acknow- 
 ledged as lord of a city that once was esteemed a province in 
 itself, so rich and extensive were its territories and so numerous 
 the students who flocked from all parts of Christendom to its 
 celebrated university f. Thus finished the power of the Peppoli 
 in Bologna, but the Guelphic factions of that city and Florence 
 who knew and dreaded the ambition of Visconti, became seriously 
 alarmed, and Florence herself began to tremble at the close 
 neighbourhood of so powerful a GhibelineJ. 
 
 Notwithstanding the exorbitant ransom of Giovanni Peppoli, 
 of which 20,000 florins were paid down, the Count of 
 Romagna was still in arrears, and from papal neglect 
 unable to pay his soldiers ; the consequence was a cessation of 
 military operations against Bologna and the necessity of at last 
 allowing them to treat with the new governor Bernabo Visconti 
 who instantly paid up their aiTeai-s with the money destined for 
 the purchase of that city, received in exchange all the towns 
 and territory they had already occupied and took fifteen hun- 
 dred of them into his ser\'ice§. Werner wlio was a personal 
 enemy of Bernabo Visconti at once retired, the siege was raised, 
 the other auxiliaries returned home, and Count Dui-fort retreated 
 in disgrace to Imola at the very moment when a judicious supply 
 of money would have given Bologna to the church and saved 
 the land from war 
 
 A.D. 1351. 
 
 • M. Villani, Lib. i., cap. Ixviii. help of Gonzaga of Mantua first 
 
 t At one period tliere were no less fought some bloody battles with the 
 
 than 13,000 scholars. Papal anny. — (Vide Parte iii%p. 2'24, 
 
 X M. Villani, Lib. i., rap. Ixviii. Historic Milanese.) 
 
 § Corio says that Bernabo mih the || M. Villani, Lib. i., cap. Ixxi. 
 
 CHAF. XXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 175 
 
 Clement furious at the archbishop's success and his own 
 discomfiture instantly renewed all the censures pronounced 
 against him by Pope John XXII. cited him to appear within 
 a given time at Avignon, and finally bade him make his choice 
 of what he would henceforth be, or temporal lord or arch- 
 bishop of Milan ; but not both. Giovanni named a day for 
 the solemn publication of the legate s message at the conclusion 
 of divine service in the cathedral, and before the assembled 
 people. On the appointed Sunday, after Archbishop Visconti 
 liad himself celebrated mass with great splendour, the legate 
 rose, and in presence of a great multitude repeated Pope 
 Clement's declaration. On this Visconti came slowly forward 
 with a stern aspect, then stopped, and suddenly drawing a 
 bright blade from his side while witli the left hand he seized 
 a crucifix, " This cross," said he in a loud and detennined 
 voice, " is my spiritual, as this sword shall he my temporal 
 authority for the protection of all my dominions,'' and so dis- 
 missed the messenger. 
 
 Clement still more indignant at so public an insult renewed 
 his fonner summons under pain of excommunication and Vis- 
 conti declared his readiness to obey ; whereupon his secretary 
 was instantly despatched to Avignon with orders to hire every 
 house, palace, hotel, or dwelling that he could procure, for six 
 months ; and to prepare everything necessary for the supply 
 of twelve thousand horse and six thousand infantry. The 
 consequence was that no stranger could find lodfrinj^s m the 
 place and the strange news coming to Pope Clement's ears 
 he sent for the Milanese secretary and heard that the arch- 
 bishop humbly intended to obey his commands, but accom- 
 panied by these personal followers and a long train of Milanese 
 nobles and citizens besides, all of whom wished to do honour 
 to their chief. Clement instantly demanded how much had 
 already been spent : the secretary replied that 40,000 florins 
 liad been disbursed ui these preparations, upon which the 
 
176 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOKY. 
 
 [book 
 
 money was immediately repaid and Visconti received the papal 
 dispensation for Lis personal appearance. Whatever tmth may 
 be in this story ; the authenticity of which there however 
 seems no reason to question ; Giovanni managed liis business so 
 adroitly as sometime afterwards to receive the investiture of 
 Bologna from Clement himself for the payment of 10(1,00(1 
 florins, and thus were these two churchmen reconciled -•'. 
 
 During the foregoing events one of the Florentine family of 
 Antelesi who was Bishop of Ferrara had been despatched as 
 legate to organise a Tuscan league in conjunction with some 
 of the Lombard chieftains, against Visconti : Siena and Perugia 
 deeming themselves too remote to fear liis power especially 
 the latter, gave but an outward adherence to this and interposed 
 so much delay that Mastino della Scala's death in the month 
 of June and the comparative weakness of the other Lombards 
 put an end to the negotiation. 
 
 The miscarriage was unfortunate because its success would 
 have effectually baffled Visconti's schemes of aggrandisement 
 and its failure left Florence in considerable alarm, more esj)t- 
 cially when it was understood that Milanese emissaries were 
 actively availing themselves of the distracted state of Pistoia 
 where a small Florentine detachment had been long quartered 
 under command of the local government. The seignory re- 
 solved therefore to occupy that place with greater forces and 
 strengthen their o>vn frontier in the same direction ; an un- 
 successful attempt was made to effect the former by a union of 
 force and treachery, but unknown to the great body of the 
 citizens; and although this action was outwardly and loudly 
 blamed, the impoi-tance of the position and terror of Visconti 
 were so great that national danger was deemed a sufficient 
 apology for national injustice, and the fear of losing Pistoia a 
 valid excuse for robbing an old and devoted friend. The city 
 
 * M. Tillani, Lib. i., cap. Ixxvi. — ccxxiv. — Muratori, Annali. — Sis- 
 Corio, Hist. Milanese, Parte iii', vol. mondi, vol. iv., p. "J 76. 
 
 CHAP. XXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 177 
 
 was vigorously besieged, both with arms and protestations; 
 public security being alleged as the Florentines' only object, 
 and so effectual were these means that through the mediation 
 of Siena Pistoia agreed to receive a Florentine garrison, to 
 allow the building of a citadel within the town, and even to 
 surrender the strong fortresses of Serravalle and Sambuca 
 commanding two important passes to the south-westward and 
 north-eastward of Pistoia * . This piece of treachery was blamed 
 by many and justified by none, except as an imperious act of self- 
 preseiTation, and has been more recently imitated by ourselves, 
 if not with equal treacheiy certainly with less necessity. Vis- 
 conti although alarmed at the cloud that Mastino's death had 
 dispersed, never relaxed in his outward expressions of esteem 
 for Florence, and proffered them with more warmth because 
 he was secretly weaving a strong web of the Tuscan, Lombard 
 and Romagnan Gliibelines for her destruction along with all 
 the Guelphic faction in Italy. Beniabo Visconti had married 
 the sister of Can Grande 11. the son and successor of Mastino 
 della Scala, and this young chief was easily persuaded by Vis- 
 conti to join him with all the power of Verona in common with 
 a crowd of petty Gliibeline tyrants and states who assisted at 
 his secret diet m Milan, for Visconti found an ally in ever}- 
 usurper of his country's liberty. Benedetto de' Buonconti 
 Monaldeschi who had recently waded tlirough blood to the 
 lordship of Orv-ieto ; Giovanni Gabrielli d'Agobbio who had run 
 a similar coui-se in that city ; the Uberti, Ubaldini, Tarlati. 
 Pazzi ; the counts of Santa Fiore ; the lords of Forli, Rimini, 
 and Urbino ; Francesco Castracani ; the sons of Castruccio! 
 and even Pisa itself besides many other chiefs, all appeared 
 either personally or by deputy at Mflan whose aspiring pre- 
 late contemplated little less than the subjugation of Italy f . 
 
 * Hist, di Pistoia, M. Salvi, toni. ii., lini, l8t.di Firenze, Lib. i. 
 
 parte ii., Lib. ix.— Cronaca di Donato f Corio, Histor. Milan., Parte iii., 
 
 ^ elluti, p. 90, &C.-M. Villani, Lib. folio 225.-M. Villani, Lib. ii., cap. iv. 
 1., cap. xcvi., xcvii.— Poggio Braccio- 
 
 VOL. II. X. 
 
178 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Florence was the fii*st object of war, but though still suspicious 
 and alai'med she remained inactive ; and whether lulled by the 
 honied words of Visconti or paralysed by her own quarrels, 
 which even thus early began to revive from the stupor of pesti- 
 lence, no vigorous measures of seciuity were taken against him 
 after the occupation of Pistoia and Sambuca. The latter, a 
 strong frontier post commanding the passes of the Bolognese 
 Apennines which lead down on the fomier, Wiis even negligently 
 lost to Giovanni Visconti d'Oleggio the archbishop's reputed 
 son, and that city itself only preserved by his unnecessary 
 delay, at only four miles distance, to concentrate his forces ere 
 he commenced the siege. 
 
 This inroad was a preconcerted scheme of the Milanese con- 
 gress where it was settled that the appearance of Visconti's 
 army in Tuscany should be the signal for a general movement 
 of the confederates : those of Komagna with the Ubaldini 
 were to commence operations in the mountains ; the Tarlati, 
 Ubertini, and Pazzi, in the Upper Val d'Anio and count Tano 
 da Monte Carelli in the Mugello. The Pisans were expected 
 simultaneously to declare war, but their present ruler Gamba- 
 corta, a merchant and the friend of peace and Florence, 
 demanded time, and even a subsequent embassy from Milan 
 failed in securing an object on the success of which Visconti 
 founded his principal hopes of victory*. 
 
 The Ubaldini commenced bv l)urning Firenzuola and takint,' 
 Monte Colloreto through the folly of the governor, who was 
 afterwards beheaded at Florence for his conduct : Piero Sacconi, 
 the Ubertini and the Pazzi followed u[) tliis blow without a 
 moment's pause though all were at peace with Florence : that 
 city blind to every premonitory symptom of so extensive an out- 
 break had made no preparations ; her councils were distracted, 
 her citizens astounded, and party violence had destroyed all 
 confidence between man and man f . 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. ii., cap. iv., xx. — Istorie Milanese. 
 
 Poggio Bracciolini, 1st. di Firenze, + M. Villani, Lib. ii., cap. vi., vii. 
 
 Lib. i**. — Corio, Parte iii% folio 225. — 
 
 CHAP. XXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 179 
 
 The government's first act was to demand why Giovanni 
 d' Oleggio, who had already invested Prato, thus treacherously 
 invaded the territory of a friendly power in time of profound 
 peace; but the only answer was a publication of Visconti 's 
 resolve to reform all the Tuscan states, beginning with Flo- 
 rence, and to restore tranquillity both within and without, by 
 persuasion if possible, if not, by force of arms. This insolent 
 message raised the indignation, suppressed the discord, and 
 dispersed every fear of the Florentines ; but nevertheless when 
 the Milanese general suddenly advanced with his whole force 
 on Campi and insulted the citizens under their walls, the 
 Seignory still doubtful of internal treason and totally unpre- 
 pared, was at a loss how to act until reassured by the zeal 
 and cooperation of every order in the commonwealth. The 
 civic companies were assembled in arms and stationed on the 
 ramparts, and confidence revived so rapidly that only those 
 gates nearest to the enemy were closed, all the others remain- 
 ing open as in times of profound peace ; and unsupported by a 
 single mercenary the citizens resolved to defend their town. 
 
 But hunger did more than lances : the rural mills had been 
 dismantled, com could not be ground, and flour was nowhere 
 to be had ; whole grain and animal food in small quantities 
 with little or no salt, l)ecame the enemy's only sustenance : 
 August heats and gradual deprivation of every supply affected 
 the troops ; suffermgs were great and general ; and this now 
 dispirited army at last attempted to penetrate into the fertile 
 plains of San Salvi eastward of Florence. They were checked by 
 an intrenchment well lined with cross-bows which was suddenly 
 thrown up between Porta San Gallo and the hill of Montughi : 
 a retreat by their former line of march was next attempted, 
 but the people of Prato destroyed the roads ; Val di Marina 
 which leads into the province of Mugello offered another outlet ; 
 but here retreat was still more difficult for the people rose in 
 a body and occupying the mountain passes showed a determmed 
 
 N 2 
 
130 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 I. 
 
 front. In this predicament the surrender of Oleggio's anny 
 would have been inevitable had not the whole position, strong 
 and difficult as it was, been shamefully abandoned by a Medici 
 with the only force of regular troops in that district. These 
 soldiers although alone insufficient, were zealously seconded 
 by the peasantrj-, and the passes only admitting the march of 
 troops by single files of infantry or dismounted cavalr}% could 
 have been easily defended; but thus deserted the country 
 people retired with deep imprecations on the Florentines who 
 had abandoned them, and now thought only of saving their 
 goods and families. 
 
 The Milanese commander was not slow in availing himself 
 of this opening ; he instantly occupied the passes, and push- 
 ing rapidly through the defiles soon encamped amidst all the 
 abundance of the Mugello : Barberino a strong and well-pro- 
 vided town was treacherously surrendered ; Villanova, Gagliaiio, 
 Latera and other places tendered their obedience and supplied 
 his troops ; Count Tano da Monte Carelli declared himself of 
 the league ; and this half-famished half-conquered army found 
 itself as if by magic securely triumphing in the heart of a fruit- 
 ful country. 
 
 Nevertheless its departure under any circumstances removed 
 a load of anxiety from Florence ; national spirit rose ; Scar- 
 peria, Borgo a San Lorenzo, Pulicciano and other posts were 
 reenforced; troops were rapidly levied and organised and 
 vigorous preparations made on every side*. Pulicciano fought 
 stoutly although fenced only by a simple palisade, and stood 
 resolutely and successfully against two thousand Barbute a 
 thousand infantry and a strong body of crossbowmen : the 
 Milanese horsemen dismounted, and linking their arms toge- 
 ther in a strong line flanked by cross-bows, moved steadily up 
 the hill like a band of steel and after a fierce and well-sustained 
 encounter were broken and driven back in confusion. 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. ii., cap. viii. to xv. — Poggio Bracciolini, Lib. i". 
 
 CHAP. XXII,] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 181 
 
 But while war raged in the Mugello the Aretine frontier 
 was not tranquil : Piero Sacconi, now ninety years of acre 
 together with the Bishop of Arezzo, the Ubertini, and the 
 Pazzi of Valdarno, made a combined attack on the Florentine 
 territory but were promptly repulsed : Albertaccio de' Ricasoli 
 who commanded the Florentines was charged with treachery 
 for not completing his victory by destroying the enemy while 
 m his power ; he sternly repelled the accusation, to which how- 
 ever his close connection with many in the hostile amy 
 added some force ; and as it escaped without loss during the 
 night the troops became indignant especially the Aretines 
 who sullenly quitted his camp and marched to their capital 
 
 Visconti anxious for Pisa's cooperation sent ambassadors to 
 work on the public mind and turn her citizens to war; but his 
 designs were baffled by the pmdence of Gambacorta and the 
 prelate again despaired of success; yet so universal was the 
 dread of his power that Florence could not at any price enlist a 
 single military commander in her defence *. 
 
 Thus compelled to trust to the leading of her own citizens 
 she exerted herself nobly and gained such an ascendancy in 
 the Mugello, the principal seat of war, that all public agitation 
 ceased ; the ordinary commercial transactions were resumed as 
 If m pea/^e ; the monthly interest of national debt was punctu- 
 ally discharged, and the whole people assumed an aspect of so 
 much confidence as to produce a strong moral effect on the 
 enemy. The siege of Scai-peria was nevertheless begun and 
 pushed on with such vigour by Giovanni d' Oleggio that the 
 place was soon reduced to extremity: Florence strained every 
 nerve to relieve it and impatiently expected six hundred men- 
 at-arms from Perugia. This reenforcement had in fact be-un 
 Its march and halted at a place called I'Olmo about two miles 
 trom the friendly city of Arezzo; but Piero Sacconi was then 
 at JJibbiena and hearing of the delay determined to suq^rise it 
 
 * Corio, Hist. Milan., Parte iii% folio 225. 
 
f 
 
 182 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 with four hundred horse and two thousand mfantiy. His foot- 
 men were rapidly brought down from the Casentino and placed 
 in ambush amongst the hills in rear of the Perugians while 
 he suddenly charged their front at the head of his cavalry : 
 surprised but not daunted they fought stoutly took the old 
 chieftain prisoner, and would probably have gauied the day 
 had not an unexpected occurrence baffled all their efforts. 
 
 Arezzo after the recovery of her independence had been 
 alwavs more or less a prey to faction and like all other Italian 
 republics was continually vexed by the ambition of private 
 citizens; there as elsewhere a firm and general pressure was 
 required ; not so heavy as to oppress liberty or impede indi- 
 vidual enterprise, but sufficient to repel the high-reaching 
 fancies of those citizens who find no peace or satisfaction in 
 equality. After the Tariati s expulsion the Guelphic family of 
 Boscoli became the most powerful of her citizens, and as a 
 matter of course the most overbearing and tyrannical : this 
 occasioned their expulsion in 1347, but only to make way for 
 other Guelphs of the Brandagli race who were equally ambi- 
 tious and despotic. Both had made external professions of 
 friendship to Florence but merely to suit their own objects, 
 which like those of Sacconi were absolute power in Arezzo : 
 but the Brandagli could not accomplish this without the assist- 
 ance of exUes, and as the Tariati were the ablest and most 
 powerful of these, their alliance was sedulously courted. 
 
 The old chieftain's capture offered a fiiir occasion, wherefore 
 promptly assembhng their forces they humed with a numerous 
 body to the field, and under the character of allies of Flo- 
 rence persuaded the Perugians to commit the custody of Piero 
 Sacconi to them ; but no sooner was he placed in their power 
 than he received his liberty and the Brandagli retired to 
 Arezzo without further interference. 
 
 Piero soon rallied his men and recommenced the fight while 
 his infantry suddenly descending in the enemy's rear com- 
 
 .7' 
 
 CHAP. XXIl.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 183 
 
 pletely overpowered them and he led three hundred prisoners 
 away in triumph to Bibbiena. This paralysed every offensive 
 movement on the part of Florence, increased the difficulty of 
 relieving Scaq^eria, and almost banished hope from the hearts 
 of its brave defenders. Nevertheless the Florentines deter- 
 mined to attempt sometliing and despatched Giovanni Visdo- 
 raini a brave and skilful soldier, who volunteered with only 
 tlnrty followers to relieve them : with prompt and determined 
 courage he went straight to his object and suddenly coming 
 on the besiegers' camp burst through it with the speed of liaht- 
 nmg carrying his little band of heroes safely into the place. 
 The military reputation of Visdomhii and his successful auda- 
 city gave new spirit to the garrison while their enemy angry 
 and mortified closed round the town hi denser lines, deter- 
 mined to prevent any successful repetition of this boldness • 
 yet a chief of the Medici with only one hundred footmen, his' 
 owii good fame, and a skilful guide, pushed by night through 
 the hills, forced tlie Milanese camp after a sliaq) encounter, 
 and with eighty men made good his entrance =^ 
 . Exasperated at this double defeat by such contemptible 
 forces Oleggio renewed his exertions and vrith fresh troops and 
 the promise of double pay resolved on .i general assault f. 
 Every wariike machine then in use was carefully prepared, and 
 numerous lofty towers were wheeled with great labour to 
 within crossbow-shot of the defences ; the storm then began : 
 not a sound or a movement was to be perceived in Scarpe- 
 na ; all remained as still as night : but when the assailants, 
 having passed the outer ditch, were engaged in the second and 
 had even laid some ladders to the walls, suddenly and by pre- 
 concerted signals such a tempest of stones, arrows, lances, 
 
 f ^^'pJ^'^rtnl^' "■' "''P' '"''- ^^''-^''"- ^'^^ ^'^ctoTieB. The pay was counted 
 
 or dole T ^ T' ^'^T"'"'" ^"*^"^^*^>'' "°* ^^'^^^ «"d the month's 
 
 Plete M^. ^1 '''T '^' T""'^' '^"™- P«y^^-^^« given in advance, as if finished, 
 
 forrewnrl T f ^""V^^^^^^ri when the army was thus rewarded, 
 
 lor rewaids given to the troops after 
 
184 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 185 
 
 beams of timber, and other missiles thundered on their heads 
 as nothuig could withstand : from every part ; far and near ; 
 within, without ; above, below ; was one incessant shower of 
 death ; not a shaft flew in vain, eveiy stone struck, and the 
 slaughter was commensurate. The assailants though continu- 
 ally ""relieved by fresh troops and bravely fighting, could not 
 long stand up against such weapons so wielded by the skill 
 and" courage of the garrison: they were stricken back from 
 the walls, surge after surge, like waves from a rock, nor could 
 they even approach the palisade where no ramparts existed ; 
 there was a ceitain line beyond which was death, and of the 
 sixty-four ladders they had carried to the first ditch, only 
 three reached the second in safety and there were instantly 
 
 abandoned. 
 
 The attiick failed, the troops fell back in disorder, a conscious 
 shame overwhelmed their chiefs which they strove to conceal 
 or else get rid of in the galleries of a mme ; but even here they 
 were baffled, for the garrison retrenched the wall within, and 
 countermined without : this brought the enemy's whole force 
 against their workmen ; severe shooting was kept up from a 
 wooden tower; the assailants were reenforced, the counter- 
 miners more closely protected ; and the besieger' mine, dis- 
 covered only forty feet from the walls, was at once filled up, 
 the props burned, and the enemy's workmen dispersed or 
 slaughtered. An impetuous onslaught was simultaneously made 
 by all the covering force ; it was repulsed, the wooden tower 
 with another more distant were reduced to ashes and the whole 
 strength of Milan once more compelled to retreat with shame 
 and disappointment to the camp. 
 
 Winter was now approaching ; forage and other supplies 
 
 began to foil, and fears then rife in the Milanese camp of being 
 
 ultimately baffled by a half-fortified town, determined Oleggio 
 
 Visconti to risk one other assault ere his final departure. 
 
 Fascines were therefore collected, new towers and engines 
 
 constructed and immediately rolled to the ditch, each ready 
 with its archer-garrison to be again pushed over it. The army 
 was once more under arms and marshalled ; on a signal given 
 the light-infantry and " Guastatori " advanced with their 
 fagots in rapid succession and filled the outer moat, then 
 passed on to the second and made all level : meanwhile the 
 men-at-ai-ms cUsmounted and with lowered visors began to 
 roll the heavy engines ax^ross both ditches and plant them 
 close against the walls. The now more confident garrison 
 suffered much of this ere any resistance was off^ered ; they 
 abode their time ; suddenly as before ; a storm of beams and 
 stones, arrows and sharpened stakes, fell thick and fast and 
 repelled the assailants to the outer fosse the towers being 
 too closely pressed to cover or assist them; all this was 
 followed up by bold and bloody sallies which soon shortened 
 and confii-med the day, driving Oleggio from his ground with 
 engines burned and spirit-tamed and everywhere discomfited. 
 Yet there was no lack of courage, or any despondency : if the 
 spirit bowed, it was but for a moment : the troops retreated ; 
 but the German chiefs and vassals who had been scarcely 
 engaged, were now appealed to ; they were excited by double 
 pay, by present shame, and future honoui-s, to storm once more 
 this weak but well-defended fortress. 
 
 These had their effect ; three hundred volunteers, all knights- 
 bachelors, were selected and ordered to arm without noise and 
 be ready at midnight for the attack : the troops then retired to 
 their tents, but at the appointed hour were again awake and 
 under anns : a solemn silence pervaded camp and country ; 
 the moon was high, the night serene and beautiful ; canvas 
 and corslet glittered in her beam, but the town s deep shadow 
 spread like a funeral pall upon the place of conflict. This cir- 
 cumstance was taken advantage of and skilfully improved : the 
 plan of attack was explained, and then, armed at all points, 
 the stormers glided like phantoms into that darkness which now 
 
ISG 
 
 FLORLNTINK HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 sened to conceal them, while their comrades with drums and 
 trumpets, cheei-s and chuig of arms, marched briskly through a 
 broad flood of moonlight towards the opposite quarter. The 
 town seemed still and silent, half obscured half bright, mark- 
 mg its towers and turrets on the gmss : its weary soldiers 
 v^eak from the mornings work strode calmly to their posts, 
 no way deceived by this boisterous movement but watching 
 with keener eye the stealthy advance of the others. Not a 
 tower nor merlon was unmanned, good marksmen were sta- 
 tioned to pick off the nearest of the false attack while the real 
 body of storaiers was allowed to place their ladders in silence 
 and even for a while to mount ; but when clustering like bees 
 upon each other they prepared to enter, the oft-repeated storm 
 came clattering on their heads', and knight and ladder went 
 headlong down in one promiscuous ruin : this crash was deci- 
 sive ; all that could escape fled to the main body ; and even 
 there, though the crj' was gi'eater than the work, mmy had 
 fallen by the Florentine marksmen. Vigorous sallies were again 
 made with success and the stniggle was continued : when morn- 
 ing da\N-ned Oleggio's army was in full retreat, as yet followed 
 only by part of the garrison ; but verj- soon the remainder with 
 one loud and general cheer completed the victory. After a few 
 days the siege was raised and a further retreat to Bologna 
 most skilfully eff'ected on the sixteenth of October 1351 in 
 defiance of ever}' eff'ort of the Florentines. 
 
 Thus ended the campaign ; in which a treacherous and for- 
 midable attempt to annihilate Florence as an independent state 
 signally failed : a brave and experienced army of two thousand 
 knights, five thousand Barbute, and six thousand foot was 
 baffled for sixty-one days by a miserable, small, half-open town 
 in a distant province ; and though supported by secrecy discipline 
 and treacher)', and with the terror of Viscontis name, retired 
 in disgrace after three months' occupation of a sui-prised unpre- 
 pared country! Such is the uncertain chance of war, and 
 
 CHAP. XXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 187 
 
 such the difficulty of subduing men of honour and determina- 
 tion*. 
 
 The brave commanders and garrison were rewarded by a 
 decree of the commonwealth ; several nobles who distinguished 
 themselves in the siege were honoured by the loss of their 
 nobility and restoration to all the rights of citizenship, and the 
 inhabitants were exempted from every public burden for ten 
 years f . 
 
 This demonstration of the power and unscrupulous ambition 
 of Visconti excited universal detestation and alarm at Florence 
 and urged her to more extensive measures of defence : where- 
 fore during the siege of Scarperia she renewed her alliance 
 with Siena and Perugia, sent ambassadors for a similar purpose 
 into Romagna and a special embassy to Avignon to strengthen 
 herself if possible by Pope Clement's support, whom she 
 natumlly considered to be an implacable enemy to the Ghibe- 
 line prelate. Arezzo was also invited with considerable offers 
 of territory to join the league for Florence was liberal in her 
 concessions to a city that she hoped ere long to have again 
 under her control. By this league the Florentines engaged to 
 funiish a thousand men-at-arms besides infantry and archers, 
 and their levies exceeded their contingent : but without confi- 
 dence in Clement and anticipating nothing but ill success in 
 their struggle against Milanese gold and intrigues at the court 
 of Avignon, they resolved to trust principally to their own 
 resources, and therefore created a board of twenty citizens to 
 fonii a new and more productive scale of imposts. This how- 
 ever was insufficient to allay the teiTor of Visconti's ambition 
 which rose so high that throwing aside inveterate prejudices 
 they even went so far as to invite the late emperor's son Louis 
 of Bavaria to enter Italy, and it was only his excessive preten- 
 sions that finally broke off" the negotiation ;. 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. ii., cap. xxi. to f S. Ammirato, Lib. x., p. 535.— 
 
 xxin., and xxix. to xxxiv. — Poggio Poggio Bracciolino, Lib. i». 
 
 Bracciolini,Lib.i«.--CronacacliDonato + S. Ammirato, Lib. x., p. 537.— 
 
 V elluti, p. 93. M. Vaiani, Lib. ii„ cap. xlvi. 
 
188 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 The pernicious custom of employing foreign mercenaries for 
 national wars had long been undermining all military spirit in 
 Italy, and the purely commercial states more eagerly adopted 
 a system which left them at liberty to follow their peaceful and 
 lucrative occupations ; but it was not until this moment that 
 the first, gi'eatest, and most decisive blow was given to tliis 
 spirit by legal enactments. The new financial board amongst 
 other expedients for the Milanese war commuted all personal 
 sendee from the rural i)opulation of the Contado for a sum 
 amountmg to ten soldi a day for each foot soldier, and payable 
 three times a year : fifty-two thousand golden florins were thus 
 raised and all Italy soon followed the seducing example. 
 
 It was indeed a great momentary relief and universally 
 applauded as a wise and statesmanlike act ; but it wsis also 
 pregnant with unforeseen, or at least miheeded evil ; an evil 
 which became fatally manifest and miiversally dei)lored when 
 Italy afterwards found herself at the mercy of cruel unprinci- 
 pled and rapacious strangers*. 
 
 Although this decree did not legally extend further than 
 the Contado, it deadened the native spirit, gave full scope to 
 the petrifpng selfishness of the mere trader unrelieved by the 
 generous cliivalry of soldiers. 
 
 The nobler human feelings are perhaps pretty equally 
 distributed by nature through every class, but occasionally 
 smothered or modified by pecidiar circumstimces : the grasping, 
 selfish mfluence commonly engendered in trade, although re- 
 lieved by many honourable exceptions, still sullies or suspends 
 their action and often altogether destroys them, but they swell 
 and expand and blossom amidst the perils of a soldier's life : 
 a periodical remuneration for sen'ices perfonned or expected, 
 leaves time and room for feeling, honour, and generosity ; but 
 the hard everj'-day barter of, this for that ; the strife of gain, 
 the race of cunning, is a better sharpener of ^vit than a nurse 
 of generous feeling ; yet when soldiers become mere hirelings 
 
 • Leon. Aretino, Lib. vii., p. 128, 141.— S. Ammirato, Lib. x., p. 537. 
 
 CHAP. XXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 189 
 
 they imbibe the spirit without even the conventional honesty 
 or ceitain usefulness of trade, and those who abandon their 
 countr}^'s protection to such people must soon become the scorn 
 and prey of their protectors. 
 
 This act, coupled with the lately-established system of loans 
 and public funds, removed many of the existing inconveniences 
 and therefore many of the voluntary checks of war, which is 
 always less considered when only the interest of its cost is 
 called for and when the inconvenience of personal service 
 is commuted for a slight pecuniary sacrifice. 
 
 Besides these imposts the new board of ways and means 
 levied a tax on hearths which amounted to 140 golden florins 
 a day : the clergy were also taxed afresh, the amount being 
 levied by themselves ; and these with some smaller taxation 
 raised the annual revenue to 360,000 golden florins*. 
 
 Amongst these minor imposts was a very singular one 
 called " La Gahella delle Querlmonie " or tax on com- 
 plaints, which was exacted from those who behoving 
 themselves aggrieved by the government the magistrates or 
 any public sen^ant, were simple enough to demand redress 
 and suppose they would obtain it. This is perhaps the only 
 instance on record of a government boldly dii-ectly and syste- 
 matically imposing a penalty on the demand for justice against 
 itself, and of a people with the name of liberty in their mouth 
 submitting to it even for a season ; we have the evil in abundance 
 at home but are occasionally somewhat ashamed of it. Whether 
 from its unpopulaiity or unproductiveness it was repealed at 
 the year's end and expired along with its authors, for they 
 were now replaced by a new financial board called the " Hegih 
 latori " composed of a citizen from each quarter, one being a 
 noble, with full powers to augment or diminish taxation accord- 
 ing to public necessity f . 
 
 A.D. 1352. 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. ii., cap. xlvi. — S.Ammirato, Lib. x., p. 537. 
 f S. Ammirato, Lib. x., p. 549. 
 
190 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORT. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 191 
 
 About this epoch the expense of embassies had become so 
 burdensome to private individuals that few were fomid wilhng 
 to accept them until salaries were augmented in proportion to 
 the dictnity of those employed and that of the court to which they 
 were accredited ; but after this the refusal of such missions 
 was prohibited under a penalty of 500 Horins and inelegi- 
 bility to everv public office -. 
 
 From the citizens who discharged these fmictions at Avignon 
 intelligence had amved which confirmed all previous suspicions 
 of Pop'e Clement s intentions, and the subsequent confirmation 
 of Visconti for twelve years in the lordship of Bologna dissi- 
 pated the ver\' slender expectations that had hitherto been 
 entertained of his assistance. A Imndred thousand florins 
 paid by Milan with twelve thousand more of annual tribute, 
 besides bribes to cardinals, ministers, and mistresses, especially 
 to the Countess of Turenne who niled the pontitf, reconciled 
 that spiritual father to his haughty son. 
 
 Indignant at this proceeding the Florentines immediately 
 published a treaty which had for some time been secretly 
 concluded between Siena, Pemgia, themselves, and the em- 
 peror Charies IV. by which this offspring of their great 
 enemy was to be acknowledged as future emperor and receive 
 200,000 florins on condition that he would instantly furnish 
 three thousand men-at-arms, and make war upon the arch- 
 bishop in Lombardy throughout the whole of July, with twice 
 that number of soldiers, besides other services. 
 
 Five ambassadors were despatched to the imperial court to 
 finish these aiTangements, with peremptorj^ orders to ask no 
 personal favour under a penalty of -^000 florins ; a precaution 
 rendered necessary by the prevalent habit of sacrificing public 
 good to private interest. :Mattei-s were however not well 
 managed ; the union was of essentially discordant materials 
 and against the natural ally of one party : besides which, 
 
 ♦ S. Ammirato, Lib. x., p. 538. 
 
 fi 
 
 Florentine sarcasm offended imperial pride while Milanese gold 
 was soothing; and finally Ghibeline arguments and propen- 
 sities were far more effective than Guelphic diplomacy. The 
 alliance was only engendered by the force of existing circum- 
 stances and therefore easily dissolved ; so that the embassy 
 returaed unsuccessful and all hope of assistance disappeared 
 in that quarter--. 
 
 Meanwhile it became expedient to punish the Tarlati, Pazzi, 
 and Ubertini for their treachery, and accordingly six hundred 
 men-at-arms with a very numerous infantry were sent against 
 them ; Bibbiena, Soci, Cornia, ( iaeiina, Penna and other 
 places were taken and Piero Sacconi defeated ; whereupon this 
 successful expedition returned with many prisoners to Flo- 
 rence f. 
 
 Francesco Castracani was similarly treated in Lunigiana and 
 Garfagnana where at the secret instigation of Pisa he had 
 siezed on Coriglia as afterwards on Sorana, and delivered them 
 both up to that republic ; then with three hundred Milanese 
 auxiliaries he laid siege to liarga, a stronghold of Florence, 
 which after four months' defence was relieved by twenty thou- 
 sand Florenthie infantry and six hundred cavaliy in the fol- 
 lowing October with the entire defeat of Francesco*. 
 
 The indefiitigable old chieftain Piero Sacconi, though now 
 more than ninety, no sooner saw his enemy's troops well occu- 
 pied in this expedition than full of energ}^ and untamed by 
 misfortune he mustered his ready followers and attacked a 
 suburb of Arezzo ; but with the aid of a hundred Florentine 
 cavalry, who liappened to sleep there on their march from 
 Perugia, he was rei>ulsed by the inhabitants. Turned off" here 
 he moved rai)idly down the Val d'Amo, pounced suddenly on 
 Tiglini and totally destroyed it ere a single soldier could arrive 
 from Florence ; then carrying ofi' his booty returned to Arezzo, 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. iii., cap. iv., v., vi., + S. Ammirato, Lib. x. 
 
 vii., xiii., and xxx. t M. Villani, Lib. iii., cap. xii,, xxxv. 
 
192 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 insulted the citizens, and ^vith his Milanese auxiliaries and 
 other allies dispersed into winter quarters*. 
 
 In the Mugello the Ubaldini still continued their hostile 
 movements and were besieging Lozzoli which they had nearly 
 reduced to extremities when Giovanni Alberti with two hun- 
 dred men-at-jirms and fifteen hundred foot was despatched with 
 a convoy of provisions to relieve it. Alberti to secure his 
 object occupied two important positions on the heights of Mala- 
 coda and Vagliano with eight hundred infantry, wiiile he with 
 all the cavalry and six hundred foot placed himself at Prati to 
 protect the convoy, which under the guard of a hundred picked 
 soldiei's was to force an entrance thi'ough the enemy's lines. 
 This last service was gallantly and successfully executed ; but 
 in the interim seventy peasants and thirty women advanced 
 with loud cries and half-armed towards the post of Malacoda 
 and struck so great a panic hito the troops that they hastily 
 demanded assistance from Alberti : fifty horsemen were 
 promptly ordered to their support Imt these also took the jdarm 
 and lacked courage even to approach their comrades, who with 
 increasing terror fled in confusion. The peasantry though 
 scarcely believing their senses followed up the pursuit until the 
 detachment on Vagliano catchmg the panic also abandoned 
 their post and joined the fugitives : even the Vicar of the 
 Mugello, Alberti himself, caught the strange infection and was 
 the first to arrive with the news of his own discomfiture at 
 Scarperia ! Thus fourteen hundred infantry and two hundred 
 cavalry were put to flight by seventy peasants and thirty old 
 women, with the loss of four hmidred and fifty prisoners, one 
 hundred and twenty of whom were men-at-arms ; while a hun- 
 dred of their companions forced the enemy's lines victualled 
 the fortress after a sharp conflict and marched safely out again 
 the following morning. 
 
 This incident, individually trifling, serves to show on what 
 
 M. Villani, Lib. iii., cap. xxxvi., xxxviii. 
 
 [chap, xxir.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HI8T0KY. 
 
 193 
 
 fmere accidents the fate of war depends, and consequently how 
 the most scientific measures may sometimes fail although 
 planned with all the skill of long experience and ability. 
 
 Both belligerents now began to tire of war, for Visconti saw 
 that little impression could be made on Florence unless with 
 the assistance of Pisa, and tlie only objection of the former 
 state was a total distrust in tlie arclibishop's sincerity: Lotto 
 (xambacorta was the friend of both and desirous of peace, 
 and Pope Clement's death which occurred in the following 
 December accelerated its approach. This pontiff was luxurious 
 licentious and extravagant ; he peqietuated the pontifical resi- 
 dence in France by the purchase of Avignon where the de- 
 bauchery of the papal court had long been n^ttorious, and so 
 lar from improving under Clement it provoked the indignation 
 of all those who really and religiously venerated the church, 
 amongst them Petrarca, whose three sonnets on the modern 
 l)abylon are themselves sullicient to consign Clement and his 
 whole court to everLi sting infamy. So glarhig indeed were 
 these priestly irregularities that a satirical epistle was picked 
 up in the ]tvosence-cli;unl)er, dropped as was supi)osed by a car- 
 <linal, pui] Mating to be written by his Satanic Majesty to his 
 brother Clement VL and iilled with i)raises and congratulations 
 on the conduct of himself and his courtiers whose vices were 
 especially enumerated, and wliicli he was assured would not 
 fail to secure them a high and distinguished rank in the infernal 
 regions. Stefano di Alberto Bishop of Ostia succeeded Cle- 
 ment VI. under the name of Innocent VI. and with a fair 
 moral character, though undistinguished by talent or learning, 
 nnmediately connnenced a reform of his predecessor s long-con- 
 tinued irregularities *. 
 
 The Gambacorti of Pisa were still exerthig themselves to 
 re-establish i»eace between Florence and Milan, and so far suc- 
 
 * Poggio Bracciolini, Lib. i". — M. Villani, Lib. ii", cap. xlviii., and Lib. 
 ni«, cap. xliii. 
 
 VOL. n. o 
 
194 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 A.D. 1353. 
 
 ceeded in dissipating the suspicions of the former ahout Vis- 
 conti s sincerity as to induce both parties to send com- 
 missionei-s to Serezzana and hegin the negotiations. 
 A treaty was therefore signed on the thirty-first of March in- 
 cluding all the allies of both belligerents, but with little gahi 
 on either side beyond a mutual promise not to meddle with 
 each other s affaii-s, and some reciprocal connnercial advantages. 
 Peace however, if not disgraceful is always welcome, and 
 Florence thus lightened of the cares and expense of war turned 
 again to self-reformation. Amongst other evils, springing 
 from the prepotency of individual families in ^mall states, 
 robbery on- a large scale had become so frequent and alarming, 
 and in despite of the Todesta s vigilance so difficult of detection, 
 that scarcely a single night passed without some audacious act 
 of private plunder. These were not the petty enterprises of 
 common housebreakers but extensive deiire.latious committed 
 by individuals belonging to the highest families in the common- 
 wealth, nor was their rank less conspicuous than their plans 
 were ingenious. A large party of young gentlemen was wont 
 to assemble after nightfall in the destined spot with lutes 
 tnnnpets and other musical instruments, as if al>out to sere- 
 nade some lady of the neighbourhood ; and while a few of the 
 first rank were stationed at both ends of the street implormg 
 random passengers not to insist on passing and disturb the en- 
 tertainment, the rest shrouded by night and sung and over- 
 powering music, were busy at their work: any house was thus 
 entered in safety and for a long time they bailled eveiy effoit 
 of the magistrates ; but finally a bold handsome and fascinat- 
 ing' vouth of the Bordoni familv was detected amongst them. 
 His father and uncle had been gonfaloniers of justice ; his 
 brother an aml)assador at the imperial court ; his family was 
 therefore of the highest rank, and ricli and powerful in its 
 jiarentage and numerous followers. Confiding in this the 
 culprit fearlessly appeared at the Podestas summons and 
 
 CHAP. XXH.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 195 
 
 unhesitatingly avowed his guilt : he would have been instantly 
 executed had not the family influence, as he expected, bound 
 the seignoiy to his cause and overcome all legal authority. 
 The Podesta's guards and attendants were abruptly dismissed 
 by the priors ; but l)eing thus publicly defied and insulted 
 e^en by the government itself, he broke his staff of office and 
 retired in anger to Siena, leaving his final vindication in the 
 hands of the people. 
 
 It was in good keeping : all Florence was soon in a ferment : 
 stern demands for justice were heard on every side : public 
 indignation rose like a flame : "' punishment," as the people 
 asserted, " was only for the poor jind weak ; impunity for the 
 " rich and powerful : the latter triumphed unharmed in all 
 '* their wickedness while the fornitn- were led Hke sheep to the 
 " slaughter-house for the slightest fault." Such were the cries 
 that resounded through the town : every wall and corner were 
 scribbled with cliarcoal expressive of this feeling, and so general 
 was the anger that a new seignory to prevent tumult were com- 
 pelled to reinstate the Podestas attendants and despatch mes- 
 sengers to that high dignitary Immbly imploring his return. 
 They had the eftronteiT to assert that what had been done was 
 only to retard justice, not destroy it, or derocfate in anv wav from 
 his authority. This was ae('om2)aiiied by a remuneration of 
 •-2000 floiins, and Paolo Vaiani accordingly resumed his func- 
 tions, returned triuni2)liantly to ilorence, condemned and de- 
 capitated the young Bordini, banished many of his accoinpHces, 
 and ultimately succeeded in })inging the city of these nocturnal 
 disorders ■-. 
 
 About the same time one of tliose numerous famines that 
 successively afflicted Florence and all other parts of Italy in 
 consequence of restrictive laws on the commerce of food, be- 
 came so distressing that a suspension of the duties on butchers' 
 meat as well as on corn, wine, oil ; and every other sort of sus- 
 
 * M. Villaui, Lib. iii., cap. Iviii Scip. Amniirato, Lib. x., p. 543, &c, 
 
 O '^ 
 
195 
 
 FLOKENTTN'E HISTORY. 
 
 [BOt>K I 
 
 tenauce from the Valdinievole, was resorted to for general 
 relief thus indicating the extreme impolicy of such restric- 
 tions ; for the same freedom of commercial action tliat ^^ill 
 relieve distress in periods of univei-sal calamity must impart 
 more vigour to individual and general exertions in prosperous 
 times, and therefore contribute to prevent the suHering which 
 it is called hi to mitigate. 
 
 This calamity increased the desire for external quiet, and 
 aiLxious for general tranquillity as a commercial state, the 
 Florentines exerted themselves to make peace between Siena 
 and the Cavalieri lords of Montepulciano ; both were (iuelphs 
 and members of the league and their agreement was ot" 
 general importance ; but the latter were now besieged by the 
 former, and this disunion weakenhig the confederacy Pemgia 
 earnestly joined in the mediation ; hostilities ceased ; Monte- 
 pulciano resumed its popular form of govenmient and was 
 placed for twenty years under the protection of Siena while 
 the Cavalieri were to receive due compensation : but Siena 
 aftenvards tailing in this part of the treaty roused the indigna- 
 tion of Florence who was a guarantee for its perfo nuance, and 
 nearly occasioned war between these two republics ■•'-. 
 
 Usurpation was a lucrative branch of trade in these restless 
 days; for if any powerful citizen succeeded in gaining the 
 lordship of his native city and afterwards found himself too 
 weak to keep it, he could always sell the troublesome acquisi- 
 tion to some potent neighbour, and the right thus acquired, the 
 right of present possession, was never theoretically disputed 
 while the power of retaining the countiy remained to the pur- 
 chaser. But these usurimtions were generally preceded by 
 lonfT and bloody struj^des between rival houses, which kept 
 cities in a continual sUite of vexation and tormented the whole 
 community : sometimes the people were roused, and expelled 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. iii., cap. Ixiv. and Ixxviii. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 197 
 
 both fiictions, but oftener put themselves under the protection 
 of a more powerful state. 
 
 In this way the inhabitiuits of San Gimignano vexed and 
 tired l)y continual rivalry between the Salvucci and Ardinghi 
 or Ardinghelli, two potent families that kept them in constant 
 tribulation, resolved to give the city to Florence and sacrifice 
 their native independence for tlie sake of internal peace. The 
 Ardinghelli at once bowed to popular opinion, but their rivals 
 though too weak to oppose it, remonstrated so effectually 
 against the injustice of profiting by civil dissension to clutch at 
 the sovereignty of a friendly state without the general consent, 
 that Florence honestly refused it unless two hundred and fifty 
 of the principal inhabitants of San (iiuiignano appeared before 
 the seignory as the authorised representatives of the whole 
 coQnuunity and formally resigned their independence. But 
 when even this was complied with the proposition only passed 
 by a majority of one vote in the Florentine councils and 
 under the most liberal conditions ; six months' residence in 
 Florence being sufficient to acquire the rights of citizenship. 
 The state of San Gimignano was incorporated in the Contado. 
 and made a league or military division in itself under the com- 
 mand of the actual Podestii ; but all nobles above the age of 
 fifteen were expelled the town until the erection of a citadel ; 
 so universal was the dread of aristocratic turbulence in everv 
 free community -. 
 
 War was at this time waging with great animosity between 
 the Genoese and Venetians ; the latter had l)een defeated at 
 Constantinople and the former swept triumphantly up the 
 Adriatic insulting even Venice itself. Eager for revenge a 
 united fleet of Venetians and Catalans was despatched to the 
 Sardinian seas and a decisive victory gained over their common 
 enemy : the discomfiture was so complete tliat Florence ever 
 fearful and suspicious of Milan thought it necessary to send an 
 
 » M. Alllani, Lib. ii", cap. Ixxiii. 
 
19S 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 embassy of condolence to Genoa with friendly offers of assist- 
 ance ; but that once proud and donuneering city was now so dis- 
 heartened, from intestine discord rather than fear or weakness, 
 as to offer itself to Visconti who eagerly accepting the gift 
 took militarj' possession of Genoa and nearly (luairelled >^ith 
 Florence for her sympathy. The latter although anxious for 
 peace had great difficulty to preserve it, and Pisa becoming 
 uneasy at seeing hei*self shouldered by so powerful a neigh- 
 bour drew closer towards her: the most advantageous overtures 
 from Venice, (now brought into collision with the archbishop) 
 were therefore refused ; but peace remained unbroken only 
 because Visconti w^as not as yet sufficiently prepared for its 
 violation. 
 
 This danger over the vear finished bv one of those reversed 
 acts of honoraiy distinction that are in such marked contrast 
 to the general sentiments of the present day. Domenico 
 de' Cavalcanti who had long associated on terms of equality 
 and familiarity with the people was rewarded by a complete 
 emancipation from all ties of nobility and the honour of a collo- 
 cation in the more solid, beneficial, and therefore the more 
 courted order of the democracy *. 
 
 CoTEMPORARY MoNARCHs. — Changes since last Chapter : — Castile and Leon : 
 Alphonso XI. died in 1350; succeeded by Peter the Cruel. — France: Phili]' 
 VI. of Valois, died 1350; succeeded by John the Good. — Popes: Clement Vf. 
 died in 1352 ; then Innocent VI. 
 
 * Petrarca, Letters, Vide De Sade, vol. Popgio Bracciolini, Lib. i", p. 
 iii., p. 329.— M. Villani, Lib. iii", (Ed. Firenze, 1598.) 
 cap. Ixviii., Ixxix., Ixxxvi., Ixxxvii. — 
 
 XXI. 
 
 CHAF. XXIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORV. 
 
 199 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 FROM A.D. 13r)4 TO A.D. J359. 
 
 The treaty of Serazzana though already endangered by Yk- 
 €onti spread universal satisfaction throughout the Florentine 
 states, and Tuscany once more at peace looked forward ^ ^^ ^^^^ 
 to a smoother period of repose. But nations lilve indi- 
 viduals are not always able to stave off misfortune, for the 
 unbalanced passions 'and self-balanced interests of men how- 
 ever wisely contrived, are seldom worked for general or even 
 individual good and tx.o often frustrate the beneficent intentions 
 of their Maker. At the very moment when calm and sunshine 
 were alone expected a cloud rose darkly in the south and cast 
 its dismal shadow over all the Italian peninsula. 
 
 The " Fra Muriale," or more properly the chevaher " Mon- 
 treal d' Albani," a Provencal knight of Saint John of Jerusalem 
 and a man of high military reputation, after distinguishing him- 
 self under the Hungarian banner had followed Duke Wenier"s 
 system and tarrying in the Neapolitan states contrived by regu- 
 lating, without restraining militaiy licence, to maintain himself 
 and his followers at the expense of the comitry. 
 
 In 135*2 Queen Giovanna, individually powerless, engaged 
 Malatesta of Rimini with a strong force to dislodge Mm from 
 the city of Aversa : he was soon also expelled from her 
 dominions, and witli a few followers entered the papal service ; 
 being badly paid, he engaged with Giovanni di Vico, lord of 
 Viterbo, Orvieto, and other cities of which he had possessed 
 
200 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 himself. Giovanni, a conqueror in his way, an enemy of the 
 church, and generally entitled the ''Prefect of Homey'' was at 
 that moment about to make an attempt on the city of Todi in 
 which he failed, and Montreal then finding himself at liberty 
 conceived the audacious project of making all Italy his tribu- 
 tary by means of the foreign mercenaiy soldiers who abounded 
 eveiy where ready to join any leader of reputation, and fair 
 promises. He soon assembled fifteen hundred Barbute with 
 two thousand infantiy, and conmienced operations in 1353 by 
 invading La Miu'ca, driving Malatesta from the siege of Fermo, 
 and successively taking forty-four of his fortified towns before 
 \vinter had finished. This rapid progress attracted numerous 
 adventurers ; soldiers became impatient for the end of their 
 engagements with other states, and many accelerated their 
 dismissal by premeditated crime for the sake of a speedier 
 jmiction with the ''Great company.'^ The Chevalier de Mon- 
 treal goveraed his people by a well-devised code of regula- 
 tions : there was a treasurer who received and distributed all 
 plunder, besides two councils, and cert^iin secretaiies to manage 
 general affairs : regular portions of booty were assigned and 
 paid to each soldier accorcUng to his rank ; all bulky and mar- 
 ketable articles were sold to a congregation of traders that fol- 
 lowed the camp whose persons and property were scrupulously 
 respected. Implicit obedience was enforced ; strict and summary 
 justice administered between man and man, and ])erfect order 
 reigned within ; but all without was one wild scene of murder 
 devastation and violence only to be avoided by large pecuniar)^ 
 contributions *. 
 
 Malatesta staggering under this tempest made a personal 
 appeal to the principal Tuscan states, and endeavoured to con- 
 Ymce them that an instant and vigorous union could alone avert 
 the evil which he asserted would soon sliake the whole frame 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. iii., cap. cvii.,cix. — De Sade, Jlemoirs pour la Vic dc 
 Petrarque, vol. iii.. Lib. v., p. 354. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 201 
 
 of society by the powerful attractions of a life so dissolute and 
 lucrative. But the storm was then distant and the Tuscans con- 
 sequently languid or heedless : Siena and Perugia agreed to 
 follow the motions of Florence ; but Florence herself, though 
 more awake to the danger, was satisfied with sending to Mala- 
 testa a force of only two hundred horse : the insufiiciency of 
 these was so evident that he at once refused their services and 
 resolved to make a separate peace with the company. 
 
 Montreals army was now augmented by Malatestas disbanded 
 troops besides a fresh reinforcement of German adventurers 
 hif^h in rank, unscrupulous in conscience, cdl acknowledging his 
 supreme military authority, but not his absolute power. The 
 Proven9al chief was assisted by a council of four German secre- 
 taries chosen from the cavalry, and four Italian colonels from the 
 line : this board decided on tlie plan of military operations and 
 all secret business, while another assembly of forty officers and 
 the treasurer managed the finances and lent or paid money 
 at the generals command. There was scarcely a condottiere 
 ill Ittxly whoever he served lait had a part of his retainers 
 attached to the grand company, which therefore feared no state 
 that trusted entirely to mercenaries for ]n'otection. 
 
 The Chevalier de Montreal fully realised his expectations : 
 La Marca had been ritled ; Malatesta despoiled and finally 
 compelled to purchase his own safety for 10,000 fiorms ; Naples 
 had fraudulently otfered an equal sum to prevent an inroad 
 and suffered for her dishonesty ; 30,000 more were paid by 
 Forii and Gentile di Mogliano ; and Perugia, Siena, Arezzo, 
 Florence and Pisa soon followed the dangerous example : he 
 was courted by Venice to serve against Visconti ; by Visconti 
 against Venice and her Lombard allies, but held both in sus- 
 pense and again treated with Giovanni di Vico to make war 
 on the pontiff. 
 
 No one could penetrate his designs until the month of May 
 1354 when he suddenly marched to Foligno and with an eye 
 
202 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XMII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 203 
 
 on Tuscany, persuaded the bishop to admit his troops unarmed 
 within the town for the purchase of supjdies on the assurance 
 of just payment, a promise rigidly adhered to for the sake of 
 ulterior objects -. The vicmity of this formidable chief startled 
 the slumbers of Perugia which with Florence and Siena re- 
 newed their former confederacy and assembled considerable 
 forces hi its own neighbourhood : but M(mtreal unwilling to 
 encounter them mahitained a most rigid discipline at Foligno 
 hoping thus to dissolve the league by courting Perugia from 
 whom he merely requested sup})lies and an unmolested passage 
 through her territoiy. Too happy at so flattering a proposal 
 the Penigians at once broke faith with their allies and cheer- 
 fully granted all his demands ; nay they warned neither Siena 
 nor Florence, whose troops were with them, of this disgraceful 
 proceeding. 
 
 The chain of defence thus broken and the gates of Tuscany 
 unbarred, Montreal resumed liis devastating course towai'ds 
 Montepulciano and wasted the Senese territor}- : this state 
 whose forces were assembled at Perugia, finding itself thus 
 exposed, neither demanded assistance from nor thought of Flo- 
 rence, but secretly paying 300(1 tlorins to the leaders,and 13,000 
 openly to the company concluded a hasty and shameless treaty 
 which tmned these robbers back on the Aretine territory, where 
 they were propitiated by general and abundant supplies. 
 
 The gonfalonier, Man de' Medici, beholding this tide of 
 war rolling fast towards Florence made a hasty agreement 
 with Pisa for the service of two thousand cavaliy, and this 
 inspired so much confidence that the seignor}^ determined to 
 concede nothing ; when Montreal therefore sent an ambassador 
 with peaceful offers expressing his willingness to accept a 
 trifling pecuniary aid to expedite his march into Lombardy 
 where Venice expected him, his request was peremptorily and 
 haughtily refused. Thus sternly treated and knowing that all 
 
 • M. Villani, Lib. iii., cap. cix. 
 
 the Florentine forces were assembled in the Upper Val d'Anut, 
 he suddenly marched towards Siena and thence to Staggia, 
 declarin«T his resolution to carry fire and sword through tlie 
 coutado unless it were ransomed by a heavy contribution. 
 The Florentines trusthig to their Pisan auxiliaries sternly re- 
 pelled the demand, and when they became aware that scarcely 
 a tenth of these were forthcoming the contingents of Siena and 
 Perugia were instantly summoned, according to treaty : Mon- 
 treal however had quieted both these states who merely answered 
 that they were at peace with the company. Thus abandoned 
 Florence had only to make the best terms she could and therefore 
 on the fourth of July sent Niccolo Kidolli and Paulo Covoni to 
 negotiate : but Montreal determined to make her pay dearly for 
 the recent bravado, so without deigning to answer he advanced 
 to San Casciano and thence to Sant Andrea within six miles of 
 the capital, plundering all the countiT in his march. On the 
 sixth he condescended to grant a peace for '2^,000 florins and 
 then retired to ^Montevarchi where the money was disbui-sed, 
 3000 being secretly paid to the two chiefs Montreal and Conrad 
 Count of Landau, or Lando as he is called in Italian history : 
 10,000 florins besides other supplies were subsequently extorted 
 from Pisa, and then the wave rolled onward to the plains of 
 
 Lombardy. 
 
 But this great adventurer's course was neariy mn : having 
 provided for his army during the winter by a treaty \rith Venice 
 and her aflies whicli gave him 15)>,(H)0 florins for four months' 
 service, Montreal left Count Lando in command and repaired 
 to Rome ; either invited by Colonna to oppose Cola di Kienzi 
 who had recovered his influence ; or to secure the performance 
 of certain promises made by that ruler at Perugia to his bro- 
 thers ; or else with the intention of secretly preparing for the 
 plunder of Naples during the following spring : he entered 
 Rome with so much the more confidence because Rienzo was 
 indebted to him and his brothers for both troops and money, 
 
204 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 and almost for the recover}^ of his actual position in the Roman 
 commonwealth =^. 
 
 But the tribune along with his pristine dignity had resumed 
 all his pompous pretensions to universal power as the repre- 
 sentative of ancient Rome ; and whetlier he suspected Mon- 
 treal's intentions; or his supposed secret undi islanding witli 
 Colonna ; or was prompted hy avarice, he became eager to rid 
 himself of both debt and obligation at a blow. 
 
 The chevalier had not therefore been long in Iiome ere he 
 was secretly accused of a design on llienzo's life, summoned 
 before the supreme tribunal, charged with being a lawless chief 
 of robbers, the plunderer of La Marca, llomagna, and Tuscany, 
 and the unprovoked perpetrator of eveiT >ort of crime. His 
 defence was then called for ; but the facts were too notorious, 
 the charges too true for any available excuse even if his death 
 and spoliation had not been predetermined ; for though Cola 
 had unscrupulously employed both plunder and plunderers he 
 did not hesitate about Montreals condemnation, and ordered 
 him to be executed on the twenty-ninth of August I'^'t t. This 
 fiite was deserved and most Italians applauded the sentence, 
 but in Rome Rienzo's conduct was condemned as a ffilse pre- 
 text for i)ersonid spoliation. A popular act if discreetly 
 managed is often the most convenient channel for the current 
 of private malevolence and personal injustice +. 
 
 Cola di Rienzo, by one of those sudden revidutions of for- 
 tune that chequer human life, after six years of exile, condem- 
 nation and imprisonment found himstdf again clothed in 
 despotic but brief authority, iTiling with almost universal con- 
 sent the very same people who had before souglit his destruc- 
 tion. A fugitive at the Hungarian court, a suppliant at the 
 emperor's he still pursued the sepulchral light of Roman 
 
 * Vita di Cola di Ricnzi. — M. Villani, Lib. iv., cap. xliii. — Muratori, Anno 
 Lib. iv., cap. xxiii. 1354. 
 
 t Vita di Cola di Ricnzi. — M. Villani, 
 
 CHAP. XXIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 205 
 
 greatness, and still dreamed of restoring her departed spirit to 
 its corrupt and mouldering tenement. Charles, as it would 
 appear, received him with some honour, but w^as as deaf to the 
 sound of his eloquence as to the no less persuasive exhortations 
 of Petrarca who endeavoured to iusj^ire him with a spark of his 
 own misplaced but poetical cnlluisiasm for the tribune, the re- 
 generation of Rome, and the re-exaltation of the imperial dig- 
 nity ■''-. It would now perhaps be presumptuous, in the face of 
 Petrarca's sentiments, to doubt the eilect tliat niiglit possibly 
 have been produced in Italy by the moral iniluence of existing 
 circumstances, and the force of individual character in the em- 
 peror ; but to a calm observer (»f the present d;iy, there seems 
 t(» be more sound discretion hi the imperial answer than in the 
 poet's enthusiastic exhortations; jind Petrarca might have been 
 as easily mistaken in the consequences of imperial interference 
 as he was disa)»pointed in and afterwards ashamed of the once 
 gentle spirit of Cola di llieiizo f. 
 
 ('(ila was ultimately, and possibly at his own desire, trans- 
 ferred from the emperor's court a prisoner, but almost in 
 triumph to Avignon, where howevtH- even the respect for his 
 learning and eloquence, the secret exertions of Petrarca, and 
 the death of Clement himself could scarcely save him from 
 death. Innocent VI. however liad no personal enmity against 
 him, and being determined to liberate the ecclesiastical cities 
 from oppression under various tyrants who had usurped their 
 sovereignty and delied the church, he sent him to join the 
 legate Cardinal Albonioz Archbishop of Toledo, who was 
 already in Italy, a prelate accustomed to war and therefore 
 selected as the most aitpropriate instrument for this enter- 
 prise. 
 
 The cardinal repaired to jMilaii in August \^^■J■] where he 
 was suspiciously received by Visconti, and then with the aid of 
 
 * Memoircs do Sadc, vol. ii., Livrc iii., and 338. The F^npcror said that it 
 
 p. 321 ; vol. iii., pp. 68 and 340. — 4" was a luirder task to irot a sunken 
 
 ed. 1767. ship to sea than one which had only 
 
 t Memoires de Sade, vol. iii., pp. 227 suffered in the storm. 
 
206 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 XXIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY, 
 
 207 
 
 a few troops from Florence prosecuted his joiini(\v towards 
 Rome, trusting rather to the unpopuUirity of those whom he 
 came to destroy and the love of democratic government which 
 he had orders to restore, than to his own physical resources or 
 to foreign succours. The Romans under their self-elected 
 tribune Baroncelli. who was afterwanls murdered, soon recon- 
 ciled themselves, hut rather as allies than subjects, tor order 
 and subjection had long disappeared from that unsettled capital : 
 ever since the fall of liienzo it had been the theatre of c«)ntinual 
 and bloodv revolutions ; tlie nobles resumed their tyranny, the 
 people their resistance : alternate, indecisive victories, kept the 
 citizens in constant tunmlt, bloodshed, and alarm ; and the 
 private feuds of the Oi-sini and Savelli miunUiined tliis disorder 
 by incessant contlicts in the public streets -. 
 
 The democratic rector Giovanni Cermni although popidiu'ly 
 elected called in vain to the people for support, and then left 
 the city in disgust : Innocent entertahiing better hopes invested 
 Bertoldo Orsini and Stefano Colonna with the senatorial dig- 
 nity for the maintenance of order, but the former was stoned 
 in a tumult, from which tlie latter hardly escaped with life, 
 and anarchy rode wildly triumphant until 1 •>'»•'> when Fran- 
 cesco Baroncelli was chosen as tribune of tlie Koman people : 
 this man in emulation of Rienzo s energy chastised the factious 
 noldes, vindicated the laws, and restored an uncertahi and 
 wavermg shadow of repose. 
 
 At the arrival of Albonioz Rome was in this deplorable 
 condition and instantly joined his standiird : sever.il inferior 
 towns willingly threw open their gates ; but the prefect Gio- 
 vanni determined to defend his new acquisitions, and Orvieto, 
 Viterbo, Trani, Amelia, Narni, Marta and Canino, which he 
 had successively mastered, were prepared for resistance. 
 
 The advent of Cola di Rienzo struck like a sunbeam on the 
 benighted Romans, and his errors were forgotten hi the moment 
 
 ♦ Vita (li Cola de Rienzo.— Muratori, Anno 1351.— De Siule, Mcmoircs, vol. 
 iii., Livre v., p. 371. 
 
 of excitement : a numerous deputation invited him to resume his 
 ancient authority, but Albornoz was still his master and moreover 
 determined to make use of the tribune's popularity as a means 
 to his own operations : he therefore only consented to restore 
 Cola on condition that tlie Romans would support him against 
 Giovanni who by some recent eruel and treacherous acts had 
 alienated all his vassals. In consequence of this the prelate 
 made rapid progi*ess and soon reduced him to submission ; 
 having now no further excuse for detaining Cola from the 
 Romans who had so zealously sujiported him, the former tri- 
 bune under the venerable title of Senator received permission 
 to enter the cai)ital. This was not an easy task, the legates 
 head-quarters were then at Agobbio ; Rienzo had no funds 
 and far too many enemies between that and Rome to venture 
 unattended on such a journey. It was in this difficulty that 
 his promises juid seductive eloquence j^ained ^Montreal's two 
 lirothers wlio wen' stationed at P«'rngia, but the chevalier him- 
 self not fully sharing their sanguine expect'itions repaired m 
 person to Rome as already related. 
 
 Rienzo wjis received with that popular enthusiasm which is 
 not atfection ; a momentary blaze and then extuiguished : he 
 was reinstated in all his former authority, and had an additional 
 weight hi the support and sanction of tlie pope to whose name 
 Avas still attached ;i certain degree of deference and respect. But 
 adversity had tauglit him nothing; his faults were uncorrected, 
 his virtues liad evaporated ; j\Iontrears execution however just 
 and merited, came ungratefully from his h;ind, and the subse- 
 quent dentil of Pandolio Pandolfucci a man generally respected, 
 with other caprii-ious and tyrannical acts accelerated his grow- 
 ing unpopularity. Stefano Colonna revolted and was besieged 
 ill Palestrina ; hut money failed; arrears of pay increased; 
 the army became discontented and were marched to Rome : 
 new taxes were necessary to appease the soldiers, these exaspe- 
 rated the people, and a sedition followed. Cola was soon 
 
20S 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I 
 
 deserted by all his adherents, he shut himself u}) almost alouf 
 in the Capitoline Palace and waited the event : dark masses ol' 
 insurgents rolled from every quarter on the capitol ; his soli- 
 tude was soon broken and the i)alai-e in tlames ; Itienzo arnud 
 as a knight with the popular standard in his hand appeared at 
 the balcony and demanded a parley, Itut still the dread of his 
 syren elocpience forbad a hearing ; he was assailed with stones 
 and arrows, wounded, and compelled to retire : anon appearing 
 in another position he once more implored an midience ; but the 
 crowd was inexorable, fierce, and vindictive : they threatened ; 
 the Roman tribune wavered : a graceful death and ignominious 
 escape were before him ; that certain ; this doubtful : he chose 
 the latter. In a mean disguise, with his face blackened, and a 
 load of bedding on his head he had already passed many of 
 the insurgents, hounding them on in the low Koman dialect to 
 plunder ; at the palace gate he was arrested by a soldier whom 
 it was said he had previously injured, and avowing himself 
 was instantly surrounded, hurried u^ to the foot of tiie capitol 
 and placed before the lion of red poq)hyry, on the veiy spot where 
 he had been himself accustomed to read the condemnation of 
 criminals. A profound and awful silence pervaded the as^till- 
 bly; not a voice accused him ; not a finger was lifted against 
 him ; a long and anxious pause ensued, wliich he finally br<d\e by 
 <me last eftbrt in his own defence : but there was too n)uch magic 
 in his voice, it would have charmed the storm, and a certain 
 Cecco del Vecchio dreading its enchantment sheathed a dagger 
 in his breast: the spell was now broken; bhules flashed <]iiick and 
 high; popular fur}- gathered force, and a host (jf clashing weapons 
 soon put an end to the tribune's existence: his twice-honoured 
 head rolled bloody in the dust, and his mangled coi-pse was 
 dragged insultin<dv throuj:fh the streets of liome and finallv 
 suspended at a butcher's stall near the market of San ^larcello I 
 Thus perished the f^imous Cola di llienzo the " Spirts 
 ff entile " of Petrarca's bold and beautiful imagination ; a man 
 
 CHAP. XXIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY 
 
 209 
 
 whose conceptions were greater than liis powers, whose vanity 
 overtopped his principles, and who was at once the ad- 
 
 A.D 1354 
 
 mnation wonder and contempt of his age and country *. ' " ' 
 
 At Florence during the alarm occasioned by Montreal's 
 inroad a private feud, springing from Bordone de' Bordonis 
 recent condemnation, broke forth in open war between that 
 family and the Mangioni, whose dwelhngs were suddenly 
 attacked and a lady killed by a javelin in the assault. Public 
 authority assisted by private families quelled the tumult, for 
 which five of the Bordoni with several adherents were banished 
 and then property confiscated. 
 
 Amongst those who appeared in arms on this occasion were 
 the rival families of llicci and Albizzi; with less intention 
 perhaps of preserving tranquillity, than of assisting their friends, 
 or being themselves on the alert in such tumultuous times 
 when the least accident might be seized on by private 
 hatred as an opportunity for revenge or incipient injury. An 
 old and angry feud existed between them, and their slightest 
 movements were reciprocally and jealously watched ; some 
 trifling disturbance in the Mercato Vecchio near the houses of 
 the Ricci occasioned a sudden rumom' that they were going to 
 attack the Albizzi, and again that the Albizzi were moving 
 against the Ricci : this threw all Florence into confusion for 
 both families were powerful in friends and kindred, the Albizzi 
 alone numbering thirty cousins capable of bearing arms, and 
 both of them being determined leaders of faction with numerous 
 
 * In calling Rienzi the " Spirto gen- 
 tile" of Petrarca, I have followe<l the 
 common opinion, but it seems stranjre 
 that he should so praise the hitteicst 
 enemy of his dearest friends and 
 patrons ; and there seems moreover to 
 he internal evidence in the Canzone to 
 contradict this assumption, and justify 
 De Sade's opinion, that it was really 
 addressed to the younger Stephano 
 Colonna, who was made by the Pope 
 
 VOL. II. P 
 
 Senator of Rome, for five years from 
 1335, and who moreover enjoyed a 
 great reputation in Italy. Those who 
 are curious on this point may read 
 note X., vol. i., of De Sade. — M. Vil- 
 lani, Lib. iv., cap. ix., x., xiii., xxiii., 
 xxvi. — Vita di Cola di Rienzo, or 
 Frammenti di Storia Romana, Lib. ii., 
 cap. xii., &c. — Muratori, Anno 1354. 
 — De Sade, Mem. vol. iii., Lib. iv., 
 p. 22. — Sismondi, vol. iv. 
 
210 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 211 
 
 followers and extensive influence. The whole body of citizens 
 therefore either as kinsmen or political partisans, was attached 
 to one or the other and in arms for their support ; but although 
 the alarm proved unfounded and tranquillity remained for th(i 
 moment unbroken, yet their rivalr}- only flared up the higher 
 with this sudden blast and cast a deeper glow upon their 
 mutual enmity. The Albizzi, originally from Arezzo, were 
 probably exiled Guelphs ; but their opponents trusting to the 
 general impression made by the prevalence of Gliiljcline opi- 
 nions among the Aretines asserted that they must necessarily 
 belong to that faction, and by means of this stigma the Ricci 
 hoped to vanquish them. They placed more confidence in 
 the success of their stratagem in consequence of the emperor's 
 recent appearance in Italy which had already l)egun to excite 
 apprehensions and prepai*ed the public for any suspicions : both 
 families therefore strengthened themselves with new partisans 
 and were continually stmggling for supreme authority. 
 
 The origin of that magistracy usually denominated tb( 
 ''Party Guelph'^ and its high authority over all suspected 
 Ghibelines has already been noticed ; but time accidents and 
 new sources of discord had so obliterated ancient animosities 
 that many descendants of old Ghibeline families exercised the 
 highest public functions of the commonwealth. Uguccione chief 
 of the Ricci hoped by a renewal of fonner feelings and perse- 
 cutions either to humble the Albizzi at one bluw by a depriva- 
 tion of all political power, or to render them suspected if, as 
 was anticipated, they should oppose a law that he intended to 
 enact : wherefore by petition (which was the Florentine form 
 of introducing bills) to the captains of the Party Guelph, he 
 simply proposed that any Ghibeline holding office should be 
 subjected to a penalty of 500 florins ; and then quietly awaited 
 the opposition of his rival ; for it was a settled maxim in both 
 families to thwart eveiy proposition good or bad that originated 
 with either. But Piero chief of the Albizzi a man of prompt 
 
 ability, on learning Ricci s intentions came suddenly from his 
 villa and supported the bill with all his influence : this able 
 manoeuvre completely disconcerted Uguccione and placed Piero 
 at the head of the new Guelpliic party. The law passed, but 
 remained fur the moment inactive for Ricci s personal attack 
 being baffled Piero became indiff^erent about the matter, and 
 as the whole decree was a mere party trick no magistrate would 
 trouble himself with its execution : the seed was however 
 sown, l)ut its fruits were probably unforeseen or not exactly 
 estimated ; it was a snake that only slept to be again awakened 
 and with augmented venom endanger the Avhole community -. 
 It has been shown tliat the acquisition of Genoa necessarily 
 involved IMilan in a war with Venice, and that the latter with 
 her usual activity lost no time about strengthening herself : 
 with great perseverance she succeeded in organising a league 
 of the Lombard princes against Visconti, first by reconcihng 
 them to each other and then uniting them in common hos- 
 tihty to the prelate. Padua Ferrara Mantua and Verona were 
 thus combined, nor were the ties of relationship in the Scala 
 family any serious obstacle ; for Visconti seeing that the papal 
 forces would be long and fully employed in reducing the eccle- 
 siastical cities and therefore unlikely to give him any annoy- 
 ance, had in various ways been carrying fonvard his own plans 
 of encroachment on the tenitories of his eastern neighbours. 
 Each of these princes being individually weak was afraid to 
 assert his independence, lest he should be singly overwhelmed 
 by the weight of Milanese power, yet so reciprocally inimical 
 that no general union could long bind them unless rivetted by 
 common and immuient danger, or the weight of a superior 
 power. 
 
 The indefatigable exertions of Venice at length overcame 
 every difficulty and a league was concluded in December 1353 
 by virtue of which four thousand men-at-arms were banded 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib. xi., p. 56G.— Macchiavelli, Lib. iii. 
 
 P 2 
 
212 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 a<'ainst Tisconti in the following spring ; and all the con 
 federates suhsequently joined Venice in her fniitless endea- 
 vours to draw Florence into the league, as already narrated. 
 On this refusal the allies addressed themselves to Charles IV. 
 and taking the recent Florentine treaty as a hasis adopted all 
 its provisk)ns with some additional offers if he would immedi- 
 ately johi them in arms against the Archbishop of Milan. But 
 the only objects of Charles were money and a public corona- 
 tion : he cared little for Italians and less for their quarrels ; 
 and treated indiscriminately, yet secretly, ^'ith the league 
 and its adversaries, so that by exciting eveiybody's expec- 
 tation he artfully hoped to remove those obstacles which often 
 impeded the visits of his predecessor s to liome. The Floren- 
 tines having so recently invited him could scarcely object to 
 his presence, but had 'despatched Boccaccio as their ambas- 
 sador to leani in what light tliis visit was considered at the 
 court of Avignon : Charles had however already obtained the 
 pontifical sanction under certain conditions, amongst others 
 not to remain a day in Rome after his coronation nor to enter 
 it before : he kept his word ; but it was considered as a virtual 
 resignation of imperial sovereignty over the ancient capiUil, 
 and excited the indignation of Petrarca in common with the 
 German barons and princes, and even of the Romans them- 
 selves. " The successor of Saint Peter," exclaims Petrarch ; 
 " the successor of Saint Peter who wears liis tiara on the 
 banks of the Rhone with the same confidence as he would on 
 those of the Tiber, not only permits the emperor to leave 
 Rome but even orders him to do so. In other words, he 
 allows him to assume the imperial title, and forbids him to 
 exercise its functions. With one hand he opens to him the 
 temple where the imperial crown is to be received, and with 
 the other he shuts the gates of that city which is the capital 
 and seat of empu-e. What a contradiction^:^!" Charles s 
 
 * Sec Petrarca's Letters, in De Sade, Mem. vol. iii., p. 402. 
 
 CHAP, xxiii.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 213 
 
 arrival at Udine in October 1354 with only three hundred 
 unarmed followers showed that his object was not immediate 
 war while it convinced all those states with whom he had 
 nef^otiated of his false mi trusty character-. At Padua and 
 iVIantua he was honoimibly received, and acting as a peace- 
 maker procured the immediate dismissal of Count Lando and 
 his lawless followers wdio instantly descended like a swarm of 
 locusts on Piavenna and then on Naples; but he failed in 
 permanently reconciling the belligerents in consequence of a 
 victory gained by Genoa over Venice at Porto Longo, which 
 rendered the \'isconti intractable. A truce of several months 
 was however agreed to ; and this allowed time for Charles's 
 assumption of the iron crown of Italy wliidi took place at 
 Milan in Januaiy lo55 f. Inuring these hostilities the princi- 
 pal Guelphs of Bologna failed in an attempt to expel Giovanni 
 d' Oleggio and join the league, and were therefore punished 
 as traitors ; nevertheless the confederates had othenvise pre- 
 pared for vigorous action when a sudden but momentary 
 suspension of hostilities was caused by the Archbishop of 
 Mdan's death on the fifth of October 1:)54. 
 
 His dominions were divided between the sons of Stefano 
 Visconti w^ho with separate and independent portions were 
 coequal in the general sovereignty ]\lilan being the centre 
 of government and (jenoa connnon to all. ]\Iatteo the eldest 
 brother, who had Parma Placentia Lodi Bobbio and Bologna, 
 loved his ease and enjoyment and took only a ceremonious 
 and nominal part in pulilic afiairs. To Bemabo fell all mili- 
 taiy business with Crema, Cremona, Brescia and Bergamo, 
 while Galeazzo along with the interior administration ruled 
 Como Xovara Vercelli Asti Tortona and Alexandria J. 
 
 Such was the state of Lombardy ; and Florence uneasy at 
 
 * M. Villani, Lil). iv., cap. xxvii. J M. Villani, Lib. iv., cap. xxv., 
 
 t M. Villain, Lib. iv., tap. xxvii. and xxviii. — Poggio Braccioliui, 1st. ili 
 xxix. Firenze, Lib, i", xx. 
 
214 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 the imperial presence created a board of sixteen citizens to 
 inspect her fortified places, arrange for the collecting of cattle 
 and all moveable jn-operty into fenced towns, muster the native 
 railitar)' strength, break up the roads, and make every prepara- 
 tion for an obstinate defence of the countr}'. Sixteen other 
 citizens presided by the Bishop of Florence sul)sequently re- 
 ceived fidl powers to conclude a tiTice or peace for any period 
 not exceeding one year, and three hundred men-at-arms were 
 embodied in the city with an annual salary of 100 florins each, 
 and the j)rivilege of not being compelled to sene out of Flo- 
 rence except in fortified places. 
 
 But far from wishing to quarrel with Charles, the Floren- 
 tines only endeavoured to miite in one single embassy those 
 of Siena Penigia and Ai'ezzo, and thus derive more conse- 
 quence as a confederacy than could possibly accrue from any 
 separate missions however imposing : Pistoia Volterra San 
 Muiiato and the Guelphic Counts Guidi were then ordered to 
 send in deputies and promptly declare their sentiments towards 
 Florence ; for government deemed it not improbable that tht 
 imperial presence would rouse up doiTnant feelings and in- 
 terests, and under the shadow of its supreme authority, which 
 still commanded a sort of mystic reverence strongly tinctured 
 with dread, create a spirit and notions of independence hi 
 her subject states that perhaps might be troublesome. 
 
 Like malignant planets, the German emperors, even when 
 unsupported by troops, carried with them in their periodical 
 visits a perpetually disturbing force that affected every Italian 
 community but more especially the Guelphic republics.. The 
 Ghibelines fell naturally towards their acknowledged chief, but 
 generally suffered by the contact ; while the Guelphs could 
 rarely withstand unamied the shock of those old and still 
 reviving claims that considered existing govemments rather 
 as imperial vicars than independent sovereignties. 
 
 The theoretical and often the practical suspension of poli- 
 
 ClIAP. XXIIl.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 215 
 
 tical authority follow^ed as a matter of course in the presence of 
 their superior, and these high-reaching prerogatives were advo- 
 cated by men who really wished well to Italy. Cola di Rienzo 
 as we have seen, and an abler patriot than he, the poet Petrarca 
 both held such sentiments but as proceedhig from the people, 
 and there were those also who considered that the ancient 
 emperors owed their power entirely to Roman citizens and that 
 they therefore held only a delegated authority over the latter, 
 subject even to be elected and deposed at their pleasure : 
 wherefore, argues Matteo Villani, as the Florentines were early 
 admitted to the rights of Roman citizenship they still retained 
 their pristine indepiiidence and were not amenable to, but had 
 a right to treat on equal temis with the Cffisars. 
 
 Italy he describes as being then irregularly divided into two 
 distinct parties one of which adhering to the church was com- 
 posed of Gueljihs, or as he calls them, " Defenders of the 
 Faith ;" the others attaclied to the reigning emperor whatever 
 might be his temporal conduct as regarded the church ; and 
 these were the Ghibelines or according to Villani " Leaders of 
 Battles,^' for tliey prided themselves on the imperial name and 
 countenance and were keen promoters of distiu'bances and 
 wai'. In their visits to Italy the emperors generally favoured 
 the latter, and left many Ghibeline vicars in various cities who 
 at their master's death assumed an independent authority, 
 destroyed public liberty, became absolute lords, tyrants, and 
 deadly foes to the opposite party which still preserved its free- 
 dom and remaintHl faithful to the church ; and the danger of 
 such examples this author adduces as another reason against 
 unconditional submission to imperial authority. 
 
 These political inroads from the north never failed to gene- 
 rate disorders and confusion, venal justice ; or injustice, as 
 the case might l)e, contentions, of which the emperors natu- 
 rally became arbiters ; and a barter of favours by which they 
 rarely failed to make the most of their own passing authority : 
 
2ia 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOKY. 
 
 [book 
 
 such at least was the opmioii of Plorence and she therefore 
 tried hai'd but vainly to force her Guelpliic neighbours into a 
 common declaration of their own independence. 
 Charles, attended only by his three hundred unarmed followers, 
 was not disposed to tarry unnecessarily amidst the 
 numerous squadrons of Milan which, being already 
 assembled for the war, were artfully paraded in successive rounds 
 to give him a false impression of the strength and numbei-s of 
 the three Visconti. He hastened on towards Pisa, vet was crossed 
 at everj^ turn by fresh bands of arme<l men haunting him like 
 evil spirits, until he had passed the Milanese border; his sudden 
 arrival there in the middle of January startled the Florentines, 
 who however prepared an embassy in conjunction with Siena 
 and Arezzo (for Perugia as an ecclesiastical citv chose sindv 
 to assert her freedom) which attired in costly garments, all of 
 the same fashion, proceeded in state to Pisa and on the thir- 
 tieth of January were admitted to an audience. 
 
 •They entered the presence-chamber dressed in scarlet rol)es 
 lined with miniver, and superbly adonied : but the Senese who 
 had already taken another Ihie of policy, objected to Arezzo's 
 forming part of the embassy : they wished to leave the Flo- 
 rentines alone and conspicuous, in order to render the contrast 
 more strildng between their own studied adulation and the 
 others' blunt demands and rough expressions of independence. 
 The Florentine ambassadoi-s began their onition with due 
 decorum but marked independence ; they addressed Charles as 
 " The most Serene Prince,'' spoke ^ith reverence of the ''Sacred 
 Crown,"' but avoided giving him directly the title of emperor. 
 They congratulated him on his arrival, professed a surt of 
 vague devotion to liis person with general offers of assistance, 
 but nothing obligatory ; and excused their tardy mission by the 
 extreme difficulty of ever connng to prompt resolutions in a 
 republic. They then professed an entire confidence in his 
 intentions and requested some gracious expression of peace and 
 
 CHAP. xxni.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 217 
 
 amity to satisfy their fellow-citizens. Every approaching shadow 
 of subjection was studiously avoided, and to such a degree, that 
 coupled ^vith their l)old demands and native rudeness ; which 
 clung to them longer than their liberty ; so much offence was 
 given as to excite a general indignation, and some rough treat- 
 ment would have follow^ed had not tlie arclibisliop of Prague, 
 the vice-chancellor, imd even the emperor himself interfered to 
 protect them. 
 
 It was not the interest of Charles to quarrel with Florence : 
 she was too rich to neglect, too stubborn to subdue, and too 
 powerful to offend with impunity ; wherefore deferring the 
 consideration of i)articulars to a future day he turned away 
 abruptly to hear the Senese ambassadors; and while negligently 
 peeling a willow wand as was his custom, and throwing his 
 eyes round on the company :is though he were paying no atten- 
 tion to the orators, not a word of their discourse escaped him. 
 So fair an occasion was not to be neglected l)y the Senese, who 
 accordingly endeavoured to ingratiate themselves in a flattering 
 speech where the imperial title was frequently and artfully 
 introduced; but they finally astounded the Florentines by 
 actually offering the absolute lordshi}) of Siena witliout reserve 
 or condition to the emperor. This was a political device of the 
 ruling faction wliicli was tlien inimical to Florence and the 
 ambassadors of Volterra, San Miniato, and even Pistoia, imitated 
 their dangerous example ; Arezzo would have then followed 
 had not the Florentines with great difficulty prevented it, but 
 pushing their officiousness still further and attempting to 
 speak also for Pistoia and Arezzo, Charles sharply stopped 
 them with the remark that the aml)assadors were not children 
 and could plead for themselves -=. 
 Fifty thousand fiorins were subsequently offered for the 
 
 * M. Villani, Lil>. iv.,cap. liii., liv, — Cronaca Pisana, from cap. Ixxxv. to 
 S. Ammirato, Lib. xi., p. .5()J>. — Sis- xoviii. — Roncioni, Istorie Pisane, p. 
 mondi, vol. iv., cap. xliii. — Sardo, 482. 
 
218 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTftRY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 imperial confirmation of all rights and privileges asserted by 
 Florence, yet the sagacious monarch held back with apparent 
 inditference until the amount was doubled, but with extreme 
 difiQcultv, bv the Florentine councils ; for the citizens were 
 avei*se to yielding even in empty fonn, much more to buying 
 at such a price the unacknowledged pretensions of the emperor. 
 Nor was this difticulty all on one side ; for Charles was also 
 tenacious of imagined prerogatives, so that the negotiations, 
 carried on by him in person with some heat, were intemperately 
 broken off late at night and new instructions demanded from 
 the seignoiy. A sudden el)ullition of temper however and a 
 night's sleep brought calmer notions, and the proposed con- 
 ditions were accepted and ratified on the following moniing by 
 this war}' emperor. They were the repeal of every sentence 
 and condemnation that had ever been pronounced by his prede- 
 cessors against the city and community of Florence the Counts 
 Guido of BattifoUi, or those of Doadola, Mangona and Veniia : 
 that the Florentine city, county, and district sliould be ruled as 
 heretofore by their o^vn nuniicipal laws and statutes, all of which 
 both present and future if not incompatible with inteniational 
 rights he solemnly confmned, and moreover declared the actual 
 gonfalonier and priors of the arts with all their successors to be 
 dming his lifetime ex officio imperial vicars : he also promised 
 not to enter the capittil or temtory, or any fortified town belong- 
 ing to the Florentine republic ; after wliich a sort of homage 
 or at least a public act of obeisance and submission was per- 
 formed in the name of that commonwealth ; which then, but 
 not until then, acknowledged him as emperor. And for all 
 these considerations, which were a mere sacrifice of words 
 unbinding on liis successors, he was to receive, besides the 
 100,000 florins, an annuity of 4000 ducats for life : these con- 
 ditions were confirmed by Charles at Siena on payment of 
 the first instalment, and again as emperor at Pietra Santa after 
 liis coronation, when C0,000 florins of the debt were liquidated. 
 
 CH.NP. XXIII.] 
 
 FLOEENTTNE HISTORY. 
 
 219 
 
 Florence being thus replaced on the list of imperial cities 
 became again a part of the empire and entitled to its protec- 
 tion; but with a nominal loss of independence that struck sorely 
 on national pride ; and the harder from its costliness. The council 
 of the people was assembled on the twelfth of IMarch to sanction 
 this covenant; but when Piero di Griffo, notary of the refonn- 
 ations, began to read it, either from real emotion, or as some 
 supposed, to gain popularity by good acting, he burst into tears 
 and could no longer continue the lecture : an adjournment of 
 the assembly took place, but even when it met on the following 
 day, and notw^ithstanding that this unpopular motion had gone 
 through all the other councils, it was rejected seven times suc- 
 cessively by that of the people : nor was it until many influential 
 citizens severally demonstrated the advantages that would be 
 gained and the dangers incurred by its rejection that the ques- 
 tion was reluctantly suffered to pass : on the twenty-fii-st of 
 March Charles made it known to the Pisan parliament and two 
 days after it was formally pul dished at Florence but without any 
 signs of public satisfaction, or even a common attendance of 
 citizens : the few that did assist walked sullenly home with 
 marked disapprobation of so costly although nominal a loss of 
 national freedom and semi-coercive acknowledgment of imperial 
 supremacy*. 
 
 This important treaty being finished Charles entered Siena on 
 the twenty-fourth of IMareli with his retmue augmented by the 
 Empress and four thousand German cavalry ; by the various 
 Ghibeline chiefs of Tuscany ; and to the general surprise, by a 
 detachment from Florence the constant and implacable foe of 
 eveiy emperor, but especially those of Luxembourg. 
 
 Siena for about seventv vears luid been ruled bv the chiefs 
 of a small but powerful oligarcliy called the " Monte " or " Online 
 de Nove.'' It was originally composed of the most popular 
 Guelphic leaders and determined enemies of the aristocracy, 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. iv., cap. Ixx., Ixxv. 
 
220 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 which as at Florence was excluded from any part in the goveni- 
 ment : the administration was held by nine plel»eian magis- 
 trates chosen by the council of the people from a general 
 yearly purse at a single election, after the Florentine manner 
 for the supply of future seignories. By the selfish working 
 of ambition and dishonest political artitice the supreme power 
 without varying its form or mode of acquirement was gradually 
 stolen from the people "s hands and placed in those of an 
 oligarchy of ninety indiyiduals who were closely banded for 
 this purpose. Hated by the nobles fuid excluded citizens, 
 but favoured by three Neapolitan monarchs they contrived to 
 preserve their power; yet aware of their own uni)()pularity 
 which haply might have been more intense than merited, their 
 exterior politics after King Kobert's death were marked In- 
 weakness or inshicerity and an increasing jealousy of ilorence. 
 Fearful of external shocks on the mind of an angry people they 
 followed Perugia's example and not only bought otf the Che- 
 valier de Montreal at their ally's expense but rather assisted 
 him in his subsequent operations agiiinst Florence and Arezzo. 
 Alarmed at this moment lest an exasperated population should 
 fly to the emperor for support and expel them from power, 
 they resolved to l)e beforehand and rashlv sacrificed their couu- 
 try's freedom to the selfishness of faction *. 
 
 But the emperor's object was gain : not the support of a 
 weak govennnent or any abstract political question : tyranny 
 and liberty were equally indifferent to him except as convenient 
 instruments of self-aggrandisement : he soon saw that all real 
 power and the riches of Siena were in a combined mass of 
 exasperated citizens an<l nobles, and promptly gave them liis 
 countenance. Loud shouts of "Lo/f// live the Emperor,'^ ''Death 
 to the Nine :" tumults and miiversal confusion were the ready 
 
 • M. Villani, Lib. iv., cap. Ixi. — Orl. cap. xliii. 
 Malavolti, Storia di Siena, Parte ii*, cap. xciv. 
 Lib. vi., p. 111. — 8ismondi, vol. iv., 
 
 — SarUo Cronaca, Pisana, 
 
 CHAP. XXIIl.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 221 
 
 answer to this grace. The seignory were soon besieged in the 
 palace, their houses ransacked, the streets barricaded, plunder 
 and conflagration everpvhere abroad, and civil war raged in all 
 its usual violence, when Charles seizing this crisis, occupied 
 the beleaguered palace, dissolved the obnoxious government and 
 destroyed its acts, along with every charter he had ever granted 
 to the seignor}' : he barely saved their lives from popular fuiy 
 but let their property be plundered and even their friends be 
 murdered while trying to escape : eveiy decree against them 
 was approved and their i)ower annihilated, but especial care 
 was taken by Charles to have his own lordship, which he held 
 only on their authority, conflrmed by exerj order of the state. 
 After organising a provisional goveniment under his natural 
 brother the archbishop of Prague who was also patriarch of 
 Aquileia, Charles resumed his march towards Rome on the 
 fourth day after his arrival at Siena, and was immediately 
 crowned; but tnie to liis promise he instantly quitted that 
 capital, returned on the nineteenth of April to a city still 
 reelmg from the shock of his former visit, and after establish- 
 ing his brother as imperial \ iear and chief of the new govern- 
 ment, retired to Pisa v/here fresh troubles awaited him *. 
 
 But the Sencse felt no benefit from a revolution that only 
 changed men, not measures, and were forthwith in new agita- 
 tion ; another revolution flared up as suddenly as the first and 
 was equally fatal to the existing government : the patriarch was 
 quickly deposed and his life in jeopardy: Charles could not aid 
 liim, for both Lucca and Pisa were then in confusion and most 
 of his Germans departed; but he renounced everj recently 
 acquired right over the state, and promised never to meddle 
 witli its government provided tliat his brother were restored in 
 safety. On these conditions the patriarch was dismissed, and 
 
 M. Villani, Lib. iv., cap. Ixxxi., — Sismondi, vol. iv., cap. xliii 
 
 Ixxxii ; Lib. v., cap. xiii., xiv.— Oil. Sardo, Cronaca Pisana, cap. c, cii., 
 Malavolti, Parte ii% Lib. vi., p. 112. ciii. 
 
222 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 223 
 
 thus Siena regained her independence at a far less cost than 
 Florence paid for the nominal confmnation of hers-". 
 
 It has already been said that the German emperors in their 
 periodical revolutions through the political system of Italy car- 
 ried along with them, like erratic stars, certain disturbing forces 
 which more or less unsettled eveiT community tluit floated 
 within the sphere of their inlluence : a perturbing atmosphere 
 always accompanied their progress and was now in full action 
 both at Pisa and in the subdued and sutTering Lucca. Charles 
 of LiLxembourg had made himself extremely popular while he 
 governed the latter for his lather John of Bohemia, and tli»' 
 Lucchese merchtuits now offered him iunnense sums to emanci- 
 pate their country fi'om Pisan bondage. These negotiations 
 soon became known and excited great indignation at Pisa, while 
 the occupation of the Lucchese citadel by a German gamson. 
 the removal of warlike stores, and other svnnptoms of agitation 
 accompanied by a sudden fire which destroyed the palace of th« 
 Pisan government, awakened the alarm and united the factions 
 of that state. The Bergoluii and Kaspanti were attracted by a 
 common patriotic spirit into momentar}^ imion, and a sudden 
 flame bm*st forth: the Raspanti first flew to arms and attacked 
 the imperialists, nay even besieged Charles in the cathedral 
 where he lodged after the conflagration. The crisis became 
 alarming when Count Pafletta of ]\Ionte-Scu(laio, one of the 
 imperial followers and a Pisan exile of the Iia.s])anti foction and 
 Gherardesca raee, ran out amongst his partisans and persuaded 
 them to separate from the Bergolini : then putting himself at 
 their head oflered his senices to the emperor. Charles had 
 originally received 00,000 florins in the name of the Pisan 
 commmiity on condition of maintixining its dominion over 
 Lucca with the ascendancy of the Berf»olini faction and Gam- 
 bacorti family in the national government; but on his first 
 arrival the Raspanti witli Pafletta at their head raised a sedition 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. iv., cap. xx., xxii., xxix., xxxv., xxxvi. 
 
 against the opposite party, and Gambacorta in a moment of 
 alarm resigned his authority into the emperor s hands : cooler 
 thoughts brought wiser counsels ; the magistrates struck by 
 the folly of both factions endeavoured to reconcile them, and 
 apparently succeeded ; Gambacorta appears to have been sin- 
 cere, Pafletta not; but enjoy hig the imperial favour and probably 
 axjting in concert with Charles, he joined with Gambacorta in a 
 respectful demand for the restitution of powers that had only 
 been resigned in a moment of fearful excitement. The emperor 
 bemg just then without troo[»s relinquished what he could not 
 keep and restored the po^jular government : this of com'se dis- 
 lodged the Gambacorti ; left the road open for Pafletta, and 
 saved Charles from the appeanmce of a direct breach of his 
 promise in pledging liimself so solemnly to uphold that family. 
 The second tumult was more serious for the Gambacorti, 
 whose leading members were instantly arrested, the insurgents 
 dispersed and five Berg<jlini chiefs thrown into prison : but 
 Lucca was on the alert ; she seized the favourable moment and 
 rapidly organised both town and country for revolt. The intel- 
 ligence of this movement was comiimnicated by beacon-fires to 
 Pisa where the factions again united for common good and in- 
 stantly marched on that rel>ellious capital which they reduced 
 to a new and more rigorous bondage than before. Thus bafiled 
 in his views on Lucca Pisa and Siena, Charles, as it is said on 
 the suggestion of Pafletta, pounced on the unhappy Gambacorti 
 who were entirely innocent, they having taken no part in the 
 recent disturbance : they were immediately examined ; first 
 without, then with torture ; but perceiving death inevitable 
 resolved to spai'e themselves further agony by confessing every- 
 thing that they were charged with. Three chiefs of this 
 illustrious race and four of their principal friends thus perished 
 iguomhiiously upon the scaflbld =^'. 
 
 * Cronica di Don. Velluti, p. 9G. — xxxiv., and xxxvii. — Tronci, Annali 
 M. Villani, Lib. v., caj). from xxix. to Pisani. — Sismoudi, vol. iv., cap. xliii. 
 
224 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 After so bloody an example of royal ingratitude to a family 
 who had proved themselves his tirst and warmest friends in 
 Tuscany, and not deeming himself secure in Pisa even with all 
 the Raspanti at his back, Charles departed on the twenty- 
 seventh of May for Pietra Santa and alterwards for Germany, 
 passing through the Mihmese states not only witiiout honour 
 but suspiciously watched and guarded as a public enemy. 
 
 All his Itahan influence vanished with him ; he gained no 
 credit, established no interest, acquired no power, and the im- 
 perial dignity was heedlessly lowered by his conduct : but h( 
 canied back into Germany the vain title of emperor with well- 
 filled coffers of Italian gold ; and cared for little else, beyond 
 the confines of Bohemia =^ 
 
 The Gambacorti were merchants and ancient citizens of 
 Pisa who after the Gherardeschis expulsion had been pushed up 
 to gi-eatness by public confidence and natural force of character 
 rather than by any decided act of usurpation ; their loss was 
 therefore considered to be a national misfortune, for they had 
 maintained peace, executed justice, paid the public debts, and 
 increased the power, commerce, and resources of their country, 
 and do not seem to have been tyrants; a rare occurrence in those 
 days. Florence regretted them, for she also had found the benefit 
 of their friendship and she saw every casual seed of quarrel most 
 sedulously extii-pated by the vigilance of their tranquillisiug 
 sway : it was by their influence that Charies was admitted into 
 Pisa ; in their palace and principally at their cost was he mag- 
 nificently lodged and entertained, and they remained faithful to 
 him throughout ; but when too late were fatally convinced of 
 the proverbial folly of putting their trust in princes f. 
 
 — Sardo, Cronaca Pisana, cap. cviii. to vol. iii., Lib. iv., p. 41 l.^Sismondi, 
 
 cxi. Roncioni, Istor. Pisan., pp. 828 vol. iv., cap. xliii.— Sardo, Cron. Pisa, 
 
 to 837. cap. cxii. 
 
 * Roncioni, Istor. Pisan., p. 837.— + M. Villani, Lib. v., cap. xxxviii.- 
 
 M. Villani, Lib. v., cap. liv. — See S. Ammirato, Lib. xi., p. 57a. 
 Petrarca 8 Letter in De Sadc, Mem. 
 
 CHAr. XXIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 225 
 
 Some new laws terminated this eventful year at Florence : 
 one amongst others was rendered necessary by the discovery 
 that all the late negotiations, although secret deliberations of 
 government, had been di^adgc(l and reported to the emperor, 
 who thus became acquainted witli every hidden fear, doubt, or 
 difficulty that arose in the Florentine councils. An act was 
 therefore passed which besides pecuniar}^ fines inflicted a per- 
 petual deprivation of office on any citizen who should thus be- 
 tray his country's secrets ; a decree more calculated to increase 
 circumspection than improve patriotism, which flows from a 
 higher source. 
 
 About the same period a necessity arose for the promulgation 
 of new laws to protect individurds against the still arrogant and 
 overbearing aristocracy, amongst whom it would appear as if 
 homicide, cutting and maiming, and forcible occupation of other 
 people "s property, were still of frequent recurrence. Any of 
 the ancient nobles who after this period should be convicted 
 of these and similar crimes were forbidden to reside in the 
 same quarter of the city with the rest of their family; or 
 if inhabitants of the country, they were in like manner pro- 
 hibited from living in the same Pieviere or ecclesiastical union 
 of parishes ; a penalty being also attached to any aid afforded 
 them by relations ; and as many powerless hidividuals of 
 humble life, such as widows and oq^hans, had their little pro- 
 perty so much damaged by reckless nobles as to render its 
 cidtivation useless to the great injuiy of both owners and 
 public, a law was promulgated which declared that all such pro- 
 perty should be thereafter hired on lease by the community or 
 Pieviere in which it happened to be, or by the relations of those 
 who had done the mischief. So careful were the Florentmes 
 of individual rights and civil liberty whenever they involved a 
 more rigorous legislation against the detested nobility. About 
 this time also we have the first indications of an incipient 
 attempt to register real property in Florence. It arose from 
 
 VOL. II. Q 
 
226 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP, xxin.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 22: 
 
 the difficulty of seizing such property in lieu of debt ; for the 
 dwellings shops magazines warehouses and workshops of indi- 
 viduals were so interlaced and confounded amidst the numerous 
 snijill streets and alleys that few creditors could ascertain the 
 exact bounds of a debtor's possessions ; more especially when 
 any of his immediate neighboui's fraudulently claimed the pre- 
 mises to prevent seizure. For these reasons some patriotic 
 citizens imagined that they could confer a public benefit on the 
 state by diminishing all this trouble and uncertainty ; and 
 therefore petitioned the Seignory for the immediate foraiatiou 
 of public registers where a description of all real Florentine 
 property within the capital and contado should be inserted 
 quiirter by quarter in the city, and parish by parish m the 
 country under the name of each proprietor. The older and 
 more experienced citizens declared its imjx>ssibility ; neverthe- 
 less the decree passed but failed in its execution ; for althougli 
 a description of each person's property and its boundaries under 
 heavy penalties was ordered to be made by eveiy proprietor, 
 and superintended by the ruler of each parish, the rapid and 
 continual changes in a purely commercial and manufacturin<4 
 community rendered this almost im^^os^ible ; being accompa- 
 nied, as asserted, by other and graver difficulties ; so that 
 after much trouble expenditure and perseverance for several 
 years, the project was relinquished as impracticable *. 
 
 The notoriety of Count Landos aggi'essions and his known in- 
 tention to pass from Puglia through the Abi*uzzi into the 
 March of Ancona with an ultimate view to Tuscanv, 
 startled the Florenthies into more efficient measures of defence. 
 Pisa Perugia and Volterra united with her, but Siena refused 
 from an angiy feeling against Pemgia who had favoured a recent 
 revolt of Montepulciano and the Cavalieri's restoration there: 
 more imminent danger subsequently overcame auger and she too 
 joined the confederacy with a fresh and friendly feeling towards 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. v., cap. Ixxiv. 
 
 A.D. 1356. 
 
 Florence, while Pisa on the contrary, after Gambacorta's 
 death had resumed all her ancient enniitv. This broke forth 
 at everj^ opportunity ; the small town of Sovrana was filched 
 from her by some Ghibeline e.^iles for and at the instigation of 
 Pisa; but avoiding an open quarrel the Florentines retaliated 
 with like weapons : after having recovered the place and wor- 
 ried some Pisan troops on their march to Sambuca an indirect 
 and petty warfare was maintained by means of third parties, the 
 principals holding l)ack and maintaining peace unbroken. Paf- 
 fetta had died, perhaps was poisoned, in prison and gained 
 nothing but odium from Gambacorta's death ; but this hostile 
 spirit gathered new force; the ancient rights of Florentine 
 commerce in Pisa and its port at the Anio's mouth were ab- 
 iniptly abolished ; yet these having been solemnly guaranteed by 
 treaty the measure was declared to be an act of public safety 
 and done by imperial conniiand : Charles not only denied this 
 but instimtly ordered the grievance to be removed ; the Pisans 
 were obstinate, and the Florentine niercliants paid the duty, 
 but at the same time resolved, without breaking the peace, to 
 suffer no repetition of such an injuiy. To this end a new 
 magistracy called the " Dieci del Mare "' or Ten of the Sea was 
 instantly created with ample powers to abate the nuisance : eight 
 popolani and two nobles composed this council which gave imme- 
 diate orders for the withdrawal of all merchandise from Pisa 
 within a given period, and commenced a negotiation for the 
 inmiediate fomiation of a port at Talamone in the Maremma ; 
 for the erection of storehouses fortifications and inns, the esta- 
 blishment of guards, of connnercial roads, and every other con- 
 venient means of communication. The port duties were settled 
 at a constant annual sum of 7000 florins ; the contract signed 
 for ten years and material assistance given on the part of Siena 
 by a voluntary prohibition of all land traffic between that city 
 and Pisa. These operations were carried on with such amazing 
 rapidity that the Pisans veiy soon beheld their port and city 
 
 Q '2 
 
228 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 abandoned by ships and merchants ; their dwellings emptying, 
 their inns deserted ; their roads imfrequented, and their markrt^ 
 unprovided. The Florentuies saw their advantage and were 
 inflexible : by the first of November not a single bale of 
 foreign goods remained in Pisa while a general feeling of satis- 
 faction pervaded Florence at having thus '* sfjarato " or broken 
 their stubborn adversaiy *. 
 
 The death of that extraordinary old Ghibeline chief Piero 
 Saccone of Pietramala, relieved Florence from any further 
 apprehension from the sudden outbreaks of his mnnitigated 
 energ}' even up to his ninety-sixth year ! A formidable sol- 
 dier ; but rather as a partisan than a leader ; rapid bold and 
 wily in his movements, and devoted to war, he carried these 
 habits with a singular constancy to the very point of deatli. 
 Calling his son to the bed side : " Marco,'' said he, " the Uhr- 
 *' tint will naturally suppose that you are at this moment onhj 
 " thinking of your dying father, and they will he neyliyeut. 
 " Now (JO thou without delay collect our retai}icrs and surjirisc 
 '* Gressa ere the bishop can hare any suspicion.'' Marco obeyed 
 but was repulsed, and the old soldier expired leaving his suc- 
 cessor the legacy of a war with the Bishop of Arezzo and the 
 Ubertini. 
 
 Count Lando had by this time entered La Marca and alread} 
 threatened Tuscany ; and this compelled bliaence to uew- 
 organise her native militar}^ bands ; for liaving been once 
 deceived she would no longer tiiist to the micertiun faith of a 
 confederacy ; four thousand cross-bowmen were accordiiigl} 
 called into service and a detachment of civic cavalry ordered tu 
 occupy the mountam passes of the Mugello, while messengers 
 were despatched to amuse Lando \nth false negotiations until 
 all the cattle and provisions had been placed in safety : tlu* 
 crossbow and iron cuirass of every bowman was supplied at the 
 
 * Sfjararc is to break a stubborn child. — Cionaca di Donato VcUuti, p. 90, 
 et 6cq. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 229 
 
 public expense : four times a year there was to be a general 
 review on certain times and places ; the Florentine cross-bow- 
 men amounted to eight hundred commanded by four chiefs, 
 one for each quarter: to every constable or commander of 
 twenty-five was given a standard and a finely-wrought bow as 
 a prize for the most accurate shot. When unemployed they 
 were allowed a salary of twenty soldi a month, the constable 
 double that sum ; and when on service tlu"ee golden florins. 
 This resolute aspect saved Tuscany from an immediate visit 
 and Count Lando passed forward into Lombardy. 
 
 In Pisa the bad effects of their folly became daily more 
 apparent to the citizens, but only nettled without 
 inducing them to act more wisely : Florence had not 
 only removed her own trade but had also stopped that of Pis- 
 toia with both Lucca and Pisa and compensated it by complete 
 freedom of commercial intercourse with herself : in revenge an 
 attempt was made to capture the town of Uzano ; but still 
 immovable, Florence only increased her vigilance : yet these 
 were all acts of the ruling liiction in Pisa, for commercial people 
 suffered too intensely bv this revolution not to wish for a better 
 understanding. The Pisan government aware of this, tried 
 hard to provoke Florence to a war ; which if once begun they 
 trusted to national antipathy for its stubborn prosecution : in 
 pursuance of this plan they entered into a league with Genoa, 
 hoping by the aid of her galleys to worry the Talamone traders 
 so much as to i-uin that enterprise and even succeeded in per- 
 suading Genoa that the Florentines secretly desired this, but 
 declined appearing publicly in the transaction which would be 
 a breach of their treaty with Siena : Florentine ambassadors 
 were immediately sent to undeceive that state but owing to the 
 Doge Boccanegra's partiality for Pisa they were refused an 
 audience and nothing was effected. To provoke Florence still 
 more the subjection of Lucca was forcibly prolonged for twenty 
 years in direct breach of the treaty : yet no further notice was 
 taken by the former than a decree which made it penal for any 
 
230 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 citizen, or even the Seignory itself, to comisel or in any way 
 advocate a resumption of their commercial relations \\ith Pisa ; 
 and to oppose Genoa a squadron of Provencal galleys was taken 
 into the Florentine senice. 
 
 Nor was this the only danger, Count Lando paid by Viscoiiti 
 was sent again into Piomagna to assist Ordilaffi captain of 
 Forli agahist the pope's legate, and Florence reasonably feared 
 that the next step would be into Tuscany : an attempt to medi- 
 ate between the belligerents failed, and the great company 
 being hi a part of the Bolognese state whence in a single day 
 they could cross the Apennines and occupy the Mugello by an 
 open pass called " Labia dello Stale " no time could be lost. 
 The UbaliUni were immediately united to join in the defence 
 of their country and promptly answered the call, so that in a 
 short time nine hundred horse and six thousand foot, besides 
 fifteen hundred vassals of that powerful family took post on the 
 frontier and entrenched a mile and a luJf of the pass which 
 was further strengthened by a massive stockade of whole forest- 
 trees : they then pitched their camp within this inclosure and 
 waited the event. 
 
 Count Lando, whose only olyect was plunder, being alanned 
 at so bold an attitude continued liis march and encamped at 
 Villa Franca, four miles from the beleaguered city of Forli ; 
 and Albomoz no less fnghtened at this formidable reenforce- 
 ment of Ordilaffi 's power, despatched the Bishop of Nami to 
 Florence for assistance. This prelate immediately published 
 a cmsade against the enemy and excited that strong religious 
 enthusiasm which generally characterised the Florentines ; he 
 collected 30,000 floiins in private contributions, principally 
 from women and poor people ; recommended that exery twelve 
 citizens should support a man-at-arms ; succeeded with amazing 
 mpidity in the accomplishment of all his objects, and soon 
 despatched eight hundred cross-bowmen and seven hundred 
 Rarbute under Manno Donati to the camp, besides two hundred 
 i^avalry and two thousand footmen who volunteered to serve 
 
 CHAP. XXIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 231 
 
 at their own expense. Such was spiritual power ! No less 
 than 100,000 florins were expended privately and publicly on 
 this occasion, and in return the whole community received full 
 pardon for all their sins ; so keen indeed was this spirit that 
 a Florentme ambassador was expressly sent to urge upon 
 Albomoz an immediate battle with the promise of '20,000 
 additional florins for his troops if victorious. The cooler policy 
 of government throughout this enthusiastic proceeding was no 
 doubt the annihflation of Lando and Ids company, but it was 
 admirably seconded l)y the religious zeal of the inhabitants, 
 and shows the rapid and powerful effects of clmrch influence 
 when artfully applied to the superstition or prejudices of a 
 
 nation. 
 
 Nevertheless Albornoz was cautious in his proceedings, for 
 feeling himself superior to Ordilafii alone and being well sup- 
 ])lied with money he preferred buying off Count Lando at the 
 expense of 30,000 florins and sending him back to Lombardy 
 under an engagement to leave Florence, Pisa, Siena, and Peru- 
 gia mnnolested for three years : this was not a disinterested 
 bargain, for all these states were engaged without their consent 
 to pay a shai'e of the contribution. Florence with tliat usual 
 heedlessness of expense so characteristic of a flourishing com- 
 mercial people, had the weakness to consent, but the others 
 plumply refused, and ridiculed the notion of a stranger s dis- 
 posuig of their money without even consulting them on the 
 subject : Lando however retired ; the siege of Forli continued ; 
 and Cardinal Albornoz behig almost immediately superseded by 
 the Abbot of Clugny returned through Florence to Avignon. 
 
 Florence was now in profound peace both within and with- 
 out, for the altercation with Pisa caused no sensible interrup- 
 tion ; but so unusual a state could not be expected to last in 
 that tm-bulent city : from the effects of the " Divieto " or pro- 
 liibition against any two of the same family acceptmg office 
 together, or within a specified period after having been once 
 
232 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 233 
 
 "11 
 
 elected, the Florentine government had gradually changed 
 hands : the old families had become extremely numerous in 
 their kindred, from antiquity and continual intermarriages, and 
 therefore the whole chain of connexions wiis distui'bed by the 
 attachment of a single link to the public honours of the state. 
 
 The newly-risen families on the cuutrar}' scarcely knew their 
 own grandfathers, and often ditfered even in name from their 
 nearest relatives: the ambition of the former was therefore 
 continually baffled by the '' Divieto,'' that of the latter never, 
 and the government by degrees fell almost entirely into the 
 hands of new, inexperienced and generally ignorant men : this 
 was a fair subject of complaint for those ancient Guelphic fami- 
 lies whose ancestors had established the constitution and liber- 
 ties of Florence. Men of slender connexion and members of 
 the minor trades now returned frequently to office but the 
 great popolani families seldom : at the periodical scrutinies fur 
 replenishing the election-purses, notwithstanding every precau- 
 tion much trick, briber}-, treating, and other influences were 
 successfully employed; wherefore because the more scrupu- 
 lously honest disdained these demoralising courses, the higher 
 pubUc offices gradually fell into the hands of men of less senti- 
 ment and coarser character. 
 
 They were not however exclusively wedded to any great 
 faction ; they understood the practical interest of their class ; 
 they worked alone ; and their highest ambition was legitimate 
 power, not the subjugation of their country : moreover they 
 were as yet too timid, too new in office to commit great crimes : 
 on the contraiT, faction was curbed, the citizens were more 
 united and the public good more disinterestedly studied under 
 the influence of their administration. The great evil was cor- 
 ruption of the periodical scmtiny, an act however not attribut- 
 able to them alone ; and as few of these citizens had anv 
 acknowledged ancestors or public notoriety in national affairs, 
 they were open to the charge of family Ghibeliuism or any 
 
 other stigma that for the moment might suit their enemies to 
 cast upon them. 
 
 Certain great families angry at their own exclusion availed 
 themselves of this circumstance ; they raised a cry that govern- 
 ment was become exclusively Ghibeline, and that if the Captains 
 of Party did not interfere, their own power which was the 
 support of Italian liberty would be utterly annihilated. Nor 
 was it untrue that a Guelphic ascendancy formed the safe- 
 guard of liberty as the enemy of all Italian tyrants ; for if a 
 Guelphic citizen usurped liis country's freedom and trampled 
 on his fellow-citizens, he straightway joined the Ghibeline 
 despots and their party, and generally maintahied himself by 
 their support ; but the Guelphs were rarely allied with them 
 and always their enemies. 
 
 The ostensible object of these citizens was to abridge the 
 Divieto and for this they gained many supporters ; but their 
 real one was illegitimate ambition and future tyranny '»'. 
 
 By the management of Piero degli Albizzi the law against 
 Ghibelines wiiich the Seignoiy w^re unwilling to execute was 
 placed entirely in the hands of the Party Guelph, a magistracy 
 consisting, as it did when first established, of two nobles with 
 knightly rank and two popolani. The nobles at this epoch 
 were Guelfo Gherardini and Geri de' Pazzi, the latter a friend 
 of Piero degli xVlbizzi : the others were Tommaso Brancacci 
 and Simone Simonetti ; all, according to Matteo Villani, of 
 infamous character. These in their real or pretended zeal to 
 support the Guelphic interest re-proposed a modified form of 
 the anti-Ghibeline law ; to the eliect that if any GhibeUne 
 citizen or subject of Florence, or any one not really a good 
 Guelph, had held or should in future hold a public emplo}Tnent, 
 on being regularly accused and the charge proved by six 
 respectable witnesses he should either be capitally condemned, 
 or else fined in a certain sum, to be settled by the Seignory 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. viii., cap. xxiv. — Sismondi, vol. v., cap. xlv. 
 
■ii 
 
 2 34 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 235 
 
 m 
 
 1 1 
 
 before wliom he happened to be arraigned ; and even if he 
 escaped other punishment tlie accusation alone was to be 
 deemed sufficient to prevent his ever being appointed to a 
 pubHc office. 
 
 This law displease<l all good citizens even of the most deter- 
 mined Guelphs : it wiis the act of a faction, but atfected even- 
 bodv, and yet was difficult to resist without derogating from 
 the honour of the Party Guelph, a magistracy universally re- 
 verenced both from its antiquity and the peculiar circumstances 
 of its creation. Those who were most suspected as (Thibeline> 
 were loudest in its praise and tried to uphold its execution 
 until, as Villani says, the stone fell upon themselves ; but the 
 generality felt the sudden weight without any direct means of 
 shaking it off; they felt that three of the captains could at any 
 moment destroy all their hopes and cwn capitally punish 
 them ; and they also knew that the election-purses of that 
 magistracy had been lately filled with the names of some of 
 the most dangerous men hi Florence". 
 
 The Seignor}' shocked at the injustice of such a law refused 
 to sanction it, but the captiiins met them by declaring their 
 refusal to be a strong proof that they themselves were not 
 good Guelphs ; and finally succeeded by clamour, and almost 
 an exhibition of physical force in compelling its enactment. 
 
 Simone de' Bardi, Tguccione Buondelmonte, Migliore Gua- 
 dagni, and Massaiazzo Itaffacani the next elected captains, all 
 eager for power and prompt to trouble, lobt no time in putting 
 the law in execution, and a report being rife that, like the 
 ancient triumvirate, they kept a list of the proscribed and 
 condemned by acclamation universal terror spread through 
 the community. Seventy citizens tilled their first list ; where- 
 fore eveiy individual began to fear himself suspected and yet 
 was iifraid to speak, because the slightest expression of allirm 
 would be received as a proof of guilt. Nevertheless many 
 
 presented the most abject petitions to the captains as if they 
 were sovereign princes, praying not to be included in the list 
 of suspected persons. 
 
 The latter thinking that too sudden and general an . alarm 
 would be impolitic, began with a moderate exercise of their 
 power, knowing how nmch smoother the machine would roll 
 if gradually and silently introduced ; wherefore accompanied 
 by two hundred of their own adherents they repaired to the 
 palace and accused four obscure citizens of having exercised 
 some trifling office in times past and admonished live others 
 who were actually in office ; but so blighting was the interdict 
 that the families of two never enjoyed any public employment 
 for a ceutuiT after. This moderate half-concealed exercise of 
 a tremendous power only served to show its wide extent, and 
 hicreased the general gloom from its retrosjtective action ; for 
 opposition seemed hopeless and fear was paramount. Ten 
 davs afterwards two more citizens were condemned, nor did the 
 family of one recover its privileges fur tln-ee generations : 
 gathering contidence as they prot-ecded the Capitani accused 
 eight more and on the twenty-lir^t of Ajtril; having in the 
 interval increased their proscription list ; four others ; so that 
 in about forty days eighteen families had been, if not capitally 
 condemned, at least lined and disfranchised. After this the 
 triumvirate s example was more closely followed ; for altogether 
 setting aside the proscription list each member accused whom 
 he pleased and the others acquiesced : " Hast thou no enemy ^ " 
 was the question amongst tlieni. *' Consent to admonish mine 
 and I will do the same Inj thine "-'. 
 
 Terror had by this time spread so widely that not only pri- 
 vate individuals but the priors themselves, although conducting 
 the supreme government, were fearful of opposing this 
 tyramiy: at length, as ever happens in extreme cases, 
 a check was proposed Cino Buoncioni being gonfalonier of 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. viii., cap. xxxii. 
 
 M. Villani, Lib. viii., cap. xxxi. — Mar. di Coppo Stefhni, Lib. ix.. Rub. G74. 
 
236 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 justice ; and accordingly on the twenty-fourth of April two 
 more popular members were added to the board of captains 
 making in all four of that order, three of whose votes became 
 necessar}' to pixss any resolution : the noble members were 
 made eligible from any of the aristocracy under knightly rank ; 
 the contrary of which had hitherto restricted this honour to 
 a few families ; and no captain by the new regulation could be 
 reelected m less than a year after havinj^ last held office : a 
 fresh scrutiny was ordered, new members chosen, the bill 
 passed ever}- council and became law ; and thus a slight check 
 was placed on the rapidly accelerating force of so fonnidable an 
 engine *. 
 
 The magistracy of the Party Guelph as a natural consequence 
 of the law had assumed this power of warning any suspected 
 families, or those whom they affected to suspect of Ghibeline 
 principles, against any future acceptance of office ; and the 
 citizens so admonished received the appellation of '' Ammoniti/' 
 So formidable a power backed by the privileges riches and 
 patronage, as well as the compact organisation of this body, 
 became a temlde instmment of faction : it was a state within 
 a state, wliich with still increasing audacity indiscriminately 
 admonished all that were privately obnoxious to it or its adhe- 
 rents ; so that during the nine years which followed its fn-st 
 introduction hi 1357 no less than two hundred civic famihes had 
 been dish'anchised : and yet instead of behig, as in a really free 
 countr}', crushed by the weight of public opinion, the Capltani 
 were abjectly courted by every class in the commonwealth f . 
 
 The tenor so deeply planted in the minds of men by this 
 tyranny could only, says Leonardo Aretino, be discovered by 
 their looks ; for fear and danger kept every body silent and 
 the city had changed from a place of miith to the abode of 
 melancholy. 
 
 ♦ M. Villani, Lib. viii., cap. xlii. 586. — M. Villani, Lib. viii., cap. xxiv., 
 
 t Leon. Aretino, Lib. viii., p. 146. — xxxi., xxxii. — Macchiavelli, 1st. Fior- 
 Scip. Ammirato, Lib. xi., pp. 584, entine, Lib. iii". 
 
 CHAP. XXIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 237 
 
 Those who most courted the Capitani were Piero Albizzi, 
 Lapo di Castiglionchio and Carlo Strozzi chiefs of the Albizzi 
 faction, wherefore Uguccione de' Ricci had the double mortifi- 
 cation of seeing the commonwealth ruined through his own 
 factious spirit, and his rivals snatcliiug away the very shaft 
 which he had, as he thought, so adroitly launched for their 
 destruction. 
 
 Angiy and disappointed he struggled long in vain ; but in 
 1366 on the occasion of Niccolo Monacci being admonished, 
 Baldese Baldesi being gonfalonier and Iticci himself one of 
 the priors ; a fair occasion presented itself for opposing this 
 evil : Monacci who had been secretaiy to the republic was a man 
 of acknowledged talent, universally respected, and a thorough 
 Guelph ; so that the injustice of his accusation was too palpable 
 to be honestly sanctioned, and the Seignoiy refused to entertain 
 it. They compelled the captains to ainiid their acscusation and 
 even carried a resolution in full council that no suspicion should 
 thereafter rest on the fair &me of Xiccolo Monacci. 
 
 Encouraged by this success Piicci seized the occasion to 
 impress his colleagues with the necessity of a vigorous resist- 
 ance, and as the addition of two popolani in 1358 had pro- 
 duced some beneficial effects he now proposed to augment the 
 Guelphic board to nhie members, choosing two from the infe- 
 rior trades juid five popolani in order more effectually to check 
 the nobles who were believed to be the most active and resolute 
 upholders of this pernicious system. The proposed decree 
 enacted that no man should even be declared a Ghibeline 
 unless sanctioned by two-thirds of the board ; and a pennanent 
 hst of Guelphic citizens was formed, from wMch twenty-four 
 persons were to be chosen by lot, who acting as a grand jury 
 decided in the first instance, after healing the accused, whether 
 there were just grounds for proceeding to a public accusation, 
 twenty-two votes being necessary for this preliminary decision. 
 The bill went triumphantly through every council with general 
 
233 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 satisfaction and for a while did good ; but it was finally under- 
 mined by political artifice, and both factions maintjiined a 
 hostile and menacing equality until LSTl, when tlie Albizzi 
 gathered fresh vigour ; as will be hereafter related *. 
 
 During the early part of these transactions some Genoese 
 galleys under Pisan iiiHuence annoyed th(^ Florentine com- 
 merce mitil opposed by an antagonist squadron of ten sail from 
 Provence and four from Naples which soon checked their auda- 
 city and fonned the first naval annament that Florence had as 
 yet ventured to maintain. It was not long wanted ; for Pisa 
 seeing herself baffled at all points declared the trade with 
 Talamone free to even- nation, and the Florentines thoudi still 
 suspicious after a while dismissed all but five galleys, which they 
 long continued to retain for commercial protection. Pisa had 
 thus learned to her cost that she was not necessaiT to the 
 
 ft/ 
 
 existence or even the mercantile prosperity of Florence, and 
 that neither the vast expense, nor public injuries, nor private 
 losses, nor restricted trade, nor her own sul)sequent advances, 
 nor those of othei-s in her behalf, could shake the resolution of 
 that republic or abate one jot of her haughty independence f. 
 The inconvenience was assuredly great, but the moral effect was 
 greater ; and an increased self-contidence together with :i 
 conscious dignity and an incipient navy remained to support 
 the Florentines. 
 
 A dispute between Cortona and Perugia wliich involved 
 Siena in a wjir with the latter was maintained with such 
 asperity as to determine the last-mentioned state to solicit 
 Count Lando's dangerous assistance. Tlie gnat company was 
 then in Piomagna and commanded in his absence by Count 
 Broccai'do and Amerigo del Cavalletto : Broccardo demanded a 
 free passage through the Florentine territor}" into that of Peru- 
 gia, which was peremptorily refused and the mountain passes 
 
 * Cronaca di Donate Vclluti, pp. lOG + Matteo Villani, Lib. vii., cap. xxsii., 
 to 112. — 8. Animinito, Lib. xii., p. and Lib. viii., cap. xxxvii., Lxiii. 
 b"56. 
 
 CHAP, xxiii.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 239 
 
 more strongly guarded in concert with the Guidi and Ubaldini. 
 Manno Donati, Giov. de' Medici, Amerigo Cavalcanti, Simone 
 Peruzzi and afterwards Filippo Macchiavelli were sent to insist 
 on Broccardo s execution of the late treaty with Albonioz, by 
 which Count Lando had engaged not to enter Tuscany for two 
 years to come. Tlie latter wlio had in the interim returned 
 from Germany, at once disclaimed any intention of annojing 
 Florence, and persuaded the ambassadors, with the after sanc- 
 tion of their government, to trace for him a route along their 
 frontier from the \^al di r.amone to IMarradi ; and thence by 
 Castiglione and Biforco to Belforte ; to Dicomano, Vicorata, 
 and Bibiena ; but at the same time he prudently detamed them 
 as hostages. Under their auspices Lando began his march ; 
 but on the •24th of July the adventurers plundered Castiglione 
 and Biforco ; tliis belonging to the Counts Guido ; that to the 
 Ubaldini family ; an outrage not taken meekly even at the 
 moment and still less so afterwards. The moody glances and 
 half-uttered threatenings of thepeasantiy were unheeded ; their 
 imprecations derided ; their complaints ill listened to, and 
 worse understood ; and, savs Villani. the soldiers being ever as 
 tme to plunder as the magnet to iron, a desperate revenge was 
 the consequence. Count Lando had notice of their intentions 
 the same evening but undervaluing their skill, numbers, and 
 equipment, fearlessly made preparations for threadhig the 
 dangerous pass of " Lf SealeUe " or the " Trnj^s " on the 
 following morning. 
 
 The road tlirough this defile although short, was steep and 
 difficult : it led along the bank of a torrent from Biforco 
 to Belforte winding for nearly two miles between impending 
 hills over a narrow rugged bottom walled in by lofty clitfs and 
 loose misshapen rocks, and covered with stones and other 
 obstacles : it was a dark and dangerous passage, made as it 
 were for deception, which probaljly acquired for it the appro- 
 priate and impressive appellation that it bore. 
 
240 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [Bf OK I. 
 
 Amerigo del Cavalletto with the advanced guard the baggage 
 the camp-followers, and all the ambassadors except one ; eitlier 
 from design or unreadiness in the peasantry, was allowed to 
 pass mnnolested ; but the other divisions when well entered 
 were unexpectedly attacked, at fn-st by about eighty iiistics 
 and then by all the mountaineers of the district. Kvt ry slope 
 and bush and rock was suddenly in motion; the mountain 
 seemed to heave as if shaken by an earthquake and as it were 
 loosening from itself, rolled down amidst thundering shouts 
 and unutterable confusion in a mingled mass of rocks and stones 
 and earth and trees and dust, in one promiscuous ruin ; while 
 from the top of all, unmitigated storms of slings and arrows 
 kept showering on the victims. 
 
 Count Lando, who at the first alarm was carelessly taking 
 some refreshment on horseback with his helmet off; now 
 hastily replaced it and sounding to arms : instantly dismounted 
 a hundred Hungarian cavalrj' and sent them scrambling along 
 the heights to dislodge the peasantiT: but these were far more 
 numerous and securely posted ; while the others, accordhig to 
 the fashion of their country- were heavy with arms and cumbrous 
 garments : the combat here was short and fatal, but still some 
 escaped. Meanwhile Count Broccardo ^^^th his horse and armour, 
 were crushed to a bloody and unseemly mass and rolled with 
 the rock that killed him down into the torrent, where nmltitudes 
 shared his destiny ; strength was powerless, skill useless, arms 
 defenceless, and courage of no avail but to teach men how to 
 die: nothing could withstand the ruin from above; and the whole 
 army thus suddenly ensnared, stiiiggled with hopeless misera- 
 ble death. On seeing this, the peasantr}^ like vultures stooped 
 fiercely from the heights and clustering round their victims 
 prolonged the slaughter: mth javeUns first, and then with 
 shorter weapons they rushed upon the foe and stmck and 
 murdered with impunity ; for terror, pressure, and confusion 
 precluded all resistance. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 241 
 
 A vassal of Count Guide's with twelve of his comrades 
 attacked Lando who sword in hand made a long and gallant 
 defence but was compelled to surrender ; holdmg his weapon 
 by the point and seeing it accepted he ventured to remove his 
 helmet when a peasant nearly despatched him by a treacherous 
 blow : this was a signal for general submission or escape : the 
 horsemen leaped from their steeds, hastily doffed their armour, 
 and betook themselves to flight ; escaping as they best could 
 amongst the rocks and thickets of the pass, while the more 
 ready footmen flew hi every direction that promised a shadow 
 of safety. But ere this time not only all the countiy-men were 
 fighting, but the women also rushed down screaming from the 
 hills to assist their husbands and share in the general spoil : 
 money, arms, jewels, belts of massive silver, and other valuables, 
 were torn from the dead and dying or wrenched in exchange for 
 death from the fugitives with all the madness of rapacity and 
 revenge. Three hmidred knights lay slaughtered on the rocks 
 besides a thousand war-horses and three hundred palfreys ; 
 many more were made prisoners both of horse and foot ; and 
 of those that escaped from the pass numbers were captured by 
 loose bodies of peasantry who had taken no part in the action. 
 Cavalletto on hearing of this disaster hurried on in alarm to 
 Dicomano and there entrenched himself; but this could never 
 have availed and all woidd assuredly have perished if, to save 
 themselves, the Florentine ambassadors had not restrained popu- 
 lar fuiy and in a forced march of forty-two miles led him by the 
 pass of Stale into the Imolese territory. The authorities were 
 blamed, and it surely offered a noble opportunity of sacrificing 
 or at least riskmg life for the sake of their country ; an occasion 
 that only a few, and those the most exalted spirits have ever 
 dared to embrace : the Decii would have done it, but these 
 republicans were men of a safer temperament*. 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. viii., cap. Ixxii , Lib. xi., p.^588.— Leon. Aretino, Lib. 
 Ixxiii., Ixxiv., Ixxvi. — S. Aramirato, viii., p. 147. 
 VOL. II. R 
 
242 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book J. 
 
 The stragglers joined Cavalletto at Imola and he was after- 
 wards reenforced by two thousand German cavalr}^ who had 
 quitted the Senese and Pemgian armies to wreak their ven- 
 geance on the Florentines. But nothing daunted, Florence 
 contmued to guard her defiles and passes and simultaneously 
 exerted herself to make peace between Siena and Pemgia ; 
 this mediation succeeded and both being tired of war the con- 
 ditions were left entirely to her discretion : Montepulciauo was 
 accordingly made free and independent of Siena, as Cortona wub 
 nearly so of Perugia ; both cities were dissatisfied at this award, 
 yet submitted ^nthout again breaking out into open warfare ; 
 but this happened somewhat later. 
 
 Count Lando by bribing his captors, after some adventures 
 escaped sorely wounded to Bologna, the remnant of his free- 
 booters having been placed in safety against all expectation, 
 against all hope, and against all commands, by the conduct of 
 the Florentine ambassadors. Amerigo was vet unsafe at 
 Dicomano as Count Guido and all his vassals were still buni- 
 ing for revenge, the massacre of the Scalelle having only half 
 appeased them : the baggage remahied untouched : the republic 
 had above twelve thousand men in arms immediately around 
 him ; the roads were cut and evers' pass was occupied ; there 
 was no escape, no safety but in the personal terror of the 
 ambassadors for Amerigo had promised them the first death- 
 wound in case of disaster. In Florence all was animation; 
 more numerous councils were summoned and in full consulta- 
 tion on the necessary movements ; there was complete miani- 
 mity ; the company by its excesses had broken every compact 
 and the only question was whether the republic was still bouiul 
 to keep them. 
 
 There was always a refined theoretical feeling of right and 
 justice alive in Florence but seldom strong enough to prevail 
 against public or private interest : in this case opinions were 
 divided and a middle coui*se was taken ; orders were issued not 
 
 CHAP, xxni.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 243 
 
 to allow foreign soldiers to enter the Florentine territoiy, or 
 furnish them A\itli any supplies ; and although hostilities were 
 not positively directed against Amerigo l)y public decree yet no 
 man was forbidden to ofl['end him ; which in the excited state of 
 the country was unequiv^ocal destruction. Cavalletto conscious 
 of his danger despatched one of the ambassadors to Florence 
 on his own behalf: his inlluence caused another assembly of 
 more numerous councils in which almost every citizen that had 
 ever held office assisted ; but he could do nothing more : the 
 ambassador pleaded in vain ; the former decree was confirmed 
 and even re-confn-med bv three other councils convoked at the 
 powerful instance of this citizen who had great weight in the 
 commonwealth. But these solemn and repeated expressions 
 of the national will availed nothing against the safety of the 
 Florentine ambassadors ; unlike llegulus they acted for them- 
 selves not for Florence and even disobeyed her mandates : by 
 wliich, says Villani, may be imagined what audacity swelled 
 the hearts of great citizens, and how small their reverence for 
 their country ! And justly so : he contiiuies ; for in those days 
 the comitry neither rewarded merit nor punished iniquity ; but 
 private and party interest smothered all patriotic feeling and 
 enabled them to bear any public injury with composure. 
 
 Amerigo and his companions bad now scarcely three days' 
 subsistence ; numerous and angry bands kept thickenmg round 
 tliem ; tlie hills above Sieve bristled with Florentine spears ; 
 crossbow-men lined every eminence, the passes were retrenched, 
 strengthened, and numerously guarded ; four hundred Floren- 
 tine men-at-arms under the Gemian Broccardo were already 
 
 ft. 
 
 ill their saddles and destmction appeared inevitable. A feel- 
 ing of compassion for his countiymen touched this chieftain's 
 heart and overcame his loyalty : bv tlie ambassadors' connivance 
 he repaired secretly to Dicomano and had an interview with 
 Amerigo wliich resulted in a derision, as the event proved, to 
 conduct the company safely to A^icchio in the Florentine state 
 
 r2 
 
244 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY, 
 
 [book I. 
 
 despite of the late decrees, and leave them mastei-s of the plain 
 of Mugello with all its abundance. No counnunication of this 
 was made through their colleague to the seigiioiy, the militaiy 
 commanders beheved that they were to receive orders from the 
 embassy and Broccardo amongst the rest willingly ac(^eptotl 
 the rear guard for the better defence of his countiymen. 
 
 At the sound of the Florentine tnimpets which were sent 
 fonvard by the captive ambassadors with great state ; tlie roads 
 and passes were re-opened, all impediments remo\e(l, and 
 Amerigo was publicly escorted by a band of I'lorentim* ir«ts>- 
 lK>w-men to Vicchio : here his followei-s were supplied, tlmjugh 
 a second breach of orders, ^^^th the veiT provisions that were 
 sent by govennnent for the national troo|»s, and >oiiit' skirmisli- 
 ing even took place between Count Guido's vassals who hovered 
 on their thinks and the Florentine escort. On beholding these 
 unlooked-for proceedings the remaining soldiers, citizens, nnd 
 peasantry, who had assembled in great numbers on the hills, 
 were indignant and amazed, yet so far respected their country's 
 ministers iis to refrain from active violence, but loudlv declared 
 tliat the republic was sacnticed and denounced its unfaitliful 
 servants. After four-and-twenty hours' delay Amerigo resumed 
 his march mider the care of Manno Donati, but not without 
 laWng an ambuscade for the anned multitudes that infested 
 him and killing many in the combat : hurrying forward untler 
 the guidance of Ghisello degli Ubaldini, an able chief, who 
 increased the robber's alarm to clear his own temtory, Amerigo 
 with great difficulty accomplished this eventful movement. 
 
 But Florence had not yet thrown off the gi'eat company : 
 reenforced by the Senese and Pemgian l)ands of foreign mer- 
 cenaries under Anichino Baumgarten (or Mongardo as he is 
 called by Italian authoi's) they made an attempt on FaenzM 
 but were repulsed by the aid of three Imndrcd Florentine 
 cavalry : this and the persuasion that the disaster at Scalella 
 was connived at by Florence, redoubled their thi'eats and hatred 
 
 CHAP. XXIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 245 
 
 but did not diminish their fears. The Florentines bemg no 
 less apprehensive, after some time wasted in legal disputes 
 with Bolomia about the possession of Lo Stale, ran a strong 
 intrenchment Hanked with towers across that pass for eight 
 miles, reaching from the smnmit of the adjoinmg hdl to the 
 town of Monte-Vivagno and stationing a guard of twelve hun- 
 dred heavy-armed hifantry to maintain it : they then concluded 
 a league with the legate at Faenza against every free company 
 for two years to come, but as yet having no regidar general, 
 Pandolfo Malatesta of Rimini was invited to assume that dig- 
 luty This league availed nothing, for the Abbot of Clugny 
 then lectate proving much too miwarlike for his station, Cardinal 
 \lbonioz was again appointed who after a month of intrigues 
 at Florence, spent in vahi and interested attempts to reconcile 
 that republic with Count Lando, quitted it not very well pleased 
 
 with her firmness. 
 
 Nevertheless thev were still very uneasy at the schemes and 
 threateiiings of this freebooter, but issuing a decree which for- 
 bid any subject or citizen on pain of death to serve in the 
 Grand Company and with a more generous spirit than the car- 
 dinals, the seignoiy prepared to vindicate the honour and inde- 
 pendence of their countr}\ 
 
 Meanwiiile the ambassadors after having completed their 
 discreditable act audaciously returned to Florence : confiding 
 in their political infiuence they unblushingly vindicated their 
 conduct and were as shamelessly absolved ; they haughtily 
 repelled anv public investigation or reproof even m face of the 
 council, and asserted with foctious impudence that it was no 
 light matter to have in so brief a period expelled this band ot 
 
 robbers from the country * ! ^ r 
 
 Here we have an example of five powerful citizens first dis- 
 obeying the orders and then braving the whole power of the 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. viii., cap. Ixxv. to 147.-S. Ammirato, Lib. xi., pp. 590, 
 Ixxix.— Leon. Aretino, Lib. vin., p. 59 L 
 
246 
 
 FLORENTINE IHSTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Florentine republic ! But Florence was really an extensive 
 aristocracy, not a republic ; and although more free and ener- 
 getic than a despotism, was equally filled with its vices tliou<4i 
 they were broken and repressed by competition. Power whe- 
 ther regal or democratic spoils man ; but the former tends to 
 paralyse his efficiently useful faculties while the latter admits 
 of a more active growth of them, both for good and evil : the 
 benefits arising from the first depend on one individual and aiv 
 mortal : those of the second on the emulative working of suc- 
 cessive minds and are eternal. In one the intellect u'al fire is 
 half hidden under a bushel ; in the other it expands and bums 
 even to conflagration. Theoretically there could not be a 
 moment's hesiUition in the choice ; practically we are often 
 compelled most unwillingly to pause, and balance the respective 
 evils : the leaden pressure of despotism is sickening ; the ^vild- 
 fire of democracy is appaUing: but the promiscuous mass ,.1 
 crime is perhaps proportionably equal : for human jiassions in 
 whatsoever condition, unless well governed, will either smoulder 
 or blaze, undermine or openly destroy, accordmg to their 
 medium of action : wherefore that fonn of government i> 
 surely best which tends most etfectually to strengthen th. 
 moral dignity of man, and however theoretically good may U 
 the constitution of any state, no nation will long [.reserve it- 
 freedom, though the forms remain; where ''pure ami HudejUcd 
 reUffion "^;= and sound morality, which are nearly identical, do 
 not form the basis of public virtue. 
 
 CoTEMPORARY MoNARCHS—.England : Edwanl Ill.-Srotland : David II. 
 —France : John (the Good).-Aragon : Peter IV.-Custilc and Leon : Petn 
 Uie Cruel. -PortnpalrAlphonso IV. to l;«7, then Peter I.-Gennan 
 Emperor : Charles IV. of Luxemburg.- Pope : Innocent VL- Naples : Louis 
 and Joanna L-S.aly : Louis to 13.55, then Frederic 1 11.- Creek Emperor : 
 John CanUicuzene to 135.-,, then John Pah-roloirus.-Turkish Empire : Orkhan, 
 (establishes h.msef m Europe in 13.53). - Poland : Casimir the Great. _ 
 Hungary : Louis the Great, of the house of Naples-Anjou 
 
 General Epistle of Saint James, chap, i., v. 27. 
 
 CHAP. XX 
 
 CIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 247 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1359 TO A.D. 1305. 
 
 AS tbe ruUk. treasury of a nation is filled by the conUibu. 
 tions and annnumlv the forcod contributions of al , so most 
 think that it inav be dialed into ^vithout any moral ^^ ^^^ 
 difficulty as long as thev can avoid the penalties ot 
 „d as a st^te of ..r aiV„rds more facility for the exercise 
 of such labours, it has generally been -loomed ;f - - J 
 fiivourite of national rulers be they many or few, at least as a 
 welcome coadiutor in accomplishing their own desires. On 
 the other hani a long peace with all its permanent connexions 
 and associations, is always a slow though necessao% and p r^ 
 haps the only means of convincing existing f "^'•^^lons o its 
 gr at and lasting advamages. But war whether proce ding 
 lorn internal ambition or external violence is the -e.tab^, 
 though it may be the distant source- of nntiona turn, fo 
 almost every public matter, civil, political or - 'gou. Jiut 
 more especially miliUiry, ultimately resolves ^t^e^f mto a 
 questionlf finance : money is the alpha and o-^;, t^^- ^J 
 ir the object, of everything connected with the affairs of 
 civilized man ; and as its sources are finite while *« w-ts « 
 infinite, nothing but the most rigid frugality can F--^^^ 
 ,n>^.. ruin; not the fi-ugality of p.irsimony, bu ^^ ^^ 
 ened abihty of effi-cious -penditu.. Y^^ ^ 
 may be iu vain expected from powers that enjoy 
 
2i8 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book j. 
 
 without the pressure of taxcation, only those who bear the 
 burden ai'e likely to watch with any solicitude over the pubhc 
 expenses, and even they with a sleepy glance at its efficient 
 appropriation : nay, they will recklessly sanction new wars, new 
 expense and extravagance, and therefore new accumulations of 
 debt and danger, as long as any fresh source is opened for the 
 furtherance of their o\mi Inisiness or indmations. And this will 
 ever be if a disinterested love of country is not the moving 
 principle ; and thus it was with the Florentines : the con"^ 
 sequences of their old folly the Lucchese war, were now 
 apparent, and fresh expenses debts and contributions became 
 necessary. The infant navy though useful, and even requisite, 
 was no light charge ; the alteration of tlieir whole line of com- 
 merce, though a spirited and politic act, was not accomplished 
 for nothmg ; subsidies and opposition to the grand company 
 drained large sums, and the still menaced hostilities of Count 
 Lando with the generally disturbed aspect of Italian politics 
 rendered additional funds indispensable. But the country' was 
 deep in debt, the revenues almost -all mortgaged to pay the 
 interest of fonuer loans, and the people in such a state that any 
 imposition of new tiixes unsanctioned by an eiiemv's presence 
 would have been insutferable and even dangerous, ' The pubhc 
 mmd was moreover highly irritated by Guelphic pei-secutions 
 which still continued in spite of every restraint, and which did 
 not even allow acknowledged good citizens to remain quiet, but 
 still dragged them from private life and condemned them as 
 Glubehnes. 
 
 Manetto da Filicaia the new gonfalonier and liis collea-mes 
 had therefore no resource but borrowing a.ul its attendant 
 evils : yet public credit had fallen so low that a new loan 
 became no easy task even on ruinous conditions : nevertlieless 
 a decree went forth on the twelfth of January offering live florins 
 interest for every hundred, with credit in tlie public l«)oks 
 for thnce that sum, tlins making the whole interest amount 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 249 
 
 to 15 per cent, per annum and all the privileges and immu- 
 nities enjoyed by other creditors. This was the fourth 
 " Monte' or puVdic stock created since the Lucchese war and 
 100,000 florins were realised by the expedient at the expense 
 of 3(50,000 of additional debt with its attendant interest ! 
 Nor was this from any scarcity of money in the market but a 
 pure want of confidence in public securities, occasioned by the 
 pernicious system of making new loans and ibrming new stocks 
 on every fresh emergency -. 
 
 This was an unpromising commencement of the year at 
 home, and the aspect of foreign aftairs was scarcely less cheer- 
 less aiid fori)idding. Before the disaster of Scalella Count Lando 
 carried off to Germany all the plunder he had amassed in 
 Italy ; and after redeeming mortgaged lands and buying new 
 estates he repaired to court and convinced Charies IV. that 
 not\rithstanding the decay of imperial authority hi Tuscany, 
 yet if armed with a royal warrant he would still engage at 
 his own expense to restore it, as the province swarmed with 
 German mercenaries all secretly or openly attached to the 
 company. There would be small danger of battle, and a single 
 city being once occupied all the rest he promised should be 
 quickly brought under subjection. Thus persuaded, Charles 
 appointed Laiido his Vicar in Pisa but secretly gave him more 
 extensive powers, and the agreement made with Siena by 
 Count l^roccardo most seasonably favoured him, so that the 
 affiiir of Scalella probably saved Tuscany f. 
 
 During Lando 's recovery the remnant of his company under 
 Amerigo'' del Cavalletto served the captain of Forii then 
 besieged by the legate, and his being joined by Baumgarten 
 and Count Luffo with about two thousand Barbute and a nume- 
 rous infantry from Siena produced the attack and repulse at 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. viii., cap. Ixxi., and p. 51, and note. 
 
 Lib. ix., cap. iii.-S. An.mirato, Lib. f M. ViUani, Lib. viu., cap. Ixxiii. 
 
 xi., p. 592.— Governo della Toscana, 
 
350 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Fjienza : but still further augmented by Genn;ms from almost 
 every Italian state, these freebooters resumed their former 
 audacity now mingled with an ardent thirst of vengeance, and 
 " To Florence, To Florence' became the general qyj: never- 
 theless failing in some attempts tx) force the mountain 
 passes, they on hearing of Malatesta s appointment retired 
 into Romagna. 
 
 After ceaseless ravages and much privation Lando was fmdlv 
 succoured by Giovanni d' Oleggio then Lord of Bologna, wlio 
 being suspicious of the new Legate s intentions, resolved to be 
 prepared; but a personal conference with Alboruoz removed 
 these fears and the company, still exasperated against Florence, 
 once more resumed its wonted course of rapine. Tlic territory of 
 Piimiui was re-plundered ; Sogliano near Cesina and many more 
 places were stormed, or otherwise taken without remoi'se or 
 mercy, and Florence herself was kept in contiimal alarm lest they 
 should make a descent by Faggiuola and Jiorgo San Sepolcro 
 into her territorj-. After breathing awhile at Sogliano and 
 lea\'ing their sick and wounded to the peo2)le"s care tluv again 
 set forth, but were no sooner departed than a body of the 
 neighbouring peasantry attacked the town, plundered the bag- 
 gage and murdered the sick and wounded '■■. 
 
 The cold was so intense at this time that snow lay twenty feet 
 deep in the streets of Bologna ; a great hall was excavated be- 
 neath this chilly mass and an entertainment given in commemo- 
 ration of so rare an event ; yet in the midst of such a season 
 these adventurers were still out in search of food and shelter 
 but nearly dispersed and annihilated by its severity : neverthe- 
 less they worried the eastern coast of Italy and at tlie same 
 time maintamed a close correspondence with AUiornoz wiio 
 without the concurrence of Florence was for his own views 
 still attempting to effect a reconciliation between tliem f . 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. viii., cap. Ixxxiii., Ixxxiv., Ixxxv., xciii., xcvii. civ. cv. 
 t M. Villani, Lib. viii., cap. cv., and Lib. ix., cap. ii., v. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 251 
 
 No particular affection for tliat city moved the legate, but 
 he calculated on the assistance of her weighty purse and lavish 
 expenditure to rid the ecclesiastical states for a season of so 
 formidable an obstacle to his present schemes ; and the fright, 
 folly, or reverence of the Florentines hi sanctioning his former 
 unauthorised compact encouraged such hopes. It was now 
 othei-^Nise, for she had nobly resolved to spend her last farthing 
 in driving these miscreants ficaii a country which for years had 
 been disgi'acefully subjected to their yet unchastised aggres- 
 sions, ratler than offer the shglitest tribute for the purchase of 
 a doubtfid forbearance. In the face of all this Albornoz con- 
 cluded his treaty, by which he engaged on the church's part to 
 pav Count Lando 15,000 florins and that the Florentines 
 should disburse S0,000 more for the purchase of four years' 
 tranquillity ; and if these terms were not accepted within five 
 days by the latter he further boinid himself to forfeit 10,000 
 florins' in addition. Albonio/ felt more confident from having 
 tampered with certain of the citizens who seci*etly assured 
 him that tlie treaty would be ratilied, as well from reve- 
 rence to him and the church as from the apprehension that 
 Florence might be left to c(»i)e single-handed with the great 
 
 company. 
 
 The "publication of this agreement kindled a universal 
 flame : there were indeed some few of the worst citizens that 
 supported it, but in general the moral courage and nobler 
 spirit of Florence broke out in vivid brightness: the timid, 
 selfish, and evil-minded were rebuke.l or awed into silence ; a 
 proud independent patriotism pervaded every rank, and this, or 
 any other treat}^ with Count Lando and his myrmidons, was 
 loudly and scornfully rejected : a report which also prevailed 
 that All)onioz was covertly working to obtain the absolute go- 
 vernment of Florence added force to indignation and created 
 an universal abuse of his name and principles. Nevertheless 
 a mission was instantly sent to detach him if possible from the 
 
 wri 
 
252 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 German roLher and once more offer him the whole sujiport of Flo- 
 rence : to this Albonioz apparently agreed, hut almost simulta- 
 neously concluded a new compact with Laiido ly which he 
 agreed to pay 50,000 tlorins to relieve the ecclesiastical states 
 from his destructive visitations. 
 
 Thus enriched the company waxed stronger and holder, and 
 their spirit was high with the expectation of a golden harvest 
 in Tuscany ; their excesses now became wilder and more fero- 
 cious than ever, and not a man fell but was cmellv reven<^ed 
 by his relentless conn*ades : against Florence vindictive throat- 
 enings were reiterated with contemptuous violence, lor inci- 
 pient concessions led them to expect final humility and the 
 spiritless conduct of Italy had fostered an imposing audacitv 
 which was not courage. 
 
 The intelligence of this convention amazed and exasperated 
 the Florentines ; there was an ingratitude in it that they who 
 had done so much for the church but little expected, and their 
 mortification was extreme : for many vears thev had maintained 
 in her service from twelve to fourteen hundred of their best 
 troops besides the private aid of various individuals l)otli sub- 
 jects and citizens ; the latter within a veiy limited period had 
 spent no less than 1()0,000 tlorins hi aid of the church and 
 even now it was discovered that their proffered succour was 
 only received as a convenient auxiliary to enhance the cardinal's 
 terras wliile treating with Count Lando. To this intelligence was 
 added that Pisa, Perugia, and Siena, all eijually heedless of 
 Florence, were also in secret negotiation with the company ; 
 messengers were forthwith despatched to turn them from this 
 false and foolish measure to a more politic and manly course, 
 but all in vain ; amicable replies were indeed received but the 
 disgraceful negotiations continued, and the dread of these free- 
 booters had stnick so deep into the public mind that not Tus- 
 cany alone but even Lombardy was trembling. 
 
 Ditches of great extent and dimensions were there cut across 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 253 
 
 broad tracts of country, not only as a defence against them but 
 Z to repel the expected invasion of the Dul.e of Austria whom 
 Charles IV had lately created King of Lombardy : Bologna 
 also followed this defensive example ; and the Visconti to laci- 
 litate their own war communications with the latter place con- 
 structed an elevated miUtaiy road across all the plains, passing 
 :X^ and ravines by viaducts and flanked by ditches until it 
 reached the Po ; while m Tuscany to secure their communica- 
 tion with Cortona the Senese also made a road and bridge over 
 the Chiana river and marshes, or more probably restored the 
 ancient Roman way which a mass of long-neglected waters had 
 ♦fi-adually destroyed-. 
 
 \11 these tilings sho^^■ed the agitated state of Italy; and it is 
 eas'y even in the present day to imagine the degree of terror 
 caused by an able niilit^iry chief leading a larger army tlmn any 
 siugle state eould oppose to him ; uiu-heeked l>y the laws o 
 <.od or man, and carrying murder and desolation throughout 
 a defenceless country I Florence «as even more active than 
 her neighbours in preparhig for the shock, but ^vlth men, not 
 works ; and notliing shows her moral courage more than this 
 resolution to stand alone against a danger that made all her 
 most powerhd neighbours tremble. Her own army which was 
 mustered on the twenty-ninth of April l:b30 consisted of two 
 thousand Barbute each with two horses, five hundred Hmiga- 
 rian hght horse ; which since the visits of Louis had become a 
 constant ingredient in the composition of Italian armies ; and 
 two thousand five hundred chosen cro»sbow-men ai-med with 
 
 light corselets f. , v * p 
 
 As for years these robbers had been the scourge and hate ot 
 ItHlv, volunteers public and private poured m from every 
 quaner to fight under the Florentine standard : Milan sent 
 two thousand men ; Naples, Padua. Ferrara ; kings, tyrants 
 and Cxhibelines ; all lent their aid to the democratic and 
 
 • M. ViUani, Lib. ix., cap. vi. to k. t Cario, 1st. Mil., Parte iii., p. SS.f. 
 
 ^^^93 
 
254 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 (luelphic Florence, while the free states of Tuscany her old 
 allies and nearest neighbours refused all assistance and held 
 disgraceful parley with the plunderers. Perugia was the first 
 to incur this shame by a repetition of her former conduct and 
 for now consenting to pay Count Lando 4000 tlorins annually 
 during live years, to allow the company a coust.int free passage 
 through her domhiions, provide an abundant market fur the 
 troops, and refuse all iiid to the Florentines. 8icna coolly fol- 
 lowed this example, and Pisa with enduring bitterness' and 
 more dishonesty, not only granted sui)p]ies and a free transit 
 but covertly engaged to atford more direct assistance against 
 Florence *. 
 
 The formidable Lando after fresh deviistations in La Marca 
 and Bologna and completing these shameful treaties ; with xhv 
 help of the legate's subsidy crossed the Perugian territoiy in 
 the begiiniing of May at the head of twelve thousand men of 
 all arms. But Florence far from shrinking, rejected eveiy 
 overture made from the company to extract money without 
 lighting, as well as the friendly offers of mediation from indivi- 
 duals eager to save her from destruction and boldly pro- 
 claimed a reward of 5000 florins fur Count Lando s head as a 
 robber chieftain ; nor could the Marquis of Monferrato \vhu^< 
 ambassadors had already engaged the company, and who only 
 demanded a free passage through the Florentine states for a 
 moment alter her resolution f . 
 
 After some plundering excursions in the direction of Todi 
 the great company made its appearance at Buonconvento 
 towards the end of June : the standai'd of Florence was imme- 
 diately delivered to Pandolfo Malatesta who contided it to 
 the valour of Xiccolo Tolomei a noble Senese knight attaclied 
 to the Florenthie service, and at tlic same time the bannej- 
 of the Feditori was given in charge to Oriando a faithful 
 German servant of the republic, on purpose to show the re- 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. xx. f Scip. Amniirato, Lib. xi.,p. 593. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY 
 
 255 
 
 gular troops of that nation how much confidence was placed 
 iu them. Malatesta was invested with unlimited powers, 
 such as notliing but the most imminent danger could have 
 drawn from the Florentines, and immediately took the field 
 with about eight thousand men, while Lando showing his 
 ri<4it flank to Siena moved round their frontier ; both armies 
 marching parallel without either of them attemptmg to cross 
 
 the border*. 
 
 The Val di Pesa, Celle f, Montopoli and San Ptomano were 
 thus successively occupied Ity Pandolfo, while Lando moved by 
 Pomarance and Sacco to Pontedera on the confines of the 
 Pisau territory and, in despite of his devastations, with a cer- 
 tainty of support from that state which had already despatched 
 eight hundred Barbute to the Fosso Anionico ; ostensibly to 
 protect her own frontier, but really to reunfurce the company. 
 A battle was expected, but fighting was not the German's 
 object, and plundering was impossible with so keen a soltlier as 
 Malatesta on his flank : his marcli was resumed on the tenth 
 of July for San Pietro in Campo iu the Lucchese states ; five 
 hundred horse followed close on his track and the whole army 
 without violating the Pisau border arrived next morning at a 
 place called Pieve a Nievole, closing so near that only an open 
 plain, such as would almost in those days invite armies to battle, 
 divided the belligerents I. 
 
 On the l-:2th Count Lando who could not without disgrace 
 avoid it, sent a pompous challenge in the fashion of the time : 
 a torn and bloody gauntlet i)lace(l on a branch of thorn was 
 carried to ^lalatesta with the sound of trumpets and a cartel of 
 defiance, calling on the Florentine general, if he dared, to pluck 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. ix., cup. xxviii. merit, winch reflects the highest credit 
 
 t It stood three miles south-cast of .)n its author, and through him on his 
 
 Peccioli, iu the Val d' Era, hut exists country.) 
 
 no longer. (Vide Repetti Di/.ionario + M. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. xxix.— 
 
 Geograf Fisico, Storico della Toscaua, Sardo, Cronaca di Pisa, cap. cxxvu. 
 a work of extraordinarv research and 
 
256 
 
 FLOHEXTINE HTSTORY. 
 
 [do 'K I. 
 
 the glove from its place and reply to tlie call. Paudollo with 
 a ready haud (jiiietly removed it from the bough, and yuiiling 
 observed, that he remembered having once beaten Count Lamlo 
 at a place called " La Frasca " in Lombardy •• : then turning 
 to the herald he reidied, '* The field is fair free and level 
 *' between us ; we are prepared and willing to defend it in 
 " the name and for the honour of Florence and her just cause ; 
 *' and for no other reason are we here than to prove with our 
 ** swords that her enemies are in the wrong and do much evil 
 " without legitimate cause of war, and thus wc trust in God and 
 " hope for victor}- 1 And to him that sent this gauntlet say, 
 ** that we shall soon see whether his deeds will correspond with 
 '• liis rough and fierce defiance.'' He then rewarded the 
 herald with a largess of wine and gold, and commanded his uwn 
 trumpeters to sound a high-toned answer to the challenger '. 
 
 Nothing further occurred until the sixteenth when both 
 armies began to move ; the company lirst advanced ; but seeing 
 the adversary's readiness immeiUately changed its order and 
 took up a strong position on a neighboming height called 
 Campo (die Mosvhc where no attack coidd be prudently made 
 on them: Pandolfo for some time kept Wiiiting for the challengers 
 on the i»lain, but so far from fij:'htin<' thev >tudiouslv avoided 
 a battle, strengthened their new position, burned the old 
 camp, and left theii* former gi'ound to the Florentines. They 
 were beai'ded in their ver^' entrenchments bv the Hunf'arian 
 cavalr}' while Pand(dfo's main body remained under arms ap- 
 prehensive from the enemy's slackness of some concealed 
 mana^uvre; but all continuing (juiet and Malatt->ia seehig no 
 chance of bringing Ids antagonist to action at once determined 
 to blockade him by occupying the high grounds towards 
 Lucca. Lando apprehensive of the consequoiices suddenly 
 decamped in confusion before daylight on the twenty-third 
 of July, taking the Lucca road where he was not pursued 
 
 • " Frasca " signifies a branch. 
 
 + M. Villani, Lib. ix., cap. xxx. 
 
 CHAP. X\"IV.] 
 
 FLOr.ENTIXE HISTORY. 
 
 257 
 
 because ^Vlalatesta had orders to respect the Pisan torritoiy, of 
 which Lucca then formed a. part ; wherefore remaining on the 
 frontier \mtil the first of August, and learning that the com- 
 pauv was broken up; the only divisictn of any foj'ce being under 
 Lando and Daunigarten on its way to join the ^Manpiis of 
 ]\Ionfernito*s army against Galeazzo Visconti ; he retired by 
 Serravalle to Florence. 
 
 Kntoriug that capital in trium|)h he with singular modesty 
 i( lusnl tlte iHteiuled Imiiour of the ])alio or canopy of state, 
 lionie by the most distinguished i-itizens ; and after a formal 
 resignation of his i-onnnand retired to lUniini with the grati- 
 tude of a nation that not long after liad reasim to repent 
 the coniulouee which his actual merits had im[>lanted in their 
 mind-. 
 
 If Morence had exhibited half her proseut spirit and listened 
 to tln' i<)uii>el of Pandolfo 's father when he solicited her aid 
 auain-t tlie Cliovalier de ^lontreal she niiiTjht have crushed the 
 conipany in it^ iul'aney and saved a world of misery to Italy: 
 Imt now tlio ( \;nn|)lc w:is >tn, the moral effect accomplished, 
 the power and inlluence of eondottieri and free companies 
 demonstrated, the moral weakness of Italy exposed, and the 
 Italian iiaiiou doomed perhaps to everlasting servitude. To 
 prove h( r gratitude and hatred by a single movement, Florence 
 ^I'in a thousand cavalry to as^i>t the Visconti against Count 
 Lando and his comrades ;nid these after doing good service 
 veiunied with an intimation that the ^Milanese army was going 
 to invest IJologna, an expedition that gave rise to new political 
 ' hanges in Italy. 
 
 The termination of the late campaign was as glorious as its 
 < oiiiiiieneement was honourable ; it was a war of piu'e necessity, a 
 rare occurrence in anv aife ov coimtrv, but not for that the less 
 expensive ; ;nid therefore to meet the increased disbursements 
 a new " Efitinio " or valuation of real property, and more 
 
 * JL Villani, Lib. ix.,cap. xxx., xxxi.— S. Ammirato, Lib. xi., p. 595. 
 VOL. II. S 
 
258 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 extended taxation were conmianded, and fresh sumptuary laws, 
 that nevcr-faiUng subject of Florentine legislation against 
 female vanity, were enacted ; but as a compensation it \\:i> 
 declaimed that no women excepthig heiresses \\ ere thenceforward 
 to be answemble for then- fathers' debts. 
 
 Some petty hostilities wliich ended in the capture of 1 »ib- 
 biena and the niin of the Tarlati next occupied the pubhc 
 mind. Marco the son of Piero was still at war with the 
 Bishop of Arezzo to whom Bibbiena of right belonged, and the 
 Ubertini in consecjuence uf Biordo and Farinatas vulunt.nv 
 semce in the late campaign, were restored to all their ancient 
 ridits as citizens, and moreover allowed to throw otY tlieir 
 nobility and become popolani of Florence. xVfter the public 
 funenU of Biordo, who died of over-exeition in the war, the 
 bishop availing himself of the opportunity {itiV»rded by his 
 attendance on that occasion, transferred all liis seignorial riglitn 
 over Bibbiena for an annual sum to the Florentines ; an army 
 immediately proceeded to reduce it and Azzo the brother of 
 Biordo was made a knight by the snviivign power of tli-' 
 people and trusted with the arms and honour of the same 
 nation of whom his familv had hitherto been the most deter- 
 mined enemies*. 
 
 Bibbiena a strong and important post for the protection of 
 Upper Val d'Anio was obstinately defended V.y the Tarlati, n^r 
 could the Florentines, notwithstanding all the intei-nal in- 
 fluence of the Ubertini, succeed until the sixth <»f dnnuary 
 13(30 when the citizens, tired of suffering, treacherously sur- 
 rendered it. During the siege Marco Galeotto of the (iuiJi 
 family then mider the ban of Florence took the opportunity of 
 reconciling: himself to that state bv an unconditional offer of 
 both his strongholds of Soci and San Xicenlo: this sort '•! 
 proceeding always pleased Florence, was generally advantageous 
 to the inhabitants, and she rarely failed in generosity to the 
 
 * M. Vilkui, Lib. ix., cap. xlix. — Ibid.^cap. \lvii. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 259 
 
 A.D. I.3(j(». 
 
 chiefs; thus bit by bit she was augmenthig her possessions. 
 The town of Serra followed this politic example 
 while Pieve a San Steftmo, Montecchio and the 
 vfdlev and town of Chusi fell similarly into the hands of 
 Arezzo, a city whose aggrandisement Florence did not behold 
 with envy from a long-cherished expectation of ultimately re- 
 suming all her ancient authority over it : by these losses the 
 once powerful Tarlati lords of half the Tuscan Apennines were 
 now reduced to comparative insignilicance-'-. 
 
 In addition to this, the castles of ]\Ionte Carelli and Vivagni 
 belonging to Tano d(\uli Alberti who had made them a den of 
 thieves, were suceo-^ixcly captured and their <diief publicly 
 executed at Florence ; he had zealously assisted the xVrehbishop 
 of Milan in Oleggios invasion of Tuscany, and ever after 
 through apprehension of Florence had clung more closely to 
 the Visconti than they to him, relative to whieh Matteo A'illjini 
 tells an amusing anecdote. Tano's jester who saw nothing but 
 folly in exciting the enmity of a near and powerful neighbour 
 like Florence for the doul)tful friendship of a distant lord, de- 
 tennined by a practical yAw to excm|tlify his masters absurdity. 
 He therefore threw himsc-lf into a ditcli wliich was the line of 
 demarcation botwcen Count Tanos possessions and the Fb.- 
 rentine dominion: and as if he were suddenly attacked began 
 shouting out for assistance : at this alarm about live hundred 
 Florentine peasants were S(H)n assembled on the spot; for with 
 so rough a neighbour they were ever wakeful; tlie Count 
 himself also hastened to the rescue and angrily rebuked his 
 jester when he discovered the trick : but the other quietly 
 answered, " Take notice master mine, that at the sound of one 
 '* feeble cit five hundred Florentines instantly come nmning 
 " to the spot, l)ut not a single Mdanese! Certes Count tluvu 
 " mayest sound the horn of Orlando for a whole year without 
 
 * M. Villaui, Lib. ix., cap. xlvii., xlviii.— S. Ammirato, Lib. xi.. p. of)!>. 
 
 
260 
 
 FLORENTINE IIISTOPwY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 CfUP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 261 
 
 •• ever bringing half-ii-dozeu of the arclilis>hop"s niiu tu 
 
 '• your assistance "*. 
 
 After this example which, according to tin y^wv'^ pr.^.lKvv 
 was made without any opposition frinu 3lil:iii, ^oiiifj of tlir 
 I'baldini were also like the Ubortini allnwrd to renounce their 
 nobility and soon sold many of their >trong places to Florence: 
 .o that the principal branches of the threr ;^nv:it A]KMnmi. 
 lamilies were now effectually tamed, :is the equally powerful 
 Counts of Santa Fiore were about the saitii- period by Siena 
 wliich bad suffered greatly from their imoa.N. 
 
 But while these external measures were gradually knittiufi 
 and bindhig together the borders of Florentine jurisdiction, 
 the law of admonition was distracting tin- li.art r.f the cummon- 
 wealth within: although theoretically approved of by many 
 h.)uest citizens it became most tyrannicd in practice and was 
 systematically perverted to the ba-oi iau"|Hi->es of factinn : 
 those whom it was at first intended to overwhelm ro>e lightly 
 above its inlluence and lloated on the arc^ry w:ive : other'^, l»y 
 vainly opposing themselves to its fuiy were lashed into viuloiit 
 action, or trembling with imp«>tent i^Ki>-i ai shrank back in 
 terror and despaii', while every attemi>ted remedy was either 
 circumvented by cunning or paralysed I'v tVar. The city was 
 ripe for disorder, and a conspiracy which was shortly alter 
 detected would have annihilated admonition altogether had not 
 tiie good fortune of the mling powers l>ecii >till in the ascend- 
 ant. Certain discontented citizens who could ill l>rook a second 
 place ni tlie commonwealth, and oth( r- tliat still smarted 
 under the stripes of Guelphic tymnny, availed themselves oi 
 the irritable state of public feeling to (Hganize a plot that ni 
 abolishing the popular grievance would also rid them of then* 
 most obnoxious enemies. 
 
 Bartolommeo, or according to Stefani, Andrea de' Medici, a 
 resolute and diu-mg partisan, urged on l)y Niccolo del Buoii" 
 
 • M. Villain, Lib. Is., cap. cix. 
 
 i 
 
 and Domenico Bandini, both ill-used citizens, conducted tliis 
 enterprise and made use of Uberto degli Infangati a bold 
 turbulent man and already, as they discovered, engaged in a 
 conspiracy of his own, for their willing instrument on this 
 occasion. He immediately renewed some recent correspondence 
 with one l^ernarduolo Bitzzo secretary to Giovanni d'Oleggio. 
 the object of which was to deliver Florence into the hands of his 
 master, but this had failed in consetiuence of Oleggio's fall and 
 the cession of Bologna to the Pope s legate Albornoz, to whom 
 Piozzo had no liesitation in now transferrhig the proposal. 
 The SpMiiisli ( ardinal's prudence, perliaps \n> better feelings, 
 overbalanced aml)ition so that he not only declined the offer 
 but gave notice in general temis to the Florentine govern- 
 ment of what was in contemplation. Thus repulsed Bernar- 
 duolo otfered this ready-made conspiracy to Bernabo Visconti a 
 man of no scruples but those ariNing from the greater or less 
 probability of suceess, who entertaining the project until he 
 had lathomed its deptb, afterwards amused the intriguing 
 secretary wiili vain promises which the latter soon got tired of 
 and otfered his secret to the Florentine government for 25,<Mi(» 
 florins. 
 
 The M< (lician conspirator, whose brother Salvestro was high 
 in otfice, soon heard of this transaction and although quite 
 ignorant of Fbertos external movements felt sure that it would 
 lead to a general discoverv : he therefore at once sacrificed his 
 two companions by revealing the wdiole transaction to Sal- 
 vestro, and after stipulathig for his own pardon delivered 
 them over to the justice. The conspiracy had spread consider- 
 ably amongst some of the most distinguished fomilies ; and 
 several of the Frescobtddi, Pazzi, Donati, Adimari, Gherardini 
 and Brunelle.schi were implicated and banished on pain of death ; 
 yet so extensive were its branches that government resolved to 
 make no secret of their knowledge in order to allow the guilty 
 full time for liight. Bozzo after this demanded his reward 
 
262 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 A.D. 1361. 
 
 niui produced a false list of conspirators which had been trans- 
 mitted to him by Uberto degli Infangati ; but acting in the 
 same spirit it was at once pronounced a forgery :uid destroyed 
 without reading by the goveniment, while Uuzzo was some- 
 what contemptuously dismissed with but 501 » ilorins reward- . 
 This finished the year 1300 but the foll.Aving s[.ring and 
 summer were remarkable for two privaie transactions 
 which although obscured in the grander march of liis- 
 torv may exclusive of their intrinsic intcri-t, be deemed not 
 unworthy of reconl as portraying in darkt'>t and most dazzling 
 colours the heaven and hell of liuman nature, lioth were deep 
 tragedies and both occm-red in Tuscany : one in tht' contado 
 of Florence, the other at Perugia : the former a tale of humble 
 Hfe, the latter a story of more exalted station ; the fir-t de- 
 senina immortality as a sacred trinmith of atiectit-n : th< 
 second oblivion as disgraceful to Inunanity ; an<l both exliil>iting 
 in painful contrast the various working of human passions. 
 
 At the little village of Saint Agatha in tlie community of 
 Scai'j)eria a young peasant named Jacopo di Piero had the mis- 
 f )rtune to kill one of his companions ; he immediately hiforaied 
 his father of the accident and the old man with fearful anxiety 
 hurried him off into concealment. When the homicide became 
 known suspicion ultimately fell upon Piero who was forthwith 
 arrested, sent to Florence, and as usual put to the torture, it 
 being then considered illegal to condemn any person without a 
 self-confession of guilt. Piero to save his sons life, and hmi- 
 self from unnecessary torment promptly acknowledged the 
 murder and was condemned to die. Meanwhile Jacopo anxious 
 ^ about the result had secretly entered Florence where the first 
 oliject that met his eye was the venerable and innocent Piero 
 calmly walking to execution for the expiation of a crime which 
 nnother had accidentally committed. This was too much for 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. x., cap. xxir., xxv. — Mar. di Copi)o Stefani, I^i 
 Fiorenlina, Lib. ix., Rubrica 685. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 263 
 
 Jacopo ; who rushed with a bursting heart towards the officers 
 of justice crying out "I am the true culprit, I am he that 
 " should suffer and not my innocent father wlio through pity 
 •' and affection has given his own life for mine." The execu- 
 tion was immediately suspended and the truth established, old 
 Piero was released and Jacopo the noble offspring of a noble 
 father, (both Nature's nobles) was amidst the tears of a com- 
 passionate people, " Inj hf/al turessity,'' says the indignant 
 Villani, most cruelly beheaded I So much for law, untempered 
 by discretion and mercy. 
 
 The companion event and contrast to this melancholy pic- 
 tm-e occurred in the city of Perugia, where a lady belonging to 
 the then predomniant order of popidani had a child remarkable 
 for its beauty the offspring of a deceased husband : being left 
 a yomig widow she married a man ^^•ho soon became devotedly 
 attached to his Httle step-son, so much was he taken with 
 the child's amiable disposition and the general excellence 
 that distmguished him, although only ten years of age. The 
 mother with a mixture of natural levity and migovernable 
 passions began to nourish guilty inclinations towards a young 
 Perugian citizen whom she was determined to obtam for a 
 husband and not only give him her own ample fortune but 
 that of her child also wliicli was still more considerable. 
 Distracted by the violence of this passion she conspired 
 with lier paramour to murder both husband and son, and a 
 certain night was settled in wliich he was to strangle the latter 
 while she administered poison to the former. When, fill was 
 ready this impious woman c»rdercd the boy to cdrry certain 
 articles to her lover's dwelling and not to quit the place until 
 the latter should " despatch him." He tripped along cheer- 
 fully with his en-and, delivered the thuigs and then playfully 
 asked to be despatched. The young man at once softened by 
 this artless confidence and suddenly stmck with remorse ; said 
 in a compassionate tone, "Go back to thy mother boy, for this 
 
264 
 
 FLORENTTSE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 is not tlie time to do what she requires." The woman sur- 
 prised and alarmed at her son's return demanded in a hurried 
 voice why he had not been despatched, and on hearing the 
 expressions of her Altering accomphce instantly reniana.a 
 the child with peremptory injunctions not to return until ho 
 should he really despatched on the preconcerted l.usiii,-^.. 
 Anxious to please her, the poor hoy retraced his steps and witli 
 affectionate eagerness entreated her companion to do what ^ll( 
 so much desired : hut he, still more moved, burst into trjis aiul 
 replied, *'Tell thy mother child that this business nuist not 1m 
 '' confided to me' for I will not do it." The child once nior. 
 retm-ned with this message upon which the implacable men^^t. ■ 
 ordered him do)Aii into the cellar and instantly following 
 exclaimed as if addresshig hei*self, " That which Iw has feared 
 '^ to do I will myself accomplish." Then with a determiiieJ 
 hand she coolly drew a knife across her little victims throat 
 and lea\'ing him dead on the pavement walked (juietly to her 
 chamber I Soon after this her husband returned, and as w:.^ 
 his custom, immediately asked after the boy, to which tli.- 
 murderess with a calm tongue and the guile of a serpent 
 replied, " Thou knowest well ! But go down to the cellar and 
 '^ peradventure thou shalt find him." Alarmed at her niamK r 
 lie hastened down, and at sight of the child's bloody corpse 
 gasped a moment for breath and then fell mii>< lr». 'lli< 
 fiend, who had closely followed, instantly locked him in with 
 the body and then with distracted screams and shrieks of mur 
 der the house was soon filled by a crowd of terriiied neighbours. 
 to whom she declared that her husband had killed the child fer 
 his inheritance. Tearing her hair and face she again burst 
 into screams and tears of counterfeited agony but would not 
 suffer the cellar to be unclosed until the officers of justice 
 came and examined her husband by torture, which being unable 
 to bear the unhappy man admitted everything so nefariously 
 alleged against him. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 265 
 
 While preparations were making for his execution the wife's 
 paramour overcome by remorse and compassion and after sti- 
 pulating fur his pardon, discovered the truth and related eveiy 
 circumstance of his own conduct. The miserable woman then 
 made a minute and circumstantial confession without torture 
 and was condeumed to have jiart of her llesli pulled away by 
 red-hot pincers, and the reimdnder sliced off piece after piece 
 with sh:a-p razors until she expired in agonies, a terrible 
 example to the Perugian people. 
 
 There is a si.-kei)ing bari)arity in both crime and punishment 
 too c]iaraeteri>tie of an age when the worst passions were in full 
 career, unbridkMl, and triumphant; and in which vengeance 
 and puVdic justice were always identical. It also suited the 
 peoples character of which there were many shades in the 
 Italian provi nei's ; the Perugijuis being notorious for ferocity 
 and cruel deci>ions, their neighbours of Siena for volatility ; 
 the Florentines for gravity, deliberation, deep thiiddng; and 
 vet easily roused; the Pisans cunning and malicious, and 
 the peoi)ie of Pomagna held i)uiiic iaith which they were pro- 
 verbiallv said to carry in their hands like small money for their 
 own convenience. 
 
 At Florence the triennial scrutiny now took place with unu- 
 sual keenness, and a system of bribery was exposed of so 
 glaring an aspect that notwithstanding the notoriety of this 
 demoralising inlluence the public authorities were compelled 
 to punish it, not only with gross fines but by the more 
 tning jiunisliment of a total exclusion from office. In these 
 preventive measures the ofiices of the priors, Puonomini, and 
 gonfaloniers, were principally aimed at; for they were the 
 highest posts that could be held by citizens, and being invested 
 with great power and inlhunice, besides the honour redounding 
 to every family that had once held them, they were eagerly 
 coveted, and pursued with all the recklessness of party spirit 
 and unscrupulous ambition. However well and honestly 
 
266 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 adapted these scrutinies were for securing a numerous reserve 
 of worthy and able citizens to conduct the state ; yet in 
 practice, like all other things dependiint on human frailty 
 they were soon tainted and the clean-swt pt tenement again 
 became a habitation of sevenfold evil ; so little dues liberty and 
 public virtue depend on inanimate legal forms ho\vever beau- 
 tifully sculptured. 
 
 In the present instance the priors, gonfaloniers and twelve 
 Buonommi, with the captains of Party, the live chiefs of 
 Trade, and the proconsul of Judges and Notai'ies being all 
 assembled, the fii*st three bodies in addition to the other names 
 already chosen had to select five persons from each of the 
 sixteen companies; and in this lay the principal evil; for these 
 officers were bribed in various ways by the rich and ambitious 
 citizens of their different quarters and hence the longest 
 purse was generally successful. All who were detected in such 
 illegal courses received their due reward : but threatening 
 and punishment in these cases serve only to sharpen inge- 
 nuity not correct morals ; the proteus forms of bribery iwe 
 ever new and slippery but never exhausted ; and if the spirit 
 of honesty be not in the nation it cannot be conjured, however 
 potent the spell: thus after a season things continued in 
 then' usual wav=''. 
 
 A practice had also prevailed for many years which, to insure 
 some permanence in the ever-changing decrees of this conti- 
 nually refonning and never-mended people, imposed a line on any 
 public functionary or other pei'son that should attempt to alter 
 them : this fine was made payable to the pope or some other 
 foreign power or person and therefore opened a door for fre- 
 quent and inconvenient interference with the intenial affairs of 
 Florence, by obhging those who wished to alter a law, first to 
 apply for permission to the party that received the thie, without 
 whose consent it would appear no motion for such alteration 
 
 M. di Coppo Stcfani, Lib. ix., R. 694. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 267 
 
 could be made miless by paying the forfeit ; as if the holder of 
 these fines were the party interested and not the commonwealth ! 
 This frequently happened at Venice where a similar system 
 obtained, but with this material difference, that there the penalty 
 was paid to the state, which was likely on good reasons to remit 
 it ; whereas no abatement of such lines could ever be expected 
 from foreign powers except to gain their private ends or to favour 
 some secret adherent. 
 
 The seignory deeming this practice inconsistent with national 
 dignity and subversive, as far as it went, of national freedom ; 
 rescinded the law and imposed lOdO florins of fine on any 
 person who should ever again propose a similar decree and 
 any attempt to abrogate tliis reform was to be met by depri- 
 vation of office and instantaneous condemnation as a public 
 peculator-''. 
 
 Some new regulations were simultaneously introduced to 
 strengthen the Party (nielph which already monopolised the 
 government and were fast eradicating their opponents by an 
 unmitigated exercise of the admonitory power. A stronger line 
 of demarcation was also drawn between the remaining aristo- 
 cracy and those other nobles who had been transferred to the 
 more powerful order of Popolaiii : this decree compelled any 
 nobleman who should be admitted to the honours of demo- 
 cracy to appear within two months before the senate and pub- 
 licly renounce all connection with the aristocratic portion of his 
 family, and even to assume another name and arms; and being 
 thus divided he was thenceforth to take no part but that of a 
 mediator in the injuries quarrels or vengeance of his former 
 kinsmen, under the penalty of instant degradation to the state 
 of nobility. This decree occasioned some whimsical changes of 
 both family names and armorial bearings; for there was a 
 natural reluctance even in republican ambition, to part for ever 
 from a time-honoured name and ancient cognisance, and move 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib. xi., p. C04. 
 
208 FLORENTINE HISTORY. [book i. 
 
 unregarded among the crowd of vulgar appellations that were 
 startinjT uii like mushrooms in the ever-chancjinfj 
 
 A.D. 1361. o 1 CO 
 
 atmosphere of a mercantile community. 
 
 Thus the Ai/fi family ^^^th a horder of garlic round theii 
 shield, were turned into the Sea lot/ hi with a wreathing of shalots: 
 and the ToruaquuHi into the Tornahnvui with a c(»at-of-aniis 
 preserving at least the same colours as theii- ancient escutcheon. 
 Nevertheless, different members of the same family assumed .i 
 variety of names and hearings according as th( y were suc((^ 
 sively admitted to the honours of democracy : the last-name. 1 
 race for instance was divided into eight distinct houses witli 
 different surnames ; the Bardi into nine; the Adimari into toii 
 and so of others ■■-. 
 
 It is observed by Sismondi that those laws whieli wev 
 enacted to render the Florentine magistracy acccssihlc lu ;i!i. 
 produced a contraiy effect. The '' Dwiito " rxeluded many t»f 
 the most illustrious families from public honours, and tlic 
 '' Ammonizione'' which was ostensibly intciidi'd to jtreservc a 
 Guelphic equality of political riglits to the exclusion of Ghil>e- 
 lines ; ser^ ed the rulhig oligarchy as an admirable instrument 
 for pamlysing the exertions of those who were likely to opi)use 
 them. These nders were not exclusively of one class : tliev 
 were not nobles, not popolani, not men indiscriminately named 
 by the public voice; but a mingled faction of the ambitious of 
 every order associated for one common object and that a bad on(^ : 
 with sufficient art to turn a code of democmtical regulations !•• 
 their o\s\\ private pur|)ose, and sufficient l)oldness to make u>e 
 of the power which their pernicious dexterity had enabled tla iii 
 to gain. 
 
 But whatever might have been the crimes of tliis faction 
 in the acquisition of power, their public administration seem^ 
 to have been steady able and determmed, and their conduct 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib. xi., p. 606. — copied from a more ancient and very 
 *' Consorteria di Fircnze," with illu- turioiis MS. of the year 1302 now iii 
 miuated illustratious, MS. ; the latter the author's possession. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 269 
 
 I 
 
 in the late conspiracy unstained by tlie usual cmelty. They 
 conthuied to preserve a calm dignity with Pisa and chastised 
 her witliout war while they vindicated the indc[)endence of 
 the Florentine Hag and conmierce although a purely inland 
 power : they had undauntedly and successfully opposed the 
 <rran(l company the terror of all Italy, when others stood aloof 
 ;r.ul left them; for it was the character and courage of Florence 
 tliat procured her foreign aid, not the external aid which excited 
 lier native courage. We shall see also that the Florentines 
 were steady in their alliance with Visconti, at least in with- 
 hnlding open assistance from the legate althougli entreated by 
 Inni with all the papal hilluence and far from blind to the 
 queneos (.f Milanese aggrandisement. Some good fortune 
 ;d>o seems to have attended their steps, inasmuch as the dis- 
 
 ii-ii)iis of Volterra enal)led them to add largely to their poli- 
 tical influence in Tuscany and strengthened them against Pisa 
 while it widened the Itreach between the latter and Florence. 
 
 Voltei ra, that ancient capital, seated upon its lofty crumbling 
 eminence, and girt with its old grey border of Etrurian walls, 
 -till tells the traveller a talc of anti(pie grandeur and past magni- 
 ticence; but like some other Italian republics it had not been 
 id'-le to pre>er\o it> pristine liberty and now bowed under the 
 oppression of Bocchino Belfredotti. This potent chief had been 
 in conthiual dissension with another branch of his own family 
 wliii h held the strong fortress of Montefeltrino in the vicinity 
 of \^jlterra, an acquisition eagerly coveted by Idm to strengthen 
 his position and conse(pieut power of tyranny. Tlie republics 
 of Siena, Pisa, and Florence, generally contrived to be mediators 
 in tile (piarrels of their less powerful neighbours; sometimes 
 lioiiestly, sometimes politically, but never reluctantly ; the last 
 had already been engaged as umpire between the rival Belfredotti 
 and still remained as guarantee iov the children of Francesco 
 lord of ]\Iontefeltrino after that chief's decease. Pisa and 
 Siena had also meddled in the strife, the former as a friend, 
 
270 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 the latter as an enemy of Bocchino ; but this chief in attempt- 
 ing to \M'ong Francesco's offspring, provoked first the severe 
 remonstrances and then the determined interference of Florence 
 which so cilanned him that he began a negotiation with PisJ 
 lor the sale of Volterra to that stat€. 
 
 The secret however transpired, the people already wearied 
 with his tyranny rose in arms and imjirisoned him wliile thev 
 despatched messengers both to Florence and Siena for assist- 
 ance. The former being disposed neither to divide her influ- 
 ence ^vith that state nor tmst to the ficklonfss of \^dterra. 
 mstantly sent a strong force which cutting off all aid from 
 Siena occupied the citadel and other posts and became master, 
 of the tovMi : Florence then candidly declared her intention 
 of keeping possession for ten years but not interfere with 
 public freedom which on the contrary she promi^e.l to main- 
 tain. An offensive and defensive alliance \\y(> ((mcluded 
 between the two republics and the first act of civic libertv 
 showed itself in the immediate decai)itati(ai of Bocchmo oil 
 Sunday the tenth of October 1:301. Surli a prize snatclied 
 thus unexpectedly by Florence from the Pisan grasj) tilled thi. 
 people ^ith rage and disappointment and advanced the war 
 one step nearer >i^. Their mutual enmitv, the subtraction of 
 Florentine commerce, and the growing inclinatlnu t > wjir, have 
 already been mentioned ; for even thus early was approaching 
 the fulfilment of Gambacorta s words to some Florentine mei" 
 chants whom he chanced to meet on tlie Kialto at Venice 
 Rumour had scarcely announced the withdrawal of Florentine 
 trade from Pisa when he exclaimed: ^^ Flnrpnfnns' Florcuthirs' 
 ** If you ouly keep firm to your resolution l^isx nr hnv, ivill he 
 - a wilderncHsr They were finn, and Pisa's commerce melted 
 away like wreaths of snow on the Apennhies; foreign merchants 
 and foreign traders vanished along with it; eveiy dependent 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 271 
 
 member followed the source of his livelihood ; the warehouses, 
 shops, dwellings, and even the city itself were half deserted, 
 and all handicraftsmen in unparalleled difficulties. Such was 
 the condition of Pisa. Wherefore the most discreet citizens 
 sensible of their error endeavoured with many flattering and 
 advantageous ofltn's to entice the Florentines back ; but this 
 failing: there was a j];cneral outcrv led by the secret adherents 
 of Gambacorta against the ruling faction who had long deter- 
 mined on hostilities. War was always popular at Pisa espe- 
 cially against i'lorcnce; and when peace came this party trusted 
 to making the restoration of commercial intercourse their basis 
 of negotiation : and this it was that had caused so many in- 
 (hrect aggressions all unnoticed by the latter for the sake per- 
 haps of a too much co\eted tranquillity. The climax was 
 however now complete, Florentine patience was finally ex- 
 hausted; the honour of the nation was touched, and war 
 became a settled event in the mind of every man. As a pre- 
 hminary step an old military follower of the republic named 
 Giovanni di Sasso, after a mock banishment for some fictitious 
 crime, was secretly engaged to light Pisa with her own weapons. 
 On his own apparent responsibility he veiy soon surprised 
 the fortress of Pietrabuona which guarding the upper valley of 
 Pescia commanded the Lucca road through the momitain dis- 
 tricts. The l*isan govirnnient was not deceived by appear- 
 ances, but rejoicing in this warlike aspect instantly despatclied 
 a strong force to recapture the place. Meanwhile Piero Gam- 
 bacorta broke the bounds of his exile within the Venetian 
 states and appeared at Florence in Januaiy 13fi*-2. 
 He immediately hired a company of Hungarians who 
 happened to be there seelving employment, and with some Flo- 
 rentine volunteers and Lucchese exiles assembled twelve hun- 
 dred men and marched to the Val d' Era. The l*isans 
 complained of this armament, upon which Florence not only 
 disclaimed any connection with it but recalled all her own citi- 
 
 i»«# 
 
272 
 
 FLORENTINE niSTORY. 
 
 [book J. 
 
 zens who had engnj^ed in Piero's senice, so that he found hnn- 
 self alone with a httle anny of foreigners to whose persons and 
 lan^niagehe was a stranger, and which was th. ivi'or.' ^oon dis- 
 pelled partly by force and partly hya stratagem (.t the Pisans ■ 
 Althouoh peace had not yet been formally brr^ken this nn'oad 
 was, widi some reason and notN^ithstandiu;- th< ir disrlamK r, 
 attHbuted to the Flurenthies, and a serious ivtahati.ni made on 
 the district of Cerbaia in Val di Niov<ae: this was soon 
 answered, and the hostile squadrons began tliu. mdire.tly t<. 
 shoulder each other along the wlmle frontier of Lucca trom 
 Monte Carlo to Eomitfi a little beyond Pietrabuona, all tritlm.^ 
 blasts that scarcely nifiled the surface but were furoimmeiv 
 
 of the coming storm. 
 
 Florence too had changed her strains of pc:i.o to a moro 
 warlike symphony, and Zato Passavanti the now goiilalonur. 
 old as he was, applauded this martial spirit; In- luil tlin. 
 times carried the supreme standard of justice, luid been ivm 
 times prior, and eighty winters had neither dimmed his ey. 
 nor abated his mental energ)^ Often had ho urged his coun- 
 tmnen to more yigorous action against Pisa, but until now u. 
 yahi : a pariiament was at last assembled on tbe eighteenth o1 
 May to dictate peace or war: it consisted of more llian mn 
 hundred citizens the most experienced of ib(> eommonwealtb. 
 and Zato taking the lead is said to have ad-lressed them sub- 
 stantially as follows. 
 
 - If the final and most legitimate object of war, o mosi 
 
 - excellent citizens, were not a secure peace, no one would 
 
 - make use of more eaniest language than 1, to warn yen 
 " acrainst new conflicts : both because I love as a good citizen to 
 
 - preserve tran.iuillity and that my gi'eat age makes me more 
 
 - sensible of the advantages of cpiiet and repose. Jbit castmg 
 " aside all ancient examples, I have observed that from the 
 " year of the plague until this hour we never enjoyed less 
 
 * M. Villaiii, Lib. x., cap. Ixxxiv., Ixxxv.— Sardo, Cronaca Ui Pisa, cap. cxxx. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLOKENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 273 
 
 " quiet than at those very times when we most ardently desired 
 " it. You all know that from inattention to the warnings of 
 " the lord of Rimini when he conjured us to join him in repel- 
 " ling by force of arms the aggi'essions of Montreal, we were 
 " subsequently forced to pay ;!si,000 golden florins for that 
 " robber's forbearance ; and when the treaty was broken by 
 '• Count Lando during the magistracy of Sandro Guarata, we 
 " were again constrained to purchase it for 10,000 more. And 
 '* this disgraceful tribute would for ever have continued if in 
 '' the gonMoniership of Barna Valorini Torriano, who is here 
 " present, the public had not resolved to try whether iron were 
 " not more efficacious than gold ; and if, despising alike the 
 " advice and authority of the legate who tried to make her pay 
 "a third ransom of sOjuio llorins she had not indignantly 
 " armed, and boldly chasing the enemy from her frontier se- 
 " cured us permanent repose. The same temporising conduct 
 " bus been and is again about to be repeated towards Pisa who 
 " openly perseveres in her aggressions, wliile our affected 
 " blindness to her insults is attributed entirely to fear. Per- 
 " haps because they Iiave added Lucca to their dominions and 
 * that our force has diminished since the Duke of Athens' 
 " tyranny, they imagine that we cannot resist them: but they 
 " seem to forget that Lucca brings no strength ; the veiy gar- 
 " rison necessary to defend it against its own exiles is more 
 " iiijurious than useful, and a discontented province will ever 
 " l>e the strength of an enemy. But if we, at once quitting 
 " this mockery of forl)earance, only assume a determined atti- 
 '* tude towai'ds Pisa we shall by a straighter and more rapid 
 " course arrive at that peace wliicli now although so long and 
 " anxiously pm'sued still flies from our grasp, and which can in 
 " no way be so peimaiiently secured as by a yigorous well-cou- 
 " ducted war. When men are indiscreetly flattered or propi- 
 " tiated with voluntary offers of undemanded service they are 
 " apt to despise those that court them ; it is moreover the 
 
 VOL. II. T 
 
274 
 
 FLOEENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 275 
 
 n 
 
 t( 
 
 it 
 (( 
 
 (i 
 
 (( 
 
 (( 
 
 (( 
 
 t« 
 
 Pisans' nature to think too much of themselves ; and our 
 fawning meekness has encouraged this self-confidence in 
 them, and an evident contempt of us ; but we shall be more 
 compassionate to both by endeavouring to cure them of this 
 insanity. They have already driven us from Pisa, they have 
 robbed us of Sovrana and Coriglio ; at this moment they 
 would expel us from Talamone ; and anon we shall see their 
 armed soldiers scaling our city walls if we allow such auda 
 city to remain any longer unpunished. Let us therefore 
 attack them now in their own dwellings, let us defend Pietra- 
 buona, not as the possession of Giovanni da Lasso but as our 
 own ; for if we pursue this coui-se I tell yon that the Pisans 
 will soon be glad to let us live in peace. The time favours 
 us, for we have no other war ; our cause is just, for we have 
 been unfairiy and repeatedly provoked ; the hopes of victory 
 far outweigh the fears of defeat, for we have, besides other 
 advantages, Piero Gambacorta on our side whose adherents 
 are not yet extinct in Pisa. For their injustice the Lord has 
 already scourged the Pisans with a pestilence of which 
 numbers have expired, so that I know not why we should he 
 such idle spectators ; and if you will allow me to say so 
 without vanity or ambition which at fourscore are nearly dor- 
 mant, I would tell you that my official career has ever been 
 fortunate : in my first gonfaloniership nine-and-forty years 
 ago, war ceased by the death of Heniy of Luxemburg who 
 expired at Buonconvento nine days before I resigned that 
 dignity: m 1:3-29 when I entered office for the second time, 
 we sorely afflicted Pisa although the Bavarian occupied her 
 walls ; and in 1:13G I was again at the head of your common- 
 wealth when Piero Rossi overcame IMastino with great glory 
 to Florence. Do not then doubt, my fellow-citizens, havmg 
 the same good fortune in this my fourth magistracy which has 
 attended the other three : for now we liave Pisans alone t.) 
 contend with, mstead of Pisans and two great emperors in 
 
 " the first instance, and afterwards Mastino della Scala, a 
 " prince not second either in power or abilities to the most 
 " potent monarchs of Christendom. Let us then create a 
 " general ; let us relieve Pietrabuona and attack the Pisans ; 
 " and if the hampering of our trade at Porto Pisano has 
 *' already cost them dear, let us compel them even at a higher 
 " price to maintain our commerce in Talamone. But to prove 
 " to them that the last plague did not extinguish all the spirit 
 " and virtue of Florence ; young men I call more especially 
 " upon you above every other class to raise your voice for war ; 
 " a war not moved by passion but advised by wisdom ; not the 
 " wild sally of impetuous youth but the sober emanation of 
 " maturer age and old experience, for until this auspicious 
 " moment we have been for too gentle in suffering with a sickly 
 " patience the vain audacity of Pisa "*. 
 
 The high character and prudence of Zato coupled with the 
 tmth of his words easily persuaded an already willing audience; 
 a vote for the immediate succour of Pietrabuona was carried by 
 acclamation and aboard of eight citizens created to conduct the 
 war. This was tantamount to direct hostilities, but for a while 
 the peace remained inviolate, for Florence was still slow and 
 deliberative in her preliminary movements : the important 
 sanction of the people was gained l)ut her usual caution conti- 
 nued, and some time elapsed ere the w^hole nation became 
 roused mto strong energetic action. Bonifazio di Lupo of 
 Parma a man of few words but honest heart and great military 
 experience was nominated general and despatched to examine 
 and report on the siege of Pietrabuona which he found too far 
 advanced to relieve, and after a bloody and obstinate resistance 
 it was taken on the followinf][ day. 
 
 The loss of this place produced great altercation in Flo- 
 rence; recrimination was unsparingly used by both factions 
 but it hastened the preparations for war and promoted future 
 
 * Scip. Ammir.ito, Lib. xii.,p. 610. 
 T-2 
 
276 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 277 
 
 imananimity. The assembling of the regular militia it was 
 deemed would occupy too much time and produce only mnvil- 
 ling soldiers, wherefore on the first of June l-'Ui:^ an appeal 
 was made to the rich and powerful gentlemen of town and 
 country to levy companies of effective troops and repair with 
 the least delay to Florence, so that in liftecn days hetweeii 
 these and mercenaries an army of one thousand five hundred 
 men-at-arms a^id four thousand foot hicluding fifteen hundred 
 crossbows thi'onged the streets of tlie capital. 
 
 Both Siena and Penmiji were vainly entreated for assist- 
 ance; they were secretly disinclined to Florence and «,'avt 
 evasive answers ; but Pistoia, Arezzo, the Count liuberto Guidi 
 and other neighbom's acted a nioir friendly part: on tli. 
 twentieth of June the whole allied force of one thousand ix 
 hundred horse and five thousand foot received their colours at 
 a specified hour and minute, and mysteriously winding through 
 certain streets of the capital especially named by astrologers. 
 finally reached their encampment at Santa Maria a Verzuia 
 without the walls : this supei-stition was secretly ritliculed hy 
 many but fiivoured by the nation at large, and was well wuithy 
 of their Etnmtm ancestors. 
 
 On the twenty-third the army was at Fucecchio and next 
 day, in despite of the Florentine deputies who formed liis 
 council, Bonifozio entered Val-d'-Era, besieged Ghizzano - 1 
 captured it in two days ; thus answering the insolent boasting .i 
 Pisa ; for even the rulers of that nation casting all dignity aside 
 were on the capture of Pietrabuona, unmeasured in then* abuse 
 and silly enough to declai'e that " If the Florentines dared to 
 *♦ make war one Pisan would be sufficient to cany away three of 
 *' their soldiei-s bound hand and foot ; and should the citizen^ 
 *' themselves venture, even the Pisan women would defeat 
 " them." Such was the style of that age, nor does it appear to 
 be much improved in the present ; and yet notlnng is more 
 silly or unbecoming than the vamiting of nations or indi^'iduuls 
 
 of what they idll accomplish in a game so proverbially uncer- 
 tain as war-. 
 
 But Florence was not content with a mere land campaign ; 
 the protection of her new connncrcial station had raised a 
 naval spirit in the people and Pisa once so formidable was to 
 be bearded on her own element : with four galleys and three 
 other vessels, under Piero Grimaldi a Genoese officer, they in- 
 sulted the whole coast, emptied Porto Pisano of its scanty com- 
 merce, captured the islands of Giglio and Capraia and in cooper- 
 ation with two Neapolitan galleys carried fear and devastation 
 along the whole coast ; so completely had the f^ital Battle of 
 Meloria and its consequences destroyed the maritime power and 
 genius of Pisa and exhausted the various som'ces of then- growth ! 
 
 Not long after this first swoop, Grimaldi, with his four 
 gdlies and one armed ship, landed a detachment of crossbow- 
 men at Porto Pisano itself; he defeated the port guard, occupied 
 the Mole, and pushed forward to the Palazzo del Ponte which 
 was attacked with great vigour. This appears to have been a 
 strong building commanding the bridge and probably served as 
 a custom-house ; but a small garrison of twenty chosen infantry 
 well armed would allow of no approach to the gates in spite of 
 all the skill and courage of the assailants. The conflict was 
 obstmate and would probably have fiiiled had not Grimaldi, an 
 experienced commander, ordered two galleys to sway up their 
 masts and long reaching yards ; then slinging baskets on the 
 yard-arms which leaned over tlie land like cranes, he placed two 
 of his best crossbow-men in each, and bringing up his galleys 
 close to the palace raised or lowered the yards according to 
 his marksmen's convenience who remaining on a level with, or 
 overlooldng the palace at their pleasure, so galled its defenders 
 that not a man of them could show himself: seeing the defence 
 slacken the assailants suddenly advanced, smashed the gate 
 and captured the place, then directing their efforts agamst 
 
 * Cronaca di DonatoVelluti, p. 100, &c*.— M. Villani, Lib. xi. cap. ii., iii., vi. 
 
273 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 279 
 
 cue of tlie large towers which defended the port took it in hke 
 manner. This was destroyed, and the other immediately capi- 
 tulated ; the bridge was temporarily repaired and the com- 
 mercial palace and adjoining suburb sharply attacked ; but after 
 a well-sustained conflict the Florentines were finally compelled 
 to retire before a superior force of horse and ft)ut which had 
 finally rallied there from all quarters. Keturning on board 
 they burned what vessels still remained and carried off some 
 massive chains that closed the port : tbcse trophies after having 
 been trailed in derision through eveiy place on the road were 
 subsequently placed on two cars and arrived at Florence : being 
 afterwards cut into lengths they were hung up triumphantly in 
 several parts of the city where some portions still dangle at 
 the Bargello and Porta San Gallo, and othei-s are wTcatlied on 
 the porphyiy columns before the brazen doors of the I^aptistry : 
 the columns a memorial of ancient friendship, the chains of 
 existing enmity between these two distinguished republics-!^. 
 
 The Genoese crossbow-men who achi<?vrd this exploit then 
 formed almost an essential element in the armies of southern 
 Europe ; but just at that time it was difficult for Florence to 
 obtam them, because Simon Boccanegra the Doge of Genoa 
 still grateful for Pisan hospitality detennined to support that 
 nation in liis prosperity. He could not induce his country- 
 men, whose commercial ties were too close and intimate with 
 Florence, to take an active part against lier ; but he succeeded 
 in procuring a declaration of rigid neutrality under the shai-pest 
 penalties, and these he took care to see rigorously executed. 
 Consequently when four hundred Genoese crossbow-men had 
 been engaged by the Florentines he sternly interfered to 
 stop their depai'ture, even at the risk of collision with the 
 people, and left their agent Francesco Alderotti, a Florentine 
 merchant, no other alternative than a dangerous and secret 
 mission to Nice. Once out of the Genoese states the latter 
 
 ♦ M. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. xxx. 
 
 infrin^red no law by enlisting four hundred of their bowmen 
 under^Ricieri Grimaldi, brother of the naval commander, at seven 
 cTolden florins a month each. They soon joined the army and did 
 good service, for Bonifazio Lupo pursuing the war with vigour 
 would listen to no official advice from the ignorant Florentine 
 Commissiaries who served as his council ; war he said was not 
 commerce nor governed by the same rules, and having once given 
 him the command it became necessary^ for the seignory to con- 
 fide in his experience. This language, too plain to be palatable, 
 displeased a Commissary whose brother belonged to the 
 Board of Eight called " GU Otto della Giierrar Conduct so 
 independent was reported by this officer in a manner most suited 
 to his o\vn feelings and backed by sufficient influence to procure 
 Lupo's removal for the Florentines were ever jealous of military 
 power: they rarely invested their generals with such authority 
 as that of Pandolfo ]\Ialatesta, nor had Bonifazio Lupo the 
 family rank necessary to maintain his ground agtunst party 
 spirit. He was indeed a man of talent, of great honesty, 
 and a disinterested honourable gentleman ; but all this did 
 not prevent his being superseded by Ridolfo Varano of Came- 
 rino whose onlv recommendation seems to have been a more 
 distinguished rank without militaiy reputation. 
 
 Although mortified at this slight Bonifazio repressed his 
 private feehngs and having once engaged to serve resolved to 
 do so sincerely: he therefore redoubled his zeal, pushed for- 
 ward most active operations in the manner of the age by ravag- 
 ing all the Val-d'-Era, destroying Padule, burning Castello, 
 San Piero, and Mercato di Forcoli ; and in the short space of 
 thi*ee days devastating no less than thirty-two towns and villages 
 with their respective territories. Six hundred houses were 
 committed to the flames in this short foray, and after ofl'ei'ing 
 battle to the Pisans shut up in Castello del Fosso, Bonifazio 
 retired to Petriolo. But not to let the troops remain idle dur- 
 ing the last moments of his command he detached nine hmidred 
 
280 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 281 
 
 men fifty niiles away into the Maremma who returned vdxh an 
 immense booty of cattle which was e(iually shared amongst the 
 sokliers, Bonifazio alone refusing his portion of the spoil. 
 
 To the ai-my s great sorrow he was finally superseded on the 
 ninth of July ; his military talent valour and generosity made 
 him popular with the troops ; and the moi'e so when castinfr 
 aside all private wrongs they saw him at llidolfo's desire cheer- 
 fully consent to seiTe with a subordinate rank in the same armv 
 he hiid so successfully commanded -. The new general, prol)ably 
 under Bonifazio s influence, displayed some incipient activity in 
 taking Cascina and afterwards insulting Pisa by miming coui*ses 
 and offering other customarj^ affronts and contemptuous actions 
 under the city walls, as well as by hivesting rercioli in conse- 
 quence of an intercepted letter that discovered tlie momentaiy 
 weakness of that gamsou ; but he soon showed himself so weak 
 and mactive that Lupo retired to Florence in disgust and under 
 pretence of bad health solicited liis own chscharge. The eighi 
 now feeling his value would not consent, and behig eager for the 
 fall of a place so important as Peccioli induced liim to return 
 with a strong reenforcement and augmented authority. 
 
 Peccioli had been reduced to a conditional sun-ender on the 
 tenth of August if not previously succoured ; but the governor 
 who independent of the people had made a desperate resisUmce, 
 still held out, in despite of their capitulation and for this he 
 hardly escaped death from the vengeance of Florentine rulers, 
 and the inhabitants were in danger of being plundered in 
 revenge for his gallantr}^ had not Bonifiizio saved them by 
 insistmg on a rigid obsen-ance of the capitulation. Montec- 
 chio, Aiatico and Toiano successively surrendered, and the 
 town-bell of Toiano was afterwards triumphantly mounted on 
 the Florentine palace as a dinner-bell for the merchants whose 
 commerce Pisa had attempted to destroy. 
 
 This shortlived activity was probably due altogether to Lupo's 
 
 ♦ M. Villani, Lib. xi.,cap. xui., xv.— S. Amuiirato, Lib. xii., p. 614. 
 
 influence, for the general was indolent luxurious and unpopular 
 and the army fell into disorder ; certain German and Italian 
 leaders of great rank and following, already discontented and 
 further instigated by their pay agent, demanded the same re- 
 ward for Peccioli that was usually bestowed for gaining a pitched 
 battle. This being peremptorily refused, one of the Italian 
 leaders setting a hat on his lance's point invited all who wanted 
 double pay to join their standard : this of com'se produced an 
 immediate dismissal, but marcliing to Orsaia in the Aretine 
 states they in allusion to their mutinous standard named them- 
 selves the company of the " Cappelletto " or little hat, and col- 
 lecting more than a thousand recmits followed the shameful 
 career that Werner Montreal and Lando had made so popular 
 amongst all who would profit by its infimiy-. 
 
 To prevent the recurrence of such conduct a decree was im- 
 mediately promulgated compelling every foreign mercenary to 
 swear allegiance to the connnonwealth and its military chiefs 
 and commissaiies ; to be content with the regular pay and 
 compensation for killed or disabled horses, and neither con- 
 spire against the state themselves nor conceal the infidelity of 
 others. They were to be allowed one month's pay for a victory 
 over at least five hundred men-at-arms, but were bound to 
 surrender all prisoners except the cavaliy, including the 
 enemy's captain, as well as every Florentine found in arms 
 against his coimtry. The plunder of all stormed places was to 
 be considered as the soldier's own in addition to all other 
 allowances ; but places taken by regular siege or capitulation 
 were to be held inviolate, the republic reserving to itself the 
 right of pm-chasing any prisoners made under different circum- 
 stances, at the rate of "20r> Lire for each foot soldier and '200 
 golden florins for gentlemen-at-arms on hoi-seback; all other 
 cavalry bemg placed at the disposal of the various condottieri. 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. from xvii. to xxv.— Poggio Bracciolini, Istoria, 
 Lib. i., pp. 20, 21. Ed. Fiienze, 1598. 
 
2S2 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 283 
 
 Stipendiaries of the republic who should he made prisoners and 
 afterwards ransomed were allowed to resume their former rank 
 with a compensation of two months' pay ; and all foreign mer- 
 cenaries at the expiration of their service were as a 
 
 A.D. 1362. 
 
 company l)ound by an oath not to make war on Flo- 
 rence for ten years aftersvards. 
 
 But at a period when almost ever}' other social tie was broken 
 to suit momentary convenience it may be presumed that the 
 latter obligation was but little protection : such men will not be 
 restrained by oaths or bonds unchecked by penalties, and where 
 law is a mere portrait without life it may be much admired and 
 still remain unheeded ; when on the contrary it assumes a terri- 
 ble energ\' and becomes only a keener weapon of misgovern 
 ment it makes timid, ciniel, and suspicious nders ; espe- 
 cially in those perilous times when public attachment is most 
 required to preserve, if well governed, what all should feel to 
 be a blessing. 
 
 Thus the Pisans conscious of their own oppressions felt that 
 Lucca was their weakest and most costly point of defence and 
 that there would be no safety in tinisting to the Guelphic in- 
 habitants ; wherefore by one of those wicked strokes of state 
 policy that are often so flippantly justified and which were then 
 and perhaps would still be fre(|uent but for the repressive force 
 of public opinion ; they first assembled the whole garrison in 
 the citadel of Agosta, forewarned a hundred Ghibeline families 
 of their purpose with injunctions only to make a show of obe- 
 dience, and then lighting a candle on the city gate, ordered 
 under the severest penalties of goods and person, that men and 
 women, strangers and citizens, should quit tlie town and all 
 that space of countiy included within a mile of its walls, ere 
 the taper should be consumed I The universal dismay is morr 
 easily conceived than expressed. 
 
 '* It was a cruel and sorrowful spectacle" says ]M. Villani Nvith 
 all that just compassion and bold benevolence of character that 
 
 distinguish liim, "It was a sorrowful and cruel sight to behold the 
 old men bowed down by years, the women, the weeping damsels ; 
 to hear the sobs and woful exclamations ; and see the little cliil- 
 dreuAvith impatient cries all abandoning their homes, their goods, 
 and their native city to wander they knew not whither : to see 
 the ancient gentle citizens, the noble merchants, and industrious 
 artisans, all in hasty fliglit as though they were pursued by 
 fierce and implacable enemies, leaving their beloved dwellings 
 a prey to the ruthless plunderer." 
 
 This detestable mandate was punctually enforced and the 
 city deserted by almost all its inhabitants remained for a while 
 in a mournful calm, the awful repose of desolation falling in 
 snow-like silence. Suddenly the Agosta's portals were dashed 
 asunder, and out rushed a wild tempestuous crew of horse and 
 foot, soldier and cavalier, careering through the streets, with 
 sword and mac^e and lance, and vaunting shouts of " Death to 
 the Gnclphs, away, aivaij to Florence:' Such was the Pisans' 
 triumph! And this at a moment when their capital was 
 securely insulted and half the state overmn with Florentine 
 
 battalions ! - 
 
 The plague, which afflicted Pisa and caused much of her dis- 
 astei-s diminished with the waning year, and entirely ceased 
 ere the commencement of 1 :](»;>; but once relieved from this 
 scourge the Pisans gained new spirit and became eager even m 
 the depth of winter to begin a fresh campaign : Altopascio and 
 Santa Maria-a-Monte were attacked in January; 
 Pescia and Barga neariy surprised and the latter regu- 
 larly besieged, but all with small forces and misuccessful 
 results ; yet Florence witli her numerous army found consider- 
 able difficulty hi opposing them ; a consequence of its disor- 
 ganised and inefficient state. 
 
 The tribes of rapacious usurers that prowled round the 
 annies of those days, equally convenient and probably far less 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib, xi., cap. xvi. 
 
 A.D. 1363. 
 
284 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 scrupulous than the Tews who now plunder our seamen ; had 
 been supplpng money to the soldiers at high, although con- 
 sidering their risk, not perhaps unjustifiable interest : wlien dis- 
 appointed in their expectiitions of repayment they seized \rith- 
 out scmple on amis, horses, and pay or received the two 
 former in pa\Mi for their advances ; the republic therefore often 
 found itself with only a coi-ps of disarmed and dismounted 
 troops when most in need of effective men, and to remedy this 
 inconvenience a militaiy bank of loan was instituted which began 
 discounting on the tirst of March with a capital of 15,001) 
 florins from the commonwealth*. 
 
 Soon after this Ilidolfo da Cameriuo having finished his 
 engagement ijuitted Florence with little honour to himself or 
 the state, and eariy in March Piero Famese a man of far 
 different stamp and kno^\^l reputation succeeded him : it was 
 during the inactivity caused by this change that the Pisans 
 attempted to suq)rise Barga ; but Famese lost no time in 
 joining the araiy then quartered in the Val-de-Nievole, and 
 thence carried on a secret correspondence witli certain dis- 
 contented Lucchese citizens : he made an unsuccessful attempt 
 to suqirise their city but the Pisans were far too vigilant 
 for such enterprises, wherefore after putting eveiy man to 
 death that was suspected of being privy to the plot, their main 
 anny made a sudden inroad on Volterm and captured Gello on 
 the one hand while they pressed the siege of Barga and 
 defeated a Florentine detachment sent to assist the revolt of 
 Castiglione and other to\ms of Garfagnana, on the other. This 
 small division of troops under Spinellocchio de' Tolomei <it 
 Siena and Currado da Jesi were surprised and nearly sur- 
 rounded in the hills of Garfagnana by a superior force, their 
 only chance of retreat being in the defence of a narrow moun- 
 tain path l)y which the enemy could intercept them. The two 
 commanders on seeing this, leapt at once from their horses, 
 
 M. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. xxxviii., xxxix., xl., xlv. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 285 
 
 (tot possession of the pass and defended it alone against the 
 whole Pisan army until all their own people were in safety : 
 thev then surrendered themselves as prisoners of war- ! 
 
 Nettled at these incipient failures Farnese became more 
 ea^ter for a blow, especially as the " White Comimmj " of 
 En^hsh adventurers then in the Marquis of Montferrato's ser- 
 vice was daily expected and too powerful to cope with, and 
 the Pisan general Kinieri da r»aschi was no less eager for a 
 pitched battle from the wisli of gaining his laurels ere the 
 English camef. This unity of purpose brought Farnese on the 
 seventh of May near Bagno a Vena with eight hundred horse 
 and an equal number of veteran inftmtry ; whereupon Piinieri 
 \s\\\\ six lumdred horse and far more numerous footmen 
 advanced from Pisa with a continually increasing force of 
 infantry, intending to seize the pass of San Piero and cut off 
 the Florentines' retreat ; but Farnese allowed no time for this ; 
 closing rapidly with the Pisans he at once formed in order of 
 battle and led on the attack : the ground proving too rough to 
 use the lance with precision he called out to his cavalry to trust 
 only to their swords and then drove with his whole line into 
 the adverse squadrons. There was no lack of courage to meet 
 them and the Florentine chivaliy were twice dashed back in dis- 
 order, for atfii-st these light Hungarian horsemen could ill stand 
 the handling of steel-clad cavaliers ; yet in a third charge the 
 Pisans gave way but soon rallying beliind the second line and 
 supported by a superior iuftuitry who fought amongst them, 
 they again made head with more daring vigour, Pietro re-fonned 
 his men and met them with harder blows and louder cheers ; 
 the battle now became more bloody, close, and obstinate, for nei- 
 ther would yield an inch of ground ; and it was not the formal 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. xi.,cap. xlv., xlvi., English in the Pisan service as early 
 
 xlvii., xlix., 1. as 1358, of the Pisan reckoning, which 
 
 t According to Ranieri Sardo's Cro- was a year in advance of the Floren- 
 
 naca di Pisa, there were eight hundred tine mode. Vide cap. cxxvi. 
 
286 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 287 
 
 combat, the wonted stage-play of unprincipled mercenaries who 
 spared each other and duped their employers but the despe- 
 rate conflict of angry and determined men. Thus the fight 
 continued for a while without advantage on either side until 
 Piero suddenly ordered two hundred horse to turn the eneDiy's 
 flank, a movement executed with such spirit that the hostile 
 ranks were severed almost without resistance and their ensigns 
 boldly reached and as bravely captured. This success gave 
 fresh vigour to the front battle where swords were flashing and 
 knights and steeds falling ; for many a horse suffered by flank- 
 ing spear-thmsts from the interaiingled infantry ; but the Pisans 
 fell back disordered, and finally retired in confusion from the 
 Held. 
 
 Ptinieri and many other gallant gentlemen were taken while 
 still bravely fighting, after two hours and a half of <li)sely con- 
 tested and uncertain victoiy : the Himgarian cavalry made 
 numerous prisonei-s, but there was also gi'eat slaughter, for 
 personal enmity combined with honourable emulation to am- 
 tinue the conflict even when success was hopeless. IntelH- 
 gence of the battle was received tlie same day at Florence with 
 shouts of joy, and on the eleventh of May Piero Famese 
 entered that capital in triumph with a hundred and fifty pri- 
 soners of distinction, a thing that greatly enhanced the victo^e^ 
 of those days by its fame and profitable conseqaonc(^s. He was 
 offered a crown of laurel by the state ; but modestly declined 
 it, saying that such honours should be reserved as amongst 
 the ancient llomans for greater triumphs and more brilliant 
 victories*. The joy for this success was somewhat diminished 
 by the loss of Altopascio which Guelfo degli Scali treacheronsly 
 delivered to the Pisans for 3000 florins ; wherefore his pro- 
 perty in town and country was publicly destroyed by the peopU^ 
 under government's direction. 
 
 Meanwhile Ghisello degli Fbaldini an expert officer and 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. l, and li. 
 
 bitter enemy of Florence, was elected general of the Pisans 
 and helped to maintain the personal and angry character of 
 this war even more than had hitherto existed ; a mortal hatred 
 in fact prevailed, not only between the rival commonwealths 
 but between the generals colonels and private soldiers ; and to 
 such excess that not even the plague itself though daily 
 spreading, could mitigate its violence. Marching from Empoli 
 Famese resumed hostilities on the left bank of the Arno with 
 two thousand five hundred horse and a strong force of cross- 
 bows besides other infantry, but could not, even ^ith all the 
 provoking ravage of his troops, either bring the enemy again to 
 action or raise the siege of Barga which they still perseveringly 
 maintained ; he therefore determined to march directly on 
 Pisa and insult them in their capital. 
 
 When near that city an advanced guard of sLxty Barbute 
 under Amerigo a German commander, met and routed a hun- 
 dred of the enemy's horse ; this brought two hundred more on 
 Amerigo who was beginning to waver when Otto another Ger- 
 man colonel rode hastily up with his followers to the rescue : 
 the Pisans were again repulsed in some disorder, whereupon 
 their Podesta made a pow^erful sally at the head of six hundred 
 Barbute and a strong body of armed citizens and soon discom- 
 fited the Gemians. Things now^ began to look serious, when 
 Piero Famese galloped up with three hundred fresh men-at- 
 arms closely followed by his main battle. " Is this the way 
 " you fly before an enemy we have so often defeated " exclaimed 
 the general, and at the same moment lowering his lance 
 cliarged the nearest of his tidversaries with a bold and rough 
 encounter. The affair was no longer a skirmisli or brief in 
 duration ; the Podesta, well supported by almost all the nobles 
 and Pisan citizens, fought stoutly and the battle soon became 
 general. After a hard struggle the Pisans yielded on every 
 side ; many were killed by force of steel, and many thrust 
 headlong into the Arno by the pressure of a universal flight : 
 
 arf 
 
288 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 289 
 
 the defeat was perfect and every man did well ; Lut two gen- 
 tlemen who by consent of friend and foe were allowed to have 
 sui*passed every other in pei'sonal prowess were knij^htcd liv 
 Faniese during the hottest of the hattle. Proud of this second 
 victoiT he challenged the enemy again to meet him, and on 
 their refusal coined gold, silver, and c(tpper money at a plac( 
 called the Spedaluzzo close to the walls of Pisa, as a mark df 
 victoiy and sovereign power. The silver coins rein-esenteJ a 
 fox, the emblem of Pisan cunning, helplessly sprawling under 
 the feet of the Baptist whose image was impressed on all the 
 Florentine coinage. After this insult he withdrew, but not in 
 quiet, for his rear guard where the newly-dubbed knights com 
 manded was smartly attacked ; yet tlie enemy was repul>(,d 
 with great spirit even to the city gate where a Florentine trum- 
 peter fell w^ounded by an arrow froiu the walls, an ol)stinate 
 stniggle ensued to gain an emltroidered banner attached to the 
 instrument, a trophy of no small moment in those romaiitir 
 days, and neither lost without dishonour nor won without Hune. 
 Many fell in the conflict, several were made prisoners on bdiii 
 sides, yet Florence prevailed ; her lily was earned olY unsullied. 
 but her two brave champions Guglielmo di IJolsi, an<] a rd 
 tain Giovanni, whose surname is wanting, remained captives. 
 The armv then marched to Pecci(di, Faniese meaning? to hasten 
 the siege of ]Montecalvole which {dtliough reduced to extrt 
 mity was saved by an artilice of tlie Pisans : annoyed at tin- 
 and the continued siege of IJarga in the foce of two such vic- 
 tories, Piero suddenly detached a division of his army in ih' 
 latter direction which coming unexpectedly upon the Vi^vm^ 
 attacked and can'ied their works, ndsed the siege and expelled 
 them from the district. 
 
 This was the last feat of Piero Farnese : a wide-spreading 
 pestilence now raged through Italy, Egypt, Syria, and all the 
 Levant; through Istria, Padua, and Venice it ran a second 
 course; almost all Tuscany sutfered; and at Florence after 
 
 three months' unintermpted progress it was still in full activity. 
 The army became infected, and on the nineteenth of June saw 
 its general struck domi by the fatal malady at Castel Fioren- 
 tino, and a corpse the following midnight at San Miniato al 
 Tedesco. No greater misfortune could have overtaken the 
 commonwealth at this moment, and no man fell with more 
 heartfelt regi'et : he was valiant wary and experienced in arms, 
 faithful to his employers, of a daring courage, and had almost 
 uninterrupted good fortune in his enteqirises. After a few 
 days' delay for the arrival of his brother, Piero Farnese was 
 inteiTed with puldic honours in the cathedral of Florence where 
 an e(iuestrian portrait of him by Andrea Dreagna still remains 
 as a nmrk of national gratitude-. 
 
 With a feeling less pradent than amiable, as if great qualities 
 were necessarily udierent in families, the Florentines conferred 
 Piero 's command on his brother PJnuccio as they had formerly 
 done that of Piero Piossi on Oriando ; but the former like the 
 latter was a man of far inferior force and had suddenly to cope 
 with an enemy that even Piero himself had feared to encounter. 
 This was the " White Company " of English adventurers under 
 Albert a German, who had just arrived at Pisa after having m 
 vain ofiered his semce to Florence : against Farnese's advice 
 they were rtyected although consisting of two thousand five 
 hundred horse and two thousand foot merely through a false 
 and miserable economy wliich thus changed the whole aspect of 
 the war and afterwards brought down misfortune on the com- 
 monwealth. 
 
 The militaiy spirit of Pisa wliich even pestilence had not 
 subdued, mounted high on this occasion and Ghisello with an 
 army of three thousand three hundred men-at-arms and six 
 thousand infentry immediately began the campaign. Much 
 might now have been accomplished if war, as distinct from 
 plunder, had been better understood and military operations 
 
 * M. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. Ivii., Iviii.— D. Velluti, Cronaca, p. 102. 
 VOL. II. u 
 
290 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 carried on with the spirit and knowledge of a Castruccio ; for 
 Piero was no more, and the blast that carried him off had 
 withered the strength of his army-:-. But there was not a 
 steady system of conquest ; tui angry people with no desire but 
 vengeance ; a general hired to fill his own purse wliile he carried 
 this object into execution ; and a legit )n of foreign robbers to 
 whom all causes were equal, all wars legitimate, were not 
 adapted to anything but to inflict the greatest possible amount 
 of miser)- on both friend and foe ; wherefore the genius of Italian 
 warfare in those times consisted more in acquiring empty 
 triumphs, insulting an enemy, and devastating a helpless 
 country, than in the acquisition of any solid and permanent 
 advantage. The Florentine territory was entered by Val-di- 
 Nievole and Pistoia first insulted by preventing the citizens 
 from celebrating their accustomed games on Saint Jamess day, 
 an indignity so great as to cause the announcement to Ghisello 
 of the Pistoians' intention to nm no more courses for the Palio 
 until they did it under the walls of Pisa. 
 
 The plain of Florence next felt the war, Campi and Perctok 
 were occupied ; the Palio was iiin for under the gates of Flo- 
 rence ; money was coined within sight of the to\ni ; and to 
 complete the insulting mocker}'^ three asses were hanged at 
 Ponte a Rifredi as the eflfigies of three Florentine citizens. 
 whose names were formally attached to the necks of their rei)re- 
 sentatives. The destruction of town, village, hamlet, palace, 
 villa, and cottage, followed hard upon this puerile vaunting, and 
 the whole western plain became one promiscuous mass of ruin : 
 yet here and there the villa and gardens of some rich citizen 
 were expressly left untouched, smiling amidst general desola- 
 tion, to excite suspicion and distract the Florentine councils. 
 
 Afterwards crossing the Amo Ghisello bunied Lastra, ad- 
 vanced to Empoli, swept through the Lower Val-d'-Anio with 
 iire and sword, and then tired of their work the soldiei's returned 
 
 * Cronaca di Dan. Velluti, p. 102. 
 
 CHAP, xxiv.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 291 
 
 loaded with booty and prisoners to Pisa. This was the first 
 act of vengeance ; and the mocked and insulted captives were 
 now sarcastically told that it was the prostrate Fox who liad 
 served them so; but the Pisan general scarcely enjoyed his 
 triumph longer than the Florentine, for he died of fatigue and 
 fever a few days after, as much liunoured and ref?retted bv the 
 Pisans as Famese had been by the Florentines =:=. 
 
 The plague still raged in Florence : and we may here suspend 
 tlie general narrative to relate the deatli of one of its most 
 illustrious victims, the historiiin ]\latteo Villani brother to Gio- 
 vanni who fifteen years before had been swept off by the former 
 pestilence. Matteo as his son Filippo relates, died on the 
 twelfth of July 130:i after a long stmggle of five whole days 
 with this all-powerful malady ; a circumstance attributed hy 
 Filippo to his sober and temperate habits. He enjoined Philip 
 Villani to continue his history to the close of the Pisan war in 
 order not to leave that portion of the work imperfect ; and 
 seems, from a fact mentioned in his last chapter to have written 
 until two or three days before he was plague-struck. As a 
 historian his style is not so simple or agreeable as Giovannis, 
 but there is perhaps a greater force of character which fixes 
 the attention and at once impresses the reader with a con- 
 viction of his honesty his constantly benevolent feeling and 
 strong sense of justice, accompanied by evident contempt 
 for the superstitious follies of the day, a weakness which 
 his brother could not entirely discard. His character is well 
 sketched by Sismondi. " There is no historian that inspires 
 us \rith more respect esteem and alfection than ]\Iatteo Villani. 
 Religious without superstition, he respects the church and yet 
 dares to paint in the strongest coloui-s the crimes or corruption 
 of some of its chiefs. He understands the human heart, and 
 
 •Filippo Villani, Lib. xi., cap. Ixi., —Cronaca di D. Velluti, p. 100, <S: 
 Hii., IxuL—Leo. Aretino, Lib. viii., Roncioni, Istor. Pis., Lib. xv., p. L7 
 p. ioj.-_S. Animirato, Lib.xii., p. 625. 
 
 u 2 
 
292 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CH 
 
 AP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 293 
 
 is sufficiently versed in politics to unravel all tlie errors of 
 governments and assign events to their veritable cause ; but 
 he is too good a man ever to approve of faithlessness or to 
 imagine that any advantage can result from pei-tidy. He raises 
 himself above the prejudices of judicial astrology from which 
 his brother was not exempt : he end)races all the known world 
 in his histoiy and with a philosophic and piercing glance he 
 assigns to each nation its trae character. He is animated iii 
 the painting of virtue ; he is intlamed against vice ; he burns 
 at the name of liberty. No Italian historian has ever rendered 
 to the latter a more noble and more enduring homage. The 
 party that governed Florence did not always patiently bear his 
 censures; they admonished him as a Ghibeline on the twentv- 
 uinth of April 1:303 and thus kept him from public employment 
 during the last year of his life "-. 
 
 The task of recording past events sometimes awakens a cer- 
 tain feehng of liigh judicial authority and even a sort of immor- 
 tality in the historian : he calls up the spirits of bygone ages to 
 his presence ; draws from them the story of their time ; con- 
 fronts them with others of a ditferent stamp and nation ; inves- 
 tigates their truth ; acquits or condemns ; iuid then dismisses 
 them to make room for another race of brief and restless beings. 
 Thus age after age, race after race, are successively unfolded, 
 each pregnant with its own peculiar incidents the cause or 
 consequence of other times ; and he like a quiescent everlasting 
 spirit calmly reviews them all as one by one they pass befure 
 his tribunal. A new cotemporary now comes before us for a 
 brief space, and with congenial spirit though more careless 
 style, continues what his sire and uncle had so honestly and 
 laboriously commenced. Accordhig to Filippo Villani, the 
 administration of Florence at this period, whether well or ill- 
 directed for general good, was principally in the hands of meb 
 belonging to the Contado and district recently settled in the 
 
 ♦ Sismondi, vol. v., p. 1)3.— M. di Coppo Stefani, Lib. ix., Rubrica GD'i. 
 
 capital and but little versed in civil government ; and of other 
 and still greater strangers who residing in Florence were 
 through their wealth enrolled amongst the trades, and between 
 usury and merchandise had amassed so great riches that their 
 alliance was joyfully accepted by the most illustrious families. 
 By means of presents hospitalities and supplications they had 
 crept high enough to drop their names into the election purses 
 at the periodical scrutiny for public honours, while as already 
 said, the great popular families were extensively affected by 
 the Divieto. Many wise experienced citizens of ancient races 
 were tlms excluded from office, and even those who still as- 
 sisted in the administration were suspiciously regarded and 
 even frowned on by the others. The consequence was a want of 
 unanimity in the councils, and often, through mere opposition, 
 the adoption of measures directly contrary to what the old 
 citizens proposed although with manifest injury to the common- 
 wealth. Many young people scarcely Hedged were found in 
 office, placed there by their Ivinsmen's management while fonn- 
 ing part of the various administrations ; three out of four 
 had not past their twentieth year and must have been put on 
 the hst of candidates while yet in their cradle. The public 
 miud was moreover full of disorder and hatred from the poison 
 of frequent admonitions ; and the thirst of pecuniaiy gain 
 occupied so many that no means were neglected, both by the 
 creation of new and useless offices for favoured men and 
 by more secret ways, to share the public revenue. Parties 
 ran high, each suspiciously watching the other's actions, and 
 thus, says Philip Villani, the unhappy republic found itself 
 a prey to concealed hatred, private avarice, and youthful inex- 
 perience*. 
 
 No state apparently offered a surer mark for an artful tyrant 
 to strike at, and the blow was struck but failed ; wherefore we 
 may conclude that although the general picture drawn by 
 
 * Fil. Villani, Lib, xi., cap. Ixv. 
 
294 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 295 
 
 A.D. 1363. 
 
 Filippo is coiTect, yet the effects of the admoTiltoiT lash uliicK 
 his father had so lately felt must have imparted a 
 stronger colouring to the portrait than a less in- 
 terested painter would have given. 
 
 Ill this state of puhlic feeling the war recommenced ; and s,, 
 many military companies had been formed in France and 
 Italy that armies seemed to start into being by the mere stamp 
 of a condottiere's foot. lielying on such facilities the Floren- 
 tine goveiTiment had for economy disbanded most of its troops 
 trusting to have an efficient army ready to take the field earlv 
 in the spring, and with this object in view they had already 
 engaged the " Cowpaffuta dcUa Stella " then in Provence and 
 amounting to six thousand lUirbute, but which afterwards failed 
 them through the machinations of Visconti ; also two thousand 
 more in Germany, besides five hundred men-at-amis under 
 Heniy de ]\Iontfort and two barons of the royal house of 
 Suabia. Subsequently another body of a thousand German 
 cavalr}' was also engaged, but so badly equipped that the com- 
 monwealth was compelled even to supply them with lames : 
 these added to a thousand striplings under Count Artimannu 
 formed, at least in pei-spective, the new anny of Florence. \\\ 
 efficient chief also became necessary and none living held so 
 honourable a place in the public memoiy as Pandolfo :\Ialatesta 
 of liimini the conqueror of Lando and preser\. r of b'lorence. 
 A deputation was accordingly sent into Romagna to offer him 
 liis fonner dignity with the usual military powers, but four 
 yeai-s had sufficed either to plant new and more extravagant 
 notions of ambition in the heart of Pandulfo, or to lipen those 
 already engi-afted : his former connexion with Florence had 
 enabled him to spy into all her weakness, to investigate tlu 
 state of parties, sound the public mind, and lay a foundation 
 for future work whenever a convenient season should present 
 itself. Having such views he probably maintained a close 
 connexion amongst certain parties in the commonwealth who 
 
 secretly urged him to accept the command on any terms, as iu 
 consequence of the alarm and perilous state of that re- 
 public he would ultimately gain everything he desired. 
 
 After deep consultation with his flither, Pandolfo returned 
 to Pesaro where he had left the Florentine mission, but during 
 the negotiation made some demands so extravagant that the 
 deputies were in the act of an abmpt departure with their foot 
 in the stirrup when he recalled them and said that he never 
 wished to occupy the post of generalissimo to the Florentine 
 armies, but as an ancient friend of the republic he would go 
 aud serve for two months in her cause. This offer was accepted 
 and on the fifteenth of August he entered Florence with only 
 two hundred followers, the remembrance of his former service 
 being sufficient to insure him a popular reception and his high 
 rank the chief command of the army. 
 
 A fresh coimcil of eight, two from each quarter, was elected 
 to conduct the war, about which however Pandolfo showed him- 
 self very dilatory although the new Pisaii general, L'Omo 
 Santa Maria lord of Jesi, had already cleared the passes of 
 Chauti, entered the upper \"al-d'-Anio and captured the town 
 of Figline making much booty and many prisoners of both 
 sexes ; " aud," savs Villani, " Heaven only knows how the 
 women were received in the hands of the English who are 
 brutal and ci-uel men and enrich themselves by our misfor- 
 tunes." This sudden irmption alarmed the government but 
 many of the more opulent who had their villas and palaces and 
 gardens immediately surrounding Florence w^ere well contented 
 with a distant war, vainly supposing that the plains of San Salvi 
 and Piipoli were less vulnerable than those of Campi and Pere- 
 tola. Pandolfo who could now no longer remain idle moved 
 forward with all the Florentine forces and pitched his tents near 
 Incisa in a weak extended position pui'posely chosen, against the 
 remonstrances of Pdnuccio Farnese and every other officer of dis- 
 tinction except Count Artimanno, who was as false as Malatesta 
 
296 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAF. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 297 
 
 himself. The latter not satisfied with the dangerous situation 
 of his army ordered the Cappelletto company, then in the 
 Tuscan Maremma under Florentine orders, with the Genium 
 Amerigo and five hmidred more of his best cavaliy besides 
 other good troops and officers, to make a diversion in the 
 Pisan state for the purpose of forcing them to recal their 
 squadrons from the Upper Val-d'-Anio. After this he quietly 
 returned to Florence leaving the refuse of his troops in an un- 
 tenable position under Rinuccio Faniese to cope with the 
 veteran and war-hardened soldiers of the English Edward. 
 Seeing this, the latter aitfully engaged one of their o\mi people, 
 (by a formal challenge) m single combat with a Florentine, aud 
 flocking in small parties unarmed to the duel completely re- 
 connoitred the camp, which the following moniing was attacked 
 and carried after a long and spirited resistance wliile Count 
 Artimanno with the whole garrison of Incisa looked quietly on. 
 The defeat was totid and the loss in Idlltd and prisoners of 
 note upwards of four hundred : the English retired with their 
 prey to Figline and marched on the following day to tli«^ 
 attack of Incisa, but Count Artimanno had already evacuated 
 it and was in full retreat to Florence =^'. The citizens wert 
 astounded at the news of this disa>>ter and Pandulfo made a 
 show of mai'ching to the succour of Incisa, but he had scarcely 
 proceeded a few miles when meeting Count Artimanno in 
 full retreat he instantly returned in apparent ten-or to the 
 capital. There in a well-pretended alarm he dwelt on the 
 necessity of providing for inunediate defence, but to do m» 
 eflfectually he required absolute power both within and witli- 
 out and an oath of allegiance from the troops ; in other 
 words he demanded the unconditional seignoiy of Florence. 
 
 * Leonardo Aretino (as translated by manno behaved treacherously; but 1 
 
 Donato Acciaioli, Lib. viii.,p, 153), in follow Filippo Villani, a cotemporan 
 
 his brief manner passes rapidly over author, who may be at least supposed 
 
 this transaction, leaving the reader to to give the public opinion of the time, 
 
 infer that neither Malatesta nor Arti- and is followed by subsequent writers. 
 
 Such audacious proposals, backed as was expected by his own 
 party in the state, were made on the supposition that the citi- 
 zens through terror and necessity would be comj)elled to 
 receive him on his own conditions as a less dangerous visitor 
 than the Engh^h, and he nearly succeeded in his object. A 
 great council was immediately convoked and Malatesta 's de- 
 mands proposed for acceptance -•• : all felt the want of an able 
 leader at that perilous niunient and Pandolfo's courage and 
 talent were as unipestionable as his audacity aud immeasurable 
 ambition: every one feared to oppose him, many secretly 
 favoured him ; but all felt that the concession of such extensive 
 powers to such a man would be an act of folly and pregnant 
 with danger to the commonwealth. A general silence pre- 
 vailed, for each individual feared to commit himself by soli- 
 tary resistance. At last Simon Peruzzi rose and boldly voted 
 against any concessions : this he said was an impudent de- 
 mand for no less than the entire sovereignty of Florence ; he 
 bade them remember the Duke of Athens and his bold success- 
 ful treason : we are all acquainted, he added, with the sweets 
 of Liberty, let us then live and die in her arms. The national 
 spirit was at once reldndled hj this short address ; it spoke to 
 the heart of all, for every niiui felt that in these few words his 
 omi secret wishes were courageously expressed ; the adherents 
 of Pandolfo, if any went so far, were rebuked to silence and 
 his ambitious pretensions for ever extinguished. A new oath 
 of allegiance was instantly required from the troops ; a new 
 officer called ''the Defender of the People;' with full powers 
 withui the city, was created for the protection of public liberty, 
 and the supreme military command with the usual authority 
 offered to and accepted by Malatesta but with the secret deter- 
 
 These extraordinary councils were any great public reputation was cited 
 
 called "Co«%Z/o de" Rkhiesti;' or as a matter of course; they were 
 
 Council of the Summoned, to which sometimes very numerous and ex- 
 
 eyery citizen who had ever filled the pressed the true public opinion, 
 higher offices of state, or who enjoyed 
 
298 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 299 
 
 mination to accomplish his pui-pose by some other means 
 His lii-st act was to dismiss C^ount xVrtimamio and eight hun- 
 dred cavahy on pretence of their recent conduct, but in 
 reality to weaken the public force and embarrass the goveni- 
 ment; and then still under the affected sensation of deep 
 alarm, he ban-icaded the roads, niised and strengthened the 
 ramparts in various places and made eveiy i)repardtion for an 
 immediate siege-. 
 
 The English ha>ing active spies who transmitted intelli 
 gence of what passed, maliciously increased the confusion Iv 
 sending word that on the twenty-second of October they would 
 bum the suburb of Saint Nicholas which they tli« rcfure udnsed 
 the government to look well to. This distracted the Floren- 
 tines with doul)ts and fears, but thinking the execution of the 
 threat most probable they reenforced the position of San ]\Iiniain- 
 a-Monte and garrisoned it with four hundred Pistoians besides 
 five hundred exiles under Niccolo IJuondelmonti and Sinibaldo 
 Donati who had been recalled from exih.^ >\-ith the promise uf 
 pardon. Public alann was at its height when on the appointed 
 day the English banners were seen floating over the neighbour- 
 ing plains of Ripoli ; but after having plundered all the sur- 
 roundmg country the general anxiety was relieved by intelli- 
 gence of their final retreat loaded \\ith booty to Figline. 
 
 Malatesta issued out with a large force and was johied by a 
 larger body of peasantry eager for a revenge that might easily 
 have been taken, for the English were tired with a long and 
 rough night march through difficult roads, and impeded ly 
 their prisonei*s and plimder; but the affected alarm of PandoUb 
 and the real terror of both seignor}* and people, coupled with a 
 general impression that the English were lions and not men. 
 was their salvation as they themselves afterwards acknowledged. 
 There was at this period and for long after in Florence, no 
 
 ♦ Fil. Villani, Lib. xi., cup. Ixvii., p. 6-28.— Leon. Aretino, Lib. viii., folio 
 Ixviii., Ixix.— S. Ammirato, Lib. xii., 153. — Sismondi, vol. v., p. 96. 
 
 deeper sound of terror than the name of an Englishman ; the 
 very nur'ses used it as a threat to their wayward children, and 
 the general impression of them was something beyond human 
 nature : their movements were so rapid as almost to give the 
 idea of ubiquity ; their daring exceeded anything before wit- 
 nessed, their liardiness and utter contempt of seasons asto- 
 nished the Italians, and it is well known of what excesses 
 Englishmen are capable when unrestrained by the rigid disci- 
 pline of regular warfare. It may easily be conceived therefore 
 what an impression was made by the ferocity of these bands of 
 experienced plmiderers fresh from the wars of France and 
 England, accustomed to blood, and dead to every passion but 
 war avarice and cupidity. Their long sojourn at Figline and 
 daily destraction of a country much of which belonged to the 
 richest citizens of Florence, made Pandolfo hope that despair 
 of external affairs coupled with internal quaiTels and confusion 
 would oblige the people at last to grant his demands ; but the 
 enemy's sudden dislodgment destroyed this notion until his 
 hopes were somewhat revived by the treacherous attack and 
 (hspersion of the Cappelletto company by the Senese on its 
 march to Florence. This was an act of vengeance for recent 
 excesses, which the Florentines deemed it most prudent not 
 to notice for the moment although their army lost a thousand 
 veteran soldiers by the deed, but tliey had afterwards an oppor- 
 tunity of repaying this open declaration of Senese feeling 
 towards an ally in distress*. 
 
 Meanwhile the English loaded with an accumulation of 
 plunder bethought themselves of returning to Pisa by the road 
 they came, and to secure a quiet march gave the Florentme 
 government due notice that on the eleventh of November they 
 mtended to consecrate a priest at the convent of San Salvi one 
 mile from the town, requesting the seignory and citizens to 
 assist m the ceremony. Every report of every spy confirmed 
 
 * Fil. Villanij Lib. xi., cap. Ixx., Ixxi. 
 
300 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 301 
 
 this intelligence and even Pandolfo believed it : the English 
 in fact began their march in that direction, and the appearance 
 of only a single soldier on the liovezzano road threw the whole 
 city into confusion. The alarm-bells instantly rung an un- 
 ceasing peal; the people ran here and there in peii)lexitv, 
 without order, without leader, and even quitting their standards 
 to stare at what they supposed to be passing beyond the walk : 
 so that long before Pandolfo, who was studiously indolent, hail 
 finished his repast and taken his post at the gate of La Croce 
 more than eight thousand well-armed citizens were already i>r(> 
 miscuouslv assembled in the field and well advanced towards 
 San Salvi, where substituting zeal for discipline they deemed 
 themselves fully prepared to meet an army of old experienced 
 
 soldiers. 
 
 About the time that by Pandolfo's calculation the fight 
 should have commenced he closed both the Santa Croce and 
 Justizia gates lea\Hng as he thought the greater part of the 
 Urban troops in the hands of the Ihiglish ; but the luoment 
 this axit of treachery became known the external tumult rose 
 loud and high ; men women and children kept crowding in 
 terror under the walls ; loud cries to throw open the gates 
 were heard and responded to withui ; the whole town was 
 inditrnant : nor was it until the dread of internal tumult made 
 Pandolfo overcome his pretended fears for the public safety 
 that he condescended to re-open the city gates. 
 
 This conduct left no doubt of his intentions on the mind vi 
 any ; the name of Walter de Brienne was bandied from moutb 
 to mouth ; the priors' palace was immediately victualled garri- 
 soned and strengthened, its battlements armed with great 
 crossbows and other engines, and eveiy citizen alive and up 
 for the preservation of liberty. In the middle of this con- 
 fusion a messenger came hurrjnng in with the tidings that 
 Figline had been burned and the English were departed by 
 the Chanti district on their return to Pisa. Thus quieted, the 
 
 priors cited Malatesta to their bar after having held a general 
 council, and with a sharp reprimand ordered him to proceed 
 to the frontier and there take up whatever position he pleased, 
 for the people could defend their city without him ; and at the 
 same time informed him that had it not been for his illustrious 
 name and former services he might have expected less agree- 
 able treatment *. 
 
 The English meanwhile made good their unmolested retreat, 
 were received in triumph at Pisa and allotted part of that city 
 fur their winter quarters ; but being now enriched and tired of 
 campaignhig they determined to enjoy themselves and with- 
 out much scrui)le about the means, so that the citizens suffered 
 greatly from their licentiousness ; many Pisan wives and 
 daughters were sent to Genoa for protection against their 
 insults, and although these ruliians were soon after wanted for 
 the siege of Barga they refused to stir from the capital except at 
 their own convenience. In January 1 -1)04 they engaged 
 
 fl • 11 • 1 -r»- • 11 A.D. 1364. 
 
 tor SIX months longer m the risan service urulerahnost 
 unlimited conditions, for a payment of 150,000 florins : all other 
 mercenaries were disbanded, and the English alone led by Sir 
 dolm Hawkwood, now commander-in-chief of the Pisan armv, 
 iemained to fight the battles of that republic f. 
 
 These troops, as Villani describes them, enamoured of plun- 
 der and delighting in battle, prei)ared a thousand '' L(fnces " 
 on the second of February in the middle of an unusually 
 rigorous winter, when war generally sleeps, to resume hostili- 
 ties against Florence. The English were the first who con- 
 ducted men-at-arms into Italy under the name of ''Lances'' 
 each lance consisting of three soldiers : before this they came 
 "(I handiere,'' or in bands of about thirty each but were more 
 commonly called " IhirJuitc ;" either as Sismondi says because 
 the German men-at-arms wore a tuft or beard of hoi'se-hair on 
 their casques, or more probably because they wore visored hel- 
 
 * Fil. Villani, Lib. xl, cap. Ixxiii. f Fil. Villani, Lib. xi,, cap. Ixxiv., Ixxix. 
 
302 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 H VP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 303 
 
 mets the chin-piece of which was denominated *' Barhuta." 
 This company as already remarked surprised the ItaUans by 
 then- apparent indifference to all the vicissitudes of weather 
 and seasons in their incursions. They were all young meu 
 and mostly horn and bred in camps during the long wars 
 between France and England : they were hot and wilful, says 
 Villani ; accustomed to rapine and homicide ; ever ready with 
 their weapon ; reckless of personal safety, but in all the disci 
 pline of war quick and obedient to their officers. From their 
 excessive fearlessness and self-contidence they were careless in 
 their mode of encamping, spreading themselves too much and 
 too iiTegidarly apart, and were in general so badly posted as to 
 be easily surprised by a brave and skilful enemy. The armour 
 of almost all consisted of a heavy cuirass with a steel coat of 
 mail hanging over the breast; cuisses, greaves, and l>racelets 
 of iron, strong swords and daggers and tilting-lances, which 
 they managed on foot N^th great facility. Kach had one or 
 two pages, some more according to their means, who the 
 moment their master's armour wus thrown off cleaned and bur- 
 nished it up so that when they moved on the held of battle tliey 
 shone and sparkled like so many mirrors and therefore seemed 
 so much the more terrible. Others were archers who used 
 long yew bows in the management of which they were quick 
 obedient and extremely skilful. Their manner of lighting on 
 the field of battle was almost always on foot : giving the 
 horses to their pages they closed up their ranks together in a. 
 form almost circular, or as Ammirato desciibos it, like a hedge- 
 hog, two of them holding one lance, in the same maimer as the 
 hunting-spear is held to meet the boar. 
 
 The same author says that they rarely began their charge 
 until within twenty paces of the enemy; and then closely 
 linked and their lances lowered, with a slow lirm step and 
 fearful shouts they came do>vn with exceeding force upon their 
 adversaries. It was difficult to break their order; but e.xpe- 
 
 rience proved them to be better adapted to sudden noctumal 
 inroads and the plundering of towns than to keep the field lon^r 
 together in regular warfare ; and, adds Filippo Villani, they 
 succeeded more from the cowardice of our people than their 
 own military virtue. They had portable ladders in pieces of 
 never more than three rounds in length, one piece fitting into 
 the other like a trumpet and so ingeniously contrived that they 
 could rapidly unite them to any required length and thus scale 
 the highest towers with certtunty*. 
 
 Such were our countrymen under Sir John Hawkwood, or 
 Giovanni Aguto, by which name he is better known in Italian 
 history : he was a man who had served tln'ougli all the wars of 
 Edward III. ; personally courageous, cunning, quick in seizing 
 advantages and not easily blinded by the mere reputation of his 
 antagonists. With a thousand of such " Lancei' and two thou- 
 sand infantiy, maldng altogether an army of five thousand 
 fighting men besides the pages, Hawkwood left the Pisan fron- 
 tier in the midst of a winter such as was never before remem- 
 bered in Tuscany. Throughout nearly all December and until 
 the month of March it had scarcely ceased to snow : the cold 
 according to A^illani, was bitter beyond example, the winds 
 piercing and the ice unusually thick, so that it became almost 
 impossible for horses to cross the mountain paths, especially 
 some that could not well be avoided. Nevertheless Hawkwood 
 marched in one night through the deep snows of A\al-di-Nievole 
 surprised the country about Vinci and Lamporechi and even 
 took the inhabitants in their beds ; for the peasantiy would hear 
 no warning nor obey any order that drew them from their 
 property to the shelter of fenced towns in a season when such 
 an attack was deemed impossible. Kallying from their first 
 suri^rise however the people made a good defence and lost but 
 few ; the English suftered more, especially by a sudden attack 
 
 III Villani, Lib. xi., cap. Ixxxi.— S. Ammirato, Lib. xii., p. 633.— Orl. 
 '^lalavolu, Lib. vii., Parte ii% p. 1-25. 
 
304 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 305 
 
 on Vinci whence thej were repulsed with great loss in conse- 
 quence of the very daring nature of their assault. Carmigiiano 
 next felt their force but they were still gallantly repulsed iii 
 two distinct attacks : not liking this they turned off to Montalc 
 above Montemurlo intending to penetrate by the mountains 
 into the Mugello district, but tinding fifteen hundred resolute 
 peasantry m possession of the passes, they retired by Serravallp 
 to the Pisan tenitoiy. 
 
 In this expedition Hawk wood lust three hundred men in 
 killed and piisoners as well at Vinci and Carmignano, as by tlit^ 
 peasantiy of SeiTavalle and the Pistoians : they made few j)ri- 
 sonei*s, scarcely plunder enough to support themselves, niauv 
 horses died of cold and fatigue under a continual fall of snow 
 both day and night, and many soldiers expired after their retimi 
 into quarters ; so that the company was much diminished and 
 probably acquired a little more respect for the prowess of tlnii 
 Tuscan opponents '•'-. 
 
 Peace Wiis concluded in March bttucin ( ialeazzo Visconli 
 and the Marquis of Monfermto, as well as between the Pope 
 and Bemabo, by which Bologna remained to the Church an.i 
 Galeazzo was glad to free himself from a load of expense l-y 
 turning over Anichino Baumgarten and his three thousaml 
 Germans to Pisa which augmented her army to six thousand 
 five hundred men-at-anns ; an immense force for so small a i' 
 public to bring into the field in those days. Availing themsehv^ 
 of their superiority and feeling this ruinous expense, the Pistub 
 believed it a propitious moment to nuike through papal mediii 
 tion, an advantageous and honoiuralile })ea(e, and Urban V. bcin.: 
 no less anxious to quiet Tuscany despatched Marco di ^^itt ili" 
 general of the Franciscans to accomplish this desirable object. 
 Beuifj honoui'ablv received at Florence, he was infonned bv tli* 
 citizens that as thev had been absolutelv forced into the wari'V 
 
 * Fil. VilLani, Lib. xi., cap. Ixxxi. 
 
 Pisa in despite of themselves, no answer could be given until 
 her propositions were known. a.d. 1.364. 
 
 A great council of the Piicliiesti, amounting to more than a 
 thousand citizens, was meanwhile assembled in order to silence 
 the war party if peace should be determined on ; but if pos- 
 sible, to avoid a shameful treaty the conditions of which were 
 already secretly in possession of government. It was therefore 
 resolved that the enemy s propositions should first be laid before 
 this council by the papal commissioner and aftenvards sub- 
 mitted to the seignory ; before the Franciscan was sent for 
 cue of the priors rose and artfully hinted that they were 
 not the authors of the present transaction for the last seignory 
 had alreavdv heard of it, and that as the eidit councillors of 
 wai* were entirely ignorant of the matter they would proceed to 
 explain not only tlie measures already taken for the ensuing 
 campaign but also the means of their accomplislnnent ; after 
 which the financial state of the comnmnity would be submitted 
 to the assembly by its treasurer Sphiello della Camera. 
 
 One of the war council immediately rose and stated that for 
 70,000 florins thev had enj^afjed four thousand Barbute of the 
 *' Star Company" then in Provence, for six months ; amongst 
 whom were no less than five hundred gentlemen ; and in 
 Germany two thousand more, led by officers of distinction, 
 besides three thousand men-at-anns already in the public ser- 
 vice; that these troops were all to assemble at Florence ere 
 the month was finished, !Uid that the expense of this armament 
 having been already incurred could not then be avoided. 
 
 The tendency of this discourse was strong towards war and 
 it made an impression that the financial statement of Spinello 
 confirmed : tlie revenue and expenditure were first broadly 
 exhibited, and he then proved that when all these troops w^ere 
 paid up to the month of October the republic would have a 
 debt remaining of only 100,000 florins. This favourable 
 statement decided the question : Marco di Viterbo was called 
 
 VOL. II. X 
 
306 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 307 
 
 in, the Pisan propositions were read, and found to Le so 
 haughty, insulting, and utterly inadmissible, that the assemldy 
 declared almost by acclamation first, for a reasonable and 
 honourable peace if it could be made ; and if not, then war 
 and all its consequences -. Marco retired with this answer and 
 assisted by ambassadors from Genoa Perugia and Siena, en- 
 deavoured to procure more reasonable tenns from Pisa ; but 
 proud and confident in her assembled force and secret union 
 with Galeazzo, she rejected every overture and threatened deso- 
 lation to Florence if the original offers were not accepted. 
 Thus doubly provoked the Florentines looked anxiously for the 
 " Compagnia della Stella," whose anival however Gideazzo had 
 by briber}' found means to prevent ; but the two thousand 
 Germans were tme to their engagement, and Bonifazio Lupo 
 whose talents and fidelity had already been tried, Tommaso da 
 S[)oleto, Manno Donati, Piicciardo Cancellieri and Giovanni 
 Malatacca da Reggio, all able and experienced officers were 
 enj:jaj:jed in their service. HcniT de Montfoit was alreadv 
 
 DO * * 
 
 come, accompanied by the Counts John and Pddolfo of Suabia 
 and five hundred men-at-arms, the most part gentlemen. 
 
 Thus inspirited, peace on such terms, was refused by Flo- 
 rence, and therefore on the thirteenth of April Hawkwood and 
 Baumgarten with the Pisan aimy six thousand five hundred 
 strong besides a thousand rural cavalry, marched by the Val di 
 Nievole into the plain of Pistoia. These companies encamped 
 separately and next moniing the English made excursions as 
 far as Prato, fought the inhabitants at their own gates, and 
 with their accustomed audacitv seized on the draw-bridge itself 
 to the utter dismay of the citizens ; not content with this a 
 thousand of them marched by night to the Prato gate of Flo- 
 rence spreading alarms througliout the capital ; and next day 
 the whole white company together burst into the Mugello 
 through the Val di ^larino pass, with the intent of occupying 
 
 • Fil. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. Ixxxii. 
 
 the plain of San Salvi by that route leaving Baumgarten to 
 encamp alone at Peretola'^'-. 
 
 While the Mugello suffered under their ravages Pandolfo 
 Malatesta who had not yet relinquished his designs on Flo- 
 rence determined to enter that province with all the men-at- 
 arms that were under his command at the moment : the coun- 
 cil of eight forbid this and a dispute arose which ended in his 
 talking with him a thousand men, but in company with Henry 
 de Montfort who had strict injunctions to watch all his move- 
 ments. After some time spent in plundering, the English 
 were encountered and beaten by a very inferior force of Ger- 
 mans : it was a mere skirmish but remarkable for the personal 
 prowess of one of Count Henry's followers, who dismounting 
 with lance in hand is said to liave unhorsed no less than ten 
 Englishmen successively, of whom two were Idlled ; the rest 
 of the skirmishers tied and the whole company soon after 
 retreated to the original encampment without succeeding in 
 tbeir object. 
 
 Malatesta still infetuated with his ambitious designs and a 
 false notion of the Florentines' belief in the necessity of his 
 presence, feigned urgent lamily affairs as an excuse for request- 
 ing some days' leave of absence ; and was sui*prised to find his 
 request not only granted for the time specified but for all the 
 remaining period of his engagement. This was accompanied 
 l>y a simple exposition of his past conduct and some threatening 
 for the future if he persisted : Pandolfo instantly repaired to 
 Florence and declared that however urgent were his affaii-s the 
 public service was more so, therefore volunteered to remain 
 with all his followers ; but being coolly thanked for his good- 
 will, and his offers haughtily declined as unnecessary, he de- 
 parted in disgrace and was replaced by Heniy de Montfort 
 until the Florentines were again simple enough to trust the 
 conduct of their army to his uncle Galeotto of Rimini f. 
 
 * Fil. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. Ixxxiv. f Fil. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. Lsxxvi., Ixxxvii . 
 
 X )i 
 
308 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 When the English retunied from their unsuccessful attempt on 
 the Mugello the comhined army spread over the whole plain of 
 Florence : Sesto, Colonnata, the skirts of Monte Morello, San Ste- 
 fano in Pane, and all the adjacent country were overrun as hy a 
 devastating torrent. The Petraia, now a royal villa, then be- 
 longed to the private family of Brunelleschi and was daringly held 
 hy the sons of Boccaccio Bmncllesco against the whole Anglo- 
 German army ; disdaining to fly they gathered together a few 
 f\imily retainers and stood on their defence although absolutely 
 suiTOunded by the hostile encampment. The Pisan general could 
 not brook this insult : to be bearded in the midst of his squad- 
 rons by a few boys, and have every movement overlooked k 
 the petty tower of a plain Florentine citizen was too much t-. 
 bear, and a strong body of English was ordered to cany it l.v 
 escalade: this command was blithely listened to, the men ad- 
 vanced with order and confidence, the attack was UM bloody and 
 ol^stinate, but repulsed ; the young Brunelleschi repelled all 
 their efforts and batfled them on every side. They then retired; 
 a detachment of Germans were led foi-ward and, perhaps with 
 some contempt for the beaten English, placed their ladders for 
 the assault: mounting with great courage they met equal resist- 
 ance and a similar fate ; shame, wounds, and death attended 
 them back to their astonished comrades. The disgi-ace was no\\- 
 equally divided between both nations, and both indignantly 
 united in a third and more desperate assault ; but all in vain : 
 again both were beaten back in disorder by the indomitahlo 
 
 Brunelleschi, and the attempt was relinquished-. Thus did ii 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLOIIENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 309 
 
 * Scipionc Ammirato, who resuled and 
 wrote the greater part of his history in 
 the Villa Topaia, situated just above 
 the Petraia, (given to him by the 
 firaiid Duke Cosimo I. for that pur- 
 pose), tells us that it belonged to the 
 Cardinal Ferdinand of Medici, and 
 though he changed the rest of the 
 building, he (Ammirato) believes that 
 
 the tower was never altered. It there- 
 fore still remains a monument of tlu- 
 Brunelleschi prowess, and pcrliap- 
 taste ; for some, in the historian's day. 
 were of ojiinion that the great uivln- 
 tect of that family was its creator, h 
 passed from the Brunelleschi to the 
 Stro7.7.i family, and then to the Mc(li*i. 
 is still a royal villa, and full of fiiu" 
 
 single Florentine family hold their paternal tower against a 
 whole host of the best troops in Christendom, and had the 
 ruling faction at Florence stifled its animosities and generally 
 encouraged and ably directed so noble a spirit they might have 
 mocked all the efforts of Pisa ; but, says Villani, the envy and 
 ill-will, and the little wisdom that then characterised the go- 
 venmient obstructed every virtuous effort either of themselves 
 or private citizens. 
 
 After this exploit the Pisan tents w^ere stmck and without 
 opposition their inmates occupied the heights of Montughi, 
 about La Pietra, and the opposite hills under Fiesole, spread- 
 ing themselves even as far as Rovezzano in the plain of San 
 Saivi : this movement filled the Florentines with dismay ; they 
 saw the English threat of ordaining a priest at that convent 
 about to be fulfilled in a more serious form than their worst 
 fears had anticipated : they were now surrounded by enemies 
 and on the first of May beheld the combined armies descend- 
 ing in glittering columns by various roads from the Fiesoline 
 hills towards the Porta san Gallo. 
 
 The space outside of this gate was in those days a populous 
 suburb with a piazza or public market-place that occupied 
 the site of that pleasant garden now called " Parterra, "' the 
 gate itself being then covered and defended by an anteport which 
 inclosed a considerable space and connected itself by flanking 
 walls with the ramparts. Beyond these works, on three differ- 
 ent roads Heniy de IMontfort had thrown up barricades ; the 
 first across a way leading to the church of Saint Antonio del 
 Vescovo standing at a short distance westward of the gate ; the 
 second across that leading to the convent of San Gallo, long 
 smce demolished but which then stood to the eastward of the 
 
 paintings and statues ; the gardens are bronze statue of a bathing nymph, is 
 
 magnificent, the view superb, the one of John di Bologna's best produc- 
 
 fountains full, brilliant, and sparkling, tions. 
 the terraces broad and noble, and the 
 
310 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [bo 
 
 OK 1. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 311 
 
 Parterra not verj- far from the present Porta Pinti : the tbh'd 
 lay athwart the south-eastern road wliich still runs alona 
 the ramparts ; and there Henr}' de Moutfort took post with all 
 his men-at-arms. 
 
 No sooner was the enemy's movement known in Florence 
 than her spirited citizens with greater courage than kiiowletU'e 
 rushed in disorder from the town to the two tirst barricades, and 
 taking post without order or discipUne impeded the regular 
 troops ; nor could all the remonstrances of Bonifazio Lupo. 
 Mamio Donati, and other experienced officers induce them to 
 retire, so that their gallant obstinacy involved the loss of Ijotli 
 those positions with great slaughter before the day was done. 
 As the German and English colunuis advanced, a geutlenian 
 from each nation, Everard and Cox, or Cook, broke from their 
 ranks and walked composedly up on each side of the road until 
 they reached the barricade : this and its occupants they seemed 
 to hold in utter disdain, and perfoiTued such feats of valour in 
 mutual emulation as kept both hosts in amaze until the attacking 
 columns closed up and tumbled defences and defenders over and 
 over like children and their pla}i:hings, with a severe punish- 
 ment of the gallant but unskilful citizens. Everard pushed 
 boldly forward but well supported, as far as the Piazza and even 
 to the very bridles of De Montfort's chivalry ; but they, savs 
 Villani, stood like a mass of solid iron and were never assaulted 
 although showers of English aiTows cunie rattling down like 
 hailstones on the steel-clad men, thinning the civic bands and 
 loose battalions, whUe feeble archeiy from rampart and bar- 
 bacan might occasionally have startled the enemy's ears, (saitli 
 the chronicle) but did no other mischief. 
 
 The church of Saint Antonio with many surrounding build- 
 ings were soon in flames and the fight still raged with un- 
 diminished fury when Baumgarten in the true spirit of chivaliy. 
 amidst shouts tumult and conflagration, had himself dubbed 
 a knight to the sound of tmmpets and other instl'ument^ 
 
 as if in a great pitched battle. He then conferred the same 
 honour upon Everard and others, and " with such deafen- 
 inq cries as though heaven itself icere thundering for the 
 
 ceremony.'^ 
 
 The conflict now slackened, the Florentines were compelled 
 to take shelter in the town, a retreat was sounded and the 
 enemy retired in perfect order to the hills and city of Fiesole 
 where the mstallation of the new-made knights was celebrated by 
 noctunial revels in perfect keeping with the morning's achieve- 
 ments. Companies of various numbers from twenty to a hun- 
 dred, every man with a lighted torch, danced round in circles 
 interlaced and meeting ; ever and anon they tossed their fire- 
 brands high in air and caught them as they fell ; sometimes they 
 joined hands and followed each other in circular movements 
 with great order and lively shouts, and sounds of martial in- 
 struments. About two thousand of such torch-bearers were 
 dimly seen like spirits in these midnight revels, while those on 
 the plain seasoned their pastime by mocking the solemn gravity 
 of the priors and mimicking the messages and hurried orders 
 issued from the palace in seasons of public alarm. Besides 
 these a third and more malicious party secretly conveyed some 
 trumpeters into the city ditch near the gate of Santa Croce, 
 who suddenly sounding an assault threw the whole town into 
 confusion : the people ran to and fro without order or definite 
 object, shouts cries and tumult filled every street ; the women 
 with more presence of mind lighted up their houses and amidst 
 all their terror their screams and lamentations, managed to 
 collect stones and other missiles on the window-sills and bal- 
 conies to overwhelm the assailants ; but Florence was for a 
 while supposed to be actually stormed, luitil a detection of the 
 trick restored tranquillity. 
 
 On the second of May the enemy broke up their encamp- 
 ment and crossing the Amo near a spot called Sardegna close 
 to Florence posted themselves on the range of southern hills 
 
312 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 313 
 
 from Arcetri to the Porta san Frediano which they dared to 
 attack in the same manner as at San Gallo hut were repulsed 
 with loss from the barricades at the convent of Verzaia ; for 
 they had now been proved, and were found, says Villani, " to 
 be men, and not lions,'' so that the Florentines met them hand 
 to hand without flmcliing : after bmning and plundering the 
 beautiful heights of Bellosguardo, which then as now were covered 
 with villas and gardens, their devastatmg march was directed 
 towards the Upper Val-d'-Amo, whence, after another repulse 
 and some loss at Terranuova and other places, they passed on 
 towards Arezzo and Cortona, but finding the countiy cleared 
 returned by the Senese territory, levying a contribution of 
 •^7,000 florins in their way towards the Val-d'-Elsa; then 
 sweeping Val-di-Nievole retraced their steps and finished this 
 devastating course at San Piero in Campo near Pisa. Here 
 on a general review and muster of the amiy it was found that 
 six hundred good men-at-anns had been killed and two thou- 
 sand wounded, of whom great numbers soon after died, and thu^ 
 ended the second Pisan campaign in the Florentine territor}'^=. 
 Meanwhile the Florentines were far from idle ; no sooner 
 had they been relieved from the enemy's presence by force 
 of arms, and according to Pioncio the bribing of Baumgar- 
 ten f , than under Marino Donati's influence they assembled a 
 large force of citizens, volunteers, and mercenaries, to make a 
 sudden inroad and revenge their recent injuries : on the twenty 
 
 * Fil. Villaui, Lib. xi., cap. xc. — 
 Leon. Aretino, Lib. viii., p. 153, &c. 
 — Poggio Bracciolini, Lib. i", p. 23. — 
 S. Ammirato, Lib. xii., p. 639. — 
 Diario del Monaldi. — Cronaca di 
 Donato Veliuti, p. 103, &c. — Ron- 
 cioni, 1st. Pisa, Lib. xv., p. 872. — 
 Tronci, Annali. Pisa, vol. iv., p. .56. 
 •f* Baumgarten is called by the Italians 
 Anichino di Monguardo, and Bongardo ; 
 asHawkwood is Giovanni Acuto,Vanni 
 Aguto, Auti, and Hacwd. ( V. Ron- 
 
 cioni. Lib. xv., pp. 872-3.) The 
 Cronaca di Pisa {Muratorl Script. 
 Rer. Ital., torn xv., p. 1045), says, 
 that Abrctto Tedesco and Andrea 
 Dubramonte were the officers bribed ; 
 not Baumgarten ; and that they had 
 agreed to betray Pisa but were de- 
 tected by Hawkwood, who gave timely 
 notice to the Pisans, so that they were 
 refused an entrance to the city, and 
 soon after quitted the country with 
 their followers and disbanded. 
 
 first of May De Montfort left San Miniato al Tedesco with 
 fifteen days' provisions and ravaged the Pisan states as far as 
 San Piero in Grado three miles from the capital where he 
 encamped ; but just at the same moment a company of fourteen 
 hundred adventurei-s arrived at Pisa in search of employment, 
 and for '2000 florins agreed to march against the Florentines : 
 Manuo Donati who had heard of their arrival and suspected 
 the result urged De Montfort to cross the Ponte alio Stagno 
 and attack Leghorn before they were upon him, as hampered 
 by such a force his retreat would be difficult before the return 
 of Hawkwood, and then impossible. De Montfort s knightly 
 com*age would not at first listen to such proposals, but being 
 soon convinced of the danger he lost no time and passed the 
 Fosso Araonico ; Donati instantly cut the timbers of the bridge 
 at Lo Stagno, just before the new company made its appear- 
 ance on the other side, and having served much in Lombardyand 
 become acquainted with almost every condottiere, he soon re- 
 cognised some old friends amongst the officers and induced them 
 to quit the pursuit, in which they had no particular interest, 
 with a promise to molest him as little as possible consistent 
 with their engagement. They accordingly returned to Pisa 
 while De Montfort marched on Leghorn, then an insignificant 
 place, which along with Porto Pisano he captured ; but fearful 
 of his retreat being cut off* if the enemy were to occupy the 
 pass of Monte Scudaio near the left bank of the Cecena he con- 
 tinued liis march for thirty-eight miles without a halt, and in 
 four-and-twenty hours through bad mountain roads cleared 
 the Scudaio pass four hours before the enemy reached it *. 
 
 The army was safe, but this successful inroad did not allay 
 the shame and anger of Florence, who giving up all hopes of 
 the Star Company and finding that the Germans and English 
 had nearly finished the term of their agreement with Pisa 
 bribed them both, the former with 44,000 the latter with 
 
 * Fil. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. xc. 
 
314 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 tsooK 
 
 70,000 florins not to renew it or molest Florence for live 
 months but ravage the Senese states instead, and revenge the 
 fate of Niccolo d' Urbino and the Cappelletto company. Thus 
 the whole army of mercenaries were seduced fromPisa with the 
 exception of Hawkwood and about eight or twelve hundred 
 English who still found more advantage in remaining; but 
 whether the talents of De Montfort were not found suflBcieut, or 
 from a natiomd dislike of transiilpine commanders, tlic Flo- 
 rentines determined to replace liim by an Italian, and appointed 
 Pandolfo's uncle the aged Galeotto Malatesta who had a great 
 military reputation, to command theii* armies •''-. This nomina- 
 tion was considered as a sort of salve for the wounded honour 
 of Pandolfo, and Galeotto took the field in July, but not until 
 he had extorted unusual powers from the govennuent which 
 they were still weak enough to concede and afterwards had 
 abundant reason to repent of f . 
 
 On the twenty-ninth of July, the anniversarj' of the insulting 
 mockery at Ponte-a-Rifredi, the whole Florentine army amount- 
 ing to four thousand men-at-arms, eleven thou>aiid hilantry 
 and three hundred Florentine gentlemen who served at their 
 own charge, arrived after a night's march at the small town oi 
 Cascina about seven miles from Pisa. The weather was in- 
 tensely hot, the soldiers tired ; all threw off their armour, sume 
 their clothes, and numbers plunged at once into the cooling 
 waters of the Arno : others half undressed lay fiist asleep or 
 gasping in the sultr}' shade scai'ce cooler than the smi, and all 
 in various ways had abandoned themselves to rest with hut 
 little thought either of their own camp or the enemy. The 
 general himself being old and sicldy had also retired to hed 
 without considering his vicinity to the " Foxes " of Pisa, and 
 especially to the '* Old Fox " Hawkwood. The camp was 
 therefore carelessly barricaded and more carelessly guarded : 
 
 ♦ Domenico Boninscgni, Hist. Fioren- Pisa, p. 1045, Scrip. Rer. Ital. torn. xv. 
 tine, Lib. iii., p. 575. — Roncioni, 1st. + Boninsegui, Lib. iii., p. 526. 
 Pisa, Lib. xv., p. 874. — Cronaca di 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 315 
 
 hut Manno Donati ever on the alert, after visiting the position 
 became seriously alarmed, and waking Galeotto urged on him 
 so strongly the importance of greater precaution as to receive 
 full authority along with Lupo and three others, for acting as 
 he pleased. Manno immediately strengthened those defences 
 that lay across the road leading through San Sovino direct to 
 Pisa, reenforcing them with Grimaldis Genoese crossbow-men, 
 a detachment of chosen PTorentines, some Aretine infantiy and 
 a body of hardy mountaineers from the Casentino. Hawk- 
 wood, who had instant and accurate intelligence of the negli- 
 gence and disorder but not of the subsequent precautions, 
 quietly assembled his troops at San Sovino four miles from the 
 canqi, pushing on a detachment to make several Mse attacks 
 successively and then retire ; this was repeated until Malatesta 
 annoyed at such alanns ordered a watchman stationed on the 
 belfiy tower to sound no more without his orders whatever 
 he might observe, under the penalty of losing a limb ! So 
 rigorous a command of course kept ever}'thing still, and Hawk- 
 wood thinking that his stratagem had succeeded stood still also 
 until the declining but still powerful sun and a periodical 
 westerly wind which generally accompanied it, should blind the 
 enemy with dust and glai'e when he made his real attack. All 
 this was considered skilful ; yet he was blamed for setting at 
 nought the four miles of a burning and dusty road that his 
 troops had to pass, loaded with ponderous armour, before they 
 got sight of the enemy. But tinisting says the chronicle to his 
 hardy English, bom and bred in the wars of France, he en- 
 coui'aged them with the prospective ransom of three or four 
 hundred Florentines, all opulent gentlemen, all ignorant of 
 arms, and worth from 1000 to '2000 florins each as prisoners 
 of war. The cavalry w^ere ordered to dismount in order to raise 
 less dust and march more silently so as to insure a complete 
 surprise ; and either from negligent spies, or treachery in Mala- 
 testa as was then believed, so it happened ; but the fact of his 
 
316 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP, xxrv.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 317 
 
 leaving the care of his camp with full authority to two such 
 tried men as Manno Donati and Bonifazio Lupo must clear 
 him from any premeditated treason. " Led by those fierce 
 inexorable English who were incited by their love of rapine '" 
 the first division advanced, and eight hmidred of these islanders 
 had already attacked the camp ere they were perceived, the 
 sudden clang of anns and shouts of expected victoiy bringing 
 the first notice of hostilities to the tired and negligent soldiers. 
 In consequence of Donati s vigilance the guard was instantly 
 up and engaged with the enemy ; an obstinate struggle con- 
 tinued in front while Grimaldi's crossbows galled the English 
 flank from some loop-holed buildings on the road side : the 
 alarm now became general ; Manno was first at the barrier, but 
 seeirig how things were, sdlied from a different quarter at the 
 head of some cavalry and attacked the other flank with great 
 spirit : De Montfort soon followed, leading on the Feditori ; 
 Counts Giovanni and Ridolfo drove after him at speed, and the 
 latter disdaining a mere defence dashed jisunder the barriers, 
 and charged with so rude a shock, and singly did such deeds 
 that Villaui is pui-posely silent lest they shoidd be disbelieved 
 as fabulous. The l>attle was obstinate, the assailants were 
 charged and recharged through the whole depth of their rank> 
 even to the waggons of wine and refreshments that had accom- 
 panied them, and after a gallant struggle against the whole 
 Florentine army, broke and lied in all directions. We are 
 not told why they were left unsupported ; only that Hawkwood 
 seeing his bravest diWsion beaten, prudently retreated to San 
 Sovino where the troops had left their horses ; and then a\Yare 
 of the confusion in his rear, with the whole host of Florence 
 rushing down upon him, continued his flight to Pisa. Malatesta 
 was urged to follow ; but on the contrar}' and not without sup- 
 porters of this conduct, he discontinued the pursuit, declaring that 
 " He would not play a hack ijame after once uinninfj.'' Thus mul- 
 titudes escaped, and especiaUy English who had not even time to 
 
 draw the arrows from their wounds before they arrived at Pisa 
 where many of them afterwards expired. 
 
 The following day the army moved towards that city, made 
 some knights, and it is said celebrated games with the usual in- 
 sults at Santa Anna Vecchia close to the town, but as this rests on 
 the authority of some Pisan manuscripts alone it is disbelieved 
 by Tronci*. Of the Pisan army more than a thousand were 
 killed and two thousand made prisoners, the wounded are not 
 mentioned, and only the native Pisans were retained ; but 
 Galeotto is accused of maliciously instigating the soldiers to 
 demand " double pay and the month complete " a reward only 
 given for pitched battles, and tins for merely repulsing an 
 attack that should never have been allowe'd to take place in the 
 maimer it did. The Florentines had indiscreetly given him 
 the power of promising this recompense never dreaming that it 
 would be so lightly bestowed, and Malatesta did so with the 
 double satisfiiction of putting them to 170,000 florins of addi- 
 tional expense and ingratiating himself with the soldiers. The 
 people were thmiderstruck and averse from paying a demand 
 so enormous and unjust, but the troops were mutinous, threat- 
 ening, [uid unmanageable, and Pisa being weakened by the late 
 victoiy a fair occasion offered itself to Florence for a renewal 
 of her former negotiations f. 
 
 At their return the soldiers refused to give up any captives 
 
 * Poggio, however, mentions the cre- 
 ation of knights, and the games and 
 insults might therefore have followed 
 as a natural consequence. Amongst 
 other insults they are said to have 
 hanged two rooks, two dogs, and two 
 sheep, accompanied by a label on 
 which was written " Cowie cornarchlc 
 fP'idando reniatCf come can'i rah- 
 hiosi ci assaliste, e come montonl la 
 fuga prcndutt" Like rooks }ou 
 came chattering, like furious dogs you 
 attacked us, and like sheep you took 
 to flight. Sardo dates this attack the 
 
 '2nth of July, and the year 1365, 
 according to Pisan computation, and 
 gives a lower number for the killed 
 and prisoners. 
 
 t Fil. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. xcvii. — 
 Leon. Aretino, Lib. viii., p. 155. — 
 Poggio Bracciolini, Lib. i"\ — Tronci 
 Annali, vol. iv., p. GO, &c"*. — Saido 
 Cronaca Pisa, cap. c.wxi. — Roncione 
 liib. XV., p. 875, et seq. — Muratori 
 Annali, An. i;^()-i. — Cronaca di Pisa 
 Muratori, S. R. I., tom. xv. — Orl. 
 Malavolti, Lib. vii., Parte ii% folio 
 
 107 
 
313 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. XXIV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 319 
 
 until satisfied about the fulfilment of their generals promise; 
 the prisoners were then brought into the town but made to 
 pay gate-tolls of so much a head as if they were cattle, and 
 were otherwise treated with great indignity. They were sub- 
 sequently lodged in the public prisons and afterwards loni- 
 pelled to build that roof against the modem post-office still dis- 
 tinguished as the *' Lofjfjia'' or " Tetto de' Fmtnr^'. 
 
 With yet unsatisfied vengeance, as well as to strengthen the 
 negotiations for peace, the army though still doubtful and muti- 
 nous, was ordered into the field : by the intrigues it is asserted 
 of Malatesta they refused to move from Montetopoli until nguin 
 reassured of their pay, but satisfied on this point they occu- 
 pied the country about Pisa early in August where a seridus 
 affray between a new company of English m the Florentine 
 service and the German mercenaries, compelled the govcni- 
 ment to separate them, the former being sent to the Upper 
 Val-d'-Arno where some fresh disturbance had occuired and 
 the others under Galeotto to ravage the states of Lucca. 
 
 But the enormous and still increasing expense of this con- 
 test, the insubordination of the army, and the equivocal con- 
 duct of Malatesta, inclined all hearts towards peace and has- 
 tened the negotiations : ten Florentine commissioners ^Yelv 
 accordingly appointed to meet the Pisan ambassadors at Pesci:i. 
 and both sides being sincere the treaty was soon arranged; 
 but previous to its publication an event occurred which threat- 
 ened to throw even-tliinj]j back into war and utter confusion. 
 
 Giovanni d'Agnello a Pisan merchant of little or no iicti 
 amongst his countr}Tnen had been sent as ambassador to Milan 
 where the Visconti although friends with Florence were con- 
 stantly plotting in favour of Pisa by whose assistance tlit v 
 hoped one day to gain a secure footing in Tuscany. But tlic 
 Italian republics were not easily managed ; the faction of to-day 
 might be crushed to-morrow with all its machinations, and the 
 
 jealous mutability of the people forbade any peimanent union 
 with absolute princes on terms of real friendship or genuine 
 equality. Individual citizens however, often found their inte- 
 rest in these connections, and therefore the Visconti were 
 aiixious to give Pisa a master, but one who should be com- 
 pletely subservient to themselves ; and Giovanni d'Agnello, a 
 man more cunning than wise, rashly presumptuous, and fond 
 of revolutions, seemed admirably fitted to their purpose. They 
 therefore offered to assist him in usurping the lordship of Pisa 
 provided he would hold the government as their lieutenant 
 giving up certain towns into their hands and continue the war 
 against Florence*. 
 
 On Giovanni's return he proposed in council to elect an 
 annual chief magistrate as a more secret and efficient form of 
 administration in time of war, such as w^ould give more con- 
 iidence to their troops and allies and be especially accept- 
 ahle to their old and faithful friends the lords of Milan ; and 
 to avoid any suspicion he forthwith proposed Piero Albizzo da 
 Vico one of the most popular and honest of the Pisans for this 
 office. Piero who had just been appointed to settle the con- 
 ditions of peace sternly rejected the proposal and departed. 
 This proposition was at first laughed at ; but after several 
 renewals, began to excite some suspicion of Agnello s motives, 
 and the liaspanti fearful of Gambacorta's restoration by the 
 conditions of peace, fell in with his views and hoped by creating 
 him Doge to secure a chief of their own faction against the 
 Bergolini. An attempt was finally made to arrest Agnello 
 wliich he not only evaded with extreme cunning, but distributed 
 a subsidy of 30,000 florins given by the Visconti in such a manner 
 that with the support of some hired bands of adventurers and 
 the mercenary aid of Ilawkwood he occupied the public palace 
 during the night of the thirteenth of August ; then sending for 
 the Anziani one by one, pretended to each tliat he had a 
 
 * S. Ammimto, Lib. xii., p. G46. 
 
 F. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. ci. 
 
320 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXIT.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 321 
 
 divine mission for what he was ahout, and in obedience to such 
 inspiration he found himself compelled as he said 
 
 A D 1 'ids 
 
 "to assume the sovereign power with the title of Doge 
 for at least one vear. 
 
 These public functionaries thus roused from their sleep and 
 surprised, not knowing what tuni atHiirs might have taken. 
 acquiesced in all his measures and promised through mere 
 apprehension to support him. In this manner by force of anns, 
 cunning, bribes, promises, and ultimate surprise, he was hailed 
 Doge of Pisa by all the citizens on tlie following moniinj^. 
 Nor was this an epliemeral revolution ; to consulidate liis 
 power Agnello united sixteen families of the Raspauti faetinu 
 who had concurred in his election under the same name andann>. 
 a golden leopard in a scarlet field, and under one single eliief : 
 he entitled them counts ; decreed that one was to be annunlly 
 elected Doge and when the proper moment arrived he wonld 
 be prepared to resign his dignity. 
 
 But Agnello soon abandoned this title as too common mu\ 
 subordinate ; savouring also somewhat too shai-ply of democracy ; 
 and took the more imposing one of " Lord of Pisa ": he added 
 to this the most pompous and absurd state : carried a gulden 
 sceptre, and commtrnded tliat petitions should be presented te 
 him on the knee. Thus may be seen how easy it was even 
 for a single citizen of no great talent but much gold and 
 audacity, to overi)ower the turbulent and treacherous liberty d 
 these republics, unsupported as they then were by a native 
 military force and patriotic spirit, and trusting to the slippcn 
 faith of a parcel of hired robbers for their very existence ^ 
 
 During these transactions peace was conehided at Pescia and 
 published on the seventeenth of August \: Agnello would liav. 
 
 • S. Ammirato, Lib. xii., p. G47.— t " /' I>!^rio del Monaldi;' siy 
 
 FiL Villani, Lib. xi., cap. ci.— Cronuca 31st August, but this Diary, bcMdis 
 
 di Pisa, p. 1046.— Sardo, Cron. Pisa, its nicagrencss, is very loose in it* 
 
 Libro cxxxii — Roncioni, 1st. Pisa, dates. 
 Lib. XV., p. 877. 
 
 annulled the treaty but as yet dared not openly oppose the 
 Irishes of his own party whose kinsmen were still in the prisons 
 of Florence ; and even in the latter city there was some in- 
 cipient mmnnuring amongst the lower classes of citizens. 
 By this peace the ancient mercantile privileges of Florence 
 were restored ; Pietrabuona, that spark which at last fired the 
 war-pile, was given up to the Florentines; their prisoners 
 restored without ransom while those of Pisa in the gaols of 
 Florence were to be paid for, besides 10,000 florins a year for 
 ten years, to be brought to Florence on Saint Jolm s day, which 
 being the crowning festival when the tribute and homage 
 of their subject states were publicly received in great form and 
 ceremony, such payment assumed a similar character in the 
 people's eyes and flattered the national vanity *. 
 
 Thus after an enormous expenditure of blood and treasure 
 this unjust and foolish war was ended ; but not its consequences. 
 The peace was glorious for Florence because Pisa became 
 tributary ; but much mischief had been inflicted on the inno- 
 cent of both sides ; vast sums perniciously spent ; more debt 
 contracted ; the comitry so ruined that in Florence new pri^d- 
 leges and innnunities were accorded to the old inhabitants and 
 fresh settlers, to induce them again to cultivate the earth : no 
 increase of territoiy on either side : many tears ; more blood ; 
 wulows ; orphans ; parents deprived of children ; ruined towns, 
 deserted hamlets, habitations desolate; olive-groves bunied, 
 vmeyards rooted up; God's gifts and mans industr^^ alike 
 destroyed, the substance of both nations poured into the laps 
 of unprincipled and rapacious foreigners ; aliens in language and 
 manners as in name ; men who eageriy snatched the gift while 
 
 * Fil. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. cii.— Leon. p. 105. — Sardo, Cron. Pisana, cap. 
 
 Aretino, Lib. vni.— Scip. Ammirato, txxxiii.— Roncioni, 1st. Pis., Lib. xv., 
 
 Lib. xn p. 048.— Pog^o, Lib. i°, p. p. 880.— Cronuca di Pisa, torn, xv., p. 
 
 ^/.— lronci,Annali, vol. iv.— Sis- 1046.-S. R. L Sardo differs from 
 
 mondi vol. v.. cap. xlvii. — Diaro del other authors in the amount and period 
 
 Monaldi. — Cronaca di Don. Velluti, of this tribute. 
 
 VOL. II. Y 
 
322 
 
 FLORENIINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 they robbed aiid murdered both the givers with equal uiihffereuce 
 and afterwai'ds remained on the soil as a curse, and a scour<Te 
 and a judgment. So true it is that the eiimes of nations, per 
 haps even more surely than those of individuals, sooner or later 
 tuni and rend themselves. 
 
 iHAP. xxv.j 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOKY. 
 
 323 
 
 CoTFMPORARY MoNARCHs. — Cliaiigos — Fi*nnre t John the Good to 1 3(14 , 
 then Charles V. (the Wise). — Popes: Innocent VI. to ISlii; then L'rban V 
 Ottoman Empire : Orkhan to \'6(i0 ; then Mur.id, or Amunith 1. 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1365 TO A.I). 1.5 74. 
 
 A.D. 1365. 
 
 From the treaty of Pcscia until the vcar l:]ns little worth v 
 of record took jdace in Florence ; yet she was far from tranquil ; 
 for besides the storms of democracy that struck her, 
 though not always with au unhealthy action, she shared 
 the general troubles of Italy, the hiliiction of unretained con- 
 dottieri and their ruffian bands, who attracted by gold and 
 discord flocked like vultures to tlie spoil of that rich, beautiful 
 and ill-fated country. France, half-ruiued by English ambi- 
 tion; by excessive taxation; civil wai-s, famine and pestilence : 
 and that memorable outbreak of the infuriated peasantiy under 
 the name of '' Jacqun-ie,'' was in l'J60 reduced to unmodified 
 suffering ; and yet further (kx^med by the rapid gathering of 
 military robbers, even to tlie aggravation of this miserable 
 condition. 
 
 After the peace of Bretigni swarms of these adventurers 
 rose froDi the decaying armies of in-ance and England, and 
 spreading in masses swept broadly over the yet unplundered 
 pronnces. The luxurious Avignon gUttered from afar a 
 bright and temptuig prize, nor was the high-priesthood any 
 obstacle to these soldiers' rapacity : Mammon was their object, 
 and they sought him with most confidence and least danger 
 amongst the empm'pled votaries of Christ s humility *. One 
 
 * On this subject see Petrarch's Letters i^enerally. (De S:ide, Memoirs, passim.) 
 
 Y -2 
 
324 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 CUAP. XXV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 325 
 
 of these companies lowered in the north, another flaunted in the 
 south ; a third approached more nearly, with protection on their 
 lips hut rapine in their hearts ; hoth hanks of the Rhone were 
 infested ; every enomiity peqietrated ; nor was it until Inno- 
 cent Vl had dishursed \oO,000 florins that he could rid him- 
 self of even one swarm of these devouring locusts. 
 
 In May 1361 the English or " White Compauf of tin 
 thousand men of all arms was thus pm'chased and turned over 
 to the Marquis of ^lonferrato then at war with Galeazzo Vis- 
 conte, and these adventurers thinking to escape from the phigue 
 wliich was devastating Fhmders France and England, probaMy 
 earned it with them to Tiedmont, whence after hemg let lo-se 
 on the Lomhard plains it ran unchecked through northern m\ 
 eastern Itiily, and even the lofty castles on hoth Alp and 
 Apeunine did not escape its visitation. 
 
 The Visconti opposed no troops to either plague or enemy; 
 a defensive war and perfect self-isolation were their arms : the 
 castles of Monica and Marignano served as a refuge for th.^ 
 l)rinces until the watchman placed hy Bemaho to give noti. e 
 of any stmnger s arrival was found dead hy the side of liis 
 alarmd)ell ; on this Visconte fled in terror to a small huutm," 
 seat in the depth of a forest where encompassed by a cl-.^^ 
 palisade and numerous gibbets he threatened death to any 
 who should dare to enter the forbidden ground. Invisibh? for 
 a long time, and generally supposed to he dead, he cared httle 
 for the report, but remained thus sequestered until the danger 
 liad entirelv ceased. It was one year later ere Tuscany became 
 infected, until wliich period she stood free from misfonime 
 and comparatively prosperous, while war between the cluircli. 
 Milan, imd Monferato, added to her neighbours' sufl'ering: but 
 she did not finally escape. A general peace leavhig the 
 vai'ious companies idle m 1304, all thu^e provinces not mme- 
 diately under Florentine protection hecame then* prey and 
 Florence herself excited suspicions by a desire to keep Wi 
 
 A.D. 13C5. 
 
 with them ; yet even she was never sure of their word, and 
 therefore kept a native force continually on foot 
 for self-protection *. 
 
 Equally evading the entreaties of Tuscany and Avignon to 
 unite in a league against them she thereby incurred Pope 
 Urban 's dipleasure ; hut to prove her devotion, voluntarily 
 offered five armed galleys and five hundred Barbute as his 
 convoy and escort to Rome ; or else to receive him in Flo- 
 rence with due honour if he fulfilled his own and the general 
 wish of once more residing m the imperial city. 
 
 About the same time a new company of freebooters imder the 
 denomination of " Saint George," commanded by Ambrogio, a 
 natural son of Bemaho Visconte, assembled in Lmiigiana and 
 augmented the general troubles : Florence purchased peace for 
 herself and subject states at 6000 florins, but in despite of 
 treaties, papal anathemas, and every other impediment these 
 bai'barians managed to keep all Italy in tribulation. The 
 Florentines though right willing to destroy them could do 
 nothing without filling the country with others as dangerous 
 as themselves, for no native force was sufficient to oppose them 
 so completely had the military spirit been neglected and dis- 
 organised ; and yet with such experience of the evil no public 
 measui'es of general efficiency were ever taken by Florence 
 against it although such captains as Manno Donati with the 
 native spirit of her people, a spuit not yet extinct, would have 
 made her independent of any alien soldier. 
 
 In this perplexity they sent frequent embassies, sometimes 
 to Hawkwood and sometimes to Baumgailen, nominally to 
 thank them for as yet uncommitted evil and confirm their 
 plighted faith, but really to spy into their secrets and embroil 
 them with each other. This policy seems to have succeeded, 
 for the Star Company under Albert a German chief who had 
 lately come to share the spoil of Italy, joined Baumgarten, pro- 
 
 * Matteo Villani, Lib. x., cap. xxvii., xxxiv., xliii., xlvi., Ixiv, 
 
326 
 
 FLORFNTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP, 
 
 XXV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 327 
 
 l)ably iuviteJ by Perugia which was then wonied l)y Hawkwood 
 and with twenty thousand cavahy attacked the latter on tlir 
 thirtv-th'st of July l."i05. A long and bloody battle continued 
 until night, terminated in the defeat of the English with ;• 
 loss on both sides of three thousand men left dead on the Held 
 and fifteen hundred Englishmen led captive to Perugia. 
 
 The odds against which Hawkwood fouglit must have beei 
 excessive, for his company even when undiminished l»y plafru^ 
 or war numbered l»ut ten thousand men of all arms, of whir; 
 only six thousand were cavaliy, and after suilering from tli 
 causes, separation, and continual hostilities, occasionally reec- 
 forced by new levies, withstood an army of twenty tlioiisniT^ 
 cavalry alone, for the infimtry are nowhere noticed : yet idu. 
 this tliey were strong enough to retreat into the Senese ten; 
 tory and continue their predatoiy course until Albeit ;inu 
 Baumgarten hired by that state again defeated them iieai 
 ]\Iagliano in the Tuscan Maremma : Hawkwood then reti: 
 towards Genoa and uniting with the company of Saint Georg. 
 returned to the Senese dominions, but was finally compelleil 
 to retreat--'. 
 
 Thus continually harassed Tuscany was anytliing but traii 
 quil, and this disquiet produced an alliance for tiv. 
 years between Florence and Siena not only against 
 external violence but if possible to cure the internal disorder? 
 of both states, principally arising from robberies so great and 
 frequent as to destroy the miserable remnants of tillage that tie 
 (ondottieri had overlooked ; wherefore the outlaws of one com 
 mmiity were now to be considered as outlaws of both unl'-^ 
 they happened to be citizens of either. This unhealthy coiitli- 
 lion of society does not appear tu have been confined to tlit 
 rural population alone, a lamentable failure in the admiuis 
 tration of justice was loudly complained of in Florence aiitl 
 with such effect as to enforce the restoration of the "Capi 
 
 * Orl. Malavolti, Lib.viii., Parte ii'>, p. 127.— Muratori, Annali, 1.%.3. 
 
 A. D. 1366. 
 
 tano del Popolo " an ofiice which had been imprudently abo- 
 lished thirteen years before for the sake of economy, when 
 pressed by the Milanese war. It w^as a charge of great import- 
 ance and utihty if all its functions were performed, and these, 
 as may be inferred from the titles of " Defender of the Trades 
 and Tradesmen," and " Conservator of the Public Peace in 
 Town and Comitry," were of no little consequence to the wel- 
 fare of a manufacturing and commercial state. At the same 
 period the podesta's council which had l)een augmented during 
 the plague, probably to secure a sufficient attendance, was 
 again reduced to two hundred members, forty popolani and ten 
 nobles from each quarter ; so that notwithstanding popular jea- 
 lousy it would appear that the nobility still enjoyed a consider- 
 able portion of direct political power, as they must have done 
 indirectly through their Idnsmen who had entered the popular 
 ranks without perhaps altogether throwing off family feeling 
 or aristocratic spirit. After many fruitless endeavours to form 
 a general league against the various companies, which failed for 
 lack of Florentine cooperation and the unexpired treaties seve- 
 rally made with them, an alliance was at last formed in the 
 month of Felmiary between the Pope, the Queen of Naples, 
 Perugia, Todi, Cortona, Arezzo, Siena, Pisa and Florence; 
 against all new companies that might thereafter make their 
 appearance in Italy ; and so uidignant was Urban agauist those 
 already in the land, that the Florentines were compelled to 
 seek absolution for having dared to treat with Ambrogio Vis- 
 t;onte after his malediction had been pronounced *. 
 
 William Grimoai'd abbot of Saint Victor de Marseilles, 
 although not even a cardinal, and then on a mission 
 to Naples as papal Nuncio, succeeded Innocent VI. in 
 130:2 and under the name of Urban V. was the sixth pope 
 since the removal of the pontifical court by Clement V. in the 
 yeai' 1305. The city of Avignon, small, dirty and disagreeable, 
 
 * Cronaca di Donate, Velluti, p. 112. — S. Ammirato, Lib. xii., p. 654. 
 
 A.D. 1367. 
 
328 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 329 
 
 as Petrarca describes it ; was at least free from popular tumults 
 and aristocratic turbulence : the pope and cardinals there enjoyed 
 a repose that might be supposed the nurse of that religious 
 contemplation so suited to their holy office, and yet its influence 
 was far from beneficial either to themselves, their flock, or 
 Christianity. The papal court became notorious for its excess 
 in every vice that disgraces humanity, but as is asserted, 
 with this distinction ; that those immoi^alities which even then 
 startled the common votaries of licentiousness m suiTouudinff 
 
 
 
 nations were so firmly fixed in Avignon as to lose their sinful 
 character and with a polished surface bore men smoothly 
 along uncensured and serene. 
 
 The epithet of " Western Dahylon " by which this city was 
 generally designated sufficiently marks the nature of its repu- 
 tation in the opinion of the then most virtuous and enlightened 
 characters : moreover the succession of Gallic popes ; their 
 constant residence in France, and a college composed almost 
 entirely of French cardinals ; all combined to reduce the pon- 
 tificate to nearly a servile dependence on that throne ; but as 
 independence was in those days the mainspring of its power, the 
 ecclesiastical dignity suffered, and an unfavourable impres- 
 sion was produced highly injmious to the spiritual influence 
 of the popedom. 
 
 The union of high worldly power with the lowly character of 
 Christianity, although theoretically inconsistent, may perhaps 
 be practically necessary when the head of that religion is to 
 control the moral actions of the world : a powerful monarch 
 will be still more powerful with the keys of heaven in his hand, 
 and a high-priest will be still more reverenced if he can make 
 himself felt as well as heard. The religious mfluence of the 
 early popes which sprang from and was supported by their 
 virtues in a superstitious age, has waned with their power in a 
 more enlightened one ; and although temporal decay may not 
 be the only cause, none will doubt that their spiritual thunders 
 
 would even now be far more effective if accompanied by a 
 numerous artillery and some legions of veteran soldiers. 
 
 The papal residence in France excited indignation in Italy ; 
 other bishops were justly compelled to reside with their flocks ; 
 why, it was asked, did not the bishop of Rome show an example ? 
 Petrarca amongst others was loudest and boldest in his ejdior- 
 tations. 
 
 " Thou art," he says, " sovereign pontiff everywhere, but 
 bishop exclusively in Piome ! In thy absence she is the 
 rictim of civil and foreign war : Rome knows no repose ; her 
 houses are in ruins, her walls prostrate, her temples tottering ; 
 religion is neglected, laws are violated, justice despised ; and 
 the people in loud lamentation call on thy name with piercing 
 cries ; but deaf to their voice you show no pity for their woes, 
 and the tears of thy spouse are unavailing I"-:-. This epistle 
 which is written throughout with a boldness sometimes border- 
 ing on disrespect, was taken in good part by Urban and is sup- 
 posed to have hastened his departure although from the moment 
 of election he had declared his determination to return. But 
 it is more than probable that the condottieri and their rapacious 
 followers were the real promoters of this popular act for 
 Avignon was now no longer tranquil nor even safe, and both 
 citizens and courtiers had been frequently compelled to ai'm in 
 defence of the city. 
 
 Although Urban had excommunicated Bemabo Visconte he 
 was subsequently reconciled by the French king's mediation 
 whose daughter Isabella had married his nephew Giovanni 
 Galeazzo recently created Count of Vertu ; but Bernabo's en- 
 mity to the church and its ministers, sho\\Ti both in public wars 
 and private spoliation, coupled with an utter contempt of her 
 maledictions, rendered his conduct insupportable by a spirited 
 pontiff: Urban therefore determined to realise his original inten- 
 tion and proceed to Italy where with the emperor's assistance 
 
 •Petrarca's Epist., apud Dc Sade, Lib. vi., p. 679. 
 
330 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I, 
 
 he hoped to exterminate the Visconti as Urban IV. by means 
 of another Charles had destroyed the liouse of Manfred. 
 Aware however that foreign arms coiikl effect httle in Italy 
 without native assistance, he first addressed himself to Florence, 
 the most powerful and uilluential state of Tuscany, and ac- 
 cepted her offer of troops and galleys as a preliminary step to 
 exhibit his friendly intentions. As early as ] '^1)5 he had con- 
 certed with Charles IV. about the mainier of his retmii : the 
 Infidels had already endangered Greece and the Emperur 
 now visited Avignon, nominally to raise forces fur the relief of 
 that empire ; but the crusading spirit had long evaporated 
 and domestic quarrels blinded all nations even to the policy 
 of checking Turkish aggressions, so that tliis conference only 
 ended in what was much nearer to both their hearts, the settle- 
 ment of Italian affairs and a close alliance against the Visconti. 
 
 Cardinal Albonioz was instmcted to prepare a residence at 
 Viterbo ; the churches, palaces, and other buildings in IIuur 
 were put under repair ; the condottieri were denounced ; the 
 flags and galleys of Venice, Genoa, Pisa, Florence and Naples 
 enlivened the port of Mai-seilles, and linally on the thirtieth of 
 April 1307 Url)an V. with most of the sacred college quitted 
 Avignon. Five cardinals would not stir ; some went by 
 land ; and of those who did accompany the pontiff several 
 saluted him with loud imprecations while the anchors were 
 weighed the sails loosed and the rowers stretched out for 
 Genoa *. 
 
 His arrival brought a moment of calm to that distracted 
 city ; fiiction for an instant was disamied, a gleam of tranquil- 
 lity overspread the place and the most deadly enemies united 
 for a brief period to honour him. He then departed, and the 
 tide of faction returned ! But the fourtli of June saw Urban 
 welcomed by Albonioz and the Roman deputies on the shores 
 of Conieto : there he was offered the lordship of the world > 
 
 * De Sade, Memoires, &c., vol. iii., Liv. vi. 
 
 tHAP. 
 
 XXV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 331 
 
 capital with the keys of St. Angelo, and joy spread broadly 
 over Italy. 
 
 Albonioz wiio had reduced La Marca, Romagna and almost 
 all the ecclesiastical states to obedience ; who in answer to 
 Urban 's demand for a financial account of his fourteen years' 
 administration, sent him a cart loaded with the keys of con- 
 (jiiered cities ; became the man of all others on whom most 
 reliance was placed for support but he unfortunately expired on 
 the twenty-fourth of August ; not however before he had 
 concluded a league between the pontiff and almost every 
 enemy of Milan. The emperor, the King of Hungary, the 
 Qneen of Naples ; the lords of Padua Ferrara and Mantua, all 
 joined in this confederacy : Florence alone refused to \iolate 
 the peace of Sar;izzaiia -. 
 
 Niccolo Spinelli the chancellor of Sicily had been previously 
 despatched with letters from the pope to sound the Florentines 
 on this point in his way to Naples ; but avoiding any direct 
 answer until Url»aii's arrival they sent Brunelesco, a notary 
 and father of the great architect, to discover the emperor s in- 
 tentions ; first from his allies at Padua and Ferrara where 
 Manno Donati and Rieardo do' Cancellieri were to procure 
 every iiifomiation, and then at Vienna, always following the 
 imperial movements. The result was a direct refusal to jom 
 the league although strongly pressed by Urban who even 
 tried to induce them with a personal assurance of his confi- 
 dence ; a confidence so periVct that he felt sure they would 
 postpone even their most ancient friendships to the cause of 
 God and religion, and therefore assist him in e\ery emergency, 
 but more especially against the house of Visconti which for 
 fifty years, from the excommunicated Matteo down to the actual 
 rulers, had been their enemy : the reigning brothers as he 
 asserted, only waited for a favourable moment when they could 
 
 * S. Animinito, Lib. xiii., p. GOl. — Muratori, Annali. — De Sadc, vol. iii., 
 Lib. vi. — Sismondi, vol. v., cap. xlviii. 
 
332 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 occupy Bologiia and the ecclesiastical cities in Romagna, the 
 great Florentine bulwarks, to pounce on that state and con- 
 quer Tuscany : he assured them that Charles would cross the 
 Alps with a powerful anny as the pope's champion, and attack- 
 ing Milan hurl his disloyal vicars from their power while his 
 victorious legions emancipated the rest of Lomhardy : this 
 cause he said had brought him to Italy ; for this he had called 
 the Florentines to Rome ; and to this end he had now siun- 
 moned them to his presence. 
 
 The simple answer of Florence was, that with the most de- 
 voted attachment to the church she was ever tme to her 
 engagements and would neither break her faith with Milan 
 nor her treaties with the condottieri, but still preserving her 
 attachment to the holy see *. 
 
 Urban was mortitied and angry at this coolness, nor did her 
 alacrity in despatching three hundred cavaliy to his assistance 
 in a sudden insiurection at Viterbo abate his displeasure : the 
 sedition was quickly stopped and these forces recalled to subdue 
 a revolt of Sim ]\Iiniato which bemg openly assisted by the Doge 
 of Pisa had assumed a serious character. A new compact was 
 drawn up and the government of that town according to Flo- 
 rentine policy reduced to a democratic form ; but as the San- 
 miniatese nobles had considerable power and were as in other 
 states usually joined by the malcontents of all parties, the 
 peace did not last, and this revolt of San Miuiato afterwards 
 involved the republic in serious difficulties. 
 
 The imperial advent was now at hand and all Italy breath- 
 less with expectation : the Visconti being universally 
 feared, hated, and distrusted, were thrown entirely 
 on their own resources ; for excepting Can Signore della Scala 
 and the Florentmes, almost every Italian state was against 
 them ; but Bemabo met the tempest with confidence, and 
 Florence again despatched an embassy to meet the emperor 
 and discover his real sentiments towards her. On the fifth of 
 
 A J). 1368. 
 
 * Cronaca di Donato Velluti, pp. 112, 114. 
 
 CHAP. XXV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 333 
 
 May he arrived at Conegliano with an immense army, varying 
 according to different writers from twenty thousand to fifty 
 thousand men, which when augmented by the confederates was 
 sufficient to swallow up the Visconti ; but Hawkwood and Can 
 della Scala soon checked it by cutting the dykes of the Adige 
 and Po and overflowing the Mantuan and Paduan districts. 
 The confederates had invested Borgoforte which was defended 
 by the former, and endeavoured to swamp it by breaking the 
 superior embankment of the river ; yet the English not only 
 managed to turn the waters from themselves but by effecting 
 another breach below the town destroyed the imperial camp 
 and compelled an instant retreat-'. This allowed time for 
 negotiation and Bernabo who was bold, firm, and sagacious, con- 
 fiding in the emperor s avarice, and secretly favoured by his 
 sous-m-law the dukes of Bavaria and Austria who formed part 
 of the imperial army, dazzled him with Milanese ducats while 
 the less warlike Galeazzo employed his friend Petrarca in a 
 negotiation fur peace wdth Pope Urban's brother Cardinal Anglic 
 at Bologna. The poet failed but Bernabo took a surer course ; 
 Charles began a parley, disbanded most of his soldiers, and 
 after long delay with no successful exploits but great injury to 
 his allies, finished by a close alliance with the verj' man whose 
 whole race he was expected to annihilate ! 
 
 So ended the hopes of Italy ! The Visconti still towered in 
 all then- potency ; the condottieri still revelled in all their licen- 
 tiousness; and the single town of Borgoforte, restored to Mantua 
 by treaty, was the only achievement of so numerous an army ! 
 Italy was indignant at this betrayal of the common cause ; for 
 the Visconti to maintain tlieir own power and support their 
 ambition were necessarily the groat encouragers, either directly 
 or indirectly, of the condottieri who ravaged it ; and well might 
 Petrarca exclaim " Che fan qui tante iiellegrine spade ?''\ when 
 
 * Corio, Hist. Milan, Parte iii% p. t Wh> have we here so many foreign 
 240. swords ? 
 
334 
 
 FLORENTINE UISTOliy. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. XXV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 335 
 
 we learn from Corio and others that the Visconti's aniiy \v;;v 
 composed of Italians, Germans, Enghsh and Burgundiaiis : 
 that of the lords of Ferrara, Mantua, and Verona the same : 
 the pope had Spaniards, Bretons, Gascons, Provencals and 
 Neapolitans: and the emperor Bohemians, Slavonians, Hmi 
 garians, Poles, and other distant nations : and thus was Italy 
 devoured ! * 
 
 Urban was confounded : the emperors progress not^vith 
 standmg his peaceful aspect and diminishtd legions still earned 
 along with it the usual disturbing force, and his immediate ad- 
 vance towards Tuscany was dreaded both by Florence and Pisa. 
 Agnello the creature of Beniabo had kei)t aloof from the leaj:fiu'. 
 consequently feared and was anxious to propitiate Charles; 
 he becran a nef»otiation to confirm his actual authontv with 
 the dignity of imperial vicar in Pisa, and Viesides the r( voltnl 
 San Miniato offered Lucca in exchange ; the gi'eat acqmsitiou 
 of his countr\' and dearest to national doiT I His terms were 
 accepted, and the Lucchese who had never lost their attacli 
 ment to Charles rejoiced in the bargain while the emperor 
 felt that he was bartering an empty honour for a peaceful 
 sovereignty which he could always turn into money by selling 
 it to those most interested. 
 
 The Lucchese were now enabled under better auspices tM 
 renew their fonner otfers of buying at an excessive price tlieir 
 lost independence, and to do it too despite of their Ion*,' 
 abasement, by the industiT, the commercial wealth, and the 
 credit of their fellow-citizens. For though injured oppressed 
 and exiled, many had thriven amongst strangei-s without fcr 
 getting their native comitiy, and now once more otfered their 
 resources for its ransom ; nor did Charles altogether declini 
 this union of thrift and popularity but took his own time and 
 convenience to consider it. Lucca was finally delivered to 
 Marcovaldo bishop of Augsboiu'g after six-and- twenty years of 
 
 • Petrarca, Caiiz. iv.— Corio, Parte iii*, p. 240. — Muratori, Annali. 
 
 Pisan tyranny, and Charles entered it on the fifth of September 
 1308 amidst the shouts of a joyful people. 
 
 Near the town he was met by Agnello and his two sons 
 whom he blighted with great ceremony, and on entering Lucca 
 the whole company ascended a decorated platform whence the 
 I usuq)er was to be publicly declared Doge and Imperial Vicar of 
 \ Pisa; but suddenly the spars gave way and the whole scaffold- 
 ) ing came crasliing to the ground : many persons were killed 
 more wounded, amongst them Giovjonii d' Agnello himself, 
 whose thigh was broken and moreover his power anniliilated by 
 this luckless accident ; for the news flew rapidly to Pisa and 
 despite of all precautions excited a general revolt. 
 
 Under the patriot Albizzi da Vico before mentioned, the city 
 soon echoed with shouts of " Long hve the Emperor :" " Death 
 to the Doge." The guards were overpowered, and even a part 
 of the Raspanti joined the patriots, so that ere long a complete 
 revolution was effected; all the exiles except Piero Gamba- 
 corta were allowed to return and Agnello with the loss of 
 eveiy present hope quietly relinquished his honours. 
 
 Gambacorta was at this moment with the emperor, for whose 
 protection he had paid 10,000 florins, and in DKK), after a 
 period of internal agitation somewhat curbed by a powerful 
 armed association of patriotic nobles and citizens called the 
 " Company of Saint Michael," his sentence of banishment was 
 through imperial influence publicly annulled, lletuming in 
 triumph to the scene of his family's gloiy^ and misfortunes old 
 enmities seemed for the moment to be forgiven if not for- 
 gotten, and the Gambacorti again shone amongst the most 
 prominent citizens of Pisa. Faction however although re- 
 pressed by Piero s prudence was far from still ; few were so 
 moderate or politic as their chief; the Easpand, attacked 
 and mjured by his party, were succoured by him with seeming 
 generosity while he sharply rebuked then- assailants : one of 
 the city gates remained still in their possession and seemg 
 
335 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book r. 
 
 themselves finally driven from political power they poisoned the 
 emperor's mind against Gambacoita, and invited him to make 
 a sudden attack upon Pisa itself and thus seize the govern- 
 ment ; an entei'prise that would have succeeded but for the spi- 
 rited defence of the people backed as is said by a seasonable 
 supply of golden florins*. The sudden turn of Lombard poli- 
 tics gave Florence more cause of anxiety about the emperor's 
 feeling towards herself ; for she learned that he was not only 
 angry at her refusal to join the allies, but accused her of having 
 infringed the impenal prerogatives by occupying Volterra, 
 Prato, and other places : in this perjilexity she prayed for the 
 pope's interference to prevent hostilities, and Urban displeased 
 with Charles and disappointed by the failure of his own views, 
 one of which was said to be the subjugation of Tuscany, seemed 
 to favour her wishes and tried ineffectually, perhaps insincerely, 
 to bring about a reconciliation. The imperial troops under 
 papal banners made incursions on Florence, favoured the 
 revolt of San Miniato, occupied that town, demanded the 
 restitution of Volterra, besides other Florentine conquests: 
 and ^vithout actually declaiing war began a regular course of 
 hostilities. This compelled the Florentines to arm: the 
 sound of warlike preparation was everywhere heard ; the roads 
 were broken up, trade intermpted, and much injuiy and 
 inconvenience suffered ; but amidst all this there was a spi- 
 rited refusal returaed to the imperial demands, and a declared 
 resolution not to surrender a single place ur a foot of land 
 to the German monarch, whom however the\' eonstantlv 
 treated with a respectful distant and determined cuulnessf. 
 
 * Cronaca di Donate Vclluti, p. 115, Lib. xv.,p. 889. 
 
 &c*. — Muratori, Annali, Anno 1368. f Cronaca di Donato Velluti, pp. 117, 
 
 Tronci, Annali. — S. Ainuiir.ito, Lib. 1 1 8, 1*24. — Poggio Bracciolini, Lib. i", 
 
 xiii., p. 665. — Corio, Hist. Mil., Parte p. 27. — S. Ammirato, Lib. xiii., p. 
 
 iii., p. 241. — Sismondi, vol. v., cap. 665. — Domcnic()IJuoninsegni,Ritratlo 
 
 xlviii. — Sardo, Cron. Pisa, cap. dell' Istorie Fioicntiue, Lib. iv". 
 cxxxviii., ct scq. — Roncioni, 1st. Pisa, 
 
 CHAP. XXV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 337 
 
 A.D. 136y. 
 
 () 
 
 Although mistrusting Pope Url)an's sincerity the restoration 
 of Piero Gambacorta gave new confidence to Florence 
 by securing her friendly relations with Pisa; yet 
 seeing no alternative but war or a compromise with imperial 
 rapacity and the former being the most serious and costly evil, 
 she resolved to purchase forbearance with 50,000 florins ; 
 and the opportune arrival of Giovanni Malatacca da Eeggi 
 with a body of troops in their own pay accelerated the nego- 
 tiation =^ In 1308 Charies had been attracted to Siena by 
 civil disturbances of which he intended to malve good use, and 
 therefore on his return from Rome began to intrigue for the 
 supreme power : after some unsuccessful niacliinations he in 
 JanuaiT hW.) l)y the aid of a faction heade.! by tlie Salimbeni 
 a rich and powerful race, attempted with three thousand cavalry 
 to oveqiower both nobles and people but was gallantly beaten, 
 made prisoner, and disgracefully turned out of the town without 
 horses or money, except what the citizens somewhat too gene- 
 rously supplied out of respect for his dignity and the apprehen- 
 sion of future aggressions. Equally fearful of the still agitated 
 Pisa diaries retreated to Lucca, resolving after he had ex- 
 tracted all he could from Tuscany to quit the Italian states, 
 leaving Benuibo Visconte to execute the duties of imperial 
 vicar both in that city and Pisa. This last resolution alarme<l 
 both pope and Florentines whose states were already too closely 
 shouldered by Visconti's power, so that they exerted them- 
 selves to reconcile the emperor with Pisa and effect a treaty 
 hy which Lucca should l>e left an independent state, and Pisti 
 free with a popular government, on payment of 50,000 florins, 
 lor which Florence engaged to become surety. 
 
 But the most lucrative bargain made by Charles was the 
 restoration of Lucchese freedom after sLx-and-fifty years of un- 
 mitigated oppression, reckoning from the first usm-pation of 
 Fguccione della Faggiola in lOlt until the entire emancipation 
 
 S. Ammirato, Lib. xiii., p. G6G. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
333 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book J. 
 
 CHAP. XXV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 339 
 
 of that citv in 1370, when the last payment of 300,000 florins 
 was completed and the Cardinal de Montfort left Lueca a free 
 and independent commonwealth. 
 
 During tliis long servitude she had lost her trade, maimfac- 
 tures, and populousness, hut not her character: the whole 
 province of Val-di-Nievole had heen conquered or otherwise 
 acquired by Florence and was never afterwards restored ; her 
 citizens were oppressed, exiled and imi)overished ; but the love 
 of country, of liberty, and an unconquered spirit of national 
 independence still remained. 
 
 Although five yeai-s of peace had blunted former :mimosit\ . 
 as yet no symptoms of returning commerce between Florence 
 and Pisa were perceptible ; the latter could only be passive 
 and the former at great inconvenience still contimuMl to fre- 
 quent the port of Talamone although in the disordered state of 
 Tuscany this long line of transport was tedious uncertain and 
 misafe. About Jmie therefore, after the Gambacorti became 
 once more dominant in Pisa, tliis sulyect was taken into serious 
 consideration and soon aiTanged, with a complete reciprocity of 
 commercial privileges between the two repubhcs : free trade 
 was established m its most extended signitication as regarded 
 merchandise ; for food of all kinds with the exception of lish 
 seems ever to have been shackled ; and to facilitate the con- 
 veyance of goods the present road along the Arnu's bank was 
 then m part if not wholly constructed*. 
 
 Charles returned to Germany in July but the malcontents 
 of San Miniato, instigated lii-st by the Patriarch of Aqnilea. 
 afterwards by De INIontfort Cardinal of Boulogne and Governor 
 of Lucca, and then supported by Bemabo, were still in open 
 rebellion. Florence had come to an amicable arrangement 
 with De Montfort on this point, but angry at the pope's biumers 
 being used against her, and seeing him fully occupied >\'ith the 
 Peru^nans she broke the treaty and sent an anny under Mala- 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib. xiii.j p. GiiH. 
 
 tacca to besiege the place. The cardinal, indignant at tliis 
 treachery nistantly negotiated with Bemabo and etfected an 
 agi-eement between him the pope and emperor that for a 
 certain sum paid to himself and the latter, his assistance 
 agamst Perugia, and his promise not to molest the ecclesiastical 
 states, he was to be made vicar of Lucca and San ]\Iiniato 
 and the pope was to return to Avignon >;^. Bemabo there- 
 fore, having no scmples about breaking liis faith interfered 
 as vicar of that to^^^l, and being prepared for aggression 
 gave notice that if Florence persisted he should be com- 
 pelled to move in its defence. The Florentines sui-pnsed and 
 indignant at this proceeding from one for whom they had 
 refused the alliance and provoked the anger of both pope and 
 emperor, replied with spirit that if peace were once broken 
 he should not find them idle. In the interim Mont.iione 
 Camieto, Coiano, Castelnuovo, and San Guintino all depen- 
 dencies of San Miniato, tendered their .submission, while Vol- 
 terra renewed her alliance and consented to the occupation of 
 her citadel by Florence for another decennial peiiod. Both 
 parties being determined, Hawkwood who commanded the 
 Mdanese advanced from Sarzana, which had given itself to 
 Bemabo, and taking up a position at Cascina watched his op- 
 portunity of raising the siege or at least succouring San Miniato 
 now hard pressed by the Horentines. Malatacca, or according 
 to Ammirato Bartolino di Losco of Beggio, maintained a strict 
 blockade in so strong a position that Hawkwood was baffled • 
 but the ignorant seignory mistaking the pmdence of both 
 generals for fear, insisted on a battle as the only successful way 
 of conductmg a campaign ; a step which their general with 
 equal pertinacity avoided as the most dangerous and unneces- 
 saiy. Florence stHl indignant at Visconte s conduct hastily 
 brought about a league between the pope and several Lombard 
 states who along with herself combined for five years to make 
 
 * Cronaca di Ponato Vclluti; p. 124. 
 y •> 
 
340 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book r. 
 
 CHAP. XXV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 341 
 
 war on the Visconti and look to the general defence of Italy - 
 
 Urban well pleased to see Florence at last so fairly 
 A.D. 1370. ^j^g.^g^^| ^.ji-ij Beniaho rebuked the Cardinal De :Muiit- 
 fort for liis precipitance and despatched two legates to tlu^ 
 fomier chief with a bull of excommunication and dec luraliMii of 
 warf. Viscoute listened attentively while the document was 
 read by the Cardinal of Belfort and the Al)b..t of Farfa who wen- 
 charged with this dehcate mission, and then quietly conduct- 
 ing them to the Ponte del Naviglio in the centre of :\Iilaii. 
 " Choose," said he, " which you like best ; to eat or to drink 
 before you leave me." The prelates wire silent : an angi-}' au.l 
 unscrupulous tyrant was before them, his guards and slavish 
 populace around; all prompt to execute his \Wldest coraman.l 
 •' Do not imagine " added he '' that I will allow you to i-art N\itli- 
 out some refi-eshment likely to make you rememl>er me.' One 
 of them casting a glance at the river replied " We would mtliei 
 eat than ask to drink from so large a stream." " Very well. 
 returned Beniabo, ''you shall not leave my presence until ymi 
 " have eaten the parchments on which these bulls of exconi- 
 •' munication are written, the leaden seals that hang to them. 
 " and the silken ribands \\ith which they are tied." It \va> 
 in vain that the legates claimed the rights of ambassadoi-s. (i 
 urged their sacred calling : nothhig would avail ; in presence oi 
 the coiu-t, the guards, and all the citizens, they w.nv compellcl 
 to finish this indigestible feast, and tlien s<'ut out of tli.' 
 
 countr}\ 
 
 The Florentine general, after repeatedly proving from tlic 
 strong position of the besiegers, that Hawkwood could effeci 
 nothing in favour of San Miniato without bringing up lu> 
 whole army, and even then to certam defeat, was peremptorily 
 ordered on the hrst of December 1300 to quit his entrench 
 ments and give battle. With some words expressive of hi- 
 
 * Po2£io Bracciolini, Istorin, Lib. i", GC)0. ^ . 
 
 p. 27!— S. Aniniiralo, Lib. xiii., p. t Cronaca di Donate Veliuti, p. l-''- 
 
 admiration of the ancient Romans who left their generals uncon- 
 trolled, he unwillingly obeyed, came up with tired soldiers, 
 attacked, and by a successful stratagem of Hawk wood "s was 
 totally defeated and made prisoner on the Fosso Arnonico. 
 The camp before San Miniato was immediately reenforced from 
 Florence, and so strong was the position that Haw^kwood even 
 though victorious never attempted it, l)ut appears to have 
 thrown a small body of troops into the citadel : on the contrary 
 he overran the neighbourhood of the capital, even to the very 
 gates, with the usual concomitants until the ninth of January 
 when by means of an inhabitant of low condition named Lupa- 
 rello, the long-contested San Miniato fell into the hands of 
 Count Ptobert of Battifolle after a hard struggle with the 
 garrison -''. 
 
 The joy for this conquest was extreme in Florence ; the com- 
 munity being exasperated not only on account of the revolt and 
 obstinate resistance, but because it had entailed a new war on 
 the commonwealtli with the most formidable opponent in Italv. 
 The prisoners were therefore insulted iuid their lives endangered; 
 several of the ringleaders beheaded and many more banished ; 
 aniungst others the family of Borromeo afterwards so revered 
 and distinguished in the city of Milan. Piidolfo da Varano 
 now succeeded Count Eobert of Battifolle in the command of 
 the Florentines, and so little apprehension do they appear to 
 have had of Hawkwood that eight hundred horse were despatched 
 under ]\Ianno Donati to join the Lombard army and show 
 Bemabo Msconte that Horence was not only able to defend 
 her own dominions but molest him also where he least expected 
 her f . 
 
 Nor was the latter idle : assembling a considerable force he 
 made a diversion in Tuscany, attempted to sui-prise Lucca and 
 
 * Poggio dates this ill 1368, but is at Donate Vclluti, p. 127. — Poggio 
 
 variance with all other historians. Bracciolini, Lib. i°, p. 27, &c*. — Leon. 
 
 f Cronichelta d' Inccrto, p. 105. — Aretino, Lib. viii. — S. Ammirato, 
 
 Diario del Moualdi. — Cronata di Lib. xiii., p. 671. — Muratori, AnuaJL 
 
 i 
 
342 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 afterwards Pisa, from whence he was gallantly repulsed by the 
 citizens and a body of Florentine auxiliaries, the whole com- 
 manded by Piero GumbacorUi who for that night's conduct was 
 invested by the ruling faction (which was his own) with the 
 supreme power of the republic, and thus recovered all the influ- 
 ence of his familv along with the ancient authority of the Gherar- 
 deschi. Thus baffled Hawkwood pillaged Leghorn and ravaged 
 the Maremma, but finally retreated before a strong division of 
 the league which was brought across the Apennhies to oppose 
 him, and returned by Sarzana into Lombardy. Florence wishing 
 for her own interest to see Lucca at liberty paid the remaining 
 ^5,000 florins due to the emperor and enabled De Montfortto 
 rid himself of his onerous charge : the cardinal departed on the 
 twenty-fifth of ]\Iarch and thus she had the satisfaction of com- 
 pleting the freedom of Lucca and at the same time strength- 
 ening her own party by uniting bi)th that city and Pisa to the 
 confederacy. But as scarcely a man in Lucca remembered her 
 palmy days of freedom except as a tradition, Florence was 
 obliged to pro\'ide statesmen for the arrangement of her new 
 constitution on the Florentine model ; also with money and 
 even engineers to demolish the stronghold of all her tyrants 
 the citadel palace of Agosta, at the destruction of wliich the 
 citizens worked with all the spirit of new-born liberty*. 
 
 After Hawkwood's retreat the auxiliaries returned to Lom- 
 bardv with Manno Donati's division of Florentines who vciy 
 soon distinguished themselves at Keggio where their leader fell a 
 \-ictim to his exertions : some time after tliis success all sides 
 began to talk of peace which Beniabo was ever ready to make 
 or break as it suited liim at the moment ; but this object was 
 more quickly obtained in consequence of the defeat of the Floren- 
 tine division under Ixosso de' Pticci by Hawkwood, so that a treaty 
 was signed at Bologna on twelfthof November without any greater 
 
 • Pog^o Bracciolini, Lib. i", p. 29, Ammirato, Lib. xiii., p. 675. — Sis- 
 &c. — Leon. Aretiuo, Lib. viii. — S. mondi, vol. v., cap. xlviii. 
 
 CHAP. XXV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 343 
 
 consequences to Tuscany than a closer union between the Flo- 
 rentine, Pisan, and Lucchese republics, w4iich naturally gave 
 the first a more powerful influence throughout that province. 
 It also reconciled the Florentines with Urban V. who tired of 
 Italian disorders was less anxious to revenge the insult offered 
 to his representatives than to return to the calmer enjoyments 
 of Avignon. 
 
 Without giving any other reason than a wish to reconcile 
 France and England he prepared to leave Italy where he 
 received obedience respect and reverence even to a belief in 
 his power of performing miracles ; where he had completed the 
 victorious march of Albornoz, and saw the ever-turbulent Rome 
 with all the ecclesiastical patrimony at his feet, Perugia alone 
 excepted, which he was however attempting to subdue, and 
 which now deprived of Bemabo's aid w^as, by the mediation of 
 Florence, soon after reconciled and submissive. Urban's lowli- 
 ness was exemplar}^ and yet he had been greatly tried : on enter- 
 ing Rome the emperor met him, and instantly dismounting, 
 humbly took the bridle of his wliite palfrey and conducted him 
 with profound reverence to the cathedral. Coluccio Salutati * 
 in a letter to Boccaccio describes the variety of impression made 
 on the Romans by this unusual act of humility. " The Roman 
 prelates in the papal suite were delighted to see their chief so 
 honoured ; the Roman people mshed in exulting crowds to be- 
 hold the two monarchs of tliis world in so intimate an union ; 
 the lovers of peace could scarcely satisfy themselves with a spec- 
 tacle that excited their warmest devotion : but those who put 
 an evil interpretation on everything attributed this act of sub- 
 mission to the emperor's pusillanimity. Some said that it was a 
 feigned humility, and the enemies of the chui'ch either turned 
 all into ridicule or openly condemned it. For myself I was intoxi- 
 
 * Coluccio, one of the ablest men of hijih official situation in the papal 
 his day, and afterwards secretary to the court. 
 Florentine republic, held at this time a 
 
344 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 cated with joy; I could not contain myself when I beheld 
 what our iVithei-s liad never seen and what we dared not have 
 even hoped for ; the pontificate in union with the empire ; the 
 pulpit obedient to the spirit, and the monarchy of the earth 
 submissive to the monarchy of heaven." 
 
 The love of country, the ceaseless tm-moils of Italianpohtics, 
 the climate ; and above all the wearing persuasions of French 
 cardinals who hinguished for the soft and sensual tranquillity 
 of Avignon, were too much for the man wlio without having 
 l>een ever seduced from his natural humility saw the emperor 
 of the west at his stirrup, and afterwards the emperor uf the 
 east at his footstool, renouncing all schismatical opinions, and 
 reverently acknowledging his supremaey. 
 
 There hideed seems to have been but one opinion of this 
 pope, yet supposing the charge of secretly aiming at the sub- 
 jugation of Tuscany to be true, rehgious zeal would scarcely be 
 distinguishable from temporal ambhion. His enjoyment c»t 
 tranquillity was brief; for embarking at Coraeto on the fifth of 
 September and arriving on the twenty-fifth, he died on the 
 nineteenth of December 1:370. On feeling the approach c»t 
 death he ordered the dooi*s of his palace to be thrown open ; 
 the people entered and beheld a pope calmly and contentedly 
 expiring on a miserable bed, dressed in the humble habit of his 
 order which he never quitted, and leaving the world with per- 
 fect confidence and resignation. 
 
 " He was," savs Petrarca, " an excellent man adapted t 
 ever}^ sort of good ; because he was neither blinded by igno- 
 rance nor her sister inexperience ; nor enervated by luxury or 
 love of women ; but it is more difficult and more rare to perse- 
 vere in a gi-eat work than to undertake it ; he sinned from 
 excess of complacency to those about him. But liow could he 
 help being entangled in the snares which they set for him, 
 shut his eai-s to their insidious councils, or resist all the attacks 
 which they made ? Is it not navigating agahist the wind? Can 
 
 (» 
 
 :nAP. XXV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 345 
 
 A.D. 137L 
 
 this be done without the aid of several rowers ? And those 
 v/hom he had with him, far from opposing, followed the leeward 
 course, searched for rocks and wished for shipwreck " *. 
 
 When the Florentines heard that cardinal Count de Beau- 
 fort nephew of Clement VI. had assumed the pon- 
 tificate under the name of Gregory XL an embassy 
 was sent to congratulate him both by them and Perugia, 
 and to beg his ratification of Urban the Fifth's treaty with 
 the latter state by which that republic became pontifical 
 vicar and virtually independent. But a decided refusal to be 
 bound by the acts of his i)redecessor couj^led with the intel- 
 hgence tliat the Cardinal of Burgos had taken advantage of a 
 famine and other jiublic calamities to occupy Perugia, alamied 
 Florence about the pope s ulterior objects and occasioned an 
 attempt to form a provisional confederacy with Siena Pisa 
 Lucca and Arezzo, against future ecclesiastical encroachments. 
 Pisa and Siena declined any alliance independent of Avignon ; 
 and a league, although not exactly what the Florentines wanted, 
 was at last conchuled under the auspices of Cardinal Anglec 
 Vicar-General of Italv, for four vears from the twentv-fourth of 
 October; the obnoxious cardinal having in the mterim been 
 removed from Perugia. 
 
 External peace became as usual at Florence the prelude to 
 internal war ; not the sanguinary encounters of former days, 
 but with passions equally strong, selfish and remorseless : 
 Uguccione de' Kicci to the people's entire satisfaction became 
 gonfalonier of justice in September; his unmitigated opposition 
 to Piero Albizzi and the law^ of admonition had made him 
 extremely popular, and his modification of that law in 1300 
 was fresh in the public mind: expectation therefore hung 
 anxious on his present power, but Kicci no longer appeared 
 
 * Cronichctta d' Inccrto, p. 198. — — De Sade, Mem. vol. iii., Lib. vi., 
 Dom. Buoninscgni, Lib. ill., p. .YuVy, pp. 769,771,773. — Sismondi, vol. v., 
 &c. — Muiatori, Aimali, Anno 1370. cap. xlix. 
 
346 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I 
 
 as the popular champion that the people had heen accus- 
 tomed to behold so zealous in their cause and whose present 
 poverty indicated his former integrity. This was at first attri- 
 buted to age, to indolence, the woriy of straitened circum- 
 stances ; to anything except inlidelity ; but a whole people is 
 seldom long deceived and it was soon whispered that he had 
 secretly reconciled himself to the Albizzi by the persuasion of 
 Cai-lo Strozzi, the most able and active as well as one of the 
 most potent of that party. Clandestine visits passed between 
 them in which it was sdd that Strozzi used all his powers of 
 eloquence to seduce him : he contrasted the aristocratic fully in 
 losing, with the popular sagacity in still retainhig supreme 
 authority in their hands ; and more especially lauded the then 
 ruling faction which by prompt and skilful management was 
 yet able to hold itself superior not only to the nobles but to 
 the legion of upstart citizens that had gradually entered nay 
 almost usiu7)ed the government and who if successful would 
 in their turn be ousted by a new political generation. He 
 instanced the actual seignorj^ which excepting themselves 
 and two others, was composed of the lowest order of citizens 
 the exclusive offspring of the Divieto, alike strangers to 
 the city and its ancient inhabitants; to oppose these alone 
 the admonition had been set in motion and was in fact the 
 strongest support of the popolani. He then ridiculed the folly 
 of Ricci in permitting a mere family feud to injure the Party 
 Guelph and his own kindred instead of letting them thrive 
 like Piero Albizzi who only from favouring that magistracy 
 now governed the state and saw his son a cardinal, while he 
 himself was followed and courted by all the world. He in- 
 quired what had been gained either to Ricci or his race by the 
 long-cherished epithet of ''Lover of the Public Good," and 
 urged him to unite so intimately with Piero as to share those 
 riches and honours that the church would shower upon his 
 family like rain from thunder-clouds, by means of this coali- 
 
 CHAF. XXV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 347 
 
 tion ; and instead of being pressed and poor he would become 
 wealthy and powerful. 
 
 With some such reasoning it was believed, perhaps more 
 from the effects than oral information, that Pdcci allowed him- 
 self to be seduced, and ere long one of his sons was distin- 
 guished by places and pensions from the legate of Bologna ; 
 another received a benefice, and Uguccione himself gave no fur- 
 ther molestation to the Guelpliic party. The people felt they 
 were sacrificed, crucified as it were between two thieves, and the 
 outciy became loud and general, more especially as the cardi- 
 nal legate "s ambition had already become a subject of great 
 suspicion and alarm to most of the citizens who saw with im- 
 l)atience their leading families within his corrupting influence*. 
 
 Thus for a while the strife between these potent rivals vir- 
 tually ceased but not the stmggle of their factions : the Albizzi 
 were further strengthened by the accession of Benchi de' Buon- 
 (lehnonti a nobleman who fur his good service in the Pisan war 
 had been admitted to the privileges of a commoner but without 
 changing his name or renouncing his family: he had been 
 drawn for a prior, but when about to officiate, a new law aimed 
 exclusively at him declared any noble-popolano unless he 
 changed both name and arms, ineligible to the seignory under 
 twenty yeai-s from the date of liis translation. Disappointed, 
 and indignant at this blow which came from the lower class 
 of citizens, he instantly joined the Albizzi and brought, besides 
 the force of his aristocratic influence, a fresher and more angry 
 spirit to the admonitory power ; and thus many nobles stifling 
 all former enmity willingly seconded the designs of great popular 
 families. 
 
 Between members of the Party Guelph the sacrifice or safety 
 of individuals became a simple matter of barter ; the friends of 
 
 * Dom. Boninscflfni, Lib. iv., p. 354. xiii., p. 678, &c. — Leon. Aretino, 
 — March, di Coppo Stcfani, Lib. ix., Libre viii. 
 Rub. 725, 726. — S. AmmiratOj Lib. 
 
348 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 one were condemned or exchanged for an equal value on the other 
 side, hut not always peaceahly or without external agita- 
 A.D. 1372. ^.^^^^ j^ .^ ^^^^^ scarcely possible to trace the immediate 
 bearing uf the sei)arate ruling departments of Florentine ad- 
 ministration uix>n each other or estimate the relative power of all 
 the si)rings that moved it ; insulated fai-ts frequently start into 
 life from the pages of old historians and indicate cert;\in con- 
 nexions and dependencies in the machine of government, then 
 universally familiar and therefore barely dluded to, not ex- 
 plained : which throw a variable, che«piered, and altogether un- 
 satisfactory light on the subject, extremely embarrassing even t<. 
 well-informed Florentines. One of these difficulties is tlie legal 
 or assumed authority of the Capitani at this epoch : that their 
 ix)wer was excessive is evident, whether used individually or as a 
 body, but how it acted on other wheels of administration is hard 
 to say, because a single member, and he of the weakest faction, 
 seems by an effort of determined audacity to have controlled one 
 of the gravest of the national councils. A citizen named ZanoM 
 Macinghi who happened to be obnoxious to Rosso ie Ilicci 
 having been dra^^^l as gonfolonier of a company was marked by 
 him for admonition : his petition to this effect however faile 1 
 three times successively in the "Council of Twenty-four,' so 
 that the chairman refused to repeat the attempt. Enraged at 
 this Rosso declared with violence that he would reiterate thi' 
 charge a hundred times if necessarv : not succeeding in this he 
 procured a council of Richiesti to be immediately summoned : 
 but whether by virtue of his own official authority or througb 
 individual or party iniluence with the seignory is one of those 
 points on which we are not enlightened. After sitting all niglit 
 the council were induced from mere exhaustion to consent that 
 Zanobi should be declared a Ghibeline. Although not easily 
 comprehended, tins might have heen a forced but legitimate 
 exercise of pariiamentaiy forms and tactics artfully managed to 
 worry the assembly into a vote of censure and deprivation 
 
 CHAP. XXV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 349 
 
 against an obscure individual for whose welfare few of them 
 cared ; but the next act of the Capitani was more decided, 
 and proves that whatever might have been the forms of political 
 liberty in Florence its sul)stance had ceased to exist for any 
 except the dominant faction ; and that what the Florentines 
 called liberty was the licence of driving their political adver- 
 saries from power if tlx'y could ; not by public opinion or intel- 
 lectual superiority, but by force of arms. 
 
 One of the Ricci faction named Ijartolo Siminetti banker to 
 the wealthy mercantile house of Guardi, wliicli had just failed 
 for 1 -20, 000 tlorins, was so shaken by their fiiU as himself to 
 totter on the verge of bankruptcy when Carlo Strozzi and 
 another of that party came forwaixl to sustain him, and in return 
 received his grateful conscieritious and most zealous support. 
 Increasing public dissatisfaction about the Capitani induced 
 them to propose a law forbidding the seignory to deliberate upon 
 any bill affecting the Party Guelph for good or evil, unless 
 it had been previously discussed and approved by that magis- 
 tracy. This was a bold attempt to take the supreme government 
 by storm, to annihilate its legislative powers, stifle public opinion, 
 and exalt themselves high above all human responsibility. The 
 proposition was of course rejected, but the Capitani, being pre- 
 sent, menaced its opponents with admonition as Ghibelines ; 
 this accusation was successively repelled by all the dissenting 
 priors ; the petition went a second time to tlie vote and, tbe 
 ballot being secret, with the same result. Upon this Simi- 
 netti and Buonfiiuto Serragli, both priors, started up and tbe 
 former in a bold insolent tone for which he was noted, cried 
 out " We will soon fnid out who gave these white beans and 
 therefore who are tbe enemies of the Party Guelph"-'. Then 
 walkuig up to each meml)er he stenily demanded if he were 
 a Guelph, wliich none being willing or able to deny, at once 
 
 * It should Ix- rcmcTobercd that the reverse of ours, black beans meaning 
 mode of balloting in Florence was the " Fti," and white beans " No."'' 
 
350 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 351 
 
 ! 
 
 breaking through all forms of constitutional law, he forced 
 every individual to give his black bean openly, and thus carried 
 the motion, to the consternation of all good citizens*! 
 
 Without having been admitted behind the curtain or know- 
 ing the by-play and undeqilot of tliis extraordinary scene it 
 is scarcely possible to conceive how the supreme executi\e 
 and legislative government of the Florentine republic (for in 
 the seignoiT both were united) could have allowed itself to Ix 
 thus awed mto a dkect violation of all fundamental laws and 
 principles ; and this by the audacity of a single man, even sup- 
 ported as he was by the power of a fonnidable magistracy and 
 an audacious faction ! It proves what height that power had 
 attained and how deeply its baleful shadow affected the com- 
 monwealth; yet national spirit was aroused, for the open 
 violation of public decency alone, even in trifles, may often 
 raise a louder burst of feeling than more solid matters, to whos*- 
 gra\'ity all are not sensible ; but in this audacious act the 
 vitality of freedom was involved in addition to the miseemly 
 outrage, and a broad blast of indignation ruffled the surface of 
 
 society. 
 
 Men soon began to congregate, covert meetings were hold 
 under false pretences ; for it was a capital crime in Florencr 
 for more than twelve persons to meet in secret ; and a new 
 seignor}^ favoured the public wishes. The gonfiJonier for 
 March and April was Andrea Mangioni, a llerce adherent of 
 the Albizzi ; but the priors were men of another stamp ; one, 
 Giovamii de' :\Iozzi, was an open foe to admonition and an lui- 
 compromising enemy of both factions : with him therefore Lapo 
 di Castiglionchio, Salvestro de' Medici, and six other citizens, 
 all of whom except two had been gonfaloniers of justice, con- 
 spired against the present misrule ; and these were speedily 
 followed by a hundred more, all men of rank and ability dis- 
 gusted witii existing circumstances. The first meetmgs were 
 
 • Mar. di Coppo Steflxni, Lib. ix., Rub. 730.— S. Ammirato, Lib. xiii., p. 681. 
 
 held on pretence of visiting Simon Peruzzi an associate, who 
 feigned sickness ; but being soon detected by their lynx-eyed 
 advei-saries they were immediately denounced and this at once 
 decided them to meet openly in the church of San Piero Sche- 
 reggio : here the state of public affairs was fully discussed by 
 the assembly, which afterwards adjourning in a body to the 
 public palace one of them addressed the seignoiy as follows * : 
 " Many of us doubt, most excellent seignors, the propriety 
 ** of om- having thus assembled by private requisition although 
 " for a public pui-pose, lest we should be either noted as pre- 
 " sumptuous or, being ambitious, condemned. But when we 
 *' consider that day by day otliers without hesitation assemble 
 " in their houses and porticos, not for public utility but their 
 '• own private amljition ; we do think that as they fearlessly 
 " meet for the ruin of the commonwealth those who now unite 
 '' for the public benefit have no cause of apprehension ; nor 
 " are we tempted to seek for or listen to what others may re- 
 " port of us since they openly disregard our judgment. The love 
 " we bear our country, magnificent seignors, first induced us 
 " to deliberate, and the same love now brings us here before 
 '* you to discuss that evil which though dready of such magni- 
 " tude is yet fearfully increasing; and then to offer oui' best 
 " assistance for its destruction. This, however difficult it 
 " appear, may be easily accomplished if you will only banish 
 " all private feelings and support with public force your own 
 " legitimate authority. Tlie common cormption of all the 
 " Italian cities has extended and still extends to ours ; because 
 " from the moment this province threw^ off the iniperial yoke 
 " its several states, relieved from a correctmg power, have not 
 " as free united communities, but as cities split into factions, 
 " ordered their respective governments, and from these proceed 
 " all the other evils, all the other disorders that now pervade 
 
 ♦Marchionni di Coppo Stiifani, Lib. ix., Rub. 73L— S. Ammirato, Lib 
 xiii., p. G82.— Macchiavelli, Lib. iii". 
 
352 
 
 FLORENTINE niSTOBV. 
 
 [book 1- 
 
 CHAP. XSV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 353 
 
 i( 
 
 them. No union, no fnendsliip, is to be found in tlieir citi- 
 zens, excepting among those that are conscious of some crimt' 
 either against imlividuals or their native country : and be 
 cause in all, both religion and morality are extinguished 
 oaths and plighted faith are only valued as additional iiistni 
 ments of treacheiy: and the more certain and easy the mod. 
 of deception so much the more praise and glory is acquired. 
 Hence scoundrels are praised as industrious, and j^ood men 
 blamed as fools. And verily all those thing> which most 
 tend to corrupt others seem now to have nestled in tli.^ 
 Italian cities: the young men are idle, the tdd lascivi.)us : 
 and ever}' age and every sex are saturated with innn(n-al and 
 disgusting customs for which good laws, spoiled from mi- 
 usage, bring no relief. Hence arises that uierceuary gietdy 
 character wliich is seen in the citizens, and that appetite u.»r 
 for true gloiy, but disgraceful honours, on which hang enmi- 
 ties, quaiTels, malice and factions ; and these again generate 
 death, exile, atHiction of the good, and exaltation of tli.^ 
 wicked. For the virtuous, confiding in their innocence, tl<. 
 not search like the vicious for patrons who will defend an<i 
 promote them; so that being unprotected they fall and arc 
 ruined. From such examples spring the power and spirit 
 of faction ; because the ^icious through cupidity and ambition 
 and the virtuous from necessity, are compelled to Mow 
 them. But a greater evil springs from seeing the leader^ 
 and promoters of fiiction by hj-pocritit^al expressions of piety 
 morality and honesty, clothe in a decent exterior their most 
 ' infamous objects and intentions : and it ever hai)pens. 
 ' though they are all enemies to freedom, that wliether undf^r 
 ' the name of nobles or popolani, in artfully ai-pcaring to 
 ' defend they really trample on it ; for the expected prc- 
 ' mium of victory is not the liberty of their countiy, but the 
 ' pleasure of having beaten their opponents, and the enjoy 
 ' ment of that power which the latter were thus compelled t<» 
 
 " relinquish ; and thus tempted there is nothing so unjust, so 
 " cmel, or degrading that they will not dare to do. Hence 
 '' laws and regulations, not for public but private advantage, 
 •' are made and promulgated ; hence war, peace, tmces, and 
 " alliances are all undertaken, not for the glory of tlie many 
 " but the passions and interests of the few. And if the Italian 
 " cities be filled with such disorders Florence beyond all others 
 " is thus tainted : her laws, her statutes, her civil regulations, 
 " ever have been and still are ordained, not according to the 
 " wants of a free community but to suit the ambition of that 
 " party wliich happens at the moment to be uppermost. 
 " Hence it follows that when one ftiction is driven from power 
 " or one sect extinguished, phoeiiLx-lilve another soon rises 
 " from its ashes ; for in those cities that maintain themselves 
 '* by parties and not laws, the moment one faction remains un- 
 " opposed, it immediately divides against itself, as there is 
 " then no protection from those private intrigues of which, in 
 " self-defence, it was the original prcjoctor ; and that this is 
 " true both the ancient and modern divisions of our own city 
 " demonstrate. Eveiy one imagined when the Ghibeliiics fell 
 " that the Guelphs would live long and happily together ; 
 " nevertheless, after a little while the Bianchi and Xeri divided 
 " them ; and when the Bianchi were conquered the city was 
 " not the less troubled by faction, for either by favouring 
 " exiles, or from the hatred of nobles and popolani, struggles 
 " never ceased. And then to bestow with unparalleled gene- 
 *' rosity on others that which we could not or would not jnjoy 
 " together in hannony, we strangely surrendered our liberty ; 
 " first to King Robert, afterwards to his brother, then his son ; 
 " and lastly to the Duke of Athens. But Hke those who caii- 
 " not agi-ee to live together in freedom and yet will not be 
 " slaves we are never a moment in repose; nor had we any he- 
 " sitation, (so prone is every class among us to discord) while 
 " still under King Bobert's rule in displacing his royal majesty 
 
 VOL. II. A A 
 
354 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 " for one of the vilest inhabitants of Agohbio ! The Duke of 
 
 *' Athens, for the honour of this city, ought not to be remem- 
 
 " bered; but his cruel tyrannical disposition should for once 
 
 *' give us a lesson of wisdom and teach us how to live. Never- 
 
 " theless before and subsequent to his expulsion, we, as is our 
 
 " wont, quarrelled and fought with each other; nay using against 
 
 *' ourselves the ver}- anns so lately united to drive the tyrant 
 
 *' from our walls, and even with greater fury and hatred than 
 
 " before. Our ancient nobles being subdued and compelled to 
 
 " bow before the people many believed that there would never 
 
 '• be more cause of disturbance, seeing that those were bridled 
 
 *' who by their haughtiness and insupportable ambition occa- 
 
 " sioned it. But now we see by experience how fallacious is 
 
 " man's opinion, how false his judgment ! The pride and am- 
 
 " bition of the great were not extinguished, only wrested from 
 
 "■ them by our richer citizens, who now, as is the custom of 
 
 " ambition, aspire to the highest rank in the commonwealth, 
 
 " and who having no means of success l)ut discord, agtun 
 
 " disturb us ; so that the forgotten names of Guelph and 
 
 *' Ghibeline, the curse of this republic, ai*e again revived. 
 
 " Heaven wills it, in order that there may be nothing quiet 
 
 " or stable in human afikirs, that in every state certain fami- 
 
 " lies exist which seem created for its destmction, and in 
 
 *' these our OA\'n republic abounds beyond all others, for not 
 
 " one but many have distracted it. First the Buondelmonti, 
 
 "then the Uberti, afterwards the Cerchi and Donati; and 
 
 '* now ; oh how ridiculous ! the Ricci and Albizzi forsooth 
 
 " disturb and divide the city ! Most excellent seignors, we 
 
 '* have not cited the depraved manners, the corruption, the 
 
 '* ancient and continual discord of our ancestors, to intimidate 
 
 '* but only remind you of their source ; and show that as you 
 
 *' can easily recal these things to your own memory so have we 
 
 " not forgotten them. And we tell you moreover, that the 
 
 *' examples of those times need not make you diffident about 
 
 CHAP. XXV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 355 
 
 (I 
 
 (i 
 
 <( 
 
 bemg able to curb the present ; for then the ancient families 
 were so powerful and so favoured by princes that the common 
 regulations of society proved insufficient to restrain them ; 
 " but now that the empire is weak, the pope no longer formid- 
 able, and that tliis city and all Italy are ariived at a relative 
 state of equality sufficient to sustain ourselves ; there will be 
 no difficulty in the execution ; our own republic especially, 
 " despite of ancient examples to the contraiy, not only can 
 " maintain its unity but effi^ct a complete social reform, pro- 
 " vided you, magnificent seignors, proceed zealously to the 
 '* task which we, moved by pity for our country not any private 
 " inducement, now advise ; and though the corruption be deep 
 " you can at once destroy that evil which infects us, that frenzy 
 " wliich consumes us, that poison which is killing us : impute 
 '' our ancient troubles, not to human nature but to the times, 
 " which are always changing, wherefore through better regula- 
 " tions you may hope for our city a better fortune. The malig- 
 " nancy of these times may by prudence be conquered if you 
 " will only curb the ambitious, annul those regulations which 
 " are the nurses of faction, and replace them by others more 
 " conducive to real liberty : and may you be pleased rather to do 
 " this now, by virtue of existing laws, than be compelled here- 
 " after by a people driven to accomplish it by force of arms "-. 
 This speech only declared in plain expressions what everybody 
 felt to be truth : the priors were willing to comply and assemble 
 a council of the Richiesti before which both the public grievances 
 and the accusations against citizens were to be laid. To this 
 proposition Jacopo Guacciani of the Albizzi faction objected 
 as unnecessary and dangerous to public tranquillity ; but pro- 
 posed that the delinquents should be at once given over to the 
 podesta and suffer the penalty of their crime. Fihppo Bastari 
 then answered that if to meet for the purpose of exhibiting the 
 dangerous condition of the state before its supreme council 
 
 * Macchiavelli, Lib. iii**. 
 A AJi 
 
356 
 
 FI.ORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 were a capital crime, he confessed to having committed it and so 
 rendered himself obnoxious to the law, for he was one of th(.s.' 
 who in San Piero Schereggio resolved to inijjlore the seignorvs 
 aid in defence of their common countiy then on the brmk of 
 ruin. If the letter only of the law were attended to lie miglit 
 be at once turned over to the executioner ; but if in a free city 
 the mouths of free citizens lovei-s of their countiy ought not to 
 be stopi)ed, he who in doliance of private enmity boldly came 
 forwai-d to expose the public danger should be rewarded. He 
 therefore demanded, not reward; for a good citizen wanted 
 none in his countrj^'s cause : but that they would cast away 
 passion and personal interests and apply effective remedies to 
 the grievances complained of. *' You are now" said lie "become 
 " the slaves of the liicci and Albizzi, nor is there anything left 
 '• of our ancient liberty but the name and a false and feeble 
 '• shadow of the original. It is true O most excellent 
 " seignoi^ that we meet in this palace, appoint magistrates, 
 " despatch embassies, levy soldiei-s, and put (piestions to the 
 ** vote like freemen, but the substance is first settled eLe- 
 *' where ; and nothing arrives here without having passed 
 " through the hands of one or the other i)arty. Wlioever 
 '* comes to these councils really to serve his country without 
 *' permission from the dominant Action, or suspected bv tlir 
 " Guelphic tribunal, is at once put aside ; or under some other 
 ** of the numerous pretences in which they abound is ke])t at ii 
 " distance from the government. Up to this moment, if any 
 " of us were dissatisfied with one faction we could join the 
 *' other, and in the exercise of this choice maintain a sort of 
 *' bastard liberty ; but now, even this refuge no longer remains, 
 " for it is well known that the Ricci are reconciled to th(^ 
 ** Albizzi, or at least that some of their leading members have 
 '' coalesced in such a manner as to paralyse that faction ; 
 wherefore it follows that we must all submit to one, or rather 
 " to many ; for the great evil of tyranny is that obedience 
 
 CHAP. XXV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 357 
 
 \ 
 
 " must not only be paid to the chief tyrant but also to all his 
 " minions. Some of you will tell nie that I speak freely, 
 " and you will tell me true ; for as a waning light emits a 
 " iitful splendour while it dies away, so should our expiring 
 '' liberty Hare up with sudden brightness. And if I am told 
 " that I 8j>eak at the peril of my head ; I re[)ly that I am not 
 " so ignorant of the world as to be insensible to danger; but 
 " either this busiiK ss shall take another aspect and I bear 
 " away the glorious fruit of my temerity : or if it continue still 
 " unchecked, I fearlessly declare that I shall then have little 
 " pleasure in preserving a life that dooms me to see my 
 " beloved country become the bondslave of its o\vn ambitious 
 " citizens. I have been five times seated amongst you in this 
 " palace, thrice as prior and twice as gonfalonier of justice : I 
 " have seen the efforts of some good citizens to support our 
 " fallinfj liberty, and I have lent my humble but fearless aid 
 •* to sustain it ; and now, if Heaven so decree, I will fall 
 " cheerfully along with it ; and this same spirit that at my 
 " birth was free, as free shall it be restored to its Creator ; 
 " for whatever may become of me, no material ties or corpo- 
 " real sufferings shall impede the unshaclded working of my 
 " mind." 
 
 Filippo Bastari was attentively heard and instantly supported 
 by Simone Peiiizzi, Lapo Castiglionchio and a host of others 
 in rapid succession and without a moment's pause, so that the 
 Albizzi thought it necessary to deny the charge of wishing 
 either to enslave or sell their countiy ; but it was well known, 
 as they asserted, that Uguccione de' Ricci once thought of giving 
 it to Bernabo. This attack was repelled by Georgio Ricci who 
 declared that the speaker Francesco Albizzi had bragged to 
 the lords of Ferrara and Padua that his lather held Florence 
 in as perfect obedience and servitude as they did the inhabi- 
 tants of their own states, except an imagined appearance of 
 liberty. 
 
358 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 This recrimination strengthened the patriots and threw the 
 whole council into confusion, so that the priors dissolved it 
 \sith a resolution to discuss amongst themselves the actual 
 condition of the repuhlic : the result was that a committee of 
 two nobles and eight popolani was appointed to discover the 
 cause and most effectual remedy for existing Grievances, hut 
 ending m a strong recommendation to curb the pride and break 
 the power of Piero Albizzi and his party. In pui'suance of 
 this advice the gonfalonier and eight priors, the twelve buono- 
 mmi, the sixteen gonfaloniers of companies, the nine captains 
 of party, and the committee of investigation ; in all fifty-six ; 
 were immediately fonued into a Balia with full powers for 
 settling the immediate business of their convocation, but other- 
 NHse circumstixntially restricted. The spirit of this board was 
 essentially good, and therefore, in confonnity with the report, 
 the Albizzi alone were at first singled out for castigation notwith- 
 standing their adherents in the assembly : afterwards ninety- 
 sLx followers of both factions were to be deprived of office, but 
 as if fearful of their o\vti work, they ended in condemning Piero 
 Albizzi and Uguccione Ricci with two more of each family to 
 five years' exclusion from every office except that of the Party 
 Guelph, accompanied by a proliibition against their entering the 
 official residence of any public rector, or approaching witliin a 
 hundred '* braccia'' or about two hundred feet of the priors' 
 palace, and having their names if drawn for office, returned to 
 the electoral purses. 
 
 Besides these, which considering the Albizzi's power were 
 deemed to be bold proceedings, a provision was made that 
 enabled any citizen iv'ho might thereafter be injured by a more 
 powerful neighbour, to lay a petition before the seignory and 
 colleges, and on proving his charge the culprit became subject 
 to the penalties of nobility ; or as it was called, being inscribed 
 in the Hst of the " Grandi " or great people, if he were only a 
 simple citizen ; but to the severer punishment of " Sojira- 
 
 CHAP. XXV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 359 
 
 grande " if he happened to be a nobleman. As the oppression 
 of the weak by the strong, whether nobles or popolani appears 
 to have been very prevalent especially in the rural districts, this 
 law discontented many who, becoming impatient of the bit, joined 
 tlie admonitionists and caused much ulterior evil. Several wise 
 regulations were promulgated by this Balia, amongst others ; 
 that, except against the Ubaldmi, (then actually at war with 
 Florence and considered as a sort of outlaws) no war, truce, 
 or peace, could thenceforth be made or broken ; no troops sent 
 out of the country, nor the submission of towns or other places 
 be received without the previous approval of the seignory and 
 colleges, the Capitani, the live councillors of commerce, a 
 learned able and respected tribunal, two consuls from each 
 Art* and ninety-six citizens chosen equally from the sLxteen 
 companies, of which number none could be drawn who had not 
 previously served in some of the above offices, the judges of 
 commerce excepted ; and not more than two individuals from 
 the same *' Consorteria " or union of families. To these were 
 subsequently added, and with potential voice the " Died della 
 Lihertd;'' in all one hundred and ninety of the most expe- 
 rienced citizens ; the whole forming a broad basis of popular 
 representation apparently well calculated to prevent either peace 
 or war being made at the caprice of powerful individuals or fac- 
 tions, merely to feed their own passions, or gratify a mischievous 
 ambition. The citizens were moreover forbidden to enter the 
 seignorial, or any of the rectors' palaces except on days of pub- 
 lic audience, or to offer any donative to the latter functionaries ; 
 for much secret corruption was believed to exist in the courts 
 of the podesta the executor of the ordinances of justice and 
 the captain of the people. The execution of many of these laws 
 was committed to the new tribunal above mentioned called 
 
 * In consequence of the mortality of fourteen, but were restored the fol- 
 1348, the number oi Arts or trades lowing year, 
 were reduced from twenty-one to 
 
360 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 tlie ''Ten of Liberty'' which was instituted by tliis Balia for 
 the general superintendence of civil liberty a subject, accord- 
 iiig to our notions, but little understood in those half-civilised 
 times ; to prevent the fonnation of Actions ; to see justice well 
 administered ; and to discuss questions of peace and war with 
 the other council, which deprived of their cooperation became 
 lifeless : tliis importiint board was composed of two citizens t.f 
 the inferior trades, four unoccupied populani and two nobles ; 
 and was renewed every four months *. 
 
 These reforms humbled the Albizzi more in appearence than 
 reality, and with ostensive impartiality bore harder on their 
 rivals : by leaving open the Guelphic magistracy to both fac- 
 tions the Albizzi were in reality strengthened ; for that tribu- 
 nal's power was excessive and their intluence in it paramount: 
 therefore when Piero was told of the Balia's decree, he merely 
 said ''This will do well enough if they go no further." And 
 even in the Balia itself their adherents were instrumental in 
 modifying the first sweeping resolution by artfully, and perhaps 
 truly representing the danger of offending so inany powerful 
 families ; by showing the ample time which they still had to 
 work and therefore the inutility and imprudence of haste; also 
 the safer policy of first trying how a less extensive measure 
 would be received by the community!. Nevertheless there were 
 some strong spirits among their patriotic opponents : JMegliore 
 Guadagni was one who boldly opposed them, first by petition- 
 ing under the new law against Francesco degli Albizzi, Anth 
 whom he had some dispute about a farm, and having him placed 
 A.D. 1373. ^"^^^ig^t the Grandi, and afterwards in the beginning 
 of 1373 ; being then chief magistrate; he procured a 
 law by which not only the three Albizzi but the whole of that 
 race and the Ilicci were excluded from office, and instead of their 
 
 * Dom. Bnoninsegni, Lib. iv., p. Libro ix., Rub. 7.32, ScC^ 
 b«J. — Marchionne di Coppo Stefuni, 
 
 CHAP. XXV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 361 
 
 names being replaced in the election purses when dra\Tn for 
 official situations, which would have givei* them equal chances 
 with others after the expiration of their pmiishnient, the billets 
 were in future to be torn up, and thus all hope destroyed until 
 a new imlnirsement took place which Avoukl again be likely to 
 extend the 2)eriod of their exclusion ='^ 
 
 This was a bold resolute action against a fiiinily so numerous, 
 rich and powerful with such a weapon as the Guelphic tri- 
 bunal at their command, and who now with increased bitter- 
 ness exerted themselves to re-double its pernicious influence. 
 Guadagni's ground was however secure, the cause popular and 
 already discussed, and his attack directed only against one 
 obnoxious fiunily with the fair expectation of powerful public 
 protection if he failed; but it was a very different business 
 when Piero Petriboni prior for Santo Spirito in the same 
 seignory attacked the Capitani themselves. Certain citizens 
 elated with this success against the Albizzi the great workers 
 of admonition, attempted to arrest this formidable engine in 
 its full career, and Petril>oni introduced a bill to declare all 
 admonitory acts invalid unless appro\ ed by the seignory and 
 colleges. So bold a step Avas too much even for Migliore him- 
 self although it would have increased his present power and 
 future safety, and was therefore not only rejected in the 
 palace, but Piero was instantly accused of a wicked attempt to 
 destroy the Party Guelph the basis and palladium of Floren- 
 tme liberty ; so subtle was the management and so deep the 
 terror of that tribunal ! Assuming this charge as true the 
 Capitani followed up their blow, and as a natural consequence 
 accused him with some plausibility of having proposed a law 
 which struck directly at public freedom and therefore rendered 
 him obnoxious to capital punishment ; so that much discussion 
 
 *^^Il Biario del MonalcW'' extends the '^ CJironichctfa (T Incerto,'' in 
 
 this 'Sentence to ten years. I have fol- Dominico M. Manni's collection, also 
 
 lowed M. di Coppo Stefani, the historian says ten years. — Page 100. 
 and an actor in the political scene ; but 
 
362 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 followed on the expediency of beheading him. The moment 
 Petriboni s tenu of office expired he answered the Capitanis 
 summons as a known Ghibeline ; and he who only one day 
 before was seen exercising the highest fmictions of national 
 government now appeared vdth a halter on his neck grovellina 
 before his persecutoi-s, imploring mercy for having introduced 
 a law which he believed to be for his country's good, and 
 offering to go into voluntary exile to save his head! He 
 fortunately escaped with an admonition and kept his head, but 
 lost all hope of using it iif the government of his country*. 
 
 This outburst of the better-disposed citizens was perhaps 
 more spirited than ably conducted : intent rather on destroving 
 the effect of factions that immediately oppressed them than in 
 providing for future security by a removal of causes, tliey Itll 
 between both and accomplished neither : the Albizzi remained 
 powerful, and the Kicci, their only rivals, enfeebled : Petriboni 
 attempted a deeper blow, and had he been properiy seconded 
 would have reestablished the supreme government and de- 
 stroyed the impcrium in imperlo of the Guelphic board. But the 
 terror of this tribunal was so conlii'med, and so confounded in 
 the public mind with the very existence of liberty as to paralvse 
 national energy and pei-plex all judgment. When the mind of 
 a whole people is thus affected, the tyranny must be excessive, 
 the power temble, the obstacles to be suraiomited formidable, 
 and the full merit and boldness of their opposition can scarcely 
 be appreciated by posterity. The fury of admonition, rendered 
 fiercer by these proceedings, raged even within the tribimal 
 Itself and continued public disturbance ; so that in the following 
 year men were again found that unscared by Petriboni s destiny 
 once more attempted to stem the tide of misiaile and vindicate 
 the rights of government. 
 
 A proposal for admonition was made by some member of the 
 minor trades amongst the Capitani, and was opposed by the 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib. xiu., p. 667. 
 
 CHAP. XXV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 363 
 
 other, who himself narrowly escaped admonition in conse- 
 quence : this caused additional discontent amongst the citizens 
 as it showed them clearly and in despite of all their prejudices, 
 that opposition to the will of the Capitani and not Ghibe- 
 linism, was the real cause of persecution. The prior Giovanni 
 Magalotti fearlessly resolved to put an end to this tyran- 
 nical abuse of constitutional powders intended only for the 
 preservation of liberty, and therefore assembling a council of 
 six hundred Piichiesti addressed them in a speech the pur- 
 port of which was to prove that the admonitory system was fast 
 bringing the republic to ruin. The sluice thus opened a tor- 
 rent of elo(iuence followed in the same strain, member after 
 member eagerly rising in support of Magalotti. On seeing 
 this, Lapo of Casteglionchio, who from steady patriotism had 
 tunied completely round and was now one of the fiercest ad- 
 monitionists, mounted the Ptinghiera and with a bold and 
 fluent tongue made a long rambling irrelevant speech until 
 tired of his vituperation Magalotti ordered him to cease and 
 descend from the platform. This command infuriated Lapo 
 who in a deafening tone cried out " Look gentlemen to what 
 " we are now reduced ! A Guelpli cannot speak in defence of 
 •* the Party Guelph ! What worse could we expect from 
 " Bernabo himself if he were lord of Florence ? Giovanni 
 " Magalotti and his followers are those who want to ruin the 
 " bulwarks and citadel of liberty by silencing us their defenders ! 
 " Will the rest of you gentlemen suffer such arrogance and 
 " tamely allow one man by the authority of his ill-suited office 
 *' to extinguish the most sacred tribunal of the Party Guelph, 
 " the base and foundation of this republic?" Manetto Ric- 
 ciardo one of the priors for Santo Spirito immediately asserted 
 that so far from wishing to check Lapo he had full liberty to 
 continue ; but Magalotti unmoved by this, sternly repeated his 
 command and confusion became general until the gonfalonier 
 ordered Lapo to terminate his speech as briefly as possible. 
 
364 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I, 
 
 ^\Tien he concluded many others rose and denounced the 
 
 admonitory system so effectually that a resolution was massed 
 
 which recommended the Sei^nory to take immediate measures 
 
 for curbmg or absolutely abolishing this tjTanny. Here was a 
 
 fair promise, but some delay in the execution afforded time for 
 
 fresh mtrigue ; and by new artifices the Capitani sheltered 
 
 themselves from the coming storm until the plague wlii.h had 
 
 agam ai)peared, dispersed it altogether, so that the only result 
 
 from this formidable gathering was the noting of ilanetto 
 
 Pacciardo in the books of the party as a friend .-nid benefoctor 
 
 and Giovanni :\Iagalotti as a suspected Ghibeline^:=. 
 
 It usually happens that amidst the jostle of factions and con- 
 sequent vicissitudes of power, the mass of lower and middle 
 ranks acquire something in the scramble, and in Florence at 
 almost every gi'eat revolution or reform some small advance was 
 made by the mmor trades towards a political equality with their 
 supenors. So in this nominal abasement of the Albizzi the lower 
 tradesmen demanded a voice in the court of commerce, and with 
 some reason as it was in eveiy way connected with their trades 
 hut still more closely as a court of bankruptcv. In consequence 
 of this demand which was considered just, two consuls from the 
 minor arts were added to the five already existing; yet it was a 
 questionable, and proved an imprudent act as regarded the 
 character of this court which had difficult and delicate duties 
 to perform, involving questions of international law and requir- 
 ing somethmg beyond the Wews and information then existing 
 amongst the mferior aitisans of Florence. The reputation of 
 this tnbunal as a court of admiralty was far and widely spread, 
 and with such confidence in its judgments that it was fre- 
 quented, and its decisions voluntarilv submitted to by France 
 Italy, and almost every other part of the commercial worid : 
 after this epoch however its reputation is said to have declined f. 
 
 *S Aminirato,Lib xiii P.C90. Marc, di Coppo Stefani, Lib. i^., 
 
 t S. Ammirato, Lib. xiii., o. C88.— Rub. 734. 
 
 CHAP. XXV.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 365 
 
 While these transactions were passing in Florence the re- 
 maining independent branches of the Ubaldini began to give 
 some trouble; Guaspari Ubaldino had surprised the Florentine 
 town of Castel Lione, and put the govenior and gai'rison to 
 death : tliis was a shaqi and unexpected blow, and the more so 
 because it was believed to have been struck by a stronger 
 hand, for the Ubaldini were in the Popes service who 
 since the conquests of All)ornoz had become a near and dis- 
 agreeable neighbour pressing the Florentine territories almost 
 on every side. Pope Gregory XI. was now undisputed lord 
 of all the patrimony ; of great part of La Marca and Pio- 
 magna ; and of the dukedom of Spoleto with Pemgia and 
 Bologna ; and the cardinal of Burgos who governed the latter 
 was fully as ambitious as his predecessor without his talents 
 or sagacitv. Moreover the Albizzi were known to be in close, 
 and as it would seein by a letter taken from the abbot of Santa 
 Triuita, in treasonable intercourse with tliis prelate-. In 
 these circumstances the outrage was for some time unnoticed 
 for fear of greater evil ; but as robberies under the auspices of 
 the Ubertini became frequent in the mountains a price was 
 set on the head of eleven of that family, and a magistracy 
 called the '' Eiijht of the AJj)s'' created to superintend their 
 defence and security. In the year 1373 after some successful 
 operations, Mainardo Fbaldini chief of the clan became a pri- 
 soner to Florence ; he was first offered liberty in exchange for 
 the town of Tirli, but failing in eveiy negotiation with his family 
 for this purj)ose was l)eheaded l)y the podesta, after both the 
 captain of the people and the executor of the ordmances of 
 justice had refused to carry out what they thought an unjust 
 sentence, because he had been made prisoner within his own 
 dominions. This fact while it honours those magistrates, proves 
 the extreme weakness of government, and Mainardo s death was 
 
 * As we learn from Marcliionne di Dicci Jella Libcrta, before whom tlic 
 Coppo Stcfuui, who was one of the affair came. — Libro ix., Rubrica 738. 
 
366 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY, 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI ] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 367 
 
 universally blamed, for he was a man of talent and reputation 
 and considered as the best of his restless race. After some 
 further success several of the Piguole branch of the family 
 voluntarily sun'endered themselves and were favourably re- 
 ceived as popolani of Florence : Lozzoli, Yaldagnello, Tu'li md 
 all their other strongholds, fourteen in number, subsequently 
 fell to the Florentines so that tliis numerous powerful and 
 troublesome race was at length completely conquered and the 
 republic relieved from a continual cause of anxiety and often 
 of serious alarm '^ 
 
 CoTEMPORARY MoNARCHS. — England : Edward III. — Scotland : David 
 Bnice, to 13/ 1 ; then Robert II. (Stuart)— France : Charles V. (The Wi^e) 
 —Castile and Leon : Peter the Cruel, 1368 ; then Ilenrv II. of Tra.tamarc 
 
 — Aragon : Peter IV.- Portugal : Peter I. to 1.3t>7;'thcn Fcrdmand— 
 Germany : Charles U . Emperor, and King of Bohemia.-Naples : Joanna I. 
 
 — Sicjlj: Fredenc III. of Aragon.— Popes : Urban V. to 1370; then 
 Gregory XI.— Poland : Casimir the Great to 1370; then Louis the Great, 
 Kmg of Hungarj- and Poland.— Greek Emperor : John Paljeolo-us.— Ottoman 
 Empire : Murad I. (Amurath). 
 
 * Some idea may be formed of the 
 power of this family by the following 
 list of Castdli, or fenced towns, pos- 
 sessed by them about this period in 
 the Apennines and Low Country, 
 though they Mere then much reduced 
 from their original splendour. Their 
 names were as follows: — Monte Gem- 
 moli, Frena, Caprile, Roccabruna, 
 Tirli, Monte Colloreto, Lozzolc, Vi- 
 
 giano, Castcllo Lione, Mantigno, Val- 
 dagnelli, Frassino, Susiiiana,Cerignolo, 
 Belmonte, Pignole, Visano, Bibbiana, 
 Piedimonte, Ciaregiuolo, Salicchio, 
 and Castelpagano. — Marchionnc di 
 Coppo Stefani, Lib. ix., Rub. 739.— 
 S. AmmiratOy Lib. xi., p. G04, and 
 Lib. xiii, pp. 08G-8-y.— i>/ano dd 
 Monaldi. 
 
 • 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1374 TO A.D. 1378. 
 
 A.D. 1374. 
 
 Before entering on the interesting portion of Florentine 
 history which immediately follows the transactions already nar- 
 rated, it may be as well to review the general condi- 
 tion of Italy up to this period and especially of Lom- 
 bardy, as more closely connected with what will follow. 
 
 Foreign invasions, the inroads of condottieri, Sicilian wars, 
 and domestic troubles, had successively kept the Idngdom of 
 Naples in a state of almost ceaseless agitation from the year 
 1350, when Louis king of Hungary had again occupied that 
 countr}^ and reduced Giovanna to such difficulties as compelled 
 the pontitf s interference to save her from destmction. In 1352 
 Clement VI. succeeded in restoring peace on condition that the 
 Hungarian, Giovanna, and Louis of Tarento, should all three 
 quit the realm until every circumstance of Andrea's murder 
 had been fully investigated ; so that if Giovanna should be im- 
 plicated Naples would become a forfeit to Louis of Hungary : 
 if not, she was still to reign, but pay him 300,000 floiins for liis 
 expenses. A young beautiful and fascinating woman pleading 
 her own cause before dissolute judges found more eloquence in 
 tears than words and soon proved her innocence in the eyes, if 
 not in the hearts of her auditors : she was acquitted by pope 
 and cardinals, and King Louis, although far from convinced, 
 acquiesced in the sentence but magnanimously or disdainfully 
 refused the subsidy. Giovanna and her husband were crowned 
 
368 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 in May 1:35 vl, and at Clement's request the long-imprisoned 
 Neapolitan princes sinuilumeously received their freedom from 
 Louis of Hanj:jan -. — But there were other sources of trouble. 
 
 From the time that Sicily fell under the sway of Aragon no 
 pennanent peace had ever existed with Xa[)les ; wars, descents, 
 rehellions, or revolts, had devastated both countries with 
 vai-ious and alternate miseiy ; yet Sicily remained inde}»endent. 
 The Neapolitan Louis a prince of no reputation died in loO^, 
 and Giovanna unable as a single woman to govern her turbu- 
 lent vassals married James of Aragon who was immediately 
 created Duke of Ccdabria ; but after Acciajuoli's death in 1300 
 fortune and her Sicilian conquests alike fell from her even to 
 Messina itself; so that in 137*2 she ceded the whole island to 
 King Frederic of Aragon as her feudatoiy fur a yearly tribute 
 of three thousand ounces of gold, equal at that time to about 
 15,000 florins, on condition of his relinquishing the royal title 
 of Sicily for that of Trincaria ; Giovanna herself exclusively 
 bearing the foiTuer. 
 
 Venice after a severe struggle with Louis of Hungary which 
 ended in 1358 by an ignominious peace, had again quarrelled 
 with Padua notwithstanding all the endeavours of Florence 
 the pope and Pisa to preserve tranquillity on land, while 
 another of her numerous wars with Genoa, itself in a state of 
 continual dissension, gave full occupation to all her maritime 
 forces. 
 
 Bologna in 1355 was governed by Giovanni d'Oleggio for 
 Matteo Visconte; but suspected and otTended by him and 
 unjustly treated by Galeazzo, with the aid of his Ghibeline 
 adherents, the Maltraversi, he revolted and under the title of 
 protector became absolute lord of that city : the confederates 
 hailed this defection by instantly sending troops to his aid, and 
 being an able determined man, Visconte s troops were repulsed 
 and Oleggio's authority more firmly established. Meanwhile 
 
 Costanzo, 1st. di Hap., vol. \°, Lib., vi., p. 36G. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 369 
 
 Matteo Visconte suddenly died ; he was remarkable for his 
 beauty talents and indolence, and fell a victim, it was believed, 
 as much to the aml)ition of his two brothers as to their appre- 
 hension of mischief from his licentiousness which left the honour 
 of no family miassailed however high their rank and respecta- 
 bility -s They now shared his domhiions, still leaving Genoa as 
 common property; and in this partition Bologna fell to the lot of 
 Bemabo. In 1350 Giovanni d'Gleggio agreed by treaty to retain 
 the lordship of that city during his lifetime only ; but on Ber- 
 nabo's part the whole transaction was deceptive, and under the 
 false pretence of attacking b errara he despatched Arrigo, son 
 of Castruccio Castracani, with a strong force to Bologna : 
 Arrigo soon began to conspire against the state but was de- 
 tected and with many others beheaded in defiance of every 
 consequence by Oleggio, who after this naturally fell into the 
 arms of the league, the onlv fruit that P)ernab6's treacherv 
 produced. Galeazzo in like marnier alienated John Palaeo- 
 logus Marquis of Monferrato, a prince of great power and abi- 
 lity, who in concert with the Beccaria of Pavia, and havhig 
 himself considerable influence there as imperial vicar, openly 
 defied the Visconti. With the help of Savoy he soon gained 
 possession of Asti, Alba, Cheraseo, Chieri, and almost all the 
 Piedmontese cities, his enemy's indignation the while turning 
 fiercely on Pavia which was closely blockaded hi May, and a 
 second army simultaneously dropped down the Po to besiege 
 Borgoforte hi the jMantuan country. 
 
 By the aid of ]\Ionferrato and the stirring eloquence of 
 Petrarca's friend the Fra Jacopo Bussolari, a man of great 
 energy and apparent self-devotion, one bold and successful sally 
 was made, the Mflanese works were destroyed and the city 
 finally liberated on the twenty-seventh of May 1350 whfle the 
 
 The probability seems to be that be ing to Corio, was disgusting. (Vide 
 died from the pure effects of dc- Corio dvW Ilistorie Milanese^ Parte 
 bauchery, the excess of wiiicb, accord- iii% folio 229). 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 B B 
 
370 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Visconti were tlmce defeated in other places by the comhmed 
 forces of Reggio, Mantua, and the Marquis of Ferrara. The 
 confederates about this period purchased Count Lando's slippery- 
 aid with all his free companions, and their armies thus aug- 
 mented carried fii'e and sword throughout the Milanese states. 
 Lando then joined the ^larquis of Monferrato ; more losses 
 accmed to Milan; Genoa revolted in November; and the 
 deposed Doge Boccanegra then an exile at Pisa, or, according to 
 Muratori, a sort of hostage at Milan, was reinstated in all his 
 former authority notwithstanding the opposition of the nobles, 
 who were not only excluded from power but some of them 
 exiled, while he made cormnon cause with the mai'quis and 
 became a deadly foe of Milan *. 
 
 Things were thus in Lombardy when Cardinal Alboraoz, 
 after having with great political sagacity militaiy skill and 
 perseverance, reoccupied a large portion of the ecclesiastical 
 states, turned his arms against Francesco degli Ordelaffi Lord 
 of Forli, Forlimpopoli, and Cesina, as well as against Rinieri and 
 Giovaimi di Manfredi Seignors of Faenza, whom along with 
 the Grand Company he anathematised, and followed it up by 
 publishing that crusade which in 1357 was so successful at 
 Florence f . Faenza and Ascoli surrendered, but Cesina was 
 long and gallantly defended by Cea wife of Francesco Ordelaffi 
 until compelled to yield by an insuiTection (jf the far less 
 devoted citizens. 
 
 The Lombard war continued in favour of the allies until June 
 1358 when peace was concluded; but to Beniabo Visconte ji 
 treaty was the mere couching of the tiger for a more deadly 
 spring, and accordingly the following year he attempted to 
 sui-prise Bologna. The siege of Pavia was also renewed without 
 
 * Corio, Hist. Mil., Parte iii% folio Arch. Stor. Ital. 
 
 •231, Ed. 1554. — M. Villain, Lib. vii,, f Muratori places this event in l.jofi, 
 
 cap. xl. Muratori, Anno 135G. — after Villani, Ammirato in 1357. — 
 
 Cronache Milanesi di Giovani, P. M. Villani, Lib. vi., cap. xiv. — ^Mura- 
 
 Caguola, &c., Lib. i", p. VJj vol. iii. — tori Annali, Anno 135G. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 371 
 
 that city being able to receive any aid from Piedmont ; for the 
 Marquis of Monferrato after havuig engaged Lando and Baum- 
 garten during their disgraceful retreat from Tuscany, was ulti- 
 mately deserted by both ; and Bussolari who had ousted the 
 Beccaria, although to his own certain iTiin, yet surrendered 
 Pavia on favourable conditions to Galeazzo in 1359: ForH 
 yielded the same year and Romagna became tranquil; but 
 Oleggio, being too hardly pressed by Bernabo Visconte, abdicated 
 in favour of the church receiving Fermo in exchange for Bo- 
 logna, to the great joy of the inhabitants. The war and siege 
 nevertheless continued until Visconte s anny retired before an 
 auxiliaiy force of wild Hungarians levied by Albornoz in 
 1360. 
 
 Galeazzo meanwhile was still in active hostilitv with Mon- 
 ferrate and the "White Company:" while Albornoz, Ferrara, 
 Padua, and Reggio, misuccessfully united in a demand for aid 
 from Florence who still remained faithful to her treaty with 
 Milan though fully alive to Visconte's increasing power and the 
 risk of pontifical enmity *. 
 
 War soon recommenced in Lombardy and Bernabo, excom- 
 municated by Urban V. and afterwards defeated by the con- 
 federates at Crevacuore, was linally compelled to cede Bologna 
 to the church at a general peace concluded in 1364 between 
 Milan and the other belligerent states. Two years afterwards 
 an alliance, already mentioned, betw^een the pope and emperor, 
 nominally against all free companies but really against 
 the Visconti, was commenced through the secret agency of 
 Niccolo d' Este and Malatesta Unghero. and this awakening 
 Bernabo s suspicion produced a demand on his part for admit- 
 tance as a member on purpose to test their sincerity. Urban 
 refeiTed him to Charles who endeavoured to mislead the too 
 subtile Visconte by hollow professions and false excuses: 
 but Beniabo was not easily overreached, therefore instantly 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib. xii.,p COl. 
 B B 2 
 
372 
 
 FLORENTINE UISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 commanded bis natuml sou Ambrogio to levy fresb troops in 
 tbe Genoese territory wbere loose adventurers of all nations 
 abounded, and witli a plentiful supply of money tbe company 
 of Saint George soon rose in compact order from tbe strag- 
 gling freebooters of England France and Gennany. Genoa 
 wus^'immediately menaced, and cowering under tbe uplifted 
 arm of Visconte implored bis alliance. Tbis left Ambrogio 
 at liberty to unite ANitb Hawkwood after bis defeat by Baum- 
 garten and subsequent expulsion from Siena; but a later 
 attack on tbe Neapolitan dominions by tbis young cbieftain was 
 less fortunate ; for after having inflicted mucb miseiy tbere, be 
 was toUilly defeated and made prisoner by Giovanni Malatacca 
 witb tbe combined forces of Rome and Naples ; tbree bundred 
 of bis followers were instantly banged by tbe pope and tlie wbole 
 company annibilated *. 
 
 Galeazzo Visconte wbo like Beniabo was ever seeking for 
 bigb family alliances, after mari-ying bis son to Isabella of 
 France, in l:30s united bis daughter Violanto witb Lionel 
 Duke of Clarence son of Edward III. of England, and giving 
 witb ber besides a dowiy of -200,000 florins, tbe city of Alba 
 and other fortified towns in Tiedmont. These nuptials were 
 celebrated with extraordinary^ magnificence in tbe beginning of 
 June, but Clarence, exhausted as was believed by intem- 
 perance, died within the year and mucb vexation accrued to 
 (ialeazzo in consequence wbo lost not only Alba but all tbe 
 other towns, along with that attachment of the English com- 
 panies to secure whose fidelity was, according to some authors, 
 one of his great inducements to tbis match f. 
 
 After the peace with Charles and his allies in 1 309 ; and 
 tbe renewed hostibties consequent on the revolt of San Miniato 
 when Florence became his enemy, Galeazzo recommenced tbe 
 war witb Montferrato who bad purchased Alba and tbe otlier 
 
 ♦ Miiratori, Annali, Anni 1366-1367. 
 
 t Muratori, Annali, 1368, 1369.-Corio, Parte iii% f«.lio 238. 
 
 CHIP. XXVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 373 
 
 Piedmontese towns from tbe English, while Bernabo acquired 
 Sarazana and FtOggio ; tbe former by voluntaiy cession, tlie 
 latter by purchase from a condottiere, brother to Count Lando, 
 who had been employed by Niccolo d' Este to take treache- 
 rous possession of it for him. Having sacked tbe town witli 
 unusual cmelty even for these freebooters, tbis chief betrayed 
 his deceitful employer and sold it in 1371 to the most bitter 
 enemy of d' Este. Such was tbe ffiitli of mercenaries, tbe 
 morality of princes, and tbe lamentable destiny of unoffending 
 citizens in that turbulent and remorseless age ! 
 
 Ambrogio Visconte, wbo was now ransomed and command- 
 ing the ]\Iilanese army, invaded both Ferrara and Modena to 
 the great alarm of Gregory and bis allies ; more especially as 
 they were now deprived of the Marquis of Monferrato's abilities, 
 for this distinguished chieftain died in 137'2 leaving bis children 
 mmors under tbe protection of that pontiff and Duke Otho of 
 Brunswick. These princes uniting witb Amadeo Count of 
 Savoy, who became alarmed at Frederic Marquis of Saluzzos 
 movements in favour of Visconte, continued tbe war against 
 Galeazzo and bis new ally, while tbe other papal forces with 
 Nicholas of Este, Francis Carrara of Padua and a body of Flo- 
 rentine auxiliaries made war on Bernabo; nor did Florence 
 violate tbe treaty of 1370 by this assistance, as a friendly force 
 could in those days be honourably despatched to the succour of 
 an ally if so bound by previous treaty, without any national 
 quarrel or new cause of offence. Tbis araiy was defeated by 
 Ambrogio on tbe second of June, after a bloody battle in which 
 Rod a German commander of the Florentines and a thousand 
 men were made prisoners, amongst others William of Fogliano 
 the general-in-chief who was barbarously put to death by Ber- 
 nabo. The capture of Correggio followed as an immediate 
 consequence of this victory, and Bernabo improving bis advan- 
 tage attempted the siege of Modena but was foiled by tbe 
 confederates now reenforced by the legate of Bologna and a 
 
374 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Neapolitan contingent : yet Milan was more weakened and her 
 enemy more strengthened by the departure of Hawkwood, who 
 disgusted at not being allowed to bring the Count of Savoy to 
 battle joined the papal army as soon as his term of service had 
 expired and changed the fortune of the war. 
 
 In the security of a short tmce concluded l)y the mediation 
 of France, Ambrogio, apparently unauthorised by his father ; 
 devastated all the Bolognese territory up to the city gates and 
 carried off plunder amoimting to 600,000 florins : as this 
 threatened a renewal of hostilities, Pope Gregoiy XL imposed 
 a tithe on England, Hungary, Poland, Denmtirk, Sweden, 
 and Norway, and with the submissive zeal of these pious king- 
 doms maintained two powerful armies ; one in Piedmont 
 against Galeazzo ; the other to oppose his brother in Lom- 
 bardy; and excommunicated both in 1373. The only effect 
 of this anathema was a fresh and immediate spoliation of 
 church property throughout all the Milanese territor}^ ; and at 
 the natural expiration of the truce, that of Bologna was again 
 ravaged by Ambrogio Visconte. But the latter was now 
 opposed by a more skilful enemy who attacked his retreating 
 army encumbered as it was with prey and plunder, and de- 
 feated him at the river Panaro with severe loss. Hawkwood 
 by this victory opened all the tenitory of Pavia and Piacenza, 
 and many Guelphic towns seized the occasion for revolt, while 
 Amadeo of Savoy advanced on the other side canying devasta- 
 tion almost to the gates of Pa\Ta, and even ravaging for several 
 months the whole Milanese territory, besides cutting off most 
 of the communications with that capital. 
 
 To prevent the junction of liis enemies Visconte boldly 
 tnrew himself between them and routed a large body of troops 
 at Monte Chiaro, but the Lord of Cussi and Hawkwood coming 
 speedily up, although much inferior in numbers, gave him a 
 signal defeat on the eighth of May 1373 at Gavardo near the 
 bridge of the river Chiesi, capturing many nobles of the highest 
 
 CHAP. XXVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 375 
 
 rank and distinction. Revolts followed with great rapidity in 
 the Bergamese territory ; Ambrogio was killed on the seven- 
 teenth of August in attempting to quell them, and Bemabo 
 grieved and furious at his son s death marched in person to the 
 scene of action and wreaked a cruel vengeance on the rebellious 
 province. About the same time Galeazzo recovered many 
 of his losses in the Piacentino and affairs being thus rendered 
 more equal peace began to be talked of, but the French legates, 
 who absolutely disposed of the papal revenues as they pleased, 
 found war more advantageous for their o\\ti interest and Lom- 
 bardy was for a while longer held to this ^erj ordeal without 
 remorse or mitigation*. Thus from Venice to Genoa human 
 passions, borne Onward by unbridled power, spread desolation 
 like a pall over the land ;" hatred, treachery, and ambition were 
 struggling for mastery on eveiy side, and priest and potentate 
 trampled down humanity like the mossy covering of the earth, 
 as fit only to bear the print of their remorseless footsteps. 
 
 We have already seen how the great lords of Italy had 
 profited by the pope's residence at Avignon to usurp almost 
 all the ecclesiastical dominions : in Romagna, La Marca, Spo- 
 leto and the Patrimony, eveiything had been occupied : Gio- 
 vanni di Vico, the Malatesti of Rimini, Polenta of Piavenna, 
 Gentile Mogliano of Feimo, Francesco Ordelaffi of Forii, 
 besides a swarm of lesser tyrants, had usurped the sovereignty 
 of numerous cities wliich it was necessary that the church 
 should either recover, or else abandon together with all her 
 temporal power in Italy. It has been shown how Cardinal 
 Egidio Albornoz of Toledo who had acquired much military 
 experience in the Moorish wars, succeeded in attcomplishing 
 the former task, to which indeed he was peculiariy adapted, as 
 a soldier a scholar and a statesman. With a rapid perception 
 of the weak points in human character he used them as the 
 means of leading men at his will ; prompt in conception, 
 
 * Muratori, Annali, Anno 1373. 
 
376 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 prompter in execution, he yet possessed a keen-sighted and 
 far-reaching patience which always enabled him to strike at 
 the proper moment, and liis blows were sure, sudden, and 
 unexpected. Moderate after victory, unsubdued by defeat, he 
 seemed to w^ax stronger from misfortune, and without more 
 scruples than others of liis time, he was at once firai and 
 gentle, severe or affable, as occasion required ; and whether 
 sagaciously threading liis way through the intricacies of human 
 government, or boldly meeting all the violence of war, he 
 generally accomplished his purj)ose: such at least was his 
 cliaracter amongst cotemporaries ; and thus working, in about 
 four years he was enabled to complete his bold and arduous 
 entei'prise. The foreign character and predilections of the 
 papal court had a baneful influence on Itidy, governed as it 
 was entii'ely by French legates whose rule was haughty, inso- 
 lent, and almost intolerable. Not only the ecclesiastical cities 
 but those also which called themselves free did they according 
 to Aretino, endeavour to subjugate : all their governments and 
 establishments were those of war not peace, and Italy was 
 filled with fierce transalpine adventurers who came in herds to 
 batten on her fruitfulness. 
 
 The citadels which in many free cities were built by these 
 rulers at enormous cost, proved that the people felt no sensation 
 of liberty but rather endured a forced and miserable servitude, 
 while the legates, execrated by their subjects, were universally 
 feared and suspected by their neighbours. Such was the state 
 of Italy in 1374, and Beruabo becoming every day more doubt- 
 ful and uneasy determined notwithstanding the legate's oppo- 
 sition to negotiate a truce at Avignon, which by dint of money 
 was accomplished, but only for one year, in 1374. He was 
 more anxious for this pause foreseeing that the condottieri 
 once discharged from the papal service would resume their 
 usual com-se by oveiTunning and perhaps devastating Tuscany; 
 and probably suspecting the legate's secret designs, expected 
 
 CHAP. XXVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY 
 
 377 
 
 that instead of an ancient friend a new and bitter enemy would 
 aiise against the chm'ch in the leading state of that countiy*. 
 
 Florence at this period had greatly suffered and the public 
 mind became painfully depressed by successive inflictions of 
 flood pestilence and famhie : plague disappeared in autumn, 
 but rains and devastating floods soon followed, and a searching 
 scarcity of food thinned out the afflicted citizens. The late truce 
 was also pregnant with evils the offspring of priestly ambition ; 
 and a fearful extension of ecclesiastical power ultimately forced 
 on a war that however just in its objects, skilful and vigorous 
 in execution, and glorious in its termination ; was nevertheless 
 accompanied by even more than the usual atrocities ; atrocities 
 not committed by Florence, but by the so-called Christian 
 pastors of a Christian church, and their cruel and remorseless 
 myrmidons f . 
 
 The new year brought with it a more sickening scarcity, 
 while the Bolognese territory and Piomagna abounded ; 
 earnest entreaties were made to the legate for a sup- 
 ply of corn, and with confident expectations of success ; he was 
 the ally of Florence, her troops were still in his service, and 
 she had always been the unflinching adherent of popes and 
 priestcraft: no doubt was therefore entertained of receiving 
 tlie customary provisions from those provinces ; but the alarm 
 and anger that distracted that commmiity may be conceived 
 when his stern refusal was publicly announced to the citizens. 
 William de Koellet cardinal of Saint Angelo, who had suc- 
 ceeded the cardinal of Burgos at Bologna had anything in 
 view but the relief of Florence ; disgusted at her refusal to 
 lend him money for the payment of his troops he turned them 
 loose upon her territory and aimed through the papal influ- 
 ence at supreme power in Tuscany : misjudging the Florentine 
 
 * Leon. Aretino, Lib. viii.— Doracn. + Poggio Bracciolini, Lib. i.— S. Am- 
 Boninsegni, Historic Fiorentine, Lib. mirato, Lib. xiii., p. 689. 
 iv., p. 559. 
 
 A.D. 1375. 
 
378 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 character he imagined that tired of internal quarrels, re- 
 duced by sickness, and subdued by famine ; the people would 
 turn against their lulers and gladly receive the man who would 
 bring peace and abundance to their sufferings. Their habitual 
 reverence for the church and the secret favour of the Albizzi 
 strengthened this belief ; and so con\inced was he of its truth 
 that he sent an engineer covertly to examine and report on 
 the most favourable position for constructing a citadel at 
 Florence*. 
 
 Whether acting under secret instructions from A\ignon or 
 independently of that court, Noellet continued his cruel prohibi- 
 tion in the face of a papal order to the contrary, and compelled 
 Florence to supply herself elsewhere at a ruinous expense, in 
 order to hold out until the forthcoming harvest. Even this 
 hope began to wither when she beheld Hawkwood and all liis 
 freebooters let loose upon her plains as Bernabo had antici- 
 pated ; ostensibly as an unretained and independent chieftain, 
 but really a paid condottiere acting by command of the car- 
 dinal, who not only ordered the harvest to be destroyed but also 
 organised a conspiracy at Prato by means of a priest and a friar, 
 for the delivery of that important city into his possession. 
 Hawkwood who disliked the French was inclined from mere 
 calculation of individual interest to the side of Florence -svith 
 whom he soon came to an undei'standmg and gave secret in- 
 formation of ever}'thing : the conspirators were taken and 
 hanged while Hawkwood was bought oif for five years at the 
 price of 1 30,000 florins, and so this summer s harvest escaped 
 along with the republic itself from almost certain destruction!. 
 
 Previous to this transaction an embassy had been sent to 
 
 ♦ M. di Coppo Stefani, Lib. ix., Boninsegni, Lib. iv., p. 559. — M. ili 
 
 Rubric 75L — Poggio Bracciolini, Coppo Stefani, Lib. ix., Rub. 75L — 
 
 Istoria Fiorentina, Lib. i., p. 3L — Poggio Bracciolini, Lib. ii., p. 34. — 
 
 " Cronichetto d' Incerto," Vide Man- Leon. Aretino, Lib. viii., folio 157. — 
 
 ni's collection, Florence, 1733, p. 202. S. Ammirato, Lib. xiii.j p. 692. — 
 
 f Cronichetto d' Incerto, p. 203. — Macchiavelli, Lib. iii. 
 
 CHAP. xxvi.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 379 
 
 remonstrate with the legate on his breach of faith, and demand 
 the recal of Hawkwood ; but Noellet loudly disowned the act ; 
 asserted that he was no longer employed by the church ; advised 
 the Florentines to oppose him stoutly ; and at the ambassador's 
 request furnished them with a letter to that general containing 
 a formal discharge from the papal service. The artful plenipo- 
 tentiaries lost no time hi forwarding tliis document by a secret 
 messenger to Hawkwood and their own government, while the 
 legate more leisurely despatched a comiter order to the Eng- 
 lishman urging an implicit obedience to his previous instruc- 
 tions. Hawkwood however preferred 130,000 florins, and an 
 annual salary of r200 more while he remamed in Italy, to 
 tlie odium of undertaking such an entei'prise for the benefit of 
 others ; wherefore availing himself of this false discharge he 
 became the friend instead of the enemy of Florence *. So 
 monstrous a web of treacher}^ combined with the hostile move- 
 ments of Gerard Dupuis abbot of Montmayeur, on the Perugian 
 frontier whence he threatened Siena, filled the citizens with 
 deeper alarm and more intense indignation : they now saw the 
 futility of religious scruples, were convinced that no time should 
 be lost, and at the exhortation of Niccolo di Guigni Gonfalonier 
 of Justice, all private and political animosities were repressed ; 
 even the Albizzi, now as powerful as ever and devoted to the 
 church, were compelled to join in the general ardour, and an 
 universal burst of anger was heard from the towers of Florence. 
 Nevertheless so profoundly reverenced was the church that 
 even the sound of war against a pope appeared to many little 
 less than blasphemy: numbers opposed it on this pretence 
 but really from party motives alone ; and although U guccione 
 Ricci was dead, the present discussion and a proposed alliance 
 with Bemabo Visconte whom he had ever supported, roused all 
 that faction into full activity. The Albizzi could not stem this 
 torrent ; a general council assembled and declared the cause of 
 
 * M. di Coppo Stefani, Lib. ix., Rub. 75L 
 
380 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 lil^erty paramount to everj^ other consideration ; the war wiis 
 affirmed to he rather against the injustice and tyranny of foreign 
 goveniors than the church itself ; an immediate aUiance \\'ith 
 Bemaho was voted ^^thout opposition, and all the eeclesiustical 
 cities then groaning under French oppression were to be invited 
 to revolt and boldly achieve their independence *. These spiiited 
 resolutions were instantly executed, and on the eight of August 
 1375 Alessandro de' Bardi, Giovanni Dini, Giovanni Magalotti, 
 Andrea Salviati, Tommaso Strozzi, Guiccio Guicci, Matteo 
 Soldi, and Giovanni de' Moni : names justly celebrated ; were 
 formed into a supreme council of war called " Gli Otto della 
 Guerra;" and aftei*wards, from their able conduct, ^Mili Ono 
 Santi dell.\ Guerra"! ; armed with the concentrated power 
 of the whole Florentine nation in wliat regarded war. Tliese 
 happened to be all inimical to the Albizzi and Admonition, and 
 yet by their combined influence the latter faction under Pieru 
 Albizzi, Carlo Strozzi, and I.jipo Castiglionchio was driven to a 
 closer union in self-defence, and therefore to a more determined 
 and severe exercise of that obnoxious power, accompanied by 
 great public injury and the consolidation of its own pernicious 
 authority J. 
 
 All this did not damp the energy of government, wh.. 
 conceiving the war exclusively ecclesiastical, created a new 
 board of finance on puq)ose to tax church property for its sup- 
 port : 90,000 florins were thus raised and instantly applied to 
 discharge so much of Hawk wood s subsidy ; nor did their 
 labours end here ; both priests and monks were still squeezed 
 even to the sale of their possessions and moveables with a sort 
 of poetical justice that at once pletxsed and alarmed the people. 
 Nor was their apprehension unfounded, for a flash of papal 
 indignation almost instantly descended on the gonfalonier priors 
 
 * Poggio Bracciolini, Lib. ii., p. 36. 694.— Macchiavclli, Lib. iii. — Mar, 
 + " The Eight Saints of the Warr di Coppo Stcfani, Istor. Fior., Lib. ix. 
 i Scip. Ammirato, Lib. xiii., pp. 693, Rub. 732, 755. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 351 
 
 and council of war; the whole government was thus struck 
 along with many other citizens who held no official employment; 
 and while the nation still trembled from this shock another 
 volley withered its branches throughout all Europe. Monarchs 
 were forbidden to harltour them ; their goods were outlawed ; 
 from Germany, England, France, Hungaiy, and Naples they 
 were banished, despoiled, and treated more or less severely 
 according to the degree of pap;il influence and the existing 
 policy of governments ; but the public and private loss was 
 fearful : yet in the midst of this persecution both Venice and 
 Pisa received them, traded as usual, and nobly disregarded 
 eyerj ecclesiastical censure ■'-. 
 
 Nothing daunted, the govennnent forbid any citizen either 
 to ask for or accept the bishoprics of Florence or Fiesole, on 
 the pretext that their friends and relations were apt to assume 
 too much pride and often oppressed the people : severe pe- 
 nalties attended this law which even the seignoiy was bound 
 both in letter and in spirit to respect ; for the mere asser- 
 tion of its being " contraiy to church privileges "' was made 
 punishable by the penalty of 1000 floruis. This was closely 
 followed by an edict which deprived ecclesiastics of the right to 
 carr}^ arms or maintain armed followers and also of the power 
 of licensing others to do so, which was thenceforth reseiTed to 
 the govennnent alone ; and thus new fire was heaped on this 
 fiercely blazing flame. On the twenty-seventh of July 1375 
 a short time before the creation of the " Otto della Guerra," 
 the league witli Bernabo, although perseveringly thwarted by 
 Albizzi and the cliurch party and even delayed by Galeazzo 
 Visconte in his anxiety to avoid a new rupture with Avignon, 
 was concluded for five years f . 
 
 To Bernabo the depression of the church or Florence was 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib. xiii., p. 696.— f S. Ammirato, Lib. xiii., p. 693.— 
 M. di Coppo Stefani, Lib. ix., Rub. Cionichctto d' lucerto, p. 204. Dom. 
 754. Munni's collection. 
 
382 
 
 FLORENTIKE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 equally acceptaLle ; they were obstacles to his ambition, and 
 their disunion his best policy ; he therefore rejoiced at so fair 
 an opportunity of weakening both by supporting either ; and 
 although he engaged to maintain eleven hundred and fifty 
 lances besides heaNT-armed mfantry, archers, and crossbow- 
 men, more real service was hoped from his reputation than 
 assistance for the Milanese forces were bound not to enter the 
 pope's territory which would have infringed the truce ; but the 
 potent name of Visconte was likely to produce greater con- 
 sequences in the forthcoming negotiations with disaffected 
 cities. The general detestation of French tyranny was too 
 notorious, and the lever it offered much too powerful to be 
 neglected by statesmen so able and spirited as the " Otto della 
 GueiTa,"who were moreover determined to let no superstitious 
 scruples impede their public labours. They had money at com- 
 mand, and acting independent of all control began quietly to sap 
 the tottering foundations of papal authority throughout the 
 ecclesiastical states while at home there appeared no outward 
 symptom of aggression : they made no warlike prepai'ations 
 except for defence ; appomted no celebrated capUiin, not even an 
 Italian ; and contented themselves with promoting Conrad of 
 Suabia, an officer already m their service, to command the 
 troops ; but at the same time Montefeltrino was purchased from 
 the Belforti, and Pozzo in the Mugello from the Bardi family 
 as positions necessary to national protection *. 
 
 Notwithstanding this apparent calm treaties were also formed 
 or on foot with Siena, Lucca, Cortona, and Arezzo, all suffer- 
 ing from or feaiM of the church ; Pisa joined in the followuig 
 January and the army was notably increased, organised, and 
 made ready for action. On the ninth of December Conrad 
 received two standards : one the usual Florentine Lily, the 
 other red, with the word Libertas written diagonally across 
 
 * Chronichetto d' Incerto, p. 204. Col". Dom«. Manni. 
 Lib. xiii., p. G94. 
 
 S. Ammii-ato, 
 
 CHAP, xxvr.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 383 
 
 it in silver letters ; and at the head of nine hundred lances and 
 crossbows marched to assist Perugia. Florence now declared 
 herself ready to support imconditionally any ecclesiastical city 
 that desired its freedom ; but thus undemiined, the whole tem- 
 poral edifice of papal authority began to crumble, according to 
 the emphatic expression of a Florentine, like a dr}^ wall from 
 which the supporting stones had been abstracted *. In an 
 instant Citta di Castello, Viterbo, Montefiascone, Perugia, 
 Foligno, Spoleto, Todi, Ascoli, Orvieto, Toscanella, Orti, Narni, 
 Camerino, Urbino, Ptadicofani and Sarteano successively fell off; 
 and after a short time no less than eighty cities and walled 
 towns cast off the high-priest s burden and achieved then- free- 
 dom. Several would have given themselves to Florence, but 
 her only answer was Libertas; militaiy aid, and a recommend- 
 ation to lose no time in securing their independence \. 
 
 The order of these rebellions varies in cUfferent authors ; 
 the citadel of Ascoli, under Gomez Alboraoz nephew of the 
 cardinal held out long ; several cities reestablished their former 
 seignors ; Forii for histance recalled Sinibaldo degli Ordilaffi 
 son of the heroic Marzia ; and Galeotto Malatesta of Rimini 
 alone remained fciitliful to the church which with the exception 
 of that fief and its dependencies lost in one year no less than 
 sixty-four cities and fifteen hundred and seventy-seven castelli 
 or fortified' towns by this well-conducted enteqnise. And 
 because Florence would put forth all her strength without 
 incuml»rance a Milanese army occupied and guarded her terri- 
 tory while Hawkwood, yet in the papal service, was hurried 
 from place to place as revolts broke forth, and still as he moved 
 the town just quitted rose in arms and achieved its liberty, while 
 that he marched on was already free |. 
 
 * M. di Coppo Stcfani, Lib. ix., Rub. t Sismondi, vol v., cap. xlix.— Croni- 
 
 753.— CronichettodMncerto.— Bon- chetto d' Incerto, p. 205. — Leon, 
 
 insegnie. Lib. iv., p. 565.-Sisniondi, Aretino, Lib. viii.— Dom. Bonmsegni, 
 
 , " ' ,. *^ T ;k ;,r « eifji c Amniirato. Lib. 
 
 vol. v., cap. xlix 
 
 VUi. v., LilU. AllA. - -7 I 
 
 t M. di Coppo Stcfani, Lib. ix., R. 753. xiu,, p. 095. 
 
 Lib. iv., p. 564.— S. Ammirato, Lib. 
 
38 i 
 
 FLORENHNE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 The thunder of this avalanche vibrated through the Alpine 
 solitudes and to the halls of Avignon ^vith such a din as to startle 
 the lascivious slumbers of its priestly inmates : Pope Gregory 
 was aroused in fear and anger; and alarmed for Bologna suddenly 
 enlisted the last of those free companies that remained hi 
 Fmnce, under John of Malestroit and Silvester of Buda. This 
 band exceeded all others hi boasting and ferocity though not in 
 valour ; it was ten thousand strong, and when its commanders 
 were asked if they thought they could enter Floron.e, " Yes, if 
 the sun can enter there' was their vain audacious answer; yet 
 they not only did not penetrate into that city but never even 
 set foot on the Florentine territorv\ 
 
 The pope at the commencement of l:)TC, feeling perhaps 
 some touch of conscience at the prospect of letting such a band 
 of miscreants loose on Italy, sent Niccola Spinrllo, seneschal 
 of Provence, and Bartolommeo Giacoppi, a Genoese doctor of 
 laws, to treat of peace with offers to set Perugia and Citta di 
 Castello at liberty if the Florentmes would only leave 
 A.D. 1376. j3^i^gj^^ mnuolested and discontinue tlie war. Many 
 councils of Richiesti were held on these proposals and much 
 inclination for peace prevailed in Florence ; but under cover of 
 all these the eight saints, still stem and determined, completed 
 their negotiation with Bologna and that city at length asserted 
 its mdependence. Nevertheless it would probably have remained 
 faitliful if the legate, unable to pay Hawkwood to whom he was 
 deeply indebted, had not given the two small towns of Castro 
 Caro and Bagno Cavallo in pledge for payment; these were of 
 course most cruelly plundered, and a report becoming rife, at the 
 moment when Hawkwood was mvesting the rebellious town of 
 Grananiolo. that Bologna was sold to the Manpis of Este, 
 deteiTained the citizens to revolt. 
 
 The Florenthie troops, who always kept the field, in- 
 stantly marched in considerable force with the stondard of 
 liberty to their aid : when this news reached Florence, where 
 
 CHAP. XXVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 3S5 
 
 negotiations for peace were in progress founded principally on 
 a belief in that city's fidelity, the papal ambassadors took fright 
 and departed in high auger to Avignon. The Florentines were 
 blamed, even by many of their own citizens, not only for urging 
 the pope's subjects to rebellion duiing such negotiations, but also 
 for losing so fair an occasion of honourably ternnnatmg the war ; 
 and perhaps for tlieir own exclusive benefit peace would have 
 been preferable because the church formed a strong bulwark 
 against IMilanese ambition ; but their views were far higher, 
 their aspirations more generous, it was the cause of all Italy, 
 not Florence alone ; they had excited city after city to revolt ; 
 exposed an enormous mass of Italian people to foreign ven- 
 geance and papal indignation and were drawing down on that 
 couiitr}^ new hordes of cruel and relentless freebooters : they 
 were the chiefs and leadins of tliis wide-spread insurrection and 
 had advanced too far to retreat either with honour to themselves 
 or safety to their confederates. Moreover though Bologna did 
 not revolt until the nineteenth of Marcli, spiritual proceedings 
 had been long in progi-ess against the Florentines and they were 
 even cited to appear before the consistory at Avignon as eariy 
 as the third of Februaiy. This and the descent of the Bretons 
 were meant to intimidate, but only exasperated; and conse- 
 (juently sealed the fate of Bologna. 
 
 Hostilities therefore continued ; but there were nevertheless 
 loud cries against this resolution not only by the church ]iarty 
 but many honest citizens who saw more real good in honour- 
 able peace than successful war, independent of all religious 
 scruples. To depress the church appeared impolitic in the 
 eyes of some ; the independence of Bologna an object of great 
 magnitude to others ; religious scmples had their full weight 
 with the devout ; and private views and indi\idual interests 
 intluenced many, as may well be believed in a commercial 
 state ruled exclusively by commercial men : but the triumphs 
 and dictatorial power of the eight, backed by almost universal 
 
 VOL. II. t c 
 
 
386 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [nooK I. 
 
 indiguation, and the belief that whatever course were taken the 
 city was still doomed to suffer under papal censures, carried 
 the war party over e\ ery obstacle and bore them right onward 
 in their course of victory. Xor was their ardour lessened at 
 hearing of the sack of Faenza which the count of Romagna on 
 the news of Bologna s rebellion had delivered in charge to 
 Hawkwood and eight hundred English lances. This chief 
 expelled as it were from Bologna and shut out from Grananuolo 
 with long aiTears of pay due by the church whose affairs were 
 in ruin, determined to shift for himself : he therefore without 
 scniple gave up Faenza to his troops who driving out the elder 
 women and children put many citizens to death, retained the 
 young women and even the nuns amongst themselves and then 
 sold this desolate city to the marquis of Ferrara, from whom it 
 was taken a short time after by means of the Florentmes, and 
 restored to the Manfredi its ancient lords -:=. 
 
 Notwithstanding their profound and even superstitious reve- 
 rence for the church, the Florentines were not so much scared 
 by its spiritual censures, as alarmed for the financial injun 
 likely to follow from a disturbance of their commercial relations. 
 Depending entirely on trade and maiuifactures, their merchants 
 were thicldy planted in every region of the world ; and as the 
 high-priest's mysterious influence was more awful in proportion 
 to his distance and obscurity, they felt that papal anathemas. 
 still formidable, though weakened by abuse, would be as abso- 
 lutely obeyed by remoter nations as even in Avignon itself, 
 where they were sure to be executed with the utmost rigour, and 
 where no less than five hundred Florentine merchants already 
 trembled for their property. Such considerations made it im- 
 perative on Florence to defend her cause with all the legal 
 boldness and talents of the commonwealth : the Pope s attorney- 
 general had accused her in public consistory of failure in her 
 
 ♦ M. di Coppo Steflmi, Lib. ix.. Rub. 758.— Cronichctto d' Incerto, p. 207.— 
 Poggio Bncciolini, Lib. ii,, p. xli. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 387 
 
 duty, and injuries inflicted on the holy see, and demanded a 
 sentence against the republic after an impartial heaiing by 
 judges expressly appointed : the whole Florentine magistracy 
 was then cited to appear, as well as every unofficial citizen who 
 was suspected of having in any way favoured an appeal to arms 
 against the church. 
 
 To answer this summons Messer Donato Barbadori a Doctor 
 of Laws and exceedingly eloquent, Alessandro delF Antella, 
 and Domenico di Silvestro, both eminent lawyers, were after 
 much consultation despatched to Avignon. Barbadori in an 
 eloquent discourse which drew tears from the Italian cardinals, 
 who were all in favour of Florence, insisted that the tyrannical 
 government of the French legates was the true and only occa- 
 sion of the war. He dwelt on the long and continued attach- 
 ment of Florence to the Holy See, recapitulated in historical 
 order the various wars, persecutions and insults she had sus- 
 tained in its defence, from the time of Barbarossa downwards ; 
 he asserted that misgovemment was always the primary cause 
 of rebellion and therefore the crime of resistance, if crime it 
 were, should be laid to the governors not the governed, and 
 still less to the Florentines who took up arms to preserve their 
 lives and liberty. He then exposed the Bologuese legate's 
 wickedness in first making hypocritical professions of friendship, 
 then cruelly refusing food to a starving people, and afterwards 
 treacherously loosing a band of rapacious soldiers on their 
 plains to plunder and destroy the very harvest to which a 
 famishing nation were eagerly looldng for their sustenance ; 
 and this on purpose to bow their spirit and facilitate then- sub- 
 jugation. If these things were done by the Pope's command, 
 then had Florence just reason to complain of injury and ingra- 
 titude from the pontiff ; but if without, then it was the legates 
 that merited his supreme displeasure, not the Florentine people, 
 who only repelled their insufferable tjTanny. 
 
 " Cast thine eyes holy father," he passionately ex- 
 
 c c 2 
 
w 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 3SS 
 
 claimed. " Cast thine eyes on those miserable cities that under 
 •• the rule of these governors have been treated as the vlest 
 " slaves • let the dreadful fate of Faenza move thy pity, a prey 
 '■ as it has become to thine own legates relentless myi-nudons . 
 
 • , . mihappy city ! wicked deed ! Who will not weep when 
 •• I tell him of citizens, matrons, and innocent virgn.s ; nay 
 
 • even the holy sisterhood themselves, being dragged h-om their 
 ■• paternal roofs and sacred dwellings, and forced to submit to 
 ■• Ihe brutal passions of a licentious soldiery ! When I tell o 
 ■' multitudes of aged women and young children dnvcn naked 
 
 • from their homes and sent to beg their bread about the 
 •• world ' These arc the works of thy legates : this is their 
 
 - sanctitv, their piety, their justice ! And these wrongs 
 . it thou dost not remedy but instead thereof persecutes 
 ■• those who have boldly resisted them; remember that Gocl 
 •• will one dav judge thee, and then, what will be lus consuhni- 
 •■ tion of such acts in the awfid condemnation of the ^^o Id . 
 
 - Was it not thy office as pastor of all the Cl-stum Hock on 
 •' seeing us oppressed in a way that even to mfadels vu,u d 
 .. lie "been shameful ; was it not I say, thy duty to rebuke 
 •■ thv hifamous ministers rather than drive us to the neces- 
 •■ sitv of armmg in our own defence ? Was ,t no thy duty to 
 .. u b thy rapacious and ambitious legate ^ Thou siou s 
 .- tove quenclled the fire that began to bum ; thou shou ds 
 .' have defended the liberty of thy children ; thou should.t 
 ■■ have remembered the benefits conferred by our nation on the 
 - Koman priesthood, and liaTC gratefully defended their cause 
 >• a-ainst the world. Either we ; only for havmg dared to 
 .. defend our county' our wives our children and om' Ul-erty; 
 •■ are to be branded as the authors of this war ; or else thy lega e 
 " the spring and source of every evil ; the mdustrious and 
 . '^,i lit^disturber of our national tranquillity ! Certes ho ly 
 .. tather if thou .-ishest to judge upnghtly and to jrp«ss 
 " every wayward passion as becomes the vicar of Chn.t thou 
 
 CHAP. XXVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 369 
 
 '• wilt not detect in our conduct a cause for this war, nor tind 
 ** that we have failed in any point of duty ; we have only 
 " yielded to necessity ; we have never committed a single act 
 " against thy dignity or authority, or against the church of 
 " Rome ; but we have endeavoured to bridle those whose 
 " frantic and impetuous ambition so foully attempted to deprive 
 " us of life and liberty. For these reasons, most holy ftither, 
 " vouchsafe to sliield us thy children from a stranger's violence ; 
 " recal thy wonted commiseration, and the mercy, and the 
 " charity that so well become a pontiff; and let the arms that 
 ** we have so often wielded against tyrants, kings, and emperors, 
 *' to defend the church of God and the states of thy predeces- 
 '* sors, now plead with thee to take us under thy holy protec- 
 " tion. Remember that necessity alone has constrained us to 
 " a course where we seek for nothing but safety, the defence of 
 *' our country, and the preservation of our liberty. If notwith- 
 *' standing this thou deemest fit to condemn and brand us with 
 " some henTy ecclesiastical censure, as our enemies wish and 
 *' pul)licly declare to be thy resolve, w^e will endeavour to bear 
 " it meekly by imploring the assistance of Him who never 
 " abandoned those that put their trust in him; the unernng 
 " advocate and defender of the innocent." 
 
 Murmurs both of applause and dissatisfaction ran confusedly 
 through the court and its numerous auditors, amongst whom 
 the general feeling was in favour of Florence but the sentence 
 was deferred until a future day ; yet not to leave the ambas- 
 sadors unanswered the pontiff repUed in substance as follows. 
 
 ** We have listened, Florentines, to everything, both rele- 
 " vant and irrelevant, that you have with the greatest industiy 
 " been able to collect in your defence, and we, as you have 
 " advised us will endeavour to bear ourselves justly, and 
 " neither allow ourselves to be moved by anger nor blinded 
 " by prejudice in the formation of our judgment ; neither 
 " will we listen to calumny, but give ear only to the sacred 
 
390 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXYl.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 391 
 
 (( 
 
 (< 
 
 
 a 
 
 n 
 
 
 n 
 
 it 
 
 
 truth. But on the other hand we advise you also to drop all 
 this commiserating and piteous language as well as every 
 other artifice and seductive form of speech, which are merely 
 fitted to mislead and deceive the judge, and frankly join us 
 in seeking for the simple truth. I now ask you, seeing that 
 Florence aided, or rather was the cause of liberatmg the 
 ecclesiastical cities, (for you know this to be truth, and what 
 is generally notorious can scarcely be denied :) what reason 
 can you give for having done so ? Certes the reason you 
 allege, the assumption of arms in self-defence at first seems 
 good and rational because all have a right to defend them- 
 selves from mjury. But if a man use his arms, not to stave 
 off external violence, but to murder him whom he only sus- 
 pects and fears, this is homicide and wortliy of present con- 
 demnation. You Florentines marched your armies to Citta 
 di Castello, to Pemgia, to Bologna, to besiege the citadels of 
 the church and expel her governors ; this, be it said with all 
 deference, is not defending yourselves against aggi'ession but 
 domg violence to others; not driving danger from your own 
 doors but carrj^ing it to your neighbours' dweUings. But 
 why speak of fear and suspicion when it is well known you 
 were not moved by these reasons, but by mere hatred : 
 nevertheless let us for the present leave Bologna Perugia 
 and Citta di Castello, which you have excited to revolt and 
 laid siege to their citadels ; let us conclude that their near 
 neighbourhood did give you some reasonable cause of suspi- 
 cion and of fear ; but what shall we say of AscoH in La 
 Marca, and the other towns and cities of that province so 
 distant from you ? Surely neither fear nor suspicion but a 
 determined hatred of the church could move you to make them 
 revolt ! It was not only to diminish the ecclesiastical autho- 
 rity in Italy but to destroy it altogether that you thus acted, 
 and yet you call yourselves children of the lloman church ! 
 Not perceiving that your conduct is that of a son laying 
 
 
 " violent hands on his own parent rather than on a stmnger 
 •■ You try to cast odium upon the legates ; you accuse them ol 
 -- Serected fortresses in every city like ve^ tyrants -d 
 " you lav the whole crime of rebellion to their chaige. Of the 
 .- i we ourselves do not approve if the cozens c^ be 
 .' reasonably governed without them ; but as h,gh-fed hor.es 
 .. becom restive for lack of exercise, so do 0- subjects wax 
 .. proud and insubordinate by times if the rams of government 
 " be held too lightly, and often require more powerful bndlmg. 
 '. We are right willing to confess that every legitimate govem- 
 " men s designed for the people's benefit in order that they 
 " ma^ live secLly and peaceably, and that those troublesome 
 " audacious citizens who swarm in every state shall not dare 
 " to disturb society against the will of better men. 
 
 .. But as to the offence with which you charge these mmis- 
 " tars, it is plain that not a single city revolted untd urged on 
 " by your promises and persuasions ; so that to you only must 
 .. be imputed the crime, and not to our lieutenants. 1 mally, 
 " you lament with infinite feeling the unhappy fate of Faenza, 
 "as if this calamity were not directly occasioned by Bolognese 
 "rebellion; for the Englisli never would have occupied that 
 " city had Bologna only remained faithful ; and hence it fol- 
 " lows that whoever occasioned the revolt of Bologna caused 
 " also the miserable extermination of Faenzas ciUzens ; and 
 " consequently for this, in common with every other injuo% w^e 
 " may justly complain of you. We desired thus briefly 
 " answer your oration without affirming anythmg, but only 
 " arguing the point in order that when final sentence is given, 
 " it mav also be given justly"*. . ■ ^: 
 
 Seve'ral days elapsed in going through the forms of mvesti- 
 gation, during which the Florentine deputies preserved their 
 bold and manly dignity both in word and action until the day 
 
 • Leon. Aretino, Lib. viii.-Poggio Bracciolini Storia Fior., Lib. ii., p. 42. 
 
 Ji 
 
392 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 of final judgment when all further mockeiy ended by a wither- 
 ing sentence of excommunication. 
 
 Their souls were solemnly condemned to the pains of hell ; 
 fire and water were interdicted; their persons and property 
 outlawed in eveiy Christian land, and they were finally declared 
 lawful prey for all who chose to sell plunder or kill them as 
 though they were mere slaves or hifidels. On hearing this, 
 Barbadori, a bold advocate and ardent patriot, threw himself 
 in great emotion on his knees before a crucifix that adonied 
 the hall, and bare-headed in a grave and solemn voice so loud 
 and clear as to be heard by pope and cardinals, made this awful 
 demand for justice. 
 
 " To thee, O Lord Jesus Christ ! from this unholy sentence 
 *' pronounced by thy vicar permit me to appeal in that tre- 
 " mendous day wherein thou shalt appear to judge the world 
 " Avithout distinction of persons in thy sight ! Meanwhile, O 
 '' thou most just and incorniptiblo judge, vouchsafe to defend 
 " our republic from the cruel blasphemy even now fulminated 
 " against it, with what pretence of justice to thee is manifest," 
 and concluding with the Psalmist *' Iie.y>ici((t me Dens salutaris 
 mens adiutor }neus esto,'' &c. 
 
 This grave scene drew the eyes of eveiy one on Barbadoii ; 
 by some he was called rash, and bold, and presumptuous; 
 othei-s ridiculed him as a madman ; and certain of the higfli 
 priest's sen^ants even shouldered him roughly in the throng. 
 The ambassador stood unmoved ; but even here, in the very 
 vortex of passion and corruption there were still some generous 
 spirits bold and honest enough to admire and praise liis con- 
 duct ; to hail it as a brilliant spark of antique virtue and to 
 declare that such a voice of liberty could only issue from an 
 Italian breast ! The ambassadors unable to do more for their 
 country', with difiicultv found a Piedmontese notary darina 
 enough to draw up a fonnal protestation against the validity of 
 this sentence, for which he was afterwards persecuted, and 
 
 CHAP. XXVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 393 
 
 # 
 
 |\ 
 
 finally banished from Avignon and all the ecclesiastical states ; 
 but taking ultimate refuge in Florence was there honourably 
 received and rewarded. An edict soon after appeared declaring 
 it criminal for all public officers civil or ecclesiastical to molest 
 any individual by the authority of this anathema, m which the 
 " Ei^htof War" and other citizens were especially named, 
 under pain of death and confiscation of property *. 
 
 When the efi'ects of excommunication were beginning to be 
 felt foction superstition and devotion raised their threefold 
 voice against the eight : no city they declared could prosper 
 that wc^s deprived of the Eucharist ; and many that perhaps 
 made light of this, yet finding their property plundered both 
 by sea and land, united in the cry ; for church galleys scoured 
 the seas and compelled Florence to oppose the pontiff" even on 
 that element. Bending for a while before the blast the 
 seignory partly soothed the public agitation by despatching a 
 new embassy to negotiate peace ; of this Barbadori was again 
 a member, but ere it reached Avignon tlie Bretons conducted 
 by Robert Cardinal of Geneva, afterwards the antipope Clement 
 VII. were already arrived at Asti. Little hope therefore re- 
 mained of an honourable accommodation, and as Barbadori 
 declared in his former oration that the " Florentines having 
 enjoyed liberty for four hundred years it had become a part of 
 their very nature and all were ready to sacrifice life itself in 
 the cause ' they now proved the assertion by pushing on the war 
 with double vigour. Ambassadors were sent to France England 
 and Naples to justify their conduct and deprecate the rigorous 
 execution of Pope Gregory's censure, while to manifest their 
 own firmness the seignoiy on the thirtieth of April declared the 
 Florentine republic to be content with the conduct of its war 
 magistrates, not only by continuing them in office for six months 
 longer, but also by sending to each with great pomp and public 
 ceremony, besides silver urns and other valuable presents, a 
 
 * Scip. Ammirato, Istoria Fiorentina, Lib. xiii., p. 697. 
 
391 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book j. 
 
 CUAP. XXVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 395 
 
 shield and pennon with their family device, and over it in aolden 
 letters the word Libertas. About this period too, althouah 
 excommunicated expressly by name, and in the public mindoV 
 noxious to all the consequences of a curse so deep and startlina 
 as that lately uttered, these magistrates were nevertheless hailed 
 by public acclamation as the "Eight Saints of thk War'* 
 
 At once foreseeing that Bologna would be the fii-st and prin- 
 cipal object of attack and that its defence would necessarily 
 devolve on Florence, Kidolfo da Vamno Lord of Camerino a 
 sagacious and expert captain, was appointed to command her 
 annies and consequently to defend Bologna, where dreadv 
 under two resident ambassadors Florentine influence had be- 
 come paramount. Two thousand lances imder this general were 
 marched in July to that city while all the mountain passes were 
 strongly guarded and the peasantry' ordered to retire with their 
 cattle into fenced towns, the protection of Florence being left 
 pnncipally to Milanese soldiers f. .Meanwhile the Breton, 
 continued their march through Alexandria Tortona and Pia- 
 cenza on Ferrara, without any opposition from either Visconte • 
 for Galeazzo was anxious to keep on good terms ^^th Grecror>^ 
 and Bemabo veiy unwilling to come to an open rupture with 
 an army of ten thousand ferocious and unscnq.ulous veterans 
 m the heart of his country. After a short halt in the friendly 
 stat^ of Ferrara the company resumed its march, and bv a 
 pnest s treacheiy gained possession of Monte Georgio a t Jwn 
 only twelve miles from Bologna. Here the cardinal put every 
 man woman and child above six years old to the edge of the sword 
 
 ♦ M. di Coppo Stefani, Lib. ix.. Rub. 
 754.— S. Ammirato, Lib. xiii., p. 698. 
 — Macchiavelli, Lib. iii. 
 + Sismomli, on the authority of Chc- 
 rubino Ghirardacci (Lib. xxv. p. 34J>), 
 says, that five hundred lanres, under 
 Count Lucius Lando, were sent to 
 Bologna by Bemabo, of whose faith 
 Ridolfo was doubtful. But by his 
 
 treaty with Florence Bemabo stipu- 
 lated not to violate the pope's tem- 
 tory, and no other writer mentions this 
 force. (Vide .Sismomli, vol. v., p. 
 166). See also Mar. di Coppo Stefani, 
 (Lib. ix.. Rub. 760), who positively 
 denies, for the above reason, that any 
 Milanese troops entered Bologna. 
 
 in order to strike terror through Bologna, and he backed it by 
 the offer of a general amnesty for all that would promptly 
 return to their allegiance -. 
 
 This apparent lenity coupled with the fearful devastation of 
 their country caused some to waver and occasioned the meeting 
 of a general*^ council where the Florentines assisted: the result 
 was a strong resolution to defend their liberty and maintain 
 the alliance of Florence, and sooner than return to the haughty 
 and insolent tyranny of those under whom tliey had so long 
 suffered, to undergo the heaviest calamities as freemen. The 
 fury of Ftobert was unbounded at this spirited reply. " Tell 
 them then" said this Christian prelate, " that I will not stir a 
 step from this city, nor take rest nor pleasure until I steep my 
 hands and feet in their hearts blood " f . 
 
 This savage burst of impetuosity only served to draw more 
 closely the alliance of Florence and Bologna, and Robert failing 
 to gain the latter by lair means entered into a conspiracy with 
 some of the Fepoli faction to have it by treacheiy. While 
 thus proceeding his army continued its cmel ravages in the 
 hope of provoking Ridolfo to battle ; but this wary chief mis- 
 trustful of internal treachery, held firm to the ramparts and 
 equally resisted the enemy's taunts and his own people s impa- 
 tience, for he felt that the hie of Bologna would decide the 
 war. Leonardo Aretino who was a child at the time of these 
 events, and therefore may almost be considered a cotemporary 
 historian, tells us that people still spoke in his time of Ridolfo s 
 prudent and facetious answer to the cardinal, who failing to 
 provoke him to a battle or any external movement, at length 
 sent a direct message to know why he would not march out and 
 meet him. To this Ridolfo coolly replied, " My reason for 7iot 
 going otitis just because I do not wish to let you in:' And he 
 was confirmed in this resolution by the suspicion of a secret 
 
 * Cron. d' Incerto, p. 205, &c.— Leon, mirato. Lib. xiii., p. 698. 
 
 Aretino, Lib. viii., folio 16.3.— Poggio f Poggio, Lib. n., p. 49.— Cronichetto 
 
 Bracciolini, Lib. iii., p. 47.— S. Am- d' lncorto,p. 208. 
 
 W'Jim!^" ■..»? ■fTir«™*'^5f^f lll.liA"U HI if 
 
 W^mF^w^^^^^WTW' 
 
396 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I, 
 
 lutercoui'se between the cardinal and some malcontents whom 
 he afterwards detected and executed. This preserved order 
 \nthni, while a romantic event from without lowered the Bretons' 
 reputation and increased Florentine confidence. 
 
 The Bretons had a white banner with the following distich 
 
 Ahora se vedra qui pucda mas, 
 O los Bcrtoncs o' '* Libfrtas ;"' 
 
 and thus trusting to the imagined terror of tlieir ferocitv tw,. 
 1^ renchmen of the pope's ai'my. with permission from both sides 
 entered the city where they boldly charged the Florentines with 
 liavnig excited Bologna to rebel against its liege lord, otlerin- in 
 a haughty blustering tone to prove their words with tlieir swonls 
 aganist any who dared to accept the challenge. After a short 
 pause Betto Biffuli a young Florentine gentleman stepped for- 
 ward gave them the lie, and accepted the deliaiice : his friend 
 (^uido di Asciano a Senese, instantly followed ; all four throAnn- 
 down their hats, which according to the manners of the a^re 
 were taken up by their respective antagonists while (iuido 
 exclaimed we will presently show you the ditTerence between 
 meeting armed men in the tield and beating out the brains of 
 mlauts against the walls of captured cities. 
 
 A day of battle was appointed ; the lists inclosed ; and in 
 presence of both hosts the combatants magnificentlv armed and 
 mounted sprang forward to the charge. Bettos antagonist fell 
 but before the Florentine could turn and close he was already 
 remounted and ready to engage : again they dashed a^^amst 
 each other and again the Bret.3n fell, and as actively remo^ted 
 Lpon tins Betto disdainfully called to him to prepare for a third 
 tilt pronnsmg that he should not again rise aiid vault into liis 
 saddle so easily as he had done : at the third encounter ]3etto's 
 lance bore the Breton from his seat and laid him prostrate with 
 a ghastly wound, then leaping from his horse and plachi- the 
 lett knee on his antagonist's breast began to unbuckle his hel- 
 
 CHAP. XXVI.] 
 
 FLORENTrNE HISTORY. 
 
 397 
 
 met for the death-blow, and would soon have despatched him 
 had not the cardinal suddenly called out " Be content Betto 
 and spare his life for he is your prisoner," " If he confess as 
 much," answered the Florentine, "I will witli all my heart 
 make' your reverence a present of him." The Frenchman 
 acknowledged himself conquered, and Betto after taking his 
 sword and*" dagger delivered him into the prelate's hands. 
 During this encounter the other champions were not idle : Guido 
 di Asciano and his antagonist tilted, wounded, and unhorsed 
 each other ; but the Senese soon recovered himself while his 
 enemy lay motionless on the grass and became his prisoner. 
 Thus ended the combat and the cardinal immediately presented 
 both horses and arms with a silver belt of great value to the 
 
 victors*. 
 
 The audacious vaunting of these Bretons was thenceforward 
 a little subdued, but their cruelty augmented eveiy moment : 
 having no chjmce of Bologna they si)read liercely over the 
 land: towns surrendered on conditions that were instantly 
 swept away like cobwebs ; houses were plundered and people 
 massacred, even to the new-born babes that clung unconscious 
 to their mothers' breast : at length satiated as it were with mur- 
 der blood and ruin they demanded winter quarters. Galeotto 
 ]\Ialatesta who alone remained fcdthful, was recompensed by 
 receiving a pontifical command to deliver up the city of Cesina 
 for that purpose and here, tempted by an unviolated town, their 
 licentiousness again burst forth : the citizens were pillaged 
 their wives and daughters dishonoured ; no remorse ; no shame ; 
 no restraint on their passions ; cupidity avarice and sensuality 
 were their only law, cruelty their guide and governor. Every 
 place, private or public, sacred or divine, became their prey ; 
 neither age nor sex, great or small, masculine or feminine, 
 escaped their guilty passions ; none were spared, none respected, 
 
 * Leon. Arctino, Lib. viii., folio 163.— Poggio, Lib. ii., p. xlviii.-S. Am- 
 miiato, Lib. xiii., p. 700. 
 
398 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 even convents were violated and sacred virgins shared the 
 universal destiny : and all this time, neither by word nor deed, 
 nor by the slightest show of displeasure did' the Cardinal of 
 Geneva attempt for a single instant to check their devilish 
 course *. Complaints multiplied, lamentations were unheeded, 
 shame banished, lust and cmelty became more rampant, and 
 death and hell seemed to stalk through the devoted city. At 
 A.D.1377. ^^^*' ^" ^'^^'^1^0' 1377 the maddened citizens rose in 
 * ' " a body and killing three hundred of these miscreants 
 drove the rest into a quarter cdled the Murata which had been 
 assigned to them : on seeing this Cai'dinal Robert mstantly sent 
 Malatesta to the insurgents to acknowledge the fault of his 
 troops and their well-merited chastisement, but ^\ith a strange 
 misuse of words granting an amnesty on condition of the city 
 gates being re-opened and a friendly intercourse resumed. 
 Their own lord being the bearer of this message the offer was 
 accepted, for the citizens as yet knew not Robert of Geneva, 
 and even Malatesta was deceived. Silently dooming Cesina to 
 utter destruction and determined to make it sure, he ordered 
 Hawkwood to move up his troops from Faenza and assist : and 
 seeing the latter hesitate, for even the robber Hawkwood was a 
 moment shocked! added impetuously -/ xvant blood— blood ''! 
 Hawkwood brought up his men. The fears of the inhabitants 
 thus lulled and the troops in readiness, this band of hell-hounds 
 were all at once cast loose on their victims, and from three to 
 five thousand men, women, and children were slaughtered, not 
 only without mercy but with aggravated cruelty f: children after 
 being snatched from their cradles and stabbed, or dashed against 
 the walls, were suspended like hogs at their parents' doors. 
 
 I ^""^^ x^ ^?- 'i:' P; ^^* Cronkhetto rf' Jncerto, also cotemno- 
 
 t Ser Isaddo di Montecatini (Me- rary, says .3000. Uon. Arctino the 
 
 degh Erudite Toscani), says 2500, Ammirato, who is verv minute .ind 
 but disagrees with all other authors, careful in his facts, say 5000. 
 He was, however, a cotemporary. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 3G9 
 
 these again were dragged forth to behold the bloody sight, and 
 then murdered, the Cardinal all this while screeching for blood: 
 ''KilU ^^i^U ^<''^^'^ ''^"^' alive'-,'' was his exclamation I This at 
 least was mercy. Few did escape ! no rank, no age, no sex, no 
 calling ; none were delivered from the homicide : some were 
 butchered in the streets, some in the squares, in the churches ; 
 nay on the veiy altars themselves young children who had tied 
 tliither for refuge were promptly sacriliced. Confusion filled 
 the city; shrieks, wailings, and screams of horror rang thi'ough 
 the air, mingled with ruffian shouts and hellisli execrations ; while 
 ever and anon above the din were heard the shriller accents of 
 the furious priest, " A7//, kill leair not a soid alive:' and he 
 too literally was obeyed! From the softly breathing babe to the 
 laughing girl ; from the blushing maiden and pale-faced nun 
 to the decent matron and the bed-rid man ; the priest at the 
 altar ; the hooded monk ; servants, masters, fathers, mothers, 
 sons ; all were murdered ; save those the English suffered to 
 escape ! The English at Faenza, saith Ammirato, pillaged to 
 the uttermost but spared life ; and even here they allowed all 
 they could to escape, for their object was plunder not blood ; 
 wherefore their conduct may be esteemed perfect mildness in 
 comparison to that of the Bretons at Cesina. The whole 
 population would have thus been annihilated if Hawkwood's 
 White Company, having no vengeance to satisfy, had not only 
 allowed but even assisted the evasion of many f. 
 
 This was the act of a Christian pastor under the immediate 
 auspices of a Christian pope ! the apostle s successor, the self- 
 denominated representative of that Being who brought " peace 
 and good-will on eartli,^' whose lofty character and divine 
 attributes have been and still are more distorted and fashioned 
 to suit the nefarious designs of civilised man, than ever was 
 
 * Sismondi, vol. v., p. 168. Uh. ii., pp. 50, 51.--S. Ammirato, 
 
 t Boninsegni, Istor. Fior., Lib. iv., pp. Lib. xiii., p. 704. — Sismondi, vol v., 
 577, 578, &c.— Poggio Bracciolini, p. 167. 
 
 ^'WX^ 
 
400 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [bcck I. 
 
 the hardest iron which is taken from tlie earth and forcred for 
 its most deHcate cuhivation. The eoiuhict of Sir John Hawk- 
 wood who had not even the Bretons' slender provocation would 
 have eternally disgraced his country if he could ever have been 
 considered better than a daring robber and nitbless homicide 
 whose only admirable qualities were high mihtary talent and 
 unconquerable intrepidity, and ln"s descendants, if any exibt, 
 would do well not to boast of their ancestor. This massacre 
 caused universal indignation ; funeral service was performed 
 in all the churches at Perugia, and every to^^^l of the league 
 followed their example, for it was far beyond the b:irbaritvof 
 l)Oth age and country. 
 
 When the siege of Bologna was raised Florence expc(>tod an 
 immediate attack on her own territoiy; but the kigiit were 
 indefatigable : all the mountain passes were rapidly occupied 
 by numerous reenforcements ; Malestruit and John of Buda 
 were bribed not to enter the I'lorentuic state even at the i)on- 
 tiff's command, and the army was augmented by fourteen lim,. 
 dred lances and a thousand infantiy which wire ke].t conti- 
 nually hovering on the Hanks of the r>retons^!^. Gregoiy after 
 some extravagant demands dismissed the Florentine^'ambassa- 
 dors, and banished all others of that nation from A\ignon 
 except Cardinal Corsini ; without permitting cv( n a liope of 
 reconcihation, but on the contraiy resolving to proceed in person 
 to Italy and direct the war. This redoubled the ardour of 
 Florence ; the league was more firmly cemented ; Perugia and 
 Assisi were reconciled ; towns and passes were reenforced ; 
 rewards and honours distributed : and even Ilawkwood himself 
 was persuaded by a salary- of :<>50,000 florins a year to join the 
 confederacy with five hundred lances and five hundred archers 
 besides his Englishmen. All this was however somewhat 
 balanced by the defection of Bidolfo da Varano who either jea- 
 lous of Hawkwood or with a promise of being confirmed in the 
 
 * Boninsc^i, Lib. iv., p. 577. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 401 
 
 lordship of Fabriano ; or perhaps othemise disgusted, joined 
 the pope and carried with him the town of Fabriano which he 
 then held for Florence. Public indignation burst out at this 
 intelligence ; he was instantly degraded from the ranlv of citi- 
 zen wiiich had been conferred on him; his miage painted, 
 han^nng by the feet as a traitor, on the most conspicuous build- 
 ings^ of tiic town, and orders issued to all the Florentine 
 captains and allies to ravage his lands and do him every pos- 
 sible mischief -•'-. The i.ii.iii were eoiitirmed in ofTice for six 
 months longer and another Itoard of equal numbers created 
 expressly to take a strict account of all ecclesiastical property, 
 specifying what was sufficient for the possessors to live in com- 
 fort and respectability ; but with powers to sell as nuich of the 
 remainder as would realize K »<),()( Ml llorins for the public ser- 
 vice, and to protect the purchasers against all consequences i. 
 
 Long before Yarano's defection Gregory had left Avignon 
 and after having been coolly received at Genoa and honoured 
 at Pisa he arrived at Coi-neto in November where he was soon 
 welcomed by the new> of Bolsena's revolt and the total defeat 
 of a dt tachment sent by him against Viterbo witli the loss of 
 eif^hty gentlemen of wliom twenty were knights of the higliest 
 rank. These ivpeated (hsastcrs ratlier inclined him towards a 
 peace, mid one more eniba>>y arrived from Florence to attend 
 on him in Pome by his own re.iuest;. The Florentines had 
 vainly endeavoured to stir up tliat city to rebellion ; but the 
 Koniuns had then a fiw government of thirteen bannerets who 
 carried the standards and reitresented the different divisions of 
 Home : they were aUo anxious to reestablish the papal see and 
 conseipicntiy le^s eager for revolution than those towns which 
 had suffered more from ecclesiastical oppression. Gregory had 
 been also promised the sovereignty on his arrival at Ostia, and 
 they even consented to suppress the Ijannerets, while the pop.' 
 
 * Puirj^io, Ijil). ii., ]>. 52.- 
 rata, lAh. xiii., p. 705. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 S Annui- t S. Amniirato, Lib. xiii., p. 702. 
 + Ibii!., p. 703. 
 
 1) i> 
 
402 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [flOun 
 
 I. 
 
 t.igaged to confirm certain popularly elected judges calle.l 
 •• Executors of Justice • prondcd they ^uld give l.in, th.„ 
 oatl, of allegiance. Florence on hearing „f this negotiation 
 winch occurred as early as December VMi\. mado one m„r, 
 attempt to enlist Home in the common cau,c. ui,.l therefuie 
 addressed the following letter to that city : ,t was wriit,,, 
 l.y the celebrated Coluccio Salutati, and urged the bannciv-K 
 to an uncompromising niaintinance of the public liberty. 
 
 •' To the illustrious men our honoured brethren the I5ii, 
 nerets of Rome. 
 
 '■Although we have hitherto vainly iiu,ed our voice in 
 
 • exhorting you to defend with unshaken courage vour own 
 •• and Italian hberty and although the only fruit „f our en- 
 
 ■ deavours has been some few letter written in an ek-'atii 
 
 ■ style vamly oniameiited with fine sentences : neverthdcs. 
 -atthts moment when we behold your lil.orlv i„ i„mn„c,M 
 
 • danger we fear not to repeat once more uur .m,ero and 
 
 • salutary counsel. 
 
 "We cannot doubt, O beloved brethren, and if vou do not 
 vnllmgly blind yourselves, you also must easily i.erceive it ■ that 
 
 • the sovereign poutilf whom you attend wit'h so benevolent a 
 •• (iisposition bears no affection towards your .itv : he loves 
 
 • not the dwelling: it is not to reside in his own' .,.,. f„r the 
 ^ consolation of your devout people that brings hin, baclt, but 
 
 • to change your freedom into servitude. When he asks for 
 the dismissal of yom' magistracy what docs lie ,le ire' wliat 
 
 " does he hope, if not to pluck down the column of lloman 
 
 • liberty? what check will remain for the auda,-ious, what 
 •• refuge for the feeble, if your sacred body on whom depend 
 •' the peace, the coumge, and tramjuillity of liome, be dissolved 
 •_ at the pontiffs arrival ? And though the pope should reesta- 
 • blish the city m all its ancient renown and beantv ; tliou"h 
 " he were to elevate the Romans to all the majesiv of their 
 •' ancient empire; though he were to gild your walls ^ith gold; 
 
 CHAP. XXVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 403 
 
 " yet if it were at the expense of freedom it would Le your 
 " duty to reject it. We only implore you to conduct ^^ ^^^ 
 " youi-selves as becomes Romans with whom virtue 
 " and liberty are hereditary property. 
 
 " While you still are able and that there yet is time ; while 
 " the oppressor of domestic freedom is not within your walls, 
 
 - provide for your safety ; pro\ ide for the safety of the Roman 
 '• people. The moment you require it, tlie very instant we 
 *' receive your signal we will aid you with all our power as 
 " if it were in defence of our own freedom, our own individual 
 " safety ; for we well know that from the hour that your people 
 
 - bow to the yoke, light as it may at tirst appear, we shall not 
 " be strong enough to deliver you"*. 
 
 This was immediately followed by the offer of three thousand 
 lances, nor was the exhiHiation entirely fruitless ; fur although 
 militaiy assistance was rejected the Romans made better terms 
 with Gregory, but did not receive him tlie less joyfully on his 
 arrival in January l:^;. The baiuierets indeed laid their 
 official ensigns at his fert, but resumed them on the following 
 dav, and conthmed their independent government as if he were 
 not present. Those Florentine ambassadors who still followed 
 his court could do nothing with the angry pontiff: he demanded 
 peace on his own terms, they on theirs. While yet at Avig- 
 non he had listened to the overtures and exhortations of Samt 
 Catherine of Siena, (then called the Blessed Catlierine) whom 
 the Florentines, to show their anxiety for peace, had instructed 
 to bring about a reconciliation, and he dismissed her with full 
 powers to treat; but nothhig followed. The papal ambas- 
 sadors arrived at Florence in August and insidiously attempted 
 to stir up the people against their government, especially 
 against the eigjit whom they denounced as ambitious chiefs 
 battening on public miseiy and holding office long beyond the 
 period fixed by law ; while under the specious name of hberty 
 
 * Sisinoudi, vol. v., p. 1(JD. 
 D 1) 'Z 
 
 ^185T*W3flBS 
 
104 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [cook I. 
 
 they were attempting to subjugate the people. All that Gre- 
 gory required they declared was the deposition of these men 
 and then Florence might have peace on her own terms. The 
 gonMonier justified the Florentines, reasserted their ardent 
 desire for peace ; and defended the Saints' conduct. The 
 pope became doubly exasperated at this proceeding and ren- 
 dered his anathema still more stringent ; but he was ill obeyed 
 111 Italy and the Florentines threw off every restraint : hitherto 
 they had respected the interdict and closed every place of 
 worsliip, but now the priests were compelled to resume their 
 functions and celebrate eveiy religious rite as if no censure 
 liad ever been pronomiced t^. Previous to this and in a general 
 council open to eveiybody where more than a thousand citi- 
 zens assembled, the Florentine ambassadors who had returned 
 from Avignon proved the strenuous exertions, wliich had been 
 made to restore tranquillity by a public statement that 700,000 
 florins had been offered to the pope for peace, .-md all to be 
 paid in six years ; but that he demanded more than a million, 
 with other concessions so extravagant as to be utterly inad- 
 missible. Besides this he declared that he would liave no 
 peace ; but with the help of God and his friends he would one 
 day wreak Ms vengeance upon Florence : war therefore con- 
 tinued to devastate Italy; the cruelty of the IJretons aug- 
 mented ; and with the exception of Bolsena's haN ing been 
 retaken with horrid slaughter, fortmie everywhere favom-ed 
 the Florentmes. The eight were again elected and cou- 
 firmed in their office, against their owii ^vishes, until Februarv 
 KiTOf. 
 
 But all Italy was now tired and the war began to languish ; 
 allies were sensibly cooling and some had made their peace : 
 at Bologna faction which had begun to work in March, at last 
 
 • Poggio,Lib. ii.,p.^53.~-.S..\mini. + Po?gio, Lib. iL p. 54. - Cron. 
 mo, Lib. xin., p. /07. -Sismondi, «r Incerto, p. 2I2.-S. Annmrnto, 
 vol. v., p. ]r2. Lib. xiii.,p. 709. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 t05 
 
 succeeded in restoring that city to the church, and on the 
 t'^nty-first of August a treaty was signed at Anagm stipulatn.g 
 la pontifical .icar alone was to reside there and the city 
 remain in all other respects free. The Florentmes hus dese ted 
 bvAeir most powerful ally and bending under the weight oi 
 ir became generally anxious and even clamorous for peace 
 and the Bishop of Urbino a new papal ambassador artful^ 
 proposed their ally Benmbo Visconte as arbitrator This at 
 once roused their suspicions, for Visconte was well known in 
 Florence, but they consented and a congress -^^^f-^^^ 
 assembled at Sarzana on the twelfth of March IB. 8. The 
 Florentines were not deceived ; for by a secret agree- ^^^3.^^ 
 ment Grecrory XL and Bernabo had engaged to 
 ^l^iy^i^Lse^.e^ for the expenses of war by sacnficmg 
 Z republic : luckily this pontiff died in March an ..v.d tW 
 800,000 florins which their ally had kmdly consented that the) 
 shoidd pay to recover the pope's favour. 
 
 After a stormy conclave mled by a more stormy popula- 
 tion eicrht French cardinals were overcome by four Italians 
 and' a ;ope of the latter nation was elected on the eighth 
 April in the person of the Bishop of Bari under the name of 
 Urban VI War then ceased rather by tacit consent than any 
 formd treaty; but Urban bearing no malice against Florence 
 and soon having enough on his hands by the election of an 
 antipope, for a certain sum removed the interdict and restoied 
 
 her to the church. 
 
 Thus ended this celebrated and aUy managed war of thiee 
 years' dm-ation caused by the ambition tyranny and cupidity o 
 French priests who had appropriated to themselves ^most all 
 the great church dignities to the entire exclusion of natives 
 and who were moreover bent on the total destruction of Italian 
 liberty*. 
 
 . Leon. Aretino. Lib. viii.-S. A,nmira.o, Lib. .iii., p. 712.-Mun.tori, 
 
 Anuali. 
 
 'wmmm 
 
406 
 
 FLORENTINE HTSTOIiY. 
 
 i 
 
 ( 
 
 [book 
 
 CoTEMPORARY MoNARCHs.— EnglanA : Edward III. to 1377- then Ri.l, i 
 II.-8<x.tland: Robert H.-Pmnre: Charles V (The Wise^ V^ 
 Peter IV^Casnlo and Leon : Henr,- 11. of Tr..^^.^^;^^'^r 
 nand.-S:«ly: Frederic III. to 1377; then Maria. - Naples Tann; I 
 Popes: Gregorj-XI. to 1378; then Urban VI.^The Great S-hism A 7 
 poiK. : Clement VII. -Gregory XI. transfen-ed the p^^^^^^^^^^ 
 Av^n^non to Rome.- En,>erors : Charles IV. to 1 378 ; d " Wen ,. "' 
 
 ZZ ^"^""'^l Louis the Great.-GreekEmperm-: John pXoW.;: 
 — .Murad, or Amuimh 1., Ottoinau Emperor. 'I'aoiogus. 
 
 CHAP. XXVU.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 407 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1378 TO A.D. 1390. 
 
 FioRENCE who for three years had been the life ami soul ol 
 Italy by whom so many cities great aiul small, far and near, 
 friends or foes to ea.h other and to her ; were com- ^^ ^^^ 
 Lined in one detemined mass against their foreign 
 tyrants ; Florence who with the magic of a single word and tha 
 word LiBimTV. had roused halt the Italian remnsu a agamst 
 ,ts oppressors ; this same Florence could not secure herself i^.i 
 a moment fr,.m the heartless tyranny and struggles of domestic 
 faction. The war had cost between two and three milhons 
 of florins, and far more in the confiscation and destiniction ot 
 Florentine property by foreign nations: from this spn.ted sac r- 
 flce, coupled with the vigour, unity, and successful issue of Ik , 
 councils in its prosecution, one might well suppose them to have 
 been directed by the head and heart of a united peop e. But 
 tliis was not so : they proceeded almost exclusively from the 
 more democratic portion of the commonwealth under great dis- 
 advmitages; and throughout the whole contest 'f-'^l ^™^ 
 tion disuu-bed the community. Its rulers were harassed by the 
 continual attacks of a powerful factious and relentless oppo« 
 against which they struggled with a resolution only equalled 1^ 
 their talents and patriotism. The magistracy of the E ght 
 composed exclusively of merchants and tradesmen, ^ere a of 
 the democratic and popular party, therefore thenr original elec- 
 tion and unusually extensive powers displeased many of the 
 
 w^f^ ^i^^mmmmm. . 
 
408 
 
 FLOKENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 •nore aristocratic citizens, while a repeated prolongation of 
 Jmost unhmited power in the same hands alarmed others and 
 increased then- opponents" jealousy. The awful and even sacri- 
 legious nature of this contest the subsequent anathema, and the 
 consequent se.zm-e of Florentine property in foreign sextos, wer 
 so ma.,y addu.onal causes of trouble, and so many convenient 
 levers for fcction : wherefore every act including all warlike 
 opemtions was roughly handled and defamed by the most bitte 
 and powerful antagonists, while the people generally were steady 
 m then- cause The former led by the Captains k Par.v, 
 A Ihzz, and the old nobility, urged on a series of reckless admo 
 nifons and imhscriminately denounced both Guelph and OhiLe- 
 Ime of the adverse ranks, without measure or thought of justice 
 and to such an extent as to injure the whole fabric of the com' 
 monwealth * As early as 1 :n4 a relation of Giorgio degli Scali 
 one the d Guelphic nobles whose family had become pope' 
 aiu in 134.3 was admonished as a Ghibeline: Ihi. alarmed 
 Oiorgio for himself although he had always acted with that 
 party and powerfully influenced it, for he was a long-sighted 
 bold, and able statesman ; but to revenge this injury he soon 
 
 should be allowed to hold any property in land, or retain any 
 I'M or vassals, and where these last already existed 
 
 Sir^TK r ''^""^''♦^•l fro-" eveiy obligation of feudal 
 sen ice. This law. never enforced, was ultimately repealed ; but 
 Giorgio ScaJi became a marked man, and only one year elapsed 
 ere he also fell a victim to the Guelphic party f. sJ determined 
 a blow shook the whole community, for Giorgio was clever; 
 powerful generally feared and respected, and a thorough 
 Guelph: his friends were astounded: "Giorgio is admonished," 
 said they, 'my turn may come next afterwards thine : there is 
 
 now no safety: the law was against Ghibelines not Guelphs : 
 
 * Leon. Aretino, Lib. ix. 7 <« o • * • , , 
 
 t M. di Coppo Sufani, Lib. ix. R„b. p. 69I '"• ""°"""'' '*'•' ^■'^"■' 
 
 CHAP. XSVIl.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 409 
 
 - none can any longer hope to escape but those who join their 
 " faction." Such was the general feeling, but as yet ten-or 
 predominated for intimidation spread far and wide and paralysed 
 all the community-. The captains became more bold, arrogant, 
 and presumptuous ; not a citizen, however Guelphic, felt secure ; 
 and so deep and universal was the dread, says Ammirato, that 
 110 tyrant after a newly-suppressed revolt was ever so terrible 
 to his o^ni subjects as these magistrates had l)ecome to the Flo- 
 rentmes. Wherever they appeared the people rose in fearful 
 reverence, and stood bare-headed until they passed, meekly 
 bowing as if to absolute princes. They walked the streets like 
 monarchs : to speak evil of them was more dangerous than 
 blasphemy and visited more severely : their alliance was trem- 
 bhngly courted; their daughters were received without portions, 
 those of others were offered to them with large dowers, but all 
 through terror and intrigue : they ordered merchandise to be 
 sent them on credit but to demand payment was dangerous : 
 their myrmidons were seen hi every part with threats of exile 
 and hopes of fiivour ; money was extracted by infamous means; 
 intrigue and apprehension pervaded every class; the admonished 
 were^'persecuted, unfairly taxed, frequently injured in the most 
 tender points of domestic affection ; and under all this the Flo- 
 rentines still believed themselves free and fought bravely for 
 their national independence f- 
 
 So artful was the Tartv Guelph that in despite of every law 
 and periodical change they managed that the office of Captain 
 should conUnually circulate within a certain set so closely 
 linked that nothing could penetrate or resist them ; and m 
 this they only displaved the usual ingenuity of Florentmes 
 who were peculiarly skilful in evading or paralysing every law 
 directed against undue power for the preser^ ation of republican 
 
 * M. di Coppo Stefani, Lib. ix., Rub. Rub. 766, 767, 775.-S. Ammirato, 
 ^.t ^^ Lib. xm., p. 1 09. 
 
 t M. di Coppo Stefaui, Ist., Lib. ix., 
 
 'ii8i*j»#it''iPiJiPiMnE' 
 
410 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 411 
 
 equality. Nor was the grand jury of twentv-four citizens 
 created in 1366, a fomiidable obstacle; for the web was so 
 woven that whenever their names were drawn, if that of an ob- 
 noxious person appeared, one of the captains would immediately 
 rise and say that " He had seen the citizen leave Florence that 
 very morning for his villa " or some other such falsehood ; 
 upon which the name was replaced in the election purse, and 
 so on of others until that of some devoted minion or stauncher 
 partisan appeared. The most cruel and mischievous of these 
 magistrates was most applauded by his colleagues and on quit- 
 ting office frequently received the honours of a shield and pen- 
 non, as a citizen well deserving of his countiy *. They lost no 
 opportunity of augmenting a power already preposterous ; and 
 any man, even the most notorious Ghibeline, who either pri- 
 vately or publicly defended them was certain of favour : if a 
 prior lie was immediately lauded as a genuine Guelph, and the 
 adverse pai'ty similarly debased and persecuted. They even 
 adopted a standard emblazoned ^vith Charies I. of Anjou's 
 anns and named Benghi Buondelmonte their gonMonier as 
 if they were proceeding against some foreign enemy ; but its 
 drapery only appalled their trembling comitiymen. 
 
 So feari-ul was this power that in 1378 Alesso Baldovinetti 
 and Lorenzo di Dino were condemned to the block merely be- 
 cause the former by Dino s counsel dared to present a petition 
 against this new and fonnidable gonfalonier who had injured 
 them both. They were only saved by a legal objection of the 
 podesta who refused to execute the sentence but nevertheless 
 committed them to a dungeon, whence they vainly implored an 
 extension of mercy from their angiy tyrants f . 
 
 The great power and popularity of the eight was wormwood 
 to this faction, and in 1376 a more vigorous attack was resolved 
 
 * ^%^'' ^^^^^ ^^f*"^"'- ^^^- i-^.» t M. di C. Stefani, Lib. ix., Rub. 735, 
 Kub. /b/.— b. Ammirato, Lib. xiii., 771,779. 
 p. 70.9. 
 
 h. 
 
 on • first bv the never-ending admonition, and secondly by annul- 
 linir the right of petition established in 1372 against those ^ho 
 .eiHously injured their weaker neighbours. This prixilege had 
 in fact been excessively abused and became a mere mstrument 
 of private malice or knavery, yet on that very accouiit was 
 nerhaps, a more powerful weapon against the higher orders of 
 citizens. Creditors made use of it U> ruin their debtors even 
 for insignificant sums : imaginary obhgations of a centurj- old 
 «ere claimed on the strength of forged documents and their 
 fulfilment audaciously demanded from the descendants of these 
 visionaiy defaulters, who unable to prove the fraud were forced 
 either to compromise or be placed by petition amongst the 
 " Grandi " The facts too were frequently more distorted by 
 the plaintiff's assertions of having only received abuse aiid 
 threats and outrage in answer to his just and legitimate de- 
 mands. In this way a vexatious power of persecution was 
 placed in plebeian liands and used by them as heartlessly as 
 bv their more powerful neighboui-s ; for although (ss we are 
 t;id by the cotemporai7 historian Marchionne di Coppo 
 Stefani) most of those who were thus punished well desen-ed 
 it, yet not for the crime of which they were so infamously 
 
 "'we have seen that the object of tliis law was to protect the 
 weak from oppression by the powerful ; but its «=tio- '^^ ^e- 
 came in a maimer reversed and its reform, as a cloak to future 
 repeal, was the first object of the Capitani : a gonfalomer 
 and three priors of their own faction, and on that account omni- 
 potent in the seignorjs carried this decree which would have 
 Ln welcomed from any other quarter but these men w^re 
 suspected ; ordinances so beneficial were not usual and when 
 a threat of punishment was annexed to the failure of any cau e 
 instituted by petition, thus rendering that privilege completely 
 nugatory, puUic indignation rose high: but the remaining 
 prioi-s were fearful of opposing any of the party Guelph against 
 
 ^ 
 
412 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 wliicli even a whisper was perilous. The fearful expression 
 " Fa contra alia Parte,'" " It is against the Party," waspregnant 
 \\'ith a teiTor that may be more easily conceived by the fact 
 that in 1373 Bartolo Siminetti amongst other oppressive laws 
 decreed, that even if a citizen's duties were to keep him a wliole 
 day without food and that when he at last sat do^m to eat 
 another were to come and say, " This bread is against the 
 Party " he w^as bound to refrain from eating and instantly leave 
 the table ! ^^ 
 
 After the fate of Dino and Baldovinetti the captains deter- 
 mined tliat no rank or station should escape them, and in April 
 1378 they had the audacity to admonish Giovanni Dini, one of 
 the EIGHT, althoudi in the full execution of his office and j 
 
 a 
 
 great favourite of the people. This stroke above all others 
 completed the public disgust, and in fear, anger, and pity, so 
 audacious a piece of tyranny was contrasted with the mildness, 
 the virtue, and known justice of Dini himself; but the people 
 became still more exasperated when it was known to proceed 
 from the private malice of Simone Peruzzi, a member of the 
 EIGHT ; the unworthy successor of Magalotti who had died the 
 year before ; and this only because Dini liad l)lessed the memory 
 of the latter as a more discreet statesman ; Peruzzi had m fact 
 divulged some of their secrets but his son happening to be 
 then one of the captains Dinji was sacrificed, and replaced by 
 a creature of their own. The enemy's stronghold now became 
 so much reduced that no bounds remained to the captain's 
 audacity: ninety citizens had been disfranchised in eight months, 
 and Salvestro de' Medici would also have graced the list had he 
 not as yet proved too powerful and besides was so notorious a 
 Guelph that no charge of Ghibelinism could stand for a moment 
 against him : he was a dangerous antagonist and soon proved itf . 
 The vast number of half-ruined and plundered merchants 
 
 • M. di C. Stefiini, Lib. ix., Rub. 766. 779, 781, 7B6. — S. Amrairato, Lib. 
 f M. (11 C. Stefani, Lib. ix., Rub. 778, xiii., pp. 712, 713, &c\ 
 
 CHIP. XXTII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 413 
 
 i 
 
 that from various cmintrios unceasingly poured into Florence, 
 the victims of papal iniustice, kept augmenting the Guelphic 
 forces ; many of thciii joined in tlie cry that Florence was in 
 danger from the warlike itropcnsities of the eight and that 
 nothing but thinning their ranks by successive admonitions 
 could save her: the captains were encouraged by these mal- 
 contents, and even Saint Catherine of Sieiia a religious enthu- 
 siast of some talent, tlamgli held by many to be a hyj)oeritc and 
 somewhat light of cliaracicr, was employed as mediatrix but 
 still as a stanch friend of admonition ^=. 
 
 The accusers thus recn forced redoubled their former energy : 
 ^hen any pereon was admonished a bevy of young men awaited 
 his return from the ((Mnieil-room, and from tbe great staircase 
 of the captains' palace followed him home with hoothigs shouts 
 and unseemly noises such as, " Now fjo and make war on the 
 church.'' So that the insults were even more galling than 
 the injur}' f. Thus did tliis poisonous faction envenom the 
 community ; but the evil had spread so widely tliat the ancient 
 proverb "F/;t??cc nnn si mmne sc tutto non si duole," was once 
 more on the pomt of being verified. The better disposed now 
 began to understand each other, mutual confidence succeeded 
 to general distiiist, and it was currently whispered that if there 
 "were but one resolute man in the seignory to stem the torrent 
 by a vigorous decree, all evils would soon be remedied and 
 Florence saved, for there were more in oflice disgusted than 
 pleased with the cajttains of the Party Guelph. These mal- 
 contents soon united with the f.ight, and because in J\Iay KHB, 
 Salvestro de' ^ledici was almost sure to be drawn as gonfalo- 
 nier he became the loadstar of the discontented, and promised 
 everything: it was the beginning of great changes and furious 
 contention, of Guelphic downfall, and a fierce democratic 
 revolution which soon made the repubhc tremble J. 
 
 .•^M. di C. Stefani, Lib. ix., Rub. f Rtcfani, Lib. ix.. Rub. 70.5. 
 
 ;^^3. X M. di C. ytcfuni, Lib. ijt., Rub. 787. 
 
414 
 
 FLORENTINE IIISTORV. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 CtUP. XXVII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOKY. 
 
 415 
 
 Thij logllim:ilc mnsruutiouril jr,,vrniiii'nt i\w\ \ho Captains 
 of Party thus i.Lirc-l in stoni o].i)n>ition wore aotmnincd on a 
 coullict; but llic latter failing in an iii-.i.lious ntt-inpt to ex- 
 elude Sidvcstro do' Medici from ollko wor.^ uiUinj,' to couciliatfl 
 him bv some important conrcssion : whih' h.'. cautious even in 
 the removal nl evil; or m..ro prohahly a\v:uv that what was 
 otYored would not satisfy the p.-ph^ and th-refore must 
 sirength.Mi his own hands as ihrir rliampi-.n, tinally consented 
 to he°apiH'ascd. It was agreed that no man should theuce- 
 forth he admonislud wlio was not really a dhihtline ; that tlie 
 uame of any person should n<.t he put to the vote for admoni- 
 tion more than tlnv.' times in the council of twryty-four; and 
 that tho ordinan.vs of justiro sho.dd h.^ enf-Mv.Ml ag.dnst the 
 great-'-. The heads of the (iudphir p-.rty at this tune were 
 Piero de^li Alhizzi, Lapo tbi Castiglionchio. Niccolo Soderini, 
 Bartolo Siminetti and Carlo Strozzi : its ho<ly the greater part. j 
 of the rich and powerful popolani and the old nobility: ontlie^ 
 other side were the limit, Cliorgio Scali, still smarting under^ 
 admonition, and Tonnnaso Strozzi, hcidrs tho Medici, Albertii, 
 lUcci, and all the inferior citizens. The force of then: oppo- 
 neiits' appeared so formidalde to the (Juelphic party that nothing ; 
 but complete destru.-tion and exile could po-<ihly decide tie 
 contest and thev resolved to drive them from the city as tbeu . 
 ancestors had tl'ie Ghib.dines. A pbm v.ns arranged for seizing .'^ 
 the puhlie palare nnd etVci-ting a mmidete revolution in the 
 sUte: Litpn pres.rd its innm-diate evr.iiH^n assert mg that ;^ 
 debiv was the ruin of every enterprise; but Piero with all the , 
 caution of age wished it postpmed until the Baptist's feast 8 
 when the city would he full of peasantiy, and their own adhe- 
 rents more easily coiueab-d in the en.wd. 
 
 All this was previous to Salve.tro dr.' .Aledieis behig drawn 
 for -onfdonier, and Lapo was the more amvious on thatverr J 
 account because the electiou-pui'ses were empty of nam«| 
 
 ♦ S. Ammirato, Lib. xiii., p. 714. 
 
 except for one renewal of office which was known to be almost 
 exclusively Ghibeline, and hence a certainty of their arch- 
 enemy's accession to power. Piero proposed a remedy either 
 by boldly admonishing Salvestro himself, or else somebody 
 belonging to the colleges of his quarter, and in filling up the 
 vacant place the purses were so em])ty tliat Salvestro or a rela- 
 tion was sm-e to be drawn whieli would eflectually disable him 
 from becoming gonfalonier under the law of Dirieto. Lapo un- 
 willingly consented, and with the remark, that he who wants 
 all things to concur in his projects will never make the attempt 
 or do so at his peril. 
 
 The moment of action p^xssed ; the scheme was seen throucrh ; 
 a colleague was admonished, but the vacancy remained unfiifed! 
 Salvestro became gonlklonier of justice, and the above-noticed 
 attempt at reconciliation was the result. This agreement was 
 soon broken by the Captains of Party ; violence was used with 
 the twenty-four ; the names of Giraldo di Pagolo and Francesco 
 Maitiui only six weeks after were put to the ballot for admoni- 
 tion no less than two-and-twenty times instead of three, and 
 after a blasphemous oath on the occasi.jn by Bettino Ricasoli ; 
 through sheer weariness they were condemned *. 
 
 Salvestro di Alamanno de' Medici was one of what now began 
 to be called the *' Nolile Citizens," and a man of infinite slu-ewd- 
 ness, talent, and resolution : he was the first of his family, says 
 the historian Michele Bruto, who taught his posterity how by 
 courtmg the rabble and oppressing the noble citizens they 
 would make their way to the lordship and mastery of the re- 
 pubUef. Salvestro had long been familiar with public affairs, 
 and the surrender of his own brother to public justice although 
 with the promise of his life proved at least that self-dev^^o- 
 tiou was not tlie uppermost consideration of his mind. His 
 strength was in the lower orders of the commonwealth, of whose 
 
 * M. di C. Stefani, Lib. x., Rub. 789. cntinc, Volgari/ate da Stanislno Oat- 
 -b. Amrainito, Lib. xiv., p. 7 1 6. teschi, Lib. i«, p. 1 9. Fireuze, I «38. 
 
 t Uiovanni Michcle Bruto, 1st. Fior- 
 
416 
 
 FLOKENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 417 
 
 riahts he ms the unfliuching advocate, and hating the adverse 
 V^ny determined to curh their audacity : the breach of compact 
 appeared to embitter his enmity, and ^vith Alberti, Strozzi and 
 Scali he resolved to enforce its observance by a law that should 
 serve as the first step towards the party's downfall, and open a 
 way for all admonished persons to recover their rights. Bemg 
 in his turn " Propostor (the proposer of laws or president of 
 the sei-norv) an office lasting only three days at a tnne but 
 with gi"eat\mthority; Salvestro detemined to carry his law 
 throucrh the colleges and council of the people in one and the 
 same dav after having prepared liis fiiends for the event ; but 
 he met with such a storm of opposition in the former as to 
 convince him that onlv some decided step could meet the crisis. 
 Slipping awav therefore during this agitation he appeared sud- 
 denly in the popular council and from a conspicuous place 
 appealed to its judgment. " He thought that lie had b^.i 
 " made g..nfalonier, not to hear private causes, but to look alter 
 
 - the public safety, correct the insolence of the great and 
 
 - modifv those laws which were bringing the commonwealth to . 
 
 - destruction. These duties had continually occupied his mmtl. 
 
 - and he believed that he had found a remedy ; but by tlio 
 " raali^ant spirit of certmn men he was prevented from doni<^ 
 "any puldic good; and even they themselves, who w.n 
 
 - especially the people s council, were not only relused th. 
 
 - rictht of deliberation but even of hearing it proposed ; where- 
 
 - fore seeing himself thus hindered from carrying any measures 
 
 - for the public welfare he saw no reason for longer holding an 
 
 - office which he was either really unworthy of, or was coiisi- 
 
 - dered bv others to be so. He would therefore instantly 
 
 - retire, ami resuming the conduct of his domestic affairs, leave 
 
 - the place open to some citizen of greater virtue or better lor- 
 
 - tune than himself " *. He then (piitted the assembly. Those 
 
 * M. di C. Stefani, Stor. Fior., LiK x., Rub. 789, 790. - MacclmvcUi, LiL. 
 iiio^ — i^. Animirato, Lib. xiv., p. 717. 
 
 who were aware of the scheme, and all who wished for a change 
 took instant advantage of this discourse, and great excitement 
 prevailed ; the seignoiy and colleges ran from their apartment 
 to appease this new tumult and meeting Salvestro on his way 
 out detained and reconducted him to the council chamber. 
 The whole assembly was in commotion ; many of the noble 
 citizens were insulted, menaced, and even outraged : Carlo 
 Strozzi was collared by a tradesman, reminded that his reign 
 of oppression was over, and would have been killed but for the 
 assistance of his friends. But the agitation was completed and 
 all Florence roused into tumult by Benedetto degli Alberti 
 who placing himself at the palace window, witli a loud voice 
 called on the people to arise ; and shouts of '• Viva il Popolo ; 
 Vim il PopoW were immediately echoed through every street. 
 This cry was well understood ; the tramp of men was soon dis- 
 tinguished ; the palace square bristled with lances, helm and 
 cuirass began to gleam, crossbows were bent, banners fluttered 
 in the air, and reiterated cries of " Viva il Popolo'' completed 
 the sthring scene. The Guelphs also armed, but being shghtly 
 supported soon dispersed in alarm, wherefore no weapon was 
 unsheathed ; but the terror-stmck colleges hurried on the bill, 
 which going straight to the " Consiglio del Popolo" was at once 
 carried by acclamation*. 
 
 There is nothing easier than to stir up revolutions especially 
 in small states, if men's minds be previously prepared by op- 
 pression, and nothing more difficult than to arrest them after- 
 wards ; it is the time for soothing not excitement : one man 
 kicks the ball and thinks he can govern it ; a stronger than he 
 takes it up ; another and another, until the first player is left 
 out of sight and forgotten and his original ball shattered to 
 pieces. Salvestro de' ]\Iedici meant to cast down his enemy 
 and enjoy the triumph ; he was deceived ; the spell was too 
 
 • M. di C. Stefani, Lib. x., Rub. 790.-Macdiiavclli, Lib. iii«.— S. Am- 
 nmato. Lib. xiv., p. 718. 
 
 VOL. II. E E 
 
418 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 potent : a spirit was. raised that he could not master and he 
 became frightened at his own enchantment. Men's passions 
 had been long seetliing under a high pressure, and that once 
 removed one wide burst of feeling shook the entire community! 
 All Florence trembled ; the shops closed like flowers before a 
 storm ; armed citizens were seen preparing for danger ; goods 
 were removed to the convents, churches were tilled with private 
 property, other valuables consigned to secret places and every- 
 thing presaged a tempest. The trades met and chose a syndic 
 each, priors and colleges assembled with them and discussed 
 the means of peace; opinions differed because interests differed 
 and numbers had no wish for tranquillity : there were also many 
 wrongs to revenge, and private suffering wiis confounded with 
 public good. Nothing therefoi'e was done. 
 
 Next day but one the trades again armed and united under 
 their several banners, and the priors in consternation assembled 
 a council : it had scarcely met when the palace square was 
 once more thronged ^vith moody citizens arrayed under their 
 various ensigns and followed by a fierce and numerous populace. 
 The government hastily created a Balia which being composed 
 .)f the Seignory, colleges, eight of war, captains of |)arty, and 
 sj-ndics of trades, besides other citizens, it was hoped would 
 insure confidence and ultimate tranquillity. But outrage had 
 already begmi, the house of Lapo da Castiglionchio was bunied 
 and plundered while he escaped in the disguise of a monk 
 to the Casentino, bitterly regi'etting his weakness in consenting 
 to Albizzi's delay. Piero and Strozzi were also concealed but 
 their property suffered for evil spreads rapidly; fires mul- 
 tiphed, the prisons were emptied, convents lost their sanctity, 
 and those even of Santo Spirito and the Angioli were no 
 protection against plunder. Houses and palaces fell one upon 
 another like cards ; those of the Pazzi, Strozzi, Albizzi, Mig- 
 liori, Guadagni and Buondelmonti were all bunied and plun- 
 dered and the storm still raged : but Piero di Fronte the prior 
 
 CHAP. XXVII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 rode out at the head of an armed band and saved the public 
 palace Santo Spirito and other parts by his prompt intrepidity. 
 Night closed in and was tranquil. When morning dawned 
 the Balia hastily met and restored all admonished citizens 
 to their rights on condition of not exercising any public functions 
 for three years ; they then annulled the oppressive laws of 
 Siminetti and declared Lapo di Castiglionchio and his col- 
 leagues rebels. A new Seignory of peaceable citizens was 
 drawn and Luigi Guicciardini made gonfalonier of justice; but 
 without any immediate eftect : the tempest was not over ; the 
 shops opened not ; arms were not laid by ; and watch and ward 
 were kept throughout the city. 
 
 The new magistracy deemed it imprudent to enter office 
 with the usual processions and public ceremony and all was 
 performed in the palace ; this was blamed as vile and timid, 
 but they laboured hard for peace and partly succeeded : arms 
 were now forbidden, the shops slowly reopened, and the pea- 
 santry already assembled to aid their lords, were forcibly dis- 
 missed; patrols then traversed the still unquiet streets and a 
 hollow calm succeeded-'. J 
 
 All might now have gradually subsided into peace had not 
 the provocation been so deep ; but great injustice had been 
 committed, mucli crime perpetrated, many injuries remained 
 unexpiated ; the admonished were naturally vindictive, not over 
 scrupulous, and far from satisfied to wait three years for office : 
 they were bold numerous, and oppressed, and had fiery mate- 
 rials under them wherewith to operate ; they had also justice. 
 The trades again met elected new syndics and demanded that 
 no citizen who had held public office since 1310 should be 
 admonislied even on suspicion of Ghibelinism, unless his case 
 had been first examined by the Seignory and colleges, the ten 
 of liberty, and a consul from each art ; also that new election 
 pm'ses should be made for the captains of party and the old 
 
 * Ammii-ato, Lib. xiv., p. 721. 
 E E 2 
 
FLORENTINE HISTORY 
 
 [book I. 
 
 ones destroyed. These demands were discussed, thought pre- 
 sumptuous and rejected : the trades once more armed, the col- 
 leges were agam intimidated, and the petition then passed with- 
 out amendment. Thus half measures, as is usual, crept timidly 
 on to whole ones when too late ; what would have been at first 
 received as a boon was now extorted as a right ; success in 
 all cases begets confidence, confidence audacity, and new de- 
 mands start up : first justice, afterwards vengeance ; then oppres- 
 sion changes sides, and power, ambition, tyranny, all are again 
 seated and in full action under difierent colours. The middle 
 classes, still led by Salvestro and his party, almost deified him ; 
 people rushed to see him as a wonderful thing, he w:is fullowed 
 by crowds and pointed out to the children as the ^'Liberator of 
 his country and the hreaher of all ties and bonds of servitude'' •^^. 
 By this party the people were told, and perhaps truly, that 
 no security could be expected until many of their ant^igonists 
 were either expelled the city or destroyed ; wherefore commo- 
 tion augmented, and the Seignory sending for all syndics and 
 magistrates of trades convinced them by a sensible speech of their 
 error in demanding more for the mere sake of vengeance, when 
 enough had been already done to satisfy ever>^ claim of justice. 
 " Tell us honestly," said Guicciardini, "what more can you 
 " fairly demand ? You wished to humble the captidns of party ; 
 " it is done : you desired that their lists shoidd be destroyeil 
 " and the office reformed : we have consented. You demanded 
 - that the admonished should be restored ; and we have per- 
 " mitted it : we have at your intercession pardoned those who 
 •' have burned houses and plundered churches, and multitudes 
 " of honoured and powerful citizens have been banished to 
 " please you. The great at your bidding have been restrained 
 " with new ties ; what will be the end of your demands ? How 
 " long will you continue to -make an evil use of our liberality? 
 •• Do you not perceive that we can bear defeat better than you 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib. xiv., p. 721, &e. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII 
 
 .] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 421 
 
 " can victory ?" This speech was received with respect, the 
 deputation retired, and two magistrates were appointed in con- 
 junction with the syndics to examine what remained of griev- 
 ances and report on the subject*. 
 
 But the fire had now descended ; the lowest class of work- 
 men were also aggrieved : then never possessed a voice in the 
 commonwealth but suffered much from bad administration, 
 and therefore joined the general movement: they too had 
 committed crimes ; had burned and plundered, infringed the 
 law in many ways, and now feared with reason that those who 
 before hounded them on, having gained what they wanted 
 would leave their followers to that punishment which many 
 felt conscious of deserving. They moreover generally hated 
 their masters and were discontented with the low wages and 
 injustice they received. In Charles of Anjou's day when the 
 citizens were divided into twelve trades, afterwards increased to 
 twenty-one, there were certain officers called consuls who go- 
 verned each, and the republic being essentially mercantile their 
 power became paramount. This double class of " Arts ;" the 
 former comprised principally of liberal professions and mer- 
 chants, the latter of meaner trades; combined with other 
 causes generated two parties, because the ancient Guelphic 
 citizens under whose auspices the Party Guelph had been esta- 
 blished, belonged to and were supported by the fonner in oppo- 
 sition to the latter, and the gonfjdonier of justice had invariably 
 been chosen from the higher class. They were in fact and conse- 
 quences though not in name, an aristocracy and democracy with 
 opposing tastes \'iews and sentiments under the appellative, 
 " Citizen ; " and hence the continual bickerings heart.-burnings 
 and tumults already related : but as many of the lowest callings 
 did not enter into these distinct divisions of trades, they were 
 placed in masses under that particular art with which their 
 business was most nearly connected. 
 
 * Maccliiavelli, Lib. iii°. 
 
422 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 The " Arte delta Lana' or wool and cloth trade rose fiir 
 alK)ve the rest in extent opulence and authority, and in its 
 various branches employed a greater number and variety of 
 workmen, especially of the lowest classes, than any other. 
 On feeling themselves oppressed these poor people had no 
 other tribunal of justice than that composed of their oppres- 
 sors, and therefore did not always receive it, the former being 
 judges in their own cause, and the latter without appeal ; where- 
 fore the conflict of masters and workmen was often in full 
 activity, although on veiT unequal terms, in the workshops of 
 Florence. 
 
 All this engendered a constant feeling of asperity between 
 these classes, aggravated by a degrading and painful conscious- 
 ness of complete dependence even for daily bread. These 
 enmities continually broke forth ; and being now coupled ^vith 
 riots, arson, plunder, and other illegal acts rendered them almost 
 desperate, wherefore they assembled to take measures for their 
 own protection. 
 
 These lower classes of Florentines had, during Walter 
 de Brienne's tyranny, acquired the name of " Ciompr a 
 corrupt Italian pronunciation of the French tenn Compere 
 with which the Duke of Athens' soldiers were wont in famili- 
 arity to address their Florentine companions ; and hence this 
 name had long become a general appellation of the populace. 
 Perceiving the turn of affairs, and that Nuto da Citta di Cas- 
 tello, a new and severe Bargello, had arrived to punish them, 
 they all assembled at a place called Eorwo, then outside of 
 the Porta Romana and were addressed substantially as 
 follows by one of the ablest and most experienced of theii' 
 ringleaders. 
 
 '* If our purpose were now to deliberate on the propriety of 
 *' arming ourselves to bm*n and plunder the dwellings of citi- 
 *' zens and despoil churches, I am one of those who would 
 *' deem it wiser to pause, and it may be would rather continue 
 
 CHAP. XXVII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 423 
 
 t( 
 
 i( 
 
 
 n 
 
 u 
 
 li 
 
 i( 
 
 in quiet poverty than run the risk of so dangerous a game. 
 But as arms have already been used and much mischief 
 done, we should now reason as men who would not leave 
 their work incomplete or themselves in danger for what has 
 already been committed. Had we not before this time learned 
 our lesson from others, necessity would now teach us what 
 we ought to do : you see the whole city bursting with hatred 
 against us, the citizens are all reconciled and the Seignory is 
 ever sure to favour our employers. Are they not spreading 
 fresh nets for us ? preparing new forces against us ? we 
 must think of two things in our meetings ; security for past 
 crimes and more liberty for tlie future. Now the surest 
 way to obtain pardon for old faults is in my opinion to com- 
 mit new ones : let us therefore redouble our offences, om- 
 conflacfrations and our robberies ; but let us have numerous 
 accomplices, for where many sin none are punished : petty 
 offences are chastised, but the great and heavy are rewarded ; 
 and when many suffer few attempt revenge, because general 
 injuiy is easier home than individual wrong. In the multi- 
 plication of evil therefore will forgiveness be more easily 
 found and a way opened to secure those things we deem 
 essential to our own liberty. It appears to me also that we 
 go to certain triumph, because those who have the power to 
 oppose us are both disunited and rich ; their disunion will 
 give us the victory and their riches in our hands will after- 
 wards enable us to maintain it. Be not abashed at their 
 ancient blood with which we shall be taunted ; for all men 
 having spnmg from the same stock are equally ancient and 
 fashioned in the same mould. Strip us all naked and you 
 will see our similaritv. Let us dress in their clothes and 
 
 t. 
 
 they in ours; we shall then seem noble and theij ignoble 
 because riches and poverty is the sole distinction between us. 
 It grieves me to hear that many amongst you repent of what 
 has been done and would abstain from more ; now if this be 
 
424 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 " tnie you are not the men I took you for, because neither con- 
 " science nor infamy should alarm you : those who win, uo 
 " matter how, are never disgraced ; and of conscience we 
 '• should hold no account because where the fear of stanation 
 " and imprisonment prevails, as it does with us, that of liell 
 " neither can nor ought to be considered. Look around you 
 " and observe how all those that attain great power or riches, 
 " do so by force or fraud and then varnish over the profits of 
 *• deceit and violence with some respectable name ; while on 
 *' the contrary they who through folly or prudence shun such 
 " means remain for ever in poverty and ser^'itude. Faithful 
 " servants are always ser\'ants, and honest men are everiast- 
 *' ingly poor. None ever emancipate themselves from slaveiy 
 " and niiseiy but the audacious and unfaithful, unless it be the 
 " fraudulent and rapacious. God and nature have placed every 
 " man's fortune in his own hands and have thus inclined him 
 " more to rapine than industry ; rather to the wicked than tlic 
 '* good arts of mankind. Hence men devour each other and 
 " the weakest suffers. We should therefore use force while wo 
 " can, and fortune now favours us beyond our expectations. 
 " The citizens are still disunited, the Seignoiy irresolute, the 
 " magistrates intimidated, and ere they recover themselves we 
 " shall easily overj^ower them : we shall then rule absolutely 
 " in this city, or at least so nearly as to command indemnity 
 " for the past and threaten our enemies for the future. I 
 " acknowledge the danger, the rashness of this enterprise ; 
 " but where necessity prompts temerity becomes prudence, 
 " and in great undertakings men of spirit take no account of 
 ** danger. What commences with peril finishes with reward, 
 *' and it is ever dangerous even to fly fmm danger. But 
 " where death torture and fettei-s are prepared it is more 
 " terrible to remain where we are than seek for security, 
 " because in the first our calamities are certain, in the second 
 *' doubtful. How many times have I heard you complain of 
 
 CHAP. XX vn.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 425 
 
 •' the avarice of your superiors, of the injustice of your magis- 
 " trates ? Now is the time not only to liberate yourselves, 
 " but to become so much their superiors that they will com- 
 " plain of and fear you more than you do them. Opportunity 
 " now flutters before you but when once on the wing you shall 
 " ever after seek for it in vain ! You see the preparations of your 
 " enemies ! Let us be before them, and whichever first arms 
 " will surely have the victory, will ruin his enemy and certainly 
 " e.xalt himself; honour will then be the reward of many and 
 *• security of all " *. 
 
 This discourse inflamed the unquiet spirit of his hearers 
 who instantly resolved on sedition as soon as a sufficient num- 
 ber of conspirators were enlisted in the cause; whereupon 
 Simoncino Buggigatti, Pagolo della Bodda, and Lorenzo Hicco- 
 manni swore in all the others to be true to themselves and their 
 party and act unitedly. The twenty-first of July 1378 was fixed 
 on for revolt ; but magisterial suspicions were awake ; the first 
 ringleader was suddenly arrested, fettered, tortured, and the 
 whole plot discovered: he had already given full information, 
 but the question was applied for more details, and during these 
 torments he accused Giovanni Dini and several of the admo- 
 nished citizens as chiefs, and Salvestro de' Medici as the prin- 
 cipal mover of all f. It so happened that while Simoncino 
 suffered, one of his accomplices was regulating the jmlace 
 clock and therefore able to see and hear enough to convince 
 him that no time was to be lost; instantly descending he 
 ran ofl^ to San Friano roused up the conspirators, assembled 
 all the malcontents, and at daylight on the twenty-first, a 
 part for sedition, a part for defence : the whole population was 
 in arms. 
 
 Eveiy company remained to protect its own quarter except 
 two who obeyed the general summons and repaired to the 
 public palace ; but the Seignory had only eighty lances of the 
 
 * Macchiavelli, Lib, iii«. f Gino Capponi, Tumulto de' Ciompi, p. 230 
 
426 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 regular troops assembled in the square, so that seeing ihein- 
 selves unsupported even these two companies returned to pro- 
 tect their families -. The Ciompi of Santo Spirito, San Piero 
 Maggiore and San Lorenzo were in amis and fierrely demanded 
 their prisoners ; these being refused they burned the gonftUo- 
 nier s house and forced the Seij^norv to submission : then 
 seizing the standard of justice, under its broad shadow they pur- 
 sued the work of conflagration; where that ltd they followed, 
 and it fluttered to the cry of any who had a wrong to revenge 
 or an enemy to injure. But there was some high spirit at 
 that time amongst them, no robbery was coniniitted ; punish- 
 ment and vengeance occupied them more than avarice ; they 
 were resolved not to be taunted with the name of plunderers ; 
 and cloth, beds, pearls, and silver ; valuabUs of overy kind, 
 were committed indiscriminately to the flames, nay the histo- 
 rian Stefani says he saw a man stabbed in tlie back with a 
 lance for attempting to keep a fowl and a piece of salted 
 meat +. 
 
 Salvestro de' ^Medici, on the confession of Simoncino, was 
 examhied by the Seignor}'and acknowledged that projwsals had 
 been made to him by the Ciomi)i which he treated with that 
 contempt he thought they deserved but owned his fault in not 
 ffivinji timelv information : he was dismissed, but with difficulty, 
 and more throufrh fear than anv conviction of liis innocence. 
 Salvestro was still the popular citizen, and in this day of mad- 
 ness was knighted \\ith upwards of sixty more, by the victorious 
 Ciompi ;. Amongst the favourites so honoured were Benedetto 
 and Antonio degli Alberti, Tommaso Strozzi, and even Luigi 
 Guicciardini whose house had been bunied that voiy morning! 
 But friends and foes, all were indiscriminately honoured or 
 injm-ed by a wild mixture of hate justice and gratitude in 
 this unregulated crowd §. The Seignoiy were left to their 
 
 * Macchiavelli, Lib. iii**. — S. Ammi- 
 
 rato. Lit), xiv., p. 724. 
 
 t M. di Coppo Stefani, Lib. x., Rub. 
 
 795. 
 
 X S. Ammirato, Lib. xiv., p. 724. 
 § M. di C. Stefani, Lib. x. Rub. 795. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 427 
 
 own resources ; all those citizens not in the plot kept near their 
 family mansions, the insurgents had augmented to six thousand, 
 the government was null ; and thus passed the night. Before 
 daylight the gonfaloniers of cornjianies were menaced by the 
 populace and compelled to unfurl their flags, which many well 
 disposed citizens joined from pure apprehension : but these 
 banners and the standard of justice carried an appearance of 
 legitimate authority that emboldened them to summon the 
 Podesta s palace, and on his refusal to surrender they attacked 
 and earned it : this liecame their head quarters, and a deputa- 
 tion from the government soon after arrived to hear their 
 demands ■•''. 
 
 They insisted that the wool trade should no longer have a 
 foreign judge ; tliat its inferior branches, such as combers, 
 carders, washers, and others, should have consuls of their own 
 and be no longer subject to the corporation ; that the dyers, 
 tailors, barbers, and many otliers should idso have consuls and 
 priors; that no more interest should be paid on the public 
 debt but the whole principal be honestly discharged in twelve 
 yeai's ; that all the banished, except rebels and traitors, should 
 be recalled; that the penalty of loss of lind) should be abolished 
 and a fine substituted : and that none of themselves should be 
 hable to imprisonment for any dol.t under 50 florins during two 
 years, with various other financial regulations : amongst them was 
 a stipulation that Guido Jiandiera a wool-carder and one of the 
 new knights, because he was the lirst to revolt and behaved well 
 in the subsequent transactions should have ^000 golden florins 
 from confiscated property ; and that Salvestro de' Medici to 
 support his new honour sliould be endowed with the rent of 
 all the houses on Ponte Veechio amounting to 000 florins an- 
 nually ; that a general pardon should be issued for all oflences 
 committed since the eighteenth of June ; that the admonished 
 should be completely emancipated ; and that three priors instead 
 
 * GinoCapponi, Turaulto de' Ciompi, p. 237.— S. Ammirato, Lib. xiv., p. 728. 
 
428 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 of two, ami one-third of the other puhlic officers should he chosen 
 from the fourteen minor trades. Besides this many fevourite and 
 ohnoxious citizens were named hoth for rewards and puiiisli- 
 ments, hut there was no demand for hlood ; and finally that (iio- 
 vanni Dini should he reinstated amongst the eight councillors of 
 war.-'= These demands were far from wild or unreasonahle, most 
 of them were salutary, and moreover showed a consideration for 
 those ahove them little to he expected from a vexed and angiy 
 multitude smarting under oppression : neither could they well 
 be resisted and therefore passed the colleges; hut to give them 
 the force of law it was necessary that they sliould also pass the 
 various councils, until which time the people promised to he 
 quiet. On the twenty-second of July the latter hecame sus- 
 picious and impatient ; assemhling hefore the j^^'il^^ce they 
 alarmed the members, and the petition soon became law witli 
 only ten negative votes out of a hundred and eighty-four. Sus- 
 picion was now augmented amongst the insurgents, and seeing 
 their mood change the Seignory felt so nuich alarm, that one 
 after another they all escaped to their own houses except Ala- 
 manno Acciaiuoli and Xiccolo del Bene who findin<^ that thev 
 could not retain tlieir colleagues, (not to appear, Sfdth the his- 
 torian, more bmve than wise), also departed and thus left the 
 public palace in the hands of the Eight of War and the 
 populace f. 
 
 The former who appear to have acted in concert with Salves- 
 tro and the admonished citizens, had encouraged the Seignory 
 to retire and leave them in possession of the government ; they 
 therefore lost no time m attempting to secure a new administra- 
 tion of more congenial politics but were disappointed;. When 
 the palace was taken ]\Iichele di Lando, an unsliod, half-naked 
 wool-comber bearing the standard of justice, instantly ascended 
 
 * Gino Capponi, Tumulto de' Ciompi, multo de' Ciompi, p. 243. — M. di 
 
 p. 241. C. Stcfani, Lib. x., Ruh. 795.— S. 
 
 + Mem. Storiche di Ser Nad do di Ammirato, Lib. xiv., p. 729. 
 
 Montecatiui, p. 13. — G. Capponi, Tu- ;J:Tumultodc'Ciompi,pp.246,247,&c*. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 429 
 
 the stairs and entered the council chamber : there stopping 
 and turning to the people he said, '' This palace is now yours 
 and the city entirely in your power ! What do you mean to 
 do ? " He was ordered himself to assume the government and 
 rule as best pleased him : IMicliele had been a soldier ; was an 
 able prudent and sagacious man, more indebted to nature than 
 fortune, and a real lover of his country : poor and ra^^ged as he 
 was, he had inspired his fellow-labourers with unusual respect, 
 juid such conlidenee as soon raised him to a conspicuous place 
 in the insurrection-:-. Fearlessly accepting the char^re he 
 at once took measures for i-estoiing public tranquillity: a 
 gallows was erected in tlie palace S(|uare to check plunder and 
 conflagration, and its first victim was the new BaF^ello who 
 being suspended by the leg was in a few moments literally 
 pulled to pieces ; so intense was puhlic hatred against him ! 
 All robbery and burnings were forbidden on pain of death ; 
 the syndics of trades were dismissed and new ones chosen : 
 the Seignoiy and colleges were deprived of power; the election- 
 purses were all committed to the flames, and the Eight of 
 War commanded to quit the palace in order to show the world 
 that Florence could do well without them. Lando then assem- 
 hled the new syndics ; elected four priors, two from each class 
 of trades, and four more from the lowest classes of the people : 
 he made new election-purses ; divided the community into three 
 I'arts ; namely the major and minor arts, and those so recently 
 created. This made Florence a real republic, as the whole 
 body of people had now for the first time a voice in the com- 
 monwealth. He conflrmed to Salvestro de' ^Medici the rents 
 of the Ponte Vecchio ; appointed himself Podesta of Phnpoli ; 
 and to many other citizens of known popularity he <>ave 
 places to secure their friendship : for either the influerjce of 
 sudden power, or a long-sighted sagacity which led him to 
 nnitate the unjust steward ; but more probably a strong convic- 
 
 * Leon. Arctino, Lib. ix., folio 167. 
 
430 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CIUF. XXVJI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 431 
 
 tion of the necessity of supporting the higher orders ; seems 
 early to have affected Michele di Lando^-. 
 
 The people too thought that tliese measures leaned manily 
 towards the rich ; thev hecanie discontented and turbulent, 
 assembled under the palace, ordered the Seignoiy to descend 
 on the lUnghiera and confer with them about matters tluit 
 recrarded public safety : they were armed and numerous ; had 
 elected a -Council of Khjht'' with sovereign authority ni 
 Florence ; issued their connnands with liaughtmess trom the 
 church of Santa :\Iaiia Novella, and were not miaccompamed 
 by some of the higher classes of citizens! . At the palace they 
 were tumultuous and insolent ; ordered the fonnation of a now 
 Sei^^norv to take place in their presence, rejected multitudes ot 
 names from pure caprice or at the cry of some obscure mdi- 
 vidual, and spent the day in violence. More demands were 
 made next morning ; Salvestro de' Medici wa. to lose his rents ; 
 the other dignities so lately given were to be cancel ed, and 
 amonc^st them the podestaship of Michele di Lando himselt- 
 He had spent 100 tlorins on a horse, and had assumed or 
 received the high distinction of shield and pennon ; this raised 
 suspicions against him in which Salvestro de' Medici and Bene- 
 detto de^-li Albeiti were included: the government became 
 alarmed \nd wavermg but negotiations .-ontinued and the 
 insurgents, according to Stefani, would have gained their euJs 
 if Landos honours had remained inviolate : but the people 
 would not suffer even the distinctive pennon, and tlius lashed 
 
 him into fury \. . ^ f } 
 
 The city had now two rival governments ; both powertiU, 
 
 both usurped, and lx)th composed of the lowest orders of society : 
 
 that of Santa :\Iaria Novella decreed that eight deputies from 
 
 their body should reside in the palace and contirm or reject -aW 
 
 * Marchiavelli, Lib. iii^ 
 
 t Leon. Aretino, Lib. ix., folio IG/. 
 
 — S. Auimirato, Lib. xiv. p. 73-2. 
 
 t Macchiavelli, Lib. iii".— M. di <-'. 
 Stefani, Lib. X., Rub. 803.— Mcmonc 
 Storiche di Ser NaJdo, p. 10. 
 
 acts of the Seignory, besides other strong resolutions which 
 were notified to the latter by two insurgent members with tlie 
 alternative of imoiediate approval or subsequent coercion. This 
 mission was accompanied by all that vulgar insolence which is 
 so often mistaken for liberty, and the gonfalonier was reproached 
 with his conduct to those wlio had exalted him : what truth and 
 justice was mingled up in these reproofs can now be only con- 
 jectured ; for the Florentine historians were all citizens of the 
 upper class, and more or less tinctured willi such a spirit of 
 hatred and contempt for the poinilacc as in such matters clouds 
 their veracity. Their high praise of ]\Iichele Lando was per- 
 haps merited; but we lUiiy Ijelieve that something more than 
 simple justice on his part was required to draw it forth in 
 unmeasured terms from an jintagonist faction ; and his subse- 
 quent exile proves that with many of them fear was more pre- 
 dominant than affection or esteem. However this may be, 
 Lando was not a man to be;ir tamely the insolence of otliers or 
 allow the dignity of g()nf;ilonier to be menaced, or even slighted 
 in his person with impunity : exasperated by the deputies' 
 behaviour he started up, divvv his weapon, wounded both, and 
 then imprisoned them. Tliis rendered the multitude furious 
 and Lando at once prepared for opposition : he had the citizens 
 with him, for they hated the Ciompi and felt his importance 
 as the friend of order ; but he had also spread a politic rumour 
 to which cireumstaiuTs gave ji plausible colouring, that the 
 msurgents wanted to call in a foreign master to their aid, and 
 thus by enlisting public feeling united his party more firmly =:^ 
 The Eight of Sant;i :\Iaria Novella sounded to arms ; the 
 bells of San Paulo rang a stormy i)c:il, luid those of San Friano 
 answered them ; San (.lorgio, San Niccolo, Beletri, and Sant' 
 Ambrogio, all chimed in with jruTing tones ; and the insurgents 
 were soon united at San Friano. Lando on the other side 
 rapidly assembled the companies ; the great campana sounded a 
 
 • Boninscgni, Lib. iv., p. 628.— :\Lir. di Coppo Stcfeni, Lib. x., Rub. 804. 
 
432 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [fiooK r. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIl.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 433 
 
 storm, and the palace square soon echoed to the clash of arms : 
 Giorgio Scali conmmnded within the palace, and while Lando 
 marched to Santa ^laria Novella where he expected to find the 
 insurgents, they arrived hy another road at the seat of govern- 
 ment. Both sides were loth to commeiire, and even after 
 Lando returned and secured all the surrounding streets an 
 attempt was made to reconcile them : chance, as often happens, 
 finally hegan the contlict, and fortune ended it by a complete 
 rout of the Ciomin : tlying from the city in all direction^ they 
 left Michele absolute master of Florence and on the following 
 day he resigned his office in honourable triumph-. 
 
 This victoiy gave spirit to the citizens who resolved to have 
 none of the Ciompi as priors in the new guvernment : Lando 
 too was of this mind, and gave a hint at parting that they 
 were weakest in the Seignory and might be easily i]vv{A: 
 no sooner was he g(nie than tumults recommenced and shouts 
 of " To arms, to arms, doun with the Ciomja^' tilled the palace 
 square. A meetuig of the consuls of trades was innneai;itely 
 convoked by the priors and a resolution pi— * d that no Ciompo 
 should be eligible to that dignity but that the two new cor- 
 porations of inferior trades might remain : that live of tlir 
 priors were to be chosen from the sixteen nnnor trades and f*»iir 
 from the others but the gonfalonier alternately from either 
 section; and thus in proportion the colbges. In consequence 
 of this a Ciompo called Baroccio who \^a> gonfalonier of jus- 
 tice, with a prior of that class were immediately expelled and 
 replaced by Giorgio Scali and Francesco di Michele f. 
 
 Thus was tran(|uillity for a while restored with considerable 
 increase of political power to the lower classes : but the rein^ 
 of government again fell into the hands of those citizens who 
 had commenced the revolution : so sure it is, that unless sui'- 
 
 * M. diC. Stefani,Lib. x.. Rub. n04. 
 
 — Boninscgiii, Lib. iv. p. 630. 
 
 + Historie di Giovanni Cumbi, p. 
 
 12i;, voL XX.— Delizie degli Eru.liti 
 Tostani. — Mar. di Coppo Stcfani, Lib. 
 .\., Uub. 805, 80G. 
 
 [»orted by extraneous riches and unusual intelligence, the poor 
 alone ^\ill never be able to accomplish any pemianent political 
 changes in a state. Almost all the Ciompi s acts were annulled 
 by the new government, and a modification of the two principal 
 councils was established. The lirst, called the Captain of the 
 People s Council, was composed of a hundred and sixty citi- 
 zens ; that is forty from each <juarter, and twenty from each 
 class of trades. The second lalled the Council of the Podesta 
 or Community, was similarly chosen and equally numerous as 
 regarded popular riti/ens ; but with an addition of forty mem- 
 bers from the aristocratic ranks, divided equally anion<^st the 
 four quarters of the town. They could be assembled by the 
 functionaries wlio^e names tliey liore and by the Seignory, yec 
 could discuss nothing but what had previously passed the 
 executive govornment. A " Petition" or Ihll ili(^refore went, 
 the day after it lia.d been appnjvod of by the Seignory and two 
 colleges, to the Caj)tain of the Peo^des Council ; and the next 
 day to that of the Podesta, wliicdi gave it as much the force of 
 law as if it had been iicrsonally decreed by the whole Floren- 
 tine nation : the Consuls of Trades and other magistrates had 
 aright of assisting- at botli, and the community was thus repre- 
 sented by about lour hundred citizens popularly chosen. A 
 new ])oli<;e magistracy wa> ci-eate.l to protect the city and con- 
 tado from plots robl,ery and contlagratiou ; and lastly a great 
 coimed oUiichusti was ealled together in which all were invited 
 to propose measures for the public good, as mucli dissatisfaction 
 >till prevailed and men's minds were far from trampiil. The 
 two Ciompi wounded In- Lando were put to death after con- 
 leasing to seditious practices which involved thirty-six other 
 ciiiz. ns. wlio not a}q)earing were condemned in goods and person. 
 Those citizens knighted by the Cii.mjti were invited to have 
 themselves dubbed afresh by the republic and Guelphic party, 
 and their installation was accompanied by a great festival and 
 niagniticent ceremonies to wash out the stain of origmal shi. 
 
 VOL. 11. p y 
 
434 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 435 
 
 During the July revolutions peace had been concluded with 
 the pope for a payment of -250,000 florins in four years ; and 
 in October the interdict, which Florence had voluntaiily 
 returned to after the death of Gregor}', was altogether removed. 
 The gonfaloniership of Andrea Salviati for November and 
 December passed quietly, and an important law for the pre- 
 servation of peace and public economy was during that time 
 renewed. It ordained that no wiu- should be made ; no troops 
 cross the frontier ; no new league be formed ; no military 
 assistance promised ; no old allitmce dissolved ; no castles, 
 towns, or fortresses be received or taken ; unless by a general 
 vote of the nation through its representatives the Seignor}^ and 
 (yoUeges, the popular Captains of the Party Guelph, the Ten 
 of Libertv, the nme Consen'ators of Commerce, and two Con- 
 suls of each trade ; besides other salutaiy provisions. But 
 good laws seldom remained long inviolate amongst Florentines ; 
 discontent was ever floating in the air like Macbeth s dagger as 
 an object for ambition to clutch at, and even the last days of 
 this eventful year were darkened by a fresh conspiracy against 
 the state. It was detected and seasonably suppressed but with 
 the condemnation more or less severely of seventy-six citizens 
 of whom some were executed ; nay so widely extended was the 
 plot that it was found dangerous to proceed and all further 
 hiquir}' necessarily ceased. The government itself was un})opu- 
 lar ; the genei-al discontent still great ; and exiled Ciompi, 
 noble Popolani, and old aristocracy, filled all the Italian cities 
 with exiles and weakened the commonwealth *. 
 
 The terrific power of the Party Guelph was certairdy anni- 
 hilated but their antagonists soared high and haughtily : 
 Giovanni Scali, Salvestro de" Medici, Benedetto Alberti, and 
 Tommaso Strozzi were omnipotent ; and though tlie republic 
 had been snatched by them from the mere populace, the lower 
 
 class of citizens still remained more powerful than that of 
 noble Popolani. The latter were therefore compelled to cede, 
 and by contenting the fonner endeavour to dissolve their con> 
 nection with the Ciompi ; this policy was also favoured by all 
 those who wished to bruise those citizens that under the re- 
 verenced name of Guelph had ruined so many of the community, 
 wherefore 1000 florins were publicly offered for the head of 
 Lapo da Castiglionchio. 
 
 The great distinction between noble popolani and minor 
 tradesmen which if not generated was widened by the struggles 
 of the Ricci and Albizzi thus became enlarged and proved the 
 source of future evil, so that following Macchiavelli, the two 
 parties may henceforth be distinguished by the appellations of 
 Popular and Plebeian *. 
 
 The first months of 1379 passed quietly in exertions for the 
 restoration of order : a new scrutiny refilled the elec- 
 tion purses witli greater naiiibers of more equally 
 chosen. citizens for the lists had before only contained the 
 names of inferior uneducated trades-people, even those of fore- 
 men and apprentices, to the exclusion of more enlightened 
 men. A commission was given to thirty-one citizens ; one 
 from each trade and eight promiscuously chosen; to reunite 
 the city and divide all public offices equally between the major 
 and minor arts except that of the Mercanzia or tribmial of 
 commerce, which being a court of admiralty and international 
 law, required peculiar legal knowledge and acquirements and 
 therefore was principally formed out of the superior trades f. 
 The ordinaiices of justice were also relaxed and nobles partially 
 admitted to power in every department, so that this seignory 
 was generally known as the " Union Priorate.'' 
 
 It was but a name ! Dissatisfaction, too widely spread too 
 deeply rooted, soon began to sprout, and a plot devised by 
 
 A.D. 1379. 
 
 ♦ Mem. Storiche di Ser Naddo, p. Rub. 810.— S. Ammirato, Lib. xiv. 
 27. — M. di Coppo Stcfani, Lib. x., p. 738. 
 
 ♦ Macchiavelli, Lib. iii^. f M. di C. Stcfani, Rub. 812, Lib. x. 
 
 F F ?i 
 
436 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Pa^uo Strozzi prior of San Lorenzo to overthrow the existing 
 government, cost seven citizens their heads and (h-ove eighteen 
 othei*s to condemnation and voluntaiT exile. A new estimate 
 of real property with a view to taxation was decreed, and along 
 with it a census which unluckily has but imperfectly reached 
 ns ; yet it appears from otlier sources that in IJJSO there were 
 54,747 taxable mouths, wliich enjoying all the rights of citi- 
 zenship would include hut few if any of the mere populace, 
 and vielded about 30,000 Horins of revenue"-. 
 
 But such measures did not produce tranquillity, the water> 
 were yet agitated and no real calm followed tlie late tempests ; 
 the Ciompi continued formidable, tlieir anger was still dangerous. 
 and faction ran high and confusedly like the sea after a storm : 
 above and below, outwardly and inwardly, society w:!s C(pially 
 moved, and a vicious system of criminal justice gave full scope 
 to its humours. Life, honour and property, all depended on 
 three foreign magistrates ; the Poihsta, the Ctqitdhi of the 
 Peojfh', and the Edrcutor of the OriUnauce,^ of Justlre. . Even- 
 trial was secret: examination, torture, jmigment, death all 
 proceeded from one powerful hand, from one dreaded place, tuid 
 almost at the discretion of a single head | . 
 
 It was then illegal to put any man to death unless convicted 
 by his own confession ; a law just and even humane in motive 
 but involving fearful consequences because few made this 
 confession willin«dv; hence the necessity of torture and its 
 Procrustian bed of hoiTors. These foreign officers were 
 seldom so honest and firm as to withstand the iniluence of 
 "ovemment and its faction and when moved bv this bias for- 
 bade all hope to their antagonists. There was no publicity of 
 trial, no idea of modem justice ; heads fell from the palac 
 wall and dropped into the street without creathig surprise or 
 
 * M. di C. Stefani, Rub. 815, Lib. x. Eruditi Tosrani. 
 
 — Ristretto di una Gravezza posta t Ricordi di Giovanni Moiolli, p. 
 
 I'anno 1380, vol, xvi., Delizic dcgli 144. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 
 inquiry: it was enough that the Seignoiy ordered, that the 
 podesta did it ; and he was often (diosen for his known character 
 and qualities ; not those of an upright judge but as the ready 
 instrument of faction and less the distributer of justice than 
 revenge. According as passions worked or calm prevailed, so 
 varied the administrative character of Florentine justice : not 
 but what many men of a higher stamp, of sterner virtue and 
 more generous feelings, were occasionally chosen ; but these 
 were the exceptions. Individuals were perhaps not more bar- 
 barous than the times ; it was the dismal system of an unen- 
 lightened age, not the individual men that perpetuated evil, 
 and the everlasting contlict of ungovernable passions within 
 her walls aggravated it beyond endurance at Florence. The 
 hand tires and the heart sickens at the records of these cease- 
 less acts of violence and blood ; yet the misery must have been 
 sharp, the wi'ong deep that so rankly nourished them. Ven- 
 geance ever outlived injury and was never sated except by 
 the total destniction of an enemy, for fear and danger were 
 awfully yoked to the existence of an antagonist faction. 
 
 A strong party of the admonished in concert with many 
 Ghibelines had now become jealous of plebeian influence and 
 its great supporters, Scali, Strozzi, Albizzi, and Medici : 
 others displeased at having no share of political power formed a 
 party under the name of " Disconteiitcd Guelphs." Conthmally 
 plotting against the government they were jealously watched 
 and oppressed ; but from their connexion with exiles, princes, 
 and disbanded soldiers (now rapidly condensing into disciplined 
 companies) they were feared also. It was therefore deemed 
 prudent to retain Ilawkwood along with Lucius and Everard 
 Lando who severally commanded the English and German 
 companies ; and to conclude a defensive league for five years 
 with Bologna and Perugia by which a joint force of sixteen 
 hundred lances, each bavin i^^ two armed horses and a Ron- 
 zino, including two hundred mounted Hungarian archers, was 
 
438 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 to be maintained in readiness. Scarcely was this accomplished 
 when a new conspiracy came to light, the work of a hypocritical 
 devotee called Gianozzo Sacchetti : this man by an affected 
 piety had delivered himself from prison and at the same time 
 swindled a fellow -prisoner out of some valuable jewels ; with 
 these he repaired to Lombardy and there became intimate 
 with Benedetto Peruzzi a bosom friend of Lapo da Castiglion- 
 chio, who resided at Padua. About the same time Charles of 
 Durazzo supported by Louis of Hungary and Pope Urban VI. 
 was on his march from Germany to dethrone Giovanna, and 
 this was deemed by the exiles a fair occasion to promote revo- 
 lution in Florence. Sacchetti became tbeir agent and carried 
 written assurances of support, whether false or genuine, in the 
 name of Charles of Durazzo to the discontented Guelphs of 
 that city. Meetings were secretly held, but Thomas Strozzi 
 and Donato Barbadori then on a mission to Charles, being 
 suspicious of the close intimacy of Sacchetti with Lapo's friend, 
 gave timely notice ; wherefore Sacchetti was arrested and be- 
 headed, the plot laid open, and many more citizens severely 
 punished. This hypocrite was scarcely cold when another 
 conspiracy with more extended roots began simultaneously to 
 show itself at Volterra, Siena, Bologna, and other places ; the 
 result was an attack on Fegghini by the " Fnorusciti" or exiles 
 and its narrow escape from capture ; besides which a close cor- 
 respondence between them and Dm-azzo was detected and again 
 Florence fell into confusion and perplexity. Twenty citizens 
 were condemned, but loud clamoui-s against partiality to the 
 great and severity to the small gave more vigour to this excite- 
 ment which augmented when Strozzi and Barbadori returned, 
 the former strenuously affirming the existence, the latter deny- 
 ing any knowledge of this last conspiracy. Barbadori himself 
 had recently been on friendly terms with the exiles and there- 
 fore was strongly suspected notwithstanding his high reputation 
 and former service ; and Hawkwood almost simultaneously 
 
 CHAP. XXTII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 439 
 
 sending notice of another plot, for the particulars of which he 
 demanded 50,000 florins, completed the public alarm. Besides 
 this, lettei's arrived from Arezzo, Pisa, and Bologna, saying 
 that a large body of Ciompi, exiles, and others were uniting 
 and concentrating with Durazzo's troops at Imola ; and that 
 banners had been made at Bologna emblazoned with the 
 Guelphic arms and a naked hand grasping a broken sword ; all 
 which portended evil. 
 
 At length on the seventeenth of December Strozzi and 
 Giovanni Dini suddenly alarmed the priors by producing lettei's 
 from Count Antonio di Bruscolo giving notice of an outbreak 
 which was to take place on the twentieth and naming a cer- 
 tain Bmno di Giovanni as an accomplice. Torture soon 
 extracted the secret from Bruno, and Charles of Durazzo was 
 again detected as an accessory. Florence was instantly sur- 
 rounded with troops ; the palace armed and victualled ; Piero 
 Albizzi, Filippo Strozzi, Donato and Bartolommeo Barbadori, 
 with other gentlemen of rank were arrested ; the whole popu- 
 lation in high excitement clamoured for instant execution : 
 they soon armed ; the shops closed, and every symptom ap- 
 peared of a new and terril)le hurricane. The magistrates in 
 vain declared that they could detect no guilt in the prisoners ; 
 they were silenced by wild, but not imfounded cries that the 
 great escaped while the small were punished. A commission 
 of fifty-six individuals chosen from the various magistracies was 
 immediately formed for further investigation ; but this was too 
 slow a process ; the shouts for blood redoubled, and threats of 
 fire and sword enforced the imperious mandate. 
 
 The Podesta and Messer Canti di Gabrielli Captain of the 
 People were steady to law, and refused to condemn without the 
 personal confession of the prisoners : torture was therefore 
 applied and the weaker confessed their guilt ; upon which Carlo 
 Mangione, Filippo Strozzi, and three others were decapitated. 
 When the hungry crowd saw no more heads drop, their fury 
 
440 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 became boundless; they threatened to I'uni tlie liouses, the 
 wives, and the children of the prisoners witli the pdace and 
 Captain of the People himself, if execution were longer de- 
 layed : hut he held out nohly; and when even his own guard 
 caught up the general frenzy they were (huxd hy him in a strain 
 of honest indignation to join the rest and takf his life and that 
 of the prisoners too if they chose ; hut resolutely dt-clareil that if 
 the axe were on his neck he would not put a sinj^le man of them 
 to death except on a self-acknowledgment of guilt. When the 
 stonii was at its height the wild scream of a female maniac rau'^ 
 shrilly through the air at the fall of a bloody head, and struck 
 such a panic as suddenly dispersed them, nor was it for some 
 time that they agahi had spirits to assemble. 
 
 At last the prisoners' friends represented to them the dangcr 
 incurred by their families, the impossibility of escape, and the 
 glor}' of a brave self-devotion for the sake of all they loved : Pioro 
 Albizzi at once took the lead and urged his companions not to 
 let their last hours obscure a whole life of honourabh' conduct. 
 and as no hope remained it was better to die calmly like brave 
 men and save their families from ruin. Tht saiiv^ spirit soon 
 moved them all and sending straightway for tho taptain tliry 
 asked what they were retpiired to confess : with the same un- 
 sliaken principle that had hitherto supported him Messer Canti 
 replied that he could tell them nothing: if guilty they were t'l 
 own it; and if he after due investigation should Ite convinced 
 of the fact then his duty would be to condenm and execute them. 
 
 A real or fictitious confession was made to the apparetit satis- 
 faction of this magistrate, for their guilt or imiocence were 
 never certainly known to the }»ul)lic, and Albizzi, Cipriani 
 Mangioni, Siminetti, Giacopo Sacchetti and l)onati liarbadori 
 w^ere all decapitated : Barbadori was sentenced by anotlier 
 judge nor was his former reputation at Avignon, nor his dying 
 eloquence of any avail against popular fur\'. Yet all were be- 
 lieved innocent, and deemed to have fallen a sacritice to tlu* 
 
 CHAP, xxvn.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 441 
 
 malignant arts of Strozzi and even of Benedetto Alberti, who 
 naturally dreaded the re-ascension of this bold and tyramiical 
 fat'tioiL Other proofs were indeed alleged of tlieir guilt, but 
 as nothing was tlien too base or violent for party spirit, and 
 success or defeat a matter of death or ruin ; any excess even in 
 such a man as Alberti may be credited, but scarcely justified 
 even on the right of self-preservatioiL 
 
 Thus died the once powerful Piero degli Albizzi, so long the 
 dictator of Florence aiul author of so much misery to his 
 country! One day while entertaining some friends at a mag- 
 nificent banquet and in the height of his prosperity, an unknown 
 hand laid before him a silver cup tilled with sweetmeats, and 
 at the bottom of all a large iron nail ; ;is a memento it was 
 said that the wheel of b^ortune had gained its height and should 
 be nailed fast, for if it continued turning he would sink with it 
 to the depths of adversity -:=. 
 
 After these executions the madness gradually subsided, and 
 Florence sank once more into a sort of disturbed repose, but 
 not for lon^' : victors and vanquished were filled with terror, 
 and every accident, no matter how trilling, caused a new perse- 
 cution : fines exiles, admonitions, now laws, more rigorous 
 orders, were continually pouring down on the heads of suspected 
 enemies. 
 
 Forty-six magistrates in conjunction with the Seignory were 
 as a Balia to purge Florence of all suspicious persons : thirty- 
 nine citizens were in consequence admonished and numerous 
 families placed amongst the "(ireat" while as many more of 
 the old nobility w^ere relieved from this injurious distinction. 
 By the members of this Balia the names of twenty 
 citizens were secretly |)resented, with an understand- 
 ing that if written twice over by each individual they would 
 
 A. D. 1380. 
 
 ♦Giovanni Cambi, Storia, p. 127.— 812 to 8;i().— S. Ammi-ato, Lib. xiv., 
 Dchzic doirli Enul. Toscuni, vol. xx. p. 739 to 748. 
 — M. di C. Stefimi, Lib. x., Rub. from 
 
442 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 443 
 
 be reduced to the rank of nobility ; that forty more, if only 
 once written, should have the '* Divieto '' for three years; that 
 a certain number of those who suffered condemnation in 1378 
 if again condemned by two- thirds of the Balia should be 
 declared rebels for ever and the remainder banished for two 
 years ; citizens at the distance of a hundred, and Ciompi fifty 
 miles from Florence. The city had now some respite, but 
 more from extenial fears than internal satisfaction : the great 
 schism between Urban VI. and the anti-pope Clement VII. 
 who held his court at Avignon and was supported by queen 
 Giovanna, unsettled men's minds and caused long enduring 
 troubles. That queen was now in years and had taken Otlio 
 Duke of Bninswick for her fourth husband mthout giving him 
 the title of king or much part in the government ; her sup- 
 port of Clement drew down the anger of Urban and Charles 
 of Durazzo called " Carlo della Pace," was invited to dethrone 
 her ; but his fc'.dvent led as we have seen to new levies, new 
 plots, new companies, and new devastations-''. 
 
 Alberigo di Barbiano who about this epoch fonned the 
 Italian company of " Saint George " was the father of native 
 condottieri and a better system of militaiy tactics, which pro- 
 duced some of the greatest captains of the succeeding age. He 
 and Count Lucius Lando suddenly spread over Siena like a 
 torrent, crossed the border, advanced within eight miles of 
 Florence and levied contributions on all the Tuscan states; 
 but Alberigo was finally defeated at ]\Ialmantile by Count 
 Everard Lando the Florentine general, and on this occasion many 
 exiled citizens who had joined the plunderers were condemned 
 as rebels and their property confiscated. Hawkwood was once 
 more engaged and remonstrances were made to the king of 
 Hungary against Durazzo s open countenance of the exiles and 
 free companies in their plots and attacks on Florence. When 
 this prince arrived at Verona liis ambassadors requested the 
 
 * M. di C. Stefani, Lib. xi., Rub. 860. 
 
 aid of Florence against Giovanna; but the Florentines still 
 revered the memory of Charles and Robert, and refused to 
 injure their descendant by offensive leagues or military assist- 
 ance*. Durazzo's anger kindled against them ; he refused their 
 presents and dismissed their ambassadors : this was felt, but 
 did not then weigh so heavily on the public mind as the crime 
 of having seized church property during the late unholy war. 
 Whether from a sudden fit of repentance or the cunning work- 
 ing of priestcraft does not exactly appear, but it was now resolved 
 to restore the " accursed thing." Those who had purchased 
 ecclesiastical possessions could not enjoy them; many had 
 been almost compelled to purchase, many more were per- 
 suaded, but it went against the conscience of all ; especially 
 as the clerg>' frequently refused their religious succours, even 
 in extremity, to those that still held them. A decree there- 
 fore passed for their restoration at the public expense, and thus 
 one source of uneasiness was removed, for the priesthood was 
 not to be despoiled with impunity f. Durazzo at the invitation 
 of the Boscoli and Albergotti of Arezzo occupied both Agubbio 
 and that city in August and September, and the Florentine 
 ambassadors at the former place were ordered to honour him 
 in the name of their country : one of them, Giovanni di Moni, 
 a man of low birth but high reputation, was nmrdered by three 
 Florentine exiles as he mounted his horse to meet the prince : 
 the whole community was indignant at this, not only from 
 Moni s high rank and office and his general popularity, but 
 also from the conviction that such an act could not have been 
 committed without Durazzo's connivance, and that the exiles 
 would finally induce him to attack Florence itself. The assas- 
 sins were outlawed, their houses and property destroyed, and 
 two new magistracies, " The Eight of Peace " and " The 
 Eight of War " were created for public safety. The latter 
 
 * M. di C. Stefani, Lib. xi.. Rub. 851,852, 861, 862. 
 t M. di C. Stefani, Lib. xi., Rub. 857. 
 
444 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [bouk I. 
 
 CHAP, xxvn.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 443 
 
 despatched Hawkwood with twelve hundred lances to occuj)y 
 Montevarchi as a coi^is of obseiTation ; the former sent an em- 
 bassy to Charles, but he had suddenly (luitted Arezzo and 
 luarcliing through the Senese territory violated tliat uf Florence 
 near Staggio. Peace was however concluded about the middle 
 of October for a loan of 40,000 tlorins, and Charles marched 
 on to Naples*. 
 
 Florence was again quiet ; but many illustrious citizens dis- 
 gusted at the new system of etjuality, (the election-puises beini^ 
 now tilled with at least a thousand names instead of three him- 
 dred) and not liking to be shouldered in the public councils by 
 men of the lowest class and manners, had taken refuge in their 
 villas to enjoy a cheap but mournful tranquillity!. As there was 
 a great difference in the expense of living witliin and without 
 the gates; the tolls diminished in coiisecpienee of this seec^- 
 sion and the revenue sutlered accordingly : this being dis- 
 tasteful to the dominant faction these seced<:rs were all ordered 
 to reside in the city or be taxed in their villas, a prtMeedini" 
 never before heard of in this free comuumitv. Nor was thi> 
 all ; the overwhelming iniluence of the minor trades ; particu- 
 larly the two lowest ; produced cruel, idtsurd, and extremely 
 mischievous laws: an exorbitant price was affixed to tliosi 
 goods exclusively manufactured by t]i«'in^el\< >, with sever: 
 penalties against taking a lower sum : this was fairly blamed 
 as audacious and unjust ; but existing laws made by their for- 
 mer masters had already restricted the |)riL'es of all manufac- 
 tured goods to a certain specified profit (ind md more: these 
 minor arts, in a similar sjnrit, conhned their own to a certain 
 price a)}d not less: the rich were praised, the poor abused: 
 the former complained that the new law absorlied all jirolits on 
 their merchandise ; the latter had often fruitlessly lament* d 
 that in order to keep down prices they were abridged in wagt > 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xiv., p. 7ol. — M. — T.ron. Arerino, Lib. ix. 
 di C. Stefiiiii, Lib. xi., Rub. 873, «74. f Stefaui, Lib. xi., Rub. »«'2. 
 
 
 and comforts, and scarcely left a living profit : but the consuls of 
 trades were now mostly disci j)les, not master manufacturers, and 
 this bye-law was carried triumphantly agahist the hijdierarts*. 
 Another of their laws was to give 10,000 lloiins of rebels' 
 property in the public funds to the Eight of War to persecute 
 and cause to be secretly assassinated any rebel citizen in any 
 form or mode that the latter miglit deem expedient : and this, 
 besides its innate villany, in the teeth of an edict for the security 
 (if puldic creditors, which rendered funded pr(q)erty inviolable 
 whatever might be their political crimes ! Nor was this an 
 insulated breach of national faith ; the historian Stelani, an 
 actor in tliese scenes s;iys like Dante that tliere was no per- 
 manence in Florentine reforms or legislation ; but every dav 
 brought new orders and counter-orders which secured nothing 
 earthly but confusion. Amongst other proceedings of the 
 democratic faction at this perioil, one of the most interesting is 
 a law for national bankruptcy: it was death to propose any 
 alteratiuH of the public interest on national loans, wdiich ha«l 
 <'xisted since the days of Charles Duke of CaLibria in lo'^l 
 and even two years earlier, at the rate of iive per cent, per 
 anmun ; and it was also made illege.l under the same penalty 
 for any higher rate of interest to be receivedf. ]Jut in the 
 Pisan war of IriCc-i none were found \nlling to lend at that 
 l»rice, and those who were eom|.e]led to do so, (for such tilings 
 it seems are consistent witli republican institutions) complained 
 loudly of injustice. Wherefore the government unalde to obtam 
 liioney at this interest, consulted Messer l*iero di Ser Griffi) 
 notaiT of the reformations and a man of great fnianeial ex- 
 I'erience about the maimer in which the law could be most 
 
 *,-'^^\. '-/'"'•'"' ^^^^-"'^ I^i^>- xi" l^ul>. l---t. f'or whicli tvcnty-fivc per cent. 
 
 '''"'' ''' '• Pi'i" amniin were c:iveii until the unnle 
 
 t A(iot<l!ntrt.) Varchi (Storia Fioren- loan wa.s repaid in fortv ve.irs. Tl.o 
 
 t'n-i, \"1. \., Lib. xiii., p. ;]7), tlic re-ister of this stock ^v:;s railed " // 
 
 ti:-^t mounts or public storks v.ere Libra dt Sdtl Mkiourr 
 'icated from loans made in 1222 and 
 
446 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. X.WII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 447 
 
 easily evaded, and he at once suggested that those who lent 
 100 florins in cash should be credited in the national books for 
 300 at five per cent. This ver}' simple expedient was adopted, 
 and the new stock or " Monte " thus formed was called the 
 *' Mount of Three for One.'' Then came the revolt and war 
 of San Miniato with its attendant charges, which led to the 
 formation of another Mount called the " Two for One,'' and 
 thus money was borrowed rapidly at the ruinous interest of 
 ten and fifteen per cent, besides the great expense of war. 
 This system continued until the republic became insolvent but 
 from terror of the penalties none dared to propose a remedy : 
 the evil becoming mtense it was at last resolved by two-thirds 
 of the Seignor}^ and colleges to suspend the law itself for a 
 whole month and a decree to that effect was carried on the 
 seventh of December 13H0. On the twelfth a law passed 
 which really reduced the public interest to five per cent, by 
 placing every creditor on, the national register for the exact 
 sum lent in specie, and then cancelling the two mounts. 
 60,000 florins of annual interest were saved by this fraud, 
 making a virtual difference of 120,000 in the public resources: 
 but the distress and mischief were frightful because numbers 
 of people allured by a great return sold land and houses 
 and even quitted tmde to invest their money in the pubhc 
 funds ; besides which, this property had changed hands over 
 and over, so that some made profits of twenty-five per cent., 
 some even more, and about five thousand persons were sud- 
 denly involved in great distress and difficulty, no financial 
 operation having for a hundred years created so much dis- 
 turbance *. 
 
 At the same time an alteration, apparently to encourage the 
 payment of arrears, was made in tlie " Estimo " or tax on real 
 property, which gave five per cent, retrospectively on present 
 payment in direct violation of a law relating to this tax which 
 
 ♦ M. tii Coppo Stefani, Lib. xi., Rub. 883, 885. 
 
 prohibited interest ; and to this was added more unjust decrees 
 which confiscated exiles' funded property ; all showing to what 
 a low state of moral and financial poverty wars and civil dis- 
 sension had reduced the commonwealth *. 
 
 The government was now in fact a mixture of every sort 
 of person: admonished citizens; restored exiles; 
 merchants ; low traders ; common foremen ; and un- ^'^' ^^^' 
 occupied gentlemen ; all confusedly mingled and clashing at 
 every turn ; the whole fabric tottered and vacillated, nothinc. 
 seemed steady or secure ; each individual for self-preservation 
 attached himself to some more potent citizen, and society 
 . became divided into a succession of small knots, foes to each 
 other and fearful of all around them. Scali, Strozzi, and 
 Alberti backed by their own party still maintained the ascend- 
 ant; for Salvestro de' Medici probably disgusted with the con- 
 clusion of his own efforts appears no longer on the scene, 
 bcah, who seems to have been a ruthless demagogue, althoucrh 
 spoiled by power was still unsated with revenge ; and Strozzi 
 m addition, was daily exasperated with the taunts and morti' 
 fications which his official conduct as one of the " Ei«ht Saints " 
 of the war, now so unholy, exposed him to when all national 
 danger had disappeared : both therefore gave themselves up 
 to vengeance ; and any man except their own, who might 
 be elected to office was sure to fall either by their aits or 
 tyranny ; so that to them were attributed almost all the ex- 
 ecutions, e.xiles, and admonitions that had convulsed the 
 city since they came into power. Benedetto degli Alberti a 
 man ol far milder character disapproved of this conduct; and 
 as he fai-st opposed the Guelphs and then the Ciompi, so did 
 he now recede from those who not only equalled either of the 
 others m atrocity, but employed spies in eveiy corner of the 
 town to preserve their authority f. 
 
 88^- 886^''^' ^''''"' ^'^' "•' ^"^- fl.-I-on. Aretino, Lib. ix.^Scip. 
 t AJ. di C. Stefani, Lib. xi., Rub. *'"""^^°' ""'' "^^'^ ^' '''' 
 
I * a 
 
 FLOllENTlNi: HiSTony. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XX VH.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 449 
 
 liigour and suspicion daily augmented, and tlie violence of these 
 two demagomies caused universal terror, so that a spark 
 only was required to inflame the eomnmnity : just at this 
 moment a citizen called (liovanni Camhi was unjustly accused 
 by one of Scalis creatures of practices tij^^aiust tlie state, audtlie 
 judge was determined to make his accuser sutler that punish- 
 ment to which the accused if guilty would have been con- 
 demned. "Finding that neither prayers nor power could save 
 him Scali and Strozzi rescued the miscreant hy force <>f arms 
 and the captain of the peoples palace was plundered hi the fray. 
 This magistrate instanllv declared to the Seignorv that if mi 
 supporte<l he would throw up his otiice hut was iiually i»er- 
 suaded to remain bv the assurance of redress. A consultation 
 was then held with several influential citizens jtarticularly 
 Alherti, for they knew if his concurrence were not previously 
 obtained Giorgio Scali would prove too powerful an adversaiy; 
 but disgusted with the latter, Alherti consented to his ruin. 
 as anv man in those davs who wished for ])ul»lic t>rdcr and the 
 free administration of justice must have done. A writ wa> 
 accordingly issued for Scali s arrest yet trust in<L,' to his pupu- 
 laritv with the lower classes he disdained to lly : tlii.-^ popular 
 favour however had ceased, and while the more sagaciou.-i 
 Strozzi effected his escape Scali was taken, condennied, and 
 instantly beheaded. On the scaiibld he lamented tlie jjeople's 
 ingratitude, unconscious that it was he liini>eU" who had chan^jed 
 not them; and then seeing Alherti amongst tlie spectators, ex- 
 claimed, " And thou Messer lienedetto, liast thou also cmi- 
 " sented that 1 should receive an injur^^ which had 1 been iii 
 " thy place 1 never would have consented to have done to 
 •*thee? But I here announce to thee that this day whidi 
 *' ends mv sorrows is onlv the beginning of thine "-. 
 
 His words were prophetic, and his death left tlie connnon- 
 wealth in a ferment : injury, mortiflcation, vengeance, power. 
 
 * Maccliiuvtlli, liib. iii". 
 
 and the h\\ of enemies, had made Scali a tyrant, and he died 
 unlamented : four of his chief minions were soon discovered 
 and sent after their master : one was torn to pieces even by the 
 Florentine boys, who cutting off his hand, urchins as they 
 were, trailed it in puerile but disgusting triumph and tossed it 
 into the Arno ! Such was in those days the reckless breeding 
 of children to scenes of blood hatred and cruelty ! A areat 
 body of citizens were necessarily in arms at the capture and 
 death of Scali ; many from precaution, others from their own 
 private views, but all the city was full of sects and factions and 
 none liked to disarm until their objects were accomplished. 
 The nobles were indignant at exclusion from power and still 
 mourned the capitani s downfall ; the noble Popolani could not 
 brook any political equality with the minor trades and more 
 detested Ciompi ; the minor trades were not satisfied with 
 what they had acquired, and the Ciompi fearful of losing the 
 little they had already gained were eager for more extended 
 liberty. 
 
 Thus Florence i-emained full of humours ; the government 
 fluctuated in anxious vicissitude ; parliament succeeded parlia- 
 ment; Baha, Balia ; injury was heaped on injuiy; danger on 
 danger ; each sect striving for its particuhir ends, none for the 
 public; all struggling for command, all scorning to obey; 
 uidulgent to themselves, severe to their adversaries society 
 was overwhelmed in the uproar and the whole state in unutter- 
 able confusion. Yet this was almost the only period of genuine 
 republicanism in Florence ! Nevertheless the noble Popolani 
 hegan once more to respire, for Scali was dead Strozzi banished 
 and their minions executed; Alherti had changed, Salvestro 
 withdrawn, and the whole Action was humbled; wherefore 
 hopes were now revived of driving the plebeians from power 
 and once more assuming their ancient dignity. 
 
 The cry of "Long live the Guelphs" had already been 
 loudly vociferated at the recent executions and gave singular 
 
 VOL. II. GG 
 
450 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 fnooK I. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 451 
 
 force to, if it were not the cause of Giorgio Scali s prophecy. 
 The rich and powerful wool-trade uniting with other friends, 
 assemhled in arms to demand a reform of the constitution; 
 this appeal was irresistible ; parliament innnediately assem- 
 bled and created a Baha composed of the seignoiT and colleges 
 with two members from the Capitani, the Ten of Liberty, the 
 Mercanzia, and two from each civic company, with dictatorial 
 powers : tumult was simultaneously prevented and pubUe feel- 
 ing ascertained by sending Giovanni Cambi, the captain of the 
 people, twenty new-created knights, and a band of soldiers 
 with the Guelphic standard, besides many noble Popolani. 
 to scour the streets with cries of " Lo«// livt' the Guelphs.'' 
 As no signs of discontent were manifest the wool-trade, now 
 become chiefs of this party, waxed bolder and again meeting 
 in arms demanded that the two new arts shoidd be dissolved 
 and every rebel and exile recalled from banishment : there 
 was no demur to this for the sword is an impatient listener, 
 wherefore after short debates the decree was passed and 
 executed. But there was yet another voice ; the minor trader 
 had also armed in self-defence; they dreaded the advent of a soil 
 of Venetian aristocracy and sensibly felt how much their o^^^l 
 strength would be diminished by the proposed amputation 
 Both parties met ; one prepared and united, the other loose 
 and mirefmlated ; the latter advanced in disorder and wa> 
 repulsed : yet so general was the fear of a Venetian govern- 
 ment at this moment that both extremes of society, the nobles 
 and democracy, now began to draw closer together and a strug- 
 gle would have ensued if external danger had not an*ested it 
 
 Of the free companies which still tonnented Italy, that of 
 the " Uncino,' then at Arezzo in great force, began to threaten 
 Florence : this for a moment hushed the cries of faction, and 
 Hawkwood after a few days of manffiuvriug and one shai-p en- 
 
 * M. di C. Stefani, Lib. xi., Rub. 902, Mactliiavclli, Lib. iii".— Scip. Animi- 
 904, 905. — Leon. Aretino, Lib. ix. — nUo, Lib. xiv., p. 758. 
 
 counter repulsed the invaders ; but during this lull the Balia, 
 now increased to a hundred and eighty-four members, destroyed 
 the existing scrutiny list and commenced a fresh one of a more 
 limited and select character than that of the pre\dous year in 
 which we find the names of nearly five thousand citizens 
 ehgible to the highest offices of state ^K A general amnesty 
 for political crimes was at the same time published whicii 
 included all those who had been declared rebels or exiles, or 
 who had been disfranchised since 187.S; and a decree passed 
 authorising one-third of the priors and consequently every 
 inferior office to be drawn from minor trades but the gon- 
 falonier of justice from the major arts alone f. 
 
 Affairs were still misettled : in February fresh disturbances 
 caused by the old nobility and newly returned exiles produced 
 anotlier Balia, more refonns, more rebels, and more exiles : 
 amongst the latter, to the shame of his country, Michele di 
 Lando now fell a sacrifice in despite of his services, a victim 
 of popular malice or cU'istocratic jealousy ; the noble Popolani 
 could never pardon even the virtues of a plebeian, altliough 
 exerted m their own defence, and condemned him to banishment. 
 Only a short time elapsed ere a fresli tumult was prevented 
 merely by the rank and personal character of liinaldo Gian- 
 figlazzi one of the recently dubbed knights who just then became 
 gonfalonier, for many, both nobles and citizens, were weaiT 
 of mob government and hailed the advent of a man of rank 
 and good reputation to the chief magistracy of the common- 
 wealth. It was not long however before another sedition of 
 the Ciompi followed with such boldness and success as not onl v 
 to force their grievances on the consideration of a new paiiia- 
 ment but even against the opinion of the Seignory to command 
 tiieir redress. This yielding only augmented the Ciompis 
 
 Itn' *^\ ^V ^^^^^"^ Lib. xi., Rub. t Stefani, Lib. xi., Rub 906 -Gio- 
 ^^a^ Monu.ento, N^. 2, per la v.„ Ca.bi, StoH^ .otl.!^:^. 
 
 O G 2 
 
452 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 audacity ; their increased demands were now met with greater 
 vit^our V the moral resolution of government backed by an 
 armed force which awed the insurgents into present submission 
 wliile it gained time for a new Balia of eighty-two citizens to 
 cancel every act passed by the late parliament in tbeir favour. 
 Once more aroused, the Ciompi again broke forth, but were as 
 speedily quelled by the vigoiu- of a detennined administration, 
 within and without beset by enemies, and who with an in- 
 dif^nant spirit were constrained to pay fresh cuntributious to 
 the companies of Saint George and the " llamphio*' which 
 still infested the frontier and proved too powerful for Hawk- 
 wood *. 
 
 Quiet was scarcely restored when an embassy from Charles 
 of Durazzo, who had conquered and murdered Giovanna, came 
 to offer Arezzo for sale provided that Florence would join him; 
 but this tempt;ition was stifled by the intelligence that Louis 
 of Anjou was already on his march with a large force to dispute 
 the crown of Naples as the adopted son of that queen. A pause 
 thus occurred, during which intenial disorders fully occupied 
 the people while some trifling acquisitions of territory by the 
 submission of a variety of feudal chieftains were continually 
 augmenting and rounding the republican dominions. The 
 arrival of Louis in Italy again drew their attention to Neapoli- 
 tan affdrs and compelled them to steer cautiously between him 
 and Carlo who were at that moment the Scylla and Chaiybdis 
 of Italian politics : Chai'les was really the political favourite 
 at Florence, wherefore Hawkwood was purpostly dismissed uud 
 engaged by Urban VI. who conjointly satisfied his pecuniary 
 demands ; so that in this way she afforded indirect assistance 
 to the lung of Naples f. 
 
 * M. di C. Stefani, Lib. xi., Rub. Lib. iii", cap. iii«, p. 550, MS.—Cos- 
 
 916 to 9-21.— S. Ammirato, Lib. xiv., tanzo, Ist. di Nap., vol. u", Lib. vin., 
 
 p 96 1 p. (Jl .— M. di Coppo Stcfimi, Lib. xn., 
 
 tCronica et Historia della Citta e Rub. 941.— Storia di Goro Dati, p. 
 
 Regno di Napoli, di Fra Luigi Vulcani, 24. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 433 
 
 Hawkwood's absence gave new hopes to the Ciompi who 
 exasperated by their late failures determined to rise once more 
 and spare no living creature in the fury of their revenge : a 
 father however suspected his son's movements and had influ- 
 ence enough to gain his secret which straightway was revealed 
 to government : then came a new IkiUk, that clumsy resem- 
 blance of the Koman dictators ; but did little to remedy the 
 evil for it was itself an epitome of the general confusion : the 
 fault lay in a system inherently vicious and deceptive, and 
 still more corrupt than vicious ; a real aristocracy or oligarchy 
 with, the alluring name of republic could no longer deceive the 
 sufferers : sedition in this instance was quelled, Init public dis- 
 content remained unabated. The two great councils were 
 again altered ; that of the podesta was augmented to a hundred 
 and two popolani of which sixty-fom- were from the minor 
 trades and the addition of forty nobles : that of the " Capitano 
 del Popolo " including the consuls of trades, consisted of two 
 hundred and eighty-five popolani, ninety-six of whom were 
 taken from the minor arts ; so tliat between four and five 
 hundred deputies now represented the republic *. 
 
 In addition to the miserable consequences of man's crimes 
 Nature herself sent new calamities to Florence : sud- 
 den and repeated floods overflowed a great part of 
 the city and surrounding country, conflagrations followed as 
 they were wont, and a wide-spreading pestilence finished the 
 account : population began to dwindle away, for multitudes fled 
 from this combination of moral and physical calamity, revenues 
 diminished, imposts increased, citizens were forbidden but in 
 vain to leave the city without a pass ; and finally a sharp tax 
 was imposed on all that infringed this law, a tax which the rich 
 evaded and the poor were compelled to pay. Besides this the 
 exiles menaced Florence ; troops were drawn from the Casen- 
 tino to garrison it and there was universal vacillation, when in 
 
 A.D. 1383. 
 
 S. Ammirato, Lib. xiv., p. 764. 
 
454 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book r. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 455 
 
 the midst of all sprang up another tumult of the Ciompi to 
 complete the general disorder *. Thus for a whole year was 
 Florence languishing under the mfluence of natural misfor- 
 tunes, or working in suppressed or open ferment ; and all for 
 jx)wer, ofi&oe, and selfish acquisitions. To ac(iuire these, no 
 conscientious scruples, no ties of companionship, no social duty 
 i?ere obstacles ; and to accomplish tliis says JStefani were in- 
 vented the Admonition, the Divieto, the Sedere f , and other 
 dishonest artiiices for disfranchising and persecuting citizens. 
 Perhaps hardly one in a hundred was successful, and even 
 then what were his gains? Envy, hatred, jealousy, vengeance, 
 and danger; a fleeting power, and almost inevitable disgrace! 
 The political eiffects of these last fom' yeai*s were to lessen the 
 strength and reputation of Florence m the eyes of foreignei-s 
 and the opinion of Italy ; and though still powerful these dis- 
 sensions exposed her to the hisolent rapacity of every condot- 
 tiere that chose to cross her borders % 
 
 Louis Duke of Anjou had already reached the kingdom of 
 Naples and rendered its possessor uneasy: he was followed 
 in 1384 by the Sieur de Coucy an officer of great 
 reputation, who marching by Lucca and Siena with 
 some damage to Florence, gained possession of Arezzo which 
 was then occupied by one of Durazzo's lieutenants ; but a report 
 of Anjou's death and an ineffectual attack on the citadel pre- 
 vented his immediate advance §. The fate of this city alarmed 
 Florence, more especially as Anjou was enraged at Hawkwood's 
 dismissal the motives for which he saw through, and had 
 already requested the French king to make reprisals on Floren- 
 tine property. This produced a new league of the Tuscan 
 states but his death in October relieved them from apprehen- 
 
 * M. di C. Stefani, Lib. xii., Rub. be more fully explained. 
 
 9.54, 95.5, 956. — S. Ammirato, Lib. t Stefani, Lib. xi., Rub. 923. 
 
 xiv., p. 764. § Ibid., Lib. xii., Rub. 933, 961, 
 
 + Tbe Sedere was suspension for a 962. — S. Ammirato, Lib. xv., p. 768. 
 time from office, and hereafter will 
 
 A.D. 1384. 
 
 I 
 
 sion and emboldened Florence rather to lay siege to Arezzo 
 at once than be kept in continual alarm by the troops that 
 held it. 
 
 On this occasion the republic displayed its natural strength 
 and admirable military organisation for defensive and even 
 offensive war in its own immediate neighbourhood. De Coucy 
 was willing to sell Arezzo, but to save liis own honom' wished 
 to be apimrently compelled to do so by a great display of 
 military force, and in three days Florence had an army of sixty 
 thousand foot and twenty thousand horse encamped about the 
 place! Some of these w^ero regular troops, but the greater 
 part militia from the contado and district which were so 
 skilfully organised that one day was sufficient to prepare them 
 and two more to assemble the whole mass in arms on any 
 given point. Each district sent its contingent under a regular 
 gradation of official rank ; such as captains of tens, of hundreds, 
 and of thousands, so that one hundred thousand militia could 
 be at any time assembled and almost all being rural labourers 
 were in those unquiet times, well acquainted with the use of 
 arras as irregular troops, and admirably adapted to defend the 
 strong mountain passes of their comitrj^ as will hereafter be. 
 noticed. 
 
 During tlieir period of service government not only supplied 
 them with provisions, but also with daily pay equal to the 
 current price of manual labour, but when this organisation first 
 took place does not appear, probably about the present period 
 as with such a force and its power of rapid concentration there 
 could be no necessity for that continual bribing of the condot- 
 tieri which so strongly marked the foregone times : it may be 
 tliat this establishment had been allowed to fall into disuse but 
 on this occasion was revived, and that Goro Dati, gives us 
 these particulars with his usual enthusiasm about everything 
 Florentine, in all the brilliancy of theoretical perfection*. 
 
 * Goro Dati, Istoria di Firenzi, pp. 26 and 37. 
 
456 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 The siege of Arezzo was pushed on with some vigour and the 
 bargain concluded, by which 40,000, or according to others 
 100,000 florins were to be given for that city, the citadel being 
 purchased at the same time from Durazzo's lieutenant for the 
 amount of wages due to him and his soldiers : so that including 
 every expense this acquisition is admitted to have cost the 
 republic '200,000 florins *. 
 
 Thus on the twentieth of November 13*^1 Florence for the 
 second time became mistress of Arezzo after forty-one years' 
 exclusion ; while the latter after an equal period of troubles 
 and suffering under the ever-var}ing blast of political tempests, 
 was rejoiced to find herself once more in the comparatively 
 quiet haven of regular govenunent alike free from tlie rapacity 
 of foreigners and the ambition of her own turbulent citizens. 
 The still potent Tarlati who had opposed tliis transfer were 
 soon besieged in their castles and reduced along with every 
 other dependence of Arezzo to Florentine subjection : there 
 were great public rejoicings on this important ♦vent, for Arezzo 
 once the rival and even more i>owerful tliau Florence had ever 
 been the rendezvous of her enemies, the source of plots, 
 machinations, and vexatious inroads. All the public and private 
 splendour of the community was exhibited at these festivals, 
 but no citizen could vie in magniticence with Jknedetto Alberti 
 whose brilliant entertainments were more like those of a sove- 
 reign prince than a simple gentleman, and served not a httle 
 to augment the jealousy and hatred of his enemies f. 
 
 This was succeeded by a new and more liberal re-filling 
 of the election purses, called the " Untoti Scruturi/'^ 
 because it admitted all to the priorate who had ever 
 before enjoyed that dignity whether admonished or ( irhibeline, 
 and the periodical renewal was ordered to be every four years ;. 
 
 * M. di C. Stefani, Lib. xii.. Rub. Atnmirato, Lib. xv., p. 769. 
 
 963, 965. We here take leave of f Macrhiavelli, Lib. iii '.— S. Auinii- 
 
 this cotemporary author. — Leon, rato, lab. xv., p. 770. 
 
 Arctino, Lib. ix., folio 177. — S. ij: Ammirato, Lib. xv., p. 772. 
 
 A.D. 1385. 
 
 CHAP, xxvn.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 457 
 
 Ten condottieri at the least and all their rough companions now 
 continued those ravages to which Italy had been exposed for 
 forty years without cessation p^ty or remorse ! Lord and vassal, 
 principality or republic were alike to them if weak enough 
 to be plundered with impunity ; their vast increase now made 
 it expedient for Bologna, Florence, and even Gian-Galeazzo 
 Visconte, potent as he was, to unite against them on one side, 
 while Florence, Bologna, Siena, Pisa, Lucca, and Perugia 
 formed a defensive league on the other -. 
 
 The intelligence of Charies of Durazzo's return to Hungary 
 and subsequent accession to that throne was gladly 
 received at Florence as a pledge of Neapolitan tran- ^'^' ^^' 
 quillity, for as a purely conniierrial state peace was ever her 
 object abroad whatever miglit be the intensity of her troubles 
 at home ; but messengers followed in February with an account 
 of his assassination, and considerably depressed the public mind 
 by placing the destiny of Naples again in jeopardy. She now 
 exerted her influence with both Urban and France in favour 
 of Durazzo's son the young king Ladislaus who with his own 
 sister Giovanna, both influits, remained at Naples under the 
 guardianship of their mother Queen Margaret while she mth 
 a feeble hand endeavoured to hold out against Otho of Bruns- 
 wick and the Anjou faction. Ikit Urban had quar- 
 relled with and excommunicated Charles, and deaf 
 to all entreaties either from his widow or any other quarter, 
 entertcxined the design of conquering Naples for the church : 
 nor were they more successful with France in eflecting a 
 marriage between the young Duke of Anjou and Princess 
 Giovanna to unite the opposing interests ; so that peace was 
 yet far from Italy and internal danger again beset the Flo- 
 rentines f. 
 
 Benedetto degli Alberti had been too active in humbling the 
 
 * Ammirato Lib. xv., p. 772, 775. morio Storiche di Ser Naddo, vol. xviii. 
 t Muraton, Anno 1386, 1387.^Me- -Delizie degli Eruditi Toscani, p. 87. 
 
 A.D. 1387. 
 
458 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. XXVII.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 45g 
 
 Guelpbic pai'ty and noble popolani to escape malice; bis 
 magnificence and popularity at tbe late festival augmented 
 tbeir jealousy as it probably temjited tbeir rapacity, for tbougli 
 his power was gi'eat tbeir batred exceeded it, and be was 
 marked for a victim. It happened tliat in tbe same Seignory 
 Albeiti and bis son-in-law Filippo ^lagidotti were drawn for 
 office, tbe latter as gonfalonier of justice tlie former as gon- 
 falonier of a company : tliis alarmed bis enemies ; tbe union of 
 two sucb offices in one family was considered dangerous ; not 
 to tbe state, but to faction. Filippo s kinsman and enemy 
 Beso Magalotti, undertook to prove bis ineligibility and demand 
 his dismission as being under age but through Benedetto's 
 influence he was received by tbe Seignory as gonfalonier elect*. 
 Filippo was one of those knights created by tbe Ciompi, and 
 though young enjoyed a high reputation for wisdom and talent 
 so that when liis reception became known bis opponents were 
 astounded, tbey suddenly armed, and stenily demanded bis 
 rejection with the alternative of tumult and general disorder. 
 Tbe Seignory through error or intimidation, but more probably 
 both, at once acquiesced ; bis name was accordingly replaced 
 in tbe purse and that of Bardo Mancini a deadly foe of all tbe 
 Alberti drawn in its place : thus supported, the whole family of 
 Alberti was denoimced by their opponents, eveiy past act was 
 dragged forward as a present crime and even tbeir bouses and 
 property were threatened with inst^mt conflagration. Tliis 
 poison worked, anned men began to congregate, (for tbe ricb. 
 in self-defence, bad guards of foreign soldiers in their bouses) 
 and another civil contest was eveiy moment expected. On tbe 
 first of May tbe new Seignor}' entered office and created a Baliu 
 of eighty citizens whose fii'st resolution decreed that no man 
 under twenty-five years old should fill any office either within or 
 without the city, and that none mider thirty could thenceforth be 
 
 * Memorie Storiche di Ser Naddo, in vol. xviii., Delizie degli Eruditi Toscani, 
 p. i)'2. 
 
 gonfalonier of justice. Seeing this Benedetto asked permission, 
 on account of age and long service, to be excused from public 
 duties and was answered that both he and his kinsman Cipri- 
 ano were not only relieved from service but as a further favour 
 were forbidden to enter any of tbe tbree palaces under penalty 
 of 1000 florins. This sarcastic answer was followed up next 
 morning by a Divieto to nearly all tbe family for five years, so 
 that Benedetto thought it better at once to withdraw and im- 
 mediately asked leave of absence on private business, leaving 
 its duration to the Balia. Two years of exile mider this title 
 were named, Benedetto was ordered to depart within eight 
 days, and in eighteen to be at least a hundred miles from 
 Florence; he was moreover forbidden to remain in Lom- 
 bardy, and finally commanded to report bis progress every 
 fortnight ■•-. 
 
 Alberti retired with all the calmness of a man conscious 
 of self-integrity and bis enemies' injustice. *'You see" said 
 ho to his sorrowing friends " how fortune has ruined me and 
 " menaced you, and yet none of us sliould marvel, for so it 
 " happens to all those who amongst a multitude of tbe wicked 
 " would strive to act with integrity and endeavour to support 
 "that which tbe many are trying to destroy." After some 
 further discourse he departed, made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem 
 and died at Fdiodes on his homeward jouniey; but his remains 
 were brought to Florence and, as often happens, interred with 
 public honours by the very persons who had most persecuted him 
 when living. Allowing for the notions and character of his age 
 and country, Benedetto Alberto seems to have been an honest 
 patriot ; for even at tbe moment of his exile a single sign 
 would have drawn many a sword from its scabbard in his 
 cause : according to native customs be bad followed trade from 
 his youth and accumulated both riches and an honest reputa- 
 tion ; he is described as a man of strong natural sense, con- 
 
 * Mem. Storiche di Ser Naddo, p. 94.— S. Ammirato, Lib. xv., p. 781. 
 
460 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. XXVII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 461 
 
 versaut ])eyond all cotemporaries in public business, and more 
 devoted to his country's good than any other citizen of that 
 day : the Capitani's tyranny disgusted him and he sided against 
 them: offended with the adverse party for their no less tyran- 
 nical exercise of power, he quitted thrui in tuni and was 
 partly the niin of both, but more feared on tliis account by the 
 third and finally paramount faction, wlio altliough he l)elonged 
 to the class of noble popolani at last destroyed him. He was, 
 says Ammirato, modest in dress, i>leasing and cheerful in 
 society, and rjenerous of his means, with which he often admi- 
 nistered most liberally to the wants of that country so disgraced 
 by his persecution *;=. 
 
 More admonitions, exiles, and disfriuichisements, followed 
 Alberto's banishment, and still the faction remained nnsated ; 
 another prior was wrested from the minor arts and never ai'ter- 
 wards restored ; exile upon exile were yet loudly demanded, 
 and the clash of anns gave vigour to the call: but the Ualia 
 had done enough, even IMancini softened, and being prepared 
 for resistance refused all compromise. I'lution was for a 
 moment abashed ; the election pui-ses were still further aug- 
 mented, but by children so young that twenty years were 
 requisite to render them eligible. What caused m«)st scandal 
 was the formation of a new purse, afterwards called in derision 
 the BorseUino or little pet purse, which being tilled with the 
 names of chosen adherents fui-nished two stanch votes in every 
 public deliberation of the Seignoiy; lience all the priors of 
 that fjiction were nick-named '' Priors of the Borsvllinoy It 
 even became a proverb, and any selected nice thing was after- 
 wards said in common parlance to be of the " liorselUno H. 
 After taking this favourable occasion to reduce the right of 
 the plebeian party to a fourth instead of a third part of the 
 government, which was submitted to without a struggle, the 
 
 ♦ S. Ammirato, Lib. xv., p. 7H3. xx., Dclizie, &c*.— S. Amminvto, Lib. 
 
 t Giov. Cambi, Storia, p. 128, voL xv., p. 784. 
 
 A.D. 1388. 
 
 Bahii dissolved itself and the ordinary authorities resumed 
 their usual functions. 
 
 War in any shape or jdace was always more or less injmious 
 to Florentine commerce, wherefore we constiintly find 
 that nation however tierce at home, striving in the 
 amiable character of j)eace-makers to restore Italian tranquillity 
 even in the most distant states and between the bitterest of 
 their enemies. At this period their endeavours were strenu- 
 ously exerted to pacify Lombardy, especially Venice and Padua 
 who were tearing each other to [)ieces as a future repast for 
 Milan; and also in aiding Bologna against tlie condottieri 
 whom no ties could bind, no contributions secure ; but parti- 
 cularly in watcliing the tierce and restless Urban whose efforts 
 to recover what had fallen away from the church coupled with 
 that church's schism, and his own designs on Naples, were all 
 interrupting public tranquillity. Their attention was now how- 
 ever most engaged by the growing ambition and rapid conquests 
 of Gian (ialeazzo to whicli the waning friendship of Siena and 
 her increasing intimacy with Milan gave a more alarming 
 character ; nor could all the soft language or deceptive arts of 
 Viscoute lull their well-grounded suspicions =:=. 
 
 Mihtaiy preparations therefore became expedient, and though 
 still low ui revenue and av( rse to expenditure Vieri Cavicciuli 
 was despatched on an embassy lo John Belcott or Beltot, the 
 leader of an English company, (for these robbers were treated 
 like princes) to engage him in the Florentine service. Being 
 arrived at Perugia where i;rban then resided, this ambassador 
 was ordered to court, and refusing to divulge his mission had his 
 papers seized and examined while he himself was committed 
 to prison; after which the pontiff dismissed hi in with insult. 
 The pope's l>eing allowed to enter Perugia against the earnest 
 remonstrances and warnings of Florence had already given 
 great uneasiness ; and thus tamely suffering the violation of 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib. xv., p. 789. 
 
462 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 interaational law within her own juristliction was a proof of 
 lost independence with which Florence failed not to reproach 
 her. There was however no redress against I'rhan, and the 
 incursions of condottieri, who laughed at all compacts, pre- 
 vented ulterior proceedings, for so little shame did this rohber 
 life now inspire that even Pandolfo ^lalatesta of llimini a man 
 in the first rank of Italian princes, thought it no disgrace 
 to lead a small band uf miscreants t(» the }dunder of liis 
 native country. The increasing disconteui of Siena also kept 
 Florence on the alert : after a long and close alliance she had 
 become, perhaps justly jealous of the hitter, especially since 
 the acquisition of Arezzo which had inv(»lved them in disputes 
 about Lucignana one of its dependant towns claimed by Siena ; 
 and also at Cortona's falUng oft' from its suicient alliance and 
 choosing Florentine protection. While in this state of excite- 
 ment Montepulciano after many years of sul)mission now pre- 
 tended to its liberty by virtue of former treaties ; Siena 
 denied this, and the dispute was referred to Florence who 
 under ceiliiin conditions gave judgment in favour of the latter. 
 She however refused to abide bv the decision and continued 
 vexing Montepulciano wliich loshig all jnilieiK e at last revolted 
 and oft'ered itself to Florence by whom Siena believed the 
 whole business to have been covertly niiuiaged. This offer was 
 lonjT and variously debated and by manv altogether refused: 
 but during these discussions the ambassadors of Montepul- 
 ciano being determmed to cany their point, inserted that city's 
 name in the great register of the commonwealth, which made 
 the act irrevocable except l)y a general piuliamtnt. Thirty 
 lances were sent to protect the town, and Siena still dis- 
 believing in Florentine sincerity drew tinker lier ties of friend- 
 ship with Visconte by offers of almost unlimited authority in 
 order to break the pride and power of her rival -'•'-. 
 
 * O. Malavolti, Lib. ix.. Part ii", p. 103. — Leou. Arctino, Lib. ix. — S. 
 Ammirato, Lib. xv., p. 791* 
 
 CHAP, xxvn.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 463 
 
 War was on the point of bursting when ambassadors from 
 Milan arrived nominally as mediators but really with other 
 designs, yet disclaiming any hostile intentions on Visconte s 
 part towards the Florentine republic. The citizens were not 
 deceived, but on the contrary made a new league with Bo- 
 logna Kavenna Faenza and Imola, while their efforts for peace 
 were renewed. Padua was now closely besieged by Venice in 
 concert with Visconte who having conquered Verona was rapidly 
 extending his power both by arms and money ; half Venice was 
 in his pay and even the gonfalonier of Florence received a bribe 
 during the late negotiations there. Padua fell, and the Car- 
 rara princes dispersed or imprisoned, yet after some adversity 
 were resen-ed for better fortune, but only to be agjiin cast down 
 and become a prey to Venetian aggrandisement -. 
 
 Florence perceiving tlie impossibility of convincing Siena of 
 her sincerity advised Montepulciano to submit, and to remove 
 one cause of jealousy recalled her troops while she engaged 
 Piero Gambacorta and Bologna to reconcile these two cities : 
 this was finally effected, but the Senese jealousy of Florence 
 remained, and a subsequent reception of two lumdred Milanese 
 lances at Siena filled the former with alarm : the designs of 
 Visconte were evident ; his deceit palpable, and war almost 
 inevitable : Naples was distracted ; the pontiff detested Flo- 
 rence; the Venetians and Lombiirds followed Milan; Padua 
 and Yqyowh had lallen, and the Tuscan republics were dis- 
 united ; so that J5(d(.gua was the only stay. Extraordinaiy 
 cu'cumstances needed extraordintiry measures, and these two re- 
 pubhcs had recourse to France : this was perilous ; foreign aid in 
 domestic war is ever so ; but the introduction of an ambitious, 
 powerful and military nation into Italy, thus sanctioning as 
 It were their interference in national quarrels, was particularly 
 dangerous and the ultimate consequences of this example 
 proved disastrous to Italian liberty. Two ambassadors pro- 
 
 * Mem. Storichc diSer Naddo, p. 104.— S. Ammirato, Lib. xv., p. 793. 
 
464 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 465 
 
 ceeded to France by sea and two by land ; the latter were 
 arrested through Viseonte's influence in the Genoese territoiy, 
 and he thus became possessed of the secret*. Florence and 
 Bologna offered by this treaty to acknowledge the right of France 
 to all conquests that should be made from \'isconte between 
 the Po and Genoese shores : those made between Pavia and 
 the Apennines, Pavia itself, JMilan, and Como as far as the 
 Count of Savoy's frontier were to be retained by him provided 
 he jomed the league ; but if not, then to be at the disposal of 
 France. The other states of Visconte. unless restored to the 
 ri<Thtfid lords or their descendants, were to be formed into 
 republics. If Fmnce refused, permi-^siuu was to l)e asked to 
 treat with her vassals and to disjday the French standard in 
 the combined armiesf. 
 
 It is difficult to know which to admire most in this strange 
 transaction, the rashness of Florence in wishing to ^substi- 
 tute the tiger for the wolf and thus rivetting both ends of 
 Italy with French shackles; or the folly of France in not 
 being content with such an opening ! Visconte aw:ire of these 
 machmations, angry at the friendly reception of the deposed 
 fugitive Francesco da Carrara, who had arrived at Florence 
 after numerous adventures ; and displeased at P>ernab6"s son 
 and Antonio della Scala being both iavoured ly that rcpuMic. 
 drove all the Florentine and Bolognese merchants from his 
 dominions ; and Florence about the same period invited Stephen 
 Duke of Bavaria an enemy of Visct)nte to hivade Fonihurdy 
 while she answered the Milanese ducier- by an assurance of 
 safety to all Lombards who chose to trade in her dominions. 
 To disperse the gathering storm Piero (.ani])acorta strenuously 
 exerted himself, and in Octuber l:^s'.) a league fur 
 three years was signed at Pisa between that republic, 
 Florence, :Milan, Ferrara, Mantua, lUmini, Forli, Bologna, 
 Perugia, Siena, Lucc'a, and other places of inferior note, for 
 
 A.D. 1389. 
 
 mutual defence and assistance especially against the condot- 
 tieri which was in fact the pivot of the confederacy. Visconte 
 bound himself not to meddle with Bolognese or Tuscan affairs, 
 those of Ptomagna, or of any part south of Modena : other 
 conditions for the security of general peace wliich was Gamba- 
 corta's main object were added and so Italy appeared for the 
 moment to be tranquillised*. 
 
 On the tenth of October l:]sO Urban VI. died at Piome, not 
 without suspicions of poison, and the cardinal of Naples suc- 
 ceeded him under the name of Boniface the Ninth. He was 
 l)ut thirty-four years old and had the character of being un- 
 learned and not averse to simony, but otherwise amiable. The 
 Florentines satisfied Avitli his friendly disposition were so far 
 relieved of one source of anxiety; but jealousy of Giovan Ga- 
 leazzo augmented, and notwithstandhig tlie late confederacy 
 everjlhing presaged inevitable warf. It was a gloomy period, 
 and the age itself seemed marked for misfortune by the uti- 
 govemable passions of men. The apostolic see, saith Ammi- 
 rato, was contaminated by schism ; the time pope, stained with 
 cruelty, strewed the Genoese shores with the bodies of mur- 
 dered cardinals ; the empire languishing under a despicable 
 monarch who was afterwards justly detlironed ; France long 
 governed by a child, oppressed with intolerable burdens, ra- 
 vaged by licentious armies, and the royal infants in danger from 
 their aunt Valentina Visconte the curse of that kingdom., An 
 aged queen the descendant of a Charles and a Robert, first 
 dethroned and then strangled at Naples : her murderer and 
 successor himself poniarded and then poisoned m Hmigaiy, 
 two queens, mother and daughter being accessory, of whom 
 one was imprisoned and the other sufiered death soon after;. 
 
 * Ser Naddo, p. 112.— Leon. Aretino, f S. Ammirato, Lib. xv., p. 799.— 
 
 -Q- ^^^^' ^™°^'''^^*^ I-i^- XV., p. Muratori, Anno 1389. 
 
 ' VT^^'^Sio Bracciolini, Lib. iii", p. ^ Muratori, Anno 1386. 
 o'J, dec*. 
 
 • Mem. Storichc di Ser Naddo, p. 11 3. f S. Ammirato, Lib. xv., p 
 
 . I 'J^J- 
 
 VOL II. 
 
 H H 
 
466 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. XXVII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 467 
 
 In Castile yet reigned the progeny of Heniy, the murderer of 
 his fratricide brother Pedro who is said to have justly desened 
 the appellation of cruel : nor was it better in Aragon or Por- 
 tugal, where two Pedros simultaneously ruled under the same 
 odious character which they relieved by rapes, adulteries, and 
 other horrible excesses unmitigated by a single virtue : n 
 monarch in Navarre stained with eveiy filthy crime that dis- 
 honours human nature : England unquiet ; ScotLmd in trouble, 
 and every member of the Christian republic tainted and infirm. 
 In such a state of the world is it wonderful that i'loreiice 
 also should have bowed under the blast of tempests so great 
 and various? Whether from Capitaui, Ciompi, or restored 
 exiles, she found no repose ; and if we look at her Italian 
 neighboui*s, what one of them was sound ? At Milan a hypo- 
 critical nephew dethrones and imprisons liis uncle and then 
 poisons him ; he aftenNards kills his own sister to stop her impor- 
 tunity for the life of a husband whom ho also murders. Again 
 at Forli the good Senibaldi degli Ordilaffi is similarly treated 
 by a kinsman as nearly related : the Count of San Severino the 
 same : cruel wars between two intimate friends, the lords of 
 Verona and Padua ; the former a fratricide and of a fratricidal 
 house, and both despoiled and e.\iled by the viper of Milan *. 
 Bloody revolutions at Ferrara, and no less bloody retribution : 
 the Prefect of Piome murdered by his own subjects at Viterbo : 
 Count Orsino driven from his dominion of Nanii by a priestly 
 cousin and cardinal : the general convei-sion of the powers ot 
 literature and military virtue into instruments of deceit and 
 plunder : the noble arts buried : no hopes of coming good, and 
 dismal prospects of infinite miseiy f . Such was the character 
 of that unhappy age, and the men that lived in it must be 
 judged by it mther than by the standard of modem excellence. 
 
 * Muratori, Anno 1387. — Mariana + Scip. AmmiiutOj Lib. xv., pp 
 Hist, de P>paiia, Lib. xvii., cap. xiii. ; 790. 
 and Lib. xviii.,cap. xi. 
 
 -0'> 
 
 I). /'>•'• 
 
 The genuine forms of vice and virtue are now more clearly 
 defined, more generally acknowledged, and certainly better 
 appreciated ; we are startled at great crimes, yet fill up the 
 measure with our small ones ; for these fall lightly like snow- 
 flakes, unregarded and almost unperceived. Our great security 
 against great crimes, is that comparatively well-balanced state 
 of society where power and temptation are both removed from 
 the daring and ambitious. Destroy this, and men's passions 
 will again burst forth with all the reckless fury of our 
 ancestor. 
 
 CoTEMPORARY MoNARCHS.— England : Richard IT.— Scotland : Robert II 
 —France : Charles V. (The Wise), to 1 380 ; then Charles VI. (The Maniac) 
 —Aragon: Peter IV. until 1387; then John I.— Castile and Leon : Henry 
 II. of Trastamare until 1379; then John I.— Portugal : Ferdinand until 
 1383; then John, (natural son of Peter I.), Regent to 1385 ; then John I 
 —Sicily: Maria and Martin of Aragon. — Naples : Joanna to 1382; then 
 Charles of Durazzo until 1385; then his son Ladislaus.— Pope : Urban VI. 
 until 1389 ; then Boniface IX.— Emperor of Germany : Wenceslas.— Hun- 
 gary and Poland: Louis the Great to 1382; then Maria; and troubles in 
 Hungary until 1385, when Charles of Durazzo succeeds, and is almost imme- 
 diately murdered; troubles until 1387; then Sidsmund of Luxemburg.— 
 Poland: Hedwig, 1383; and Vladislas, of the House of Jagellos, 1386!— 
 Greek Emperor: John Palaeologus. — Ottoman Emperor: Murad L or 
 Amurath to 1389 ; then Bayezid, (or Bajazet) ; Timour the Tartar. ' 
 
 nil '2 
 
 fT^^tF^': 
 
468 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 469 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 A.D. 1390. 
 
 FROM A.D. 13 90 TO A.D. 1402. 
 
 Twelve years of peace coupled with the general rehet 
 afforded by a reduction of both principal and interest of the 
 national debt worked their usual effects on Florence, 
 and in despite of domestic troubles she is described 
 by cotemporary authors as at this period abounding in wealth 
 and population, full of high spirit and ready for enterprise ;. 
 
 The many fearful and repeated tempests recorded by her 
 writers seem only to have buffeted those greater ships that 
 launched out into the storm and exposed themselves to its 
 fury ; the mass of vessels felt it as if m port, and thougli far 
 from being uninfluenced, were yet beyond the reach of shipwreck 
 and pui-sued their course in comparative safety. Commerce 
 therefore and manufactures still held on their way whenever 
 her foreign relations were not affected by external war, and 
 even then the channels of communication were not entirely 
 unnavigable. Florence was in fact a lake of commercial industiy 
 whose feeders when unimpeded were too numerous for its 
 capachy and required an outlet for the riches they brought 
 down :*if therefore self-defence had not occupied her, Florence 
 herself would have become as dangerous a neighbour as her 
 own internal discord might have allowed, and by war or pur- 
 chase have been mistress of Tuscany. Amidst the most tnr 
 
 * Leon. Aretiuo, Lib. x.— Poggio Bracciolini, Lib. iii", p. GO. 
 
 bulent periods of domestic history multitudes of her citizens, 
 either abroad or at home, were successfully trading in security, 
 and weaving her web of commerce over half the world --i^. 
 The reasons of this prosperity may be discoverable in the 
 physical state of her territory, the superiority of Italian 
 civilisation generally, and the active intelligence and restless 
 nature of the Florentine people in particular. Pent up in a 
 small, mountainous, and comparatively unfmitful district, Flo- 
 rence could rarely draw from its own temtory sufficient sub- 
 sistence for an increasing population in an air and cUmate 
 considered particularly favourable to the multiplication of the 
 human species : and though some harvests were sufficiently 
 abundant for two years' consumption, the numerous famines 
 and vast sums spent in importing foreign com, as well as the 
 powerful influence of Pisa over her supplies, all prove the 
 general tmth of the proposition f . This led to manufacturing 
 industry, domestic trade, and foreign commerce ; and Floren- 
 tines like bees were seen in exerj field, following each other 
 home laden with the riches of distiint nations, and mingled with 
 such a mass of political and statistical knowledge as proved at 
 all times of infinite use to their country. 
 
 The war about to be described was the greatest enterprise 
 ever undertaken by Florence, and which including the armed 
 tmees may almost be said to have lasted twelve years against 
 an able powerful sovereign whose dominions approached 
 nearer to a rich and potent kingdom than a mere principality. 
 Pioused by a clear perception of coming events, the result 
 as well of their natural sagacity as an intimate acquaintance 
 with foreign policy character and resources, this band of 
 traders with a civic population of perhaps ninety thousand 
 souls placed in the centre of northern Italy, boldly stepped 
 forward as the safeguard of general liberty ; they stood like a 
 rock, braved the coming storm, and finally saw the waves break 
 
 * Cronica di Buonaccorso Pitti, passim. f Goro Dati, Storia, p. 42. 
 
470 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 do\Mi in ripples at their feet. Florence thus acted when 
 almost every other state either shrank from the encounter or 
 Avas blind to the consequences : that she through this spirited 
 conduct preserved Italian liberty is a fact asserted by all her 
 historians, and the events of that period tend to confirm the 
 tale. It is for the tactician alone to pursue the varied course 
 of military actions through all its windings ; us a matter of 
 common history the leading march and features of the conflict 
 with their bearing on national character are sufl&cient ; for it 
 is the high political and moral consequences, the causes and 
 effects of war, that belong to the general historian, not its 
 details. 
 
 The objects of Florence in her contest with Gian-Galeazzo 
 Visconte were the preservation of her own and Italian liberty, 
 both in danger from his ambition : her views were broad and 
 determined ; her means concentmted but powerful and elastic 
 beyond conception ; like the tiger's claw, soft and harmless 
 when at rest, but capable of sudden quick and fearful exten- 
 sion when roused from its repose. The annihilation of Vis- 
 conte was her fixed resolve, and to carry this she scrupled 
 not to stir up both France and Germany in her cause ; from 
 these two states she simultaneously drew forth their warlike 
 legions and in one united surge attempted to overwhelm the 
 dreaded tyrant of Lombardy. Had her allies been more faith- 
 ful on one side, and more temperate on the other, her policy 
 according to all human calculation would have succeeded : by 
 Hawkwood's advice a powerful French army was to descend 
 from the mountains but attempt nothing until it united with 
 his forces under the walls of ^Milan while a similar cloud from 
 the German Alps spread over the eastern frontier and hastened 
 on the storm. Had all held tme to calculation, above 
 thirty thousand horse besides a numerous infantiy would have 
 ovei-powered Milan and crushed the Visconti ; but war and 
 chance are synonymous and the event was different, luckily 
 
 CHAP, xxviir.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 471 
 
 A.D. 1390. 
 
 perhaps, for the very liberty it was meant to preserve ; for 
 what could Florence, what could Italy have achieved against the 
 fierce ambition of a double French dynasty at each 
 extremity of her disordered and disunited peninsula? 
 
 It is now time to narrate as briefly as possible the transac- 
 tions in Lombardy that led to this important war, and then its 
 principal details along with the more brilliant exploits of the 
 belligerents. — Galeazzo Visconte died in 1378 and was suc- 
 ceeded by his son Giovanni or Gian-Galeazzo Count of Vertu 
 in France : the uncle and nephew therefore became co-equal 
 seignors of Lombardy and almost of necessity fearful and jea- 
 lous of each other, for they were both Visconti. Gian-Galeazzo 
 either affecting to be, or really alarmed for his personal safety 
 in consequence of the envy of Bernabo and his numerous pro- 
 geny (wliich at one time amounted to thirty-six children legiti- 
 mate and illegitimate, with the promise of eighteen more from 
 various sources) avoided Milan and settled himself at Pavia 
 where affecting an utter contempt for all mundane pleasures 
 he dressed in humble attire, fed simply and sparingly, sought 
 the converse of holy men, quoted his uncle, whom he called 
 father, on all occasions, and in their conjoint affairs left everj^- 
 thing with reverence to his superior judgment. For seven 
 long years did he thus remain buried in the depths of worldly 
 simulation and hypocritical deceit, but never moving without 
 an armed retinue and exhibiting every symptom of timidity 
 and even cowardice : this even excited the ridicule of his kins- 
 men who with the worldly-minded and ambitious, regarded 
 him as a poor-spirited creature unworthy of the princely dignity, 
 but by the devout he was esteemed as a saint. 
 
 To secure his life he married Bernabo 's daughter, the more 
 willingly bestowed upon him, according to some writers, be- 
 cause she was chosen as the surest instrument of his destiiic- 
 tion, yet she disappointed all expectations by revealing every 
 attempt to her husband. Thus finding or feigning that 
 
472 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. XXVUI 
 
 .1 
 
 his life was insecure; for the fact thou^rli probable remains 
 improved ; he resolved to bring the event to a crisis and l,v 
 one bold movement simultiineously throw off the mask and 
 seize the states of Lorabardy. He accordingly published Jii. 
 intention of visiting the shrine of La Madonna di Varese which 
 would lead him under the walls of :Mihin tind a letter was 
 written to Bemabo with an excuse for liis not entering tlir 
 town although anxious to embrace so near and dear a kinsman 
 therefore prayed for an interview without the gates. Leaviua 
 Pavia with about fifteen hundred well-armed but discmised 
 horsemen he slept the same night at Binasco and the next day 
 was met by Bernabo s sons Lodo\ico and llidolfo about two 
 nnles from MUan : thus attended he proceeded to the Hospital 
 of Saint Ambrogio outside the Veroellina gate where Bcniabo. 
 mounted on a mule, with a slender retinue attended him. Ga" 
 leazzo's immediate foUowei-s crowned with olives and disguised 
 in festive attire instantly curied round the smaller group in 
 playful triumph, but the scene soon changed ; for one^'of them 
 wrenching off the bridle of Beniabos mule exclaimed, 'M/t'.s- 
 " sere yon are prisoner to the Count of Vvrtn." " Whf niy son: 
 said Beniabo, turning in agitation to Galeazzo, - Win/ han 
 " you done this' I love you; what I hare is i/ours, 'do not 
 " betray your own blood ! ' - It needs mu^t /v^," Vetunied Ga 
 leazzo,^ " ^^^'^"^<' ^*' ^"'^''*« seasons you have plotted nrjaiuM my 
 *' ii/er During this short interval a numerous reentoreement 
 came up and secured all the prisonei-s except one of BeniaboV 
 sons who escaped in the confusion : tlie rest entered Milan bv 
 the Zobbia gate, which belonged to Galeazzo, amidst tlic 
 shouting of a joyful nmltitude who saluted bini vN-ith loud crie^ 
 of '' Lony live the Count and down with tnlU and taxesrSo 
 man held up a hand for the two prisoners : their dwellings wen 
 mstantly delivered over to the multitude and many .finding 
 miposts were instantly al>olished by proclamation. Thus quiet 
 possession of Milan was at once obtained ; all the strongholds sui- 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 473 
 
 rendered on the following morning, and a treasure of 1,700,000 
 florins with six cart-loads of wrought silver besides other pre- 
 cious furniture fell quietly into Gian-Galeazzo's hands. The 
 citizens rejoiced, for Bernabo was a tyrant of the most odious and 
 disgusting class : one who if he occasionally dealt out a sort of 
 poetical justice did it from whim, or impulse and ever with the 
 hand of cruelty, and soul of despotism. G ian-Galeazzo at least 
 knew men and how to govern them ; he was well acquainted with 
 the public feeling and general disgust at the fierce brutality and 
 extortion of his uncle, and like all usurpers sought by just 
 administration to support an unjust title. Taxes and gate-tolls 
 were universdly diminished, the people listened to, abuses 
 removed, and laws justly administered : in the citv of Recrcrio 
 the monthly impost of \m) ilorins was reduced to four, and 
 others m proportion ; so that the places recently governed by 
 Bernabo seemed, says a cotemporary writer, to have been just 
 delivered from hell and placed in paradise*. Amongst the 
 especial grievances of Milan was the plague of dogs which Ber- 
 nabo let loose on its inhabitants : to gratify liis passion for the 
 chase every man according to his means was compelled to 
 mamtain one or more of these animals : officers were appointed 
 for a monthly inspection of them in separate packs according to 
 then- various breeds and woe to him whose charge was not in 
 good condition. So fearful were the people of this periodical 
 scrutiny that the poorer sort procured the finest wheaten bread 
 for these unconscious creatures while they themselves sup- 
 ported a WTetched existence on the coarsest food and trembled 
 at every muster. As there were forty thousand hearths or 
 famdies at this time in Milan each supporting at least one dog 
 and many a greater nund.er, the hurden of canine population 
 became mtolerable and the relief co-equal f. 
 
 — Corio., 
 
 ^■^Gazata, Chronicle Apud Murat.,ri, Stor. Fior., Lib. iii", p. 60. — 
 +'Gorn TV.f; «. x?- o Stor. Milan, Parte iii% folio 257.— Mu- 
 
 i>.uiao, Mem. Stor. p. ,7.-Poggio, MHano, p. 20.-Wc have here an evil 
 
 Mu- 
 
 ^S^re*»Ti 
 
474 
 
 FLORENTINE TTTSTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTTNE HISTORY. 
 
 475 
 
 Under such auspices Benial»u's subjects gladly ackuowleib^ed 
 the dominion of Galeazzo, and within six months both father 
 and son were poisoned by his command. Ihit another more 
 amiable and innocent victim was first sacrificed : this was his 
 own sister Violante the widow of Lionel Duke of Clarence aud 
 the Marqius of Monfen*ato, a lady of extreme beauty and excel- 
 lence afterwards mamed to Lodovico the imprisoned son of 
 Beniabo : her only crime was unceasing prayei's, tears, and peti- 
 tions for her husband "s liberty, until the implacable Galeazzo 
 got rid of these importunities by a fatal dose of poison ! 
 
 Danger being so tar removed aud all the ancient domiiiiis 
 of his family reunited, Visconte cast about for new acquisi- 
 tions and resolved to extend his dominion to the Adriatic by 
 conquering Verona and Padua. Open aggression was deemed 
 imj^olitic, art more certain, and he therefore contrived to 
 foment an already existing quarrel which had recently burst 
 into open war between old Francesco da Carrara and Antonio 
 della Scala hitherto on the most intimate terms of friendship 
 with each other. Pope Urban VI. about this time gave the 
 rich and powerful patriarchate of Aquileja in common dam to 
 Cardinal Philip d' Alencon of France with which act the 
 citizens of Udine, the capital, were outrageous ; taking it as 
 
 presented to the eye in one concen- 
 trated mass, and arc disgusted. But, ex- 
 cept the tyranny and moral effect of its 
 direct pecuniary action, it could have 
 only slightly injured many of the richer 
 classes. Not so the poor, amongst 
 whom we may divine the extent of 
 suffering from their stinting them- 
 selves and children to pamper these 
 favourites ; for what the dog eats of 
 human sustenance man is in seme 
 way deprived. Yet Bernaho only 
 centralised the wide-spread taste of our 
 own age and country : it is often pain- 
 ful to see quantities of the finest food 
 wantonly cast to the dogs under a 
 rich man's table, and at the very moment 
 
 when numlters of his poorest neigh- 
 bours are strug^'lin;: to !«uj)port even a 
 wretched existence. No dislike of dogs 
 or disbelief in the ridi man's humanity 
 dictates this note, but a wish to ex- 
 hibit the siniihirity of results between a 
 concentrated tyrannical oppression and 
 the more scattered inconsiderate acts 
 of luxury. I have heard of a lady who 
 fed her lap-dog on cream and Naples 
 biscuits ! yet there are always frag- 
 ments enough in almost every family 
 above want, to feed dogs when dogs 
 are necessary amusing or useful ; the 
 over feeding them with superior viands 
 is a mischievous abuse. 
 
 an insult that their ancient patriarchate should be dealt with 
 as a petty benefice and exposed to the rapacity of covetous 
 priests without any regard to public welfare. Under these 
 feelings d' Alencon was refused admittance, and the example 
 of Udine was generally followed throughout the state. 
 AIen9on had recoui-se to Francesco da Carrara whose domi- 
 nions joined and expecting to gain something in the squab- 
 ble cheerfully promised his assistance. The Venetians ever 
 jealous of Carrara's movements gave secret aid to Udine and 
 simultaneously induced Antonio della Scala by large sub- 
 sidies to succour that city : proud of this alliance Antonio 
 assembled troops and demanded a free passage for them 
 through the Paduan dominions ; this was of course refused, 
 it became a source of dissension and a bitter war broke out 
 between these lords in l;)S5. Gian-Galeazzo looked quietly 
 on, watching his opportunity and secretly assisting both parties 
 until Verona was nearly exhausted : he then joined Padua and 
 made himself master of the former state by the treacherous 
 breach of a treaty Avith the latter ; this he believed would 
 exasperate Francesco so much as to occasion war and the ulti- 
 mate conquest of his dominions also^;=. 
 
 Nor was the Count of Vertii less anxious than his fother to 
 draw closer his ties of kindred with France and therefore gave 
 his only daughter Valentina in marriage to the king's brother 
 Louis Duke of Turenne and Count of Valois, with Asti, 
 various towns of Piedmont, and other wealth as her portion ; 
 a marriage that requires some notice as it occasioned, or at 
 least hastened the downfall of Florence and ultimate subju^ra- 
 tion of Itiilj f . "^ 
 
 Francesco da Carrara smarting under the feeling of being 
 so duped by Visconte published a violent manifesto against 
 liim, and the latter immediately uniting with Venice and other 
 states laid siege to his capital ; but unpopular with the people old 
 
 Poggio, Storia, Lib. iii", p. 61 .— Muratori, Anno 1 385. f Muratori, 1 387. 
 
47G 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 Fraiicesco abdicated the lordship of Padua in favour of his 
 son Francesco Novello as he was then called, and retired to 
 Treves ; yet nothing could withstand Visconte ; tumults 
 occurred in Treves and Padua, and l)oth became his own ere 
 the end of 138s when the Carrara like the Scala family were 
 driven into exile and imprisonment *. 
 
 These rapid accessions of power alarmed all Italy, for the 
 dominions of Visconte extended from Ceneda, Belluno. and 
 Feltre, on the confines of the patriarchate, tu Asti in the west : 
 he was still young, full of talents, of immeasurable ambition 
 and profound deceit. A son and heir lately bom afforded an 
 opportunity of exercising this last quality hj requesting tlie 
 Florentine republic to be its sponsor, an act at that time 
 considered as tantamount to perpetual amity, peace, and inti- 
 mate vmion of all the parties f . 
 
 The quarrel between Florence and Siena has already been 
 mentioned : the Senese still believed, and according to Corio 
 and Malavolti with good reason, that the Florentines elated 
 by having acquired Arezzo began to extend their views of 
 aggrandisement over Tuscany and even beyond, and therefore 
 drew closer to Gian-Galeazzo who saw in this breach a j](oodh 
 opening for his own ambition. He had in contravention of the 
 treaty of Pisa interfered in Tuscan politics ; he had acquired 
 by his hitrigues a sovereign intluence if not authority over 
 Siena and Perugia, and had seduced many other Tuscan 
 powers to his standard. The Florentines convinced of his dupli- 
 city assembled a great council of " llichiesti " where Giovanni 
 de' Piicci a citizen of high repute puldicly exposed (ialeazzos 
 long-continued hypocrisy, his usurpation, his murders, lii^ 
 treachery in the conquests of Verona and Padua, and that in- 
 satiable appetite for power which seemed to increase with lii^ 
 increasing dominions ; and now, having no more Lombard 
 neighbours whom he deemed it expedient to conquer, he turned 
 
 • Muratori, 1388. 
 
 t Poggio, Lib. iii., p. 62. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII.] 
 
 ITLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 477 
 
 his eyes on the volatile Senese as convenient instruments of 
 his ambition. " What," continued Ricci, " has he to do in 
 •' Tuscany? To defend Siena, which has received no wrong, 
 " against his confederated allies ? Neither he nor the Senese 
 " have endured the slightest injury from us. An unbounded 
 •' thirst of dominion destroys his reason ; he holds to no 
 " compact, or law, or oath, or promise, provided he can only 
 " augment his territory and acquire by force that which is 
 " denied to reason. If you value liberty I implore you to 
 
 - consider the arts and cunning which up to this moment he 
 " he has made use of to take us unawares. He first inflamed 
 •' the mind of Siena and nourished her dissatisfaction with 
 " large promises of military^ aid and various other temptations 
 '• if she would only declare war against you; he made a treaty 
 " in which this was the governing condition, and then to lull 
 •' our suspicions offered his services to effect that reconciliation 
 " of which he knew we were so desirous ; but sent ambassadors 
 •' who mstead of peace sowed seeds of war and persuaded t]ie 
 
 - Senese to give themselves over to his dominion. And when 
 " you remonstrated agauist this treachery he denied with his 
 '' usual earnestness the truth of such reports which as he 
 '■ asserted, were only propagated to injure him, for even if the 
 " Senese had offered him the lordship of their republic he 
 " never would have accepted it ! Yet tliis was scarcely uttered 
 " when six hundred caxixhy were already on their march to 
 " protect a people whom no one was otieuding, and therefore 
 •only proved how determined he was to earn- his own am- 
 
 " bitious designs into execution ! When through the exertions 
 " of Gambacorta peace was afterwards made at Pisa and con- 
 " firmed with the most sacred oaths, you know how well he 
 '• kein them by despatching Giovanni Ubaldini with a thousand 
 " horse to seduce our ancient allies the Perugians, and with 
 ^' deceitful promises persuade them to join his standard : and 
 " even after this, were not his troops continually harassincr 
 
473 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAF. X.WIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 479 
 
 Montepulciano from the Senese frontier wliile be kept un- 
 blushingly asserting that these things were done entirely 
 against his inclination? All this proves, most prudent 
 citizens, that neither his comieils nor protestations can be 
 regarded in any other light than to deceive, as you may 
 daily observe ; and why are we to remain any longer mere 
 spectators ? What other proof do we expect of that honesty 
 which he, his letters, and his aml»assadors, are entirely 
 devoid of; seeing that deceit and secret treachery, not arms, 
 are his most effective weapons ? It is not only natural, but 
 an amusing occupation for him to dupe everybody without 
 any regard to previous promises, wherctore it becomes neces- 
 sary to cut short all delay as utterly uselcbs, and dismissing 
 eveV expectation of peace oppose the designs of Visconte by 
 preparing troops, money, and every other offensive and 
 defensive material of war. We have genius, pnideuce. 
 activity, and abundance of eveiything if you will only unite 
 hand and heart in the glorious defence of our common 
 
 country"-'. 
 
 This speech decided the question and exasperated Gian- 
 Galeazzo : a military board called the " Ten of the BalUr was 
 created to direct hostilities, war was unanimously voted, and 
 Visconte's answer bitterly replied to by the Florentines : after 
 which he sent a formal \lefiance and both sides prepared for 
 the contest f. One division of the Florentine army under 
 Luigi di Capua was immediately opposed to Giovanni degh 
 Ubaldini the Milanese general at Siena ; the other under Sir 
 John Hawkwood marched to Bologna the advanced post of Flo- 
 rence on the side of Lombardy : her allies were Bologna, Cor- 
 tona, lUvenna, Faenza, and Imola ; the three last more to 
 facilitate commerce than hostilities ; but along with Bologna 
 she bore almost the whole burden of the war. Galeazzo was 
 
 ♦ Poggio, Lib. iii., p. 65. Lib. iii", P- '^S.-S. Ammii-ato, Lib. 
 
 t Leon. Aretiuo, Lib. ix. — Poggio, x., p. UOO. 
 
 in league with Siena, Perugia, Rimini, Ferrara, Mantua, the 
 Count of Poppi and many others ; besides a secret intrigue 
 commenced at Pisa when Gambacorta refused to break with the 
 Florentines. 
 
 On hearing of Hawkwood's departure he ordered Ubaldini 
 to begin operations : this immediately forced Montepulciano into 
 the arms of Florence, and with her assistance incursions were 
 made up to the very gates of Siena. G ian-Galeazzo with the ex- 
 ception of Hawkwood had enlisted almost all the ablest captains 
 of the day ; but his scale of warfare, too gigantic for his num- 
 bers, weakened their powers and general effect ^^ On the fourth 
 of May Giacomo del Verme with the Milanese anny invaded 
 Bologna but having been repulsed at Primalcuore by Giovanni 
 Barbiano with great vigour and the loss of twenty '^Bomharde' 
 or cannon, (which according to Ammirato were now first used in 
 Italian warlare) and hearing of Hawkwood s arrival at Bologna 
 he decamped during the night and retreated to Modena. Tliis 
 auspicious beginning was fcdlowed in June by the capture of 
 Padua which Francesco Xovello da Carrara witli a small Ger- 
 inan force his own spirit and the good will of his subjects, 
 had successfidly accomplished. The whole country was up in 
 arms to assist him : for though his fother had been unpopular 
 from the heavy burdens which his war with Verona had occa- 
 sioned Francesco was not, and the Paduan citizens had not 
 lound the paradise they expected under Galeazzo s dominion • 
 neither could they tamely brook their degradation from the 
 rank of a metropolis to that of a mere provincial town, nor the 
 rapacious tyranny of a deputed government in the hereditaiy 
 seat ol their native princes. The whole Paduan territory there- 
 tore soon returned to its allegiance and even Venice herself, 
 now ahve to the general danger, looked on with satisfaction at 
 ms progress. This blow disconcerted Visconte who was sud- 
 denly forced again to recall Del Vermo from Bologna; but 
 
 ♦ S. Ammirato, Lib. xv., p. 804. 
 
4S0 
 
 FLORENTINE UlSTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 CHAP, xxvin.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 431 
 
 Mantua and Ferrara, his allies from fear not friendship, were 
 secretly pleased at the event and only required a plausible 
 excuse to withdraw. 
 
 Verona followed the example of Padua l)ut having no adult 
 native prince to lead and unite the people, bad measures of de- 
 fence were adopted ; quarrels ensued ; a strong ^lilanese faction 
 existed in the town, and the citadel being still in Galeazzus 
 hands, a commander who happened to pass on his way to re- 
 lieve that of Padua taking advantage of this crisis recovered 
 the place with terrible and universal slaughter. Cruelty, out- 
 rage, and devastation raged uncontrolled, and the far-famed 
 and ancient capital of the house of La Scala remained for some 
 time desolate. The Milanese genend Hushed willi success 
 passed on to Padua, but finding skill, and order, and spirit in 
 the place, contented himself with reenforcing the fortress and 
 retired to Vicenza. Stephen Did^e of Bavaria BeniabiVs son- 
 in-law, roused by Francesco da Carrara and the persuasions of 
 Florentine gold, soon after arrived from Germany with but 
 half his promised force, yet served to protect Padua where he 
 remained almost in idleness : the citadel surrendered in August to 
 Francesco, who simultaneously defeated a ]\Iilanese detachment 
 sent to relieve it. Thus lightened, Carrara turned his arms on 
 the ^larquis of Este ; occupied severtd towns in the Polesine, 
 and laid siege to Rovigo. Albert of Feniira only wanting sucli 
 a pretext, by means of Venice and Stei)hen of Bavaria recon- 
 ciled himself with Padua, Bologna and Florence in October. 
 but still preserving his friendship with Milan ■■'-. 
 
 The Duke of Bavaria's fidlure in not bringing the force 
 which he had been paid for; his subsequent inactivity in 
 despite of every remonstrance; and his unblushing demand 
 for further supplies, disturbed the cMiuanimity of Florence; 
 more especially when her cool and somewhat haughty refusal 
 
 ♦ Leon. Arctino, Lib. x.— S. Ammirato, Lib. xv., p. 805. — Muratori. 
 Anno 1300. 
 
 produced the avowal of his intention not to move from Padua 
 except to return into Germany, unless liis wishes were granted. 
 Tliis disconcerted all the allied movements for a while, and 
 gave a fair opening for the mixture of Milanese ducats in the 
 transaction, so that disgusted with Florence and bribed by 
 Visconte, Stephen retired with great loss of honour even 
 amongst his own followers, one of whom, Henry de 
 Montfort, with six hundred lances indignantly ^•^- ^^^• 
 remained in the service of that republic*. "^ Meanwhile the 
 Tuscan campaign was actively maintained without any decided 
 result ; for Visconte dared not send reenforcements with the 
 Lombard army on his flank, and the sudden death of Giovanni 
 degli Ubaldini, not without some unfounded suspicions of Flo- 
 rentine poison, greatly weakened the moral force of liis aims, 
 for in Hawkwood s opinion Giovanni wa? the first captain of 
 the age. 
 
 The Duke of Bavaria's defection made Florence send Hawk- 
 wood to Padua, not so much to defend that city as to keep the 
 war out of Tuscany ; and the King of France s tenns being a 
 recognition of Clement VIL as tnie pope, and his own supre- 
 macy m Florence with an annual tribute, they were disdainfullv 
 rejected and the Count d' Armagnac was engaged with a large 
 torce to mvade Lombardy. An attack by Florence on the Man- 
 tuan terntoi^^ detached Gonzaga from the Milanese league and 
 secured his neutraUty; but the campaign w^as cut short through 
 the discovery of a plot to murder Hawkwood and Francesco da 
 CaiTara, m which Astorre Manfredi of Faenza was the principal 
 agent of Galeazzo. ^ ^ 
 
 When this disturbance subsided the original plan of cam- 
 paign was resumed, namely, that while Armagnac advanced by 
 He Alexandria road south of the Po, Hawkwood with the com- 
 bined ai-my was to march from Padua into the heart of the 
 
 ^ oia, btoiu di Miluno, Lib. ii", defrauded Stephen of his subsidy. 
 
 I I 
 
48-2 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [nouK 1. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 483 
 
 Milanese, unite with the Frenchman and carry eveiTthing 
 before him. It was a formidable arrangement even ^vithollt 
 the Bavaritm army, and after beating Taddeo del Veniie, Hawk- 
 wood entered the Brescian districts on the tenth of May with 
 a force of near twenty thousand men of all arms, wliile another 
 division from Bologna attacked the Reggio and Parmesan ter- 
 ritories to distract the enemy's attention -i^ 
 
 But Ai-magnac showed no signs of life all that month or the 
 next ; so that Hawkwood beginning to feel a scarcity of pro- 
 visions occasioned by the gradually increasing forces of ]\Iilan 
 under Jacopo del Verme and Ugolotto Bianeardo, the devastator 
 of Verona, was at last compelled to retire. The details of this 
 retreat are variously related, and miless two distinct move- 
 ments are supposed, veiy contradictory, at least on the main 
 fact of its ha\dug occurred before, or having been earned by 
 Armagnac s defeat and death at Alexandria. Hawkwood hud 
 hitherto supported his army with ease in that abundant couu- 
 tiy, had advanced to within a few miles of Milan itself, and 
 insulted Gian-G;Jeazzo by celebrating the festival of San Gio- 
 vanni on the banks of the Adda. Now however the augmented 
 army of Jacopo del Verme amounting as Corio says to thre. 
 thousand lances and ten thousand foot of idl arms, intercepted 
 his supplies and with the aid of the inhabitants kept compktr 
 command of that country : it was starvation to remain ; ami 
 retreat in foce of such an enemy with the rivers Oglio, Miucio. 
 and Adige in his rear, became a difficult and veiy diuigerous 
 operation. In these circumstances Hawkwood determined it 
 possible to bring del Verme to battle and therefore sent hnn 
 a challenge, the refusal of wliich by a superior force was m 
 those chivalrous days counted disgraceful if not cowardly. Bui 
 Jacopo del Venne was too sagacious a genend to^ be really 
 moved by the fear of such consequences when sure of his game. 
 yet had no hesitation in accepting the deliuncc : Hawkwood 
 
 ♦ Scip. Ammirato, Lib. xv., p. 816.— Poggio, Lib. iii., p. 74. 
 
 accordingly marched next morning to within a mile of his anta- 
 gonist's entrenchments in expectation of battle, but Jacopo 
 was too wise to forego a certain advantage for a doubtful victory 
 and consequently remained in camp. Hawkwood then address- 
 ing his troops, said that as a battle was so distasteful to their 
 enemy they had now only to rely on along and perilous retreat, 
 which if they would presence their wonted discipline, and trust 
 to him he had no doubt of accompHshing. The Englishman's 
 courage, talents, and prudence were so well known that he 
 inspired universal confidence and was answered by acclama- 
 tions ; wherefore after hiding five hundred lances under Count 
 Conrad in a thick wood on his Ime of man-li near the ford of a 
 stream, the retreat was purposely begun in haste and apparent 
 confusion. Del Verme hung on his rear with a strong body 
 of cavalry intending to attack in full force dming Hawk- 
 woods passage of the river, but when they were well passed 
 the ambush, Conrad issued out and the army suddenly lacing 
 about at the same moment attacked and destroyed the whole 
 detachment : after this Hawkwood resumed his march ; with 
 equal caution and celerity he crossed the Oglio, Minci'o, and 
 Adige, and after infinite peril arrived witli some loss on the 
 friendly soil of Padua *. Intelligence was subsequently received 
 that Annagnac, having resisted all the persuasions of Clement 
 VII. at Avignon seconded l)y the Dukes of Berri and Bur- 
 gundy and more powerfully by Milanese ducats, had crushed a 
 mutmous division of his army and was resolved to be faithful. 
 Havmg crossed the Alps he at last appeared in Italy, where- 
 upon Hawkwood instantly wrote to urge his immediate junction, 
 wammg liim not to be tempted by any lesser object ; and agmn 
 
 Cronica Estcnsc, torn, xiv., Ror. 
 ItalSmp. Muratori, Annalcs KWl. 
 --^>ono, Parte iii^ tblio 270.— 
 b. Aminirato, Lib. xv., p. 817.- 
 ^narea Gatari, tomo xvii., Reruni. 
 
 Ital. Scrip, and Apiul Muratori, Ann., 
 Anno 13;)L — Mem. Stor. di 8er 
 Nuddo, p. 125.- -Mecatti Storia Cro- 
 nologica di Firenzc, vol. i«, p. 312. 
 
 J I 2 
 
4S4 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 advanced into the territor}' of Cremona hoping to give him his 
 left band near that city. Armagnae marched forward in all the 
 confidence of youth and early reputation, at the head of from 
 ten to fifteen thousand cavalry, despising the Lomhards and 
 speaking of them everj^where with contempt. He had beaten 
 and destroved a detachment of Gascons on their march to Ga- 
 leazzo's amy and unmindful of Hawkwood's entreaties be not 
 only delayed before Castellaccio where del Verme bad placed 
 a strong garrison, but on the '25th July defied that general in 
 his head-qmirtei-s at Alexandria and not even with his whole 
 force, but only a chosen company of five, or according to Am- 
 mirato fifteen hundred French gentlemen as young and fieiy 
 as himself. Dismomiting in mockery at the gates they uTitated 
 the garrison by loud cries of '' Come out you vile LombanUr 
 several skirmishes ensued until Jacopo convmced that his an- 
 tagonists were unsupported, engaged them in front with one 
 detachment while he sent another out by a circuitous route to 
 take them in dank and rear. Tli.' French and their horses 
 were fatigued with previous fighting and excessive heat ; but dis- 
 mounting they fought gallantly on foot for several hours until 
 all were killed or made prisoners. D'Armagnac exhausted, 
 wounded, and humbled, was taken into Alexandiia, and either 
 from incautiously drinking, the effects of his wound, or us 
 some sav, from poison, died in a few hours. His amy panic- 
 struck, mised the siege of Castellaccio and retreated m con- 
 fusion. Having been purposely misled by their guides amongst 
 the Alphie passes of Nizza della Pagha and Incisa, the moun- 
 tidneers destroyed them hi thousands and Jacopo del \eme 
 following closely, completed the disaster. 
 
 Thus ended the hopes of Florence in this quarter iifter n 
 almost incredible expense, amounting according to Leoiiarao 
 Aretino secretary of the republic, who quotes the treasury book. 
 to 1 -200,000 florins : but even this m-toiy is differently state. 
 bvsome authors, who assert that a pitched battle took rlaa 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 483 
 
 with the total discomfiture of the French army. Amongst 
 multitudes of prisoners the two Florentine ambassadors 
 Rinaldo Ganfigliazzi, and Giovanni de' Ricci fell into Ga- 
 leazzo's hands : the former was soon ransomed for 2500 florins ; 
 but the latter i>aid for his bold philippic against Visconte 
 by many months' imprisonment, the imminent risk of his life, 
 and a final ransom of 7000 florins; which however was paid by 
 the government 'i^. 
 
 Relieved from this danger Gian-Galeazzo's forces were im- 
 mediately directed against Hawkwood and subsequently on 
 Florence itself. The retreat wliicli the English general made 
 on this occasion is celebrated by all Italian writers as the most 
 able of his exploits and in their opinion gives him a place 
 amongst the greatest captains of antiquity. The details are 
 however obscure and the relative force of the combatants 
 extremely uncertain ; we only know from the same authorities 
 that he was far outnumbered by his enemies but greatly over- 
 matched them in professional ability. 
 
 Rumours of d Armagnae s fate had already reached him, but 
 uncertain of their truth he still held his ground in the expec- 
 tation of better tidings, until the appearance of Jacopo s victo- 
 rious aniiy decided his backward movement. Hawkwood was 
 encamped at a place called Patenio in the Cremonese territory 
 when the enemy pitched his tents a mile and a half distant on 
 the opposite bank of a small stream which flowed between the 
 armies: he deemed it unsafe to retreat in foce of a superior 
 force all flushed with recent victory, until he had tamed their 
 audacity by some previous castigation. Keeping timidly within 
 his camp for four successive days he endured with apparent 
 
 ♦ Goro Dati, Stor. Fior. p. xxxiii.— foglio 270.— Scip. Ammirato, Lib. xv., 
 
 Mem. Stor. di Scr Naddo, p. 125. — p. 820. — Muratori, Annali, Anno 
 
 Leon. Aretino, Lib. x., folio 188.— 1391.— Boninsegni, StoriaFiorentina, 
 
 l^oggio Bracciolini, Lib. lii", p. 75.— Lib. iv., p. 706.— Cagnola, Storia di 
 
 tono, Stone Milanese, Parte iii«, Milano, Lib. ii°, p. 21. 
 
436 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 487 
 
 alarm all the mocker}*, insults, and repeated defiance of the 
 enemy who emboldened by this conduct detenuined to attack 
 his entrenchments. There was a broad plain between the 
 armies bisected by the stream above mentioned and inclosed iii 
 almost ever}' direction by hedges, so as to preclude any rapid 
 movements of cavalr}\ Expecting a real attsick the next morn- 
 ing Hawkwood marshalled his troops behind their tents all 
 ready to mount, and soon saw Del Verme cross the stream \N'itb 
 a larger force than usual in a sort of confident disorder that 
 assured his own success : when well up to the entrenchments 
 he charged them from the right and left with liis whole force. 
 broke their ranks, followed them up across the stream to their 
 very camp, killed and wounded a great numl)er and finally 
 made from twelve to sixteen hundred horses imd several con- 
 dottieri prisoners. Notwithstanding this success Hawkwood 
 was in a perilous condition, for Jacopos army, originally supe- 
 rior, was ever}' day increasing : his own resources were cut off; 
 if he moved it was a battle on unequal terms ; if he stayed still 
 he starved : the Oglio, Mincio, and Adige were again in 1il> 
 rear, and the only chance was at once to ford the first and gain 
 a night march on the enemy. Del Vemio assured of his piw 
 sent him a caged fox which Hawkwood received good-humour- 
 edly, remarking to the messenger that the animal seemed 
 cheerful enough and knew very well l>y what door he intended 
 to escape. He instantly cleared the ground in front of bis 
 camp as if determined to give battle ; fixed many standards and 
 banners on the trees and other conspicuous places in his lodge- 
 ments ; left divers carts chests and boxes packed with rulddsli 
 to detiun the plunderers, and many trumpeters to sound an 
 alarm before daylight as if the whole anny were ready for action. 
 Thus prepared the retreat commenced at midnight in profound 
 silence ; the Oglio was reached without accident and most ul 
 the army safe on the left bank ere the enemy came up : a rear 
 guard of picked soldiers and four hundred Enghsh archers 
 
 on horseback covered the passage of the rest, who rejoining 
 their comrades on the Mincio passed that river unmolested, 
 continuing their retreat until within ten miles of the 
 Adi^e where they halted for the night. About midnight the 
 troops were startled from their sleep by the loud rushmg of 
 distant waters and a swamping of the whole surrounding coun- 
 tr}' : Galeazzo had ordered the dykes of the Adige to be cut ; 
 and as all the rivers in this neighbourhood are on a higher 
 level than the plain this dismal inundation struck terror into 
 everv breast but Hawkw^ood's. When day dawned, or before 
 it ; leaving his colours tlyhig and sacrificmg all the baggage 
 and camp equipage ; with the wave up to his horses' girths, 
 this veteran led the way amidst a wide waste of waters : moving 
 parallel to the Adige some miles below Legnago, his dreary 
 course was continued all that day and the greater part of the 
 following night with various accidents and loss of life: here 
 l)Oth horse and foot w ere plunged in mud ; there submerged 
 in the canals and ditches which spread like cobwebs over 
 the plain, crossing their line of march at every step, unseen, 
 and covered by one broad sheet of watery desolation ! In 
 this way the valley of Verona was painfully and perilously 
 traversed with the loss of many a gallant man and noble steed 
 until the lofty dykes of the Adige, which loomed in the distance 
 like the land of promise, were successfully gained. Here the 
 army rested, and through the firmness and ability of one man 
 Wiis providentially saved ; but numbers had perished : some by 
 fiitigue ; some drowned ; some planted irrecoverably in mud ; 
 others were rescued by clinging to the horses' tails ; while the 
 enemy seeing only one wide expanse of water believed that 
 like the host of Egypt all had perished ! But the " Fox" was 
 still alive ; and after a day's rest he passed the Adige and kept 
 the troops in readiness for further service. It was a glorious 
 feat ; Hawkwood's fame resounded through Italy and public 
 confidence redoubled; for though in the extreme of age his 
 
488 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 indomitable energ}^ and dai-ing equalled those of the youngest 
 soldier in his army and inspired them all-. 
 
 Muratori has been exclusively followed in the supposition 
 and relation of two distinct retreats by Hawkwood, for in no 
 other way can the discrepancies of Italian authors be so easily 
 reconciled : if it were not for these contradictions the obvious 
 conclusion would be that he made one bold march to unite 
 with d'Armagnac whose defeat rendered it useless as well as 
 dangerous. But according to Ser Naddo; a cotemporary 
 author ; to Corio, Ammirato, Mecatti ; and especially Andrea 
 Gatari's History of Padua as cited by Muratori ; Hawkwood 
 retired before Jacopo del Verme in June, or veiy early in July, 
 and consequently long l)efore dArmaguac's defeat by that 
 general on the twenty-fifth of the latter month. Yet Leonardo 
 Aretino, Poggio, Giono and Platina who are followed by 
 Sismondi, make his retreat a consequence of that disaster : 
 Aretino, a cotemporary, and Poggio who is nearly so ; are both 
 sparing of dates, which by the latter seem not unfrequently 
 sacrificed to the better rounding of a period. From such con- 
 tradictions it is not easy to disentangle the truth ; but as more 
 than a month elapsed between the Alexandrian disaster and 
 the subsequent mvasion of Tuscany it may be supposed that 
 Galeazzos designs on Florence were not retarded by a slight 
 obstacle, that neither army was idle ; and that Jacopo del 
 Verme was probably employed, as above related, in forcing 
 Hawkwood back on Padua. 
 
 The Florentines had been so pleased with this general's 
 conduct throughout the war and from the late attempt on his 
 life so connnced of his fidelitv, that both he and his sons were 
 admitted to the high and rarely-bestowed honours of citizen- 
 ship, with an additional pension of '^000 florins and complete 
 
 *PauloGiovio Vito, p. 139. — Platina, x., foglio 188. — Sismondi, vol. v., ?• 
 Vite de' Papi, Bonifazio,ix. — Poggio, 323. 
 Lib. iii", p. 77. — Leon. Aretino, Lib. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 489 
 
 freedom from taxation. And as he w^as now in years and 
 anxious about the destiny of his wife and children, 1000 
 florins of pension w^ere assigned to her at his decease with a 
 promise of 2000 more in marriage 2)ortions to each of his 
 daughters -:=. 
 
 DArmagnac's defeat though somewhat compensated by 
 Hawkwood s unexpected safety, spread consternation at Flo- 
 rence : from the high pride of hope, nay the certainty of cmsh- 
 ing Gian-Galeazzo, she was suddenly dashed to the depths 
 of despair and alarmed even for her own existence. But the 
 Florentine spirit was ever buoyant, her resources were still pro- 
 ductive, and no time was lost in useless lamentations. It was 
 expected that Visconte would instantly direct his whole force 
 upon Bologna overwhelm that republic, and then with aug- 
 mented numbers pour down on Tuscany : Hawkwood therefore 
 had instant orders to defend that city leaving six hundred 
 lances and crossbows for the protection of Padua ; but Gale- 
 azzo was more intent on present vengeance ; the fall of Flo- 
 rence he knew woidd bnng down Bologna, he dreaded her 
 success and aimed at her sulyugation but complained that 
 with generals as able, and more numerous legions, no perma- 
 nent lodgement had been yet made on the Florentine territory 
 while liis had been for eighteen months the constant seat of 
 war. Jacopo del Verme was therefore ordered to enter Tus- 
 cany by Sarzana on the river Magra and await the Senese 
 army's junction in the Pisau territory. This caused Hawk- 
 wood's instant recall and in rapid marches by the Sambuca 
 road he crossed tlie Apennhies, reached Pistoia, and esta- 
 blislied his head quarters at San Miniato on the left bank of 
 the Arao. Here Luigi di Capua joined from the Senese 
 border, and along with the subsequent reenforcements from 
 Bologna under Giovanni da Barbiano, increased the forces to 
 about twelve thousand men of all arms, which placed Hawk- 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib. xv., p. 813. 
 
490 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 wood on somewhat more equal terms with his antagonist. All 
 these arrangements were carried on by the " Died della BaJia' 
 a portion of whom was periodically renewed, so that this 
 council had all the experience and permanence of the former 
 " EIGHT OF war" without the same danger of embarrassment 
 from invidious unpopularity or mere factious ojiposition. Not- 
 withstanding this energy neither of the belligerents were averse 
 from peace for both had severely smarted; therefore at the 
 earnest desire of Boniface IX. Antonio Adorno Doge of Genoa, 
 and Riccardo Caracciolo Grand Master of Khodes, his legate 
 in that city, invited them to a conference. After long discus- 
 sions at Florence, during which Adorno was accused of being 
 a partisan of Galeazzo and therefore a doubtful mediator. 
 Guido del Palagio, Filippo Adimari and Lodovico degli Alber- 
 gotti were despatched as ambassadors, yet without any relaxation 
 of hostilities. In the interim Jacomo del Vernie had crossed the 
 border and towards the middle of September jdaced himself in 
 position between the Era river and Cascina on the Pisan road 
 to await the Senese army which finding it diuigerous to pass 
 Hawkwood, the junction was ultimately effected at Casole, about 
 twelve miles westward of Siena. 
 
 Three thousand lances and five thousand infantiy or about 
 fourteen thousimd men of all arms there passed in review ac- 
 cording to some authors, but Corio the Milanese historian 
 with more probability; if we may judge from Hawkwood's after- 
 caution even when reenforced by ten thousand men ; makes 
 Visconte s army with a detachment from Penigia amount to 
 more than twenty thousand combatants, a prodigious force, as 
 he observes, for a small state in those davs-=. Hawkwood 
 moving parallel to his antagonist occupied Poggibonzi about 
 ten miles north-eastward of Casole, liis riglit wing, for the con- 
 venience of quarters, being at Colle on the Elsa about four 
 miles off, and his left pushed forward as far as Staggia, at a 
 
 * Corio, Stor. Milanese, Parte iii% foglio 270. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 491 
 
 nearly equal distance on the Siena road, both being advanced in 
 different directions to the right and left, and the two roads 
 uniting in an angle about a mile and a half from Poggibonzi. 
 Smaller detachments were scattered about in various places, 
 and Jacopo taking advantage of this, suddenly appeared with 
 his whole force, passed Staggia with impunity, defied Hawk- 
 wood under the walls of Poggibonzi, and marching onward 
 encamped in the Florentine tcrritoiy between Vico and Cer- 
 tiildo, which he ravaged without impediment. The English- 
 man ashamed of this surprise, which seems to have arisen from 
 the neglect of his two advanced guards, gathered up his troops 
 and pursuing Jacomo, occupied a position within three miles 
 of liim the same evening. Del Venno dislodged that night 
 and after carrying tlie small town of Canneto encamped at the 
 river Elsa's mouth not far from Hawkwood's first position of 
 San ]\Iiniato. The latter following close, halted in the evening 
 between Empoli and IMonte Lupo while del Yemie shackled 
 probably by Visconte 's timidity in warlike operations, and there- 
 fore more desirous of devastiition than battle, decamped on the 
 twentieth of September, passed the Arno, and on the following 
 night encamped at a place called Casale, (probably Casal 
 Guidi) about eighteen miles from Florence. Hawkwood crossed 
 the river at Signa and marching direct on Tizzano halted 
 within three miles of the enemy where he was speedily reen- 
 forced by ten thousand men rapidly collected from the sur- 
 rounding countr}\ 
 
 Great emulation existed between the two commanders, for 
 though Hawkwood was generally held superior, Jacopo had 
 gained considerable renown by reducing him to such extremi- 
 ties in Lombardy, as well as for his victor}^ at Alexandria ; and 
 even by his partial suq)rise and devastation of the Florentine 
 territory m the face of so formidable a foe. The increas- 
 ing force of his rival however startled liim ; a council of war 
 resolved on retreat, and the twenty-fourth of September, a few 
 
493 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 hours before dav, the army decamped in silence taking the 
 road to Uzzano, Taddeo del Venue with five hmidred lances 
 and all the infantiy forming the rear guard. Ilawkwood had 
 been repeatedly urged to fight by the government, and as con- 
 stantly refused, saying that a retreating army was a beaten 
 army ; yet fancying that Pistoia would be their line of march 
 he had occupied that road, but now finding his mistake 
 despatched a thousand lances directly after them and all tlie 
 infantry to intercept their retreat amongst the hills and employ 
 them until the main body came up. Del Verme was already 
 safe, but Taddeo overtaken by double his own numbers gal- 
 lantly accepted the combat, ordering his fotjtmen, as was then 
 usual, to mingle in the throng and rip up the bellies of the 
 enemy's horses. At this moment the Florentine inf uitry ap- 
 peared amongst the heights and gave the Milanese full occu- 
 pation ; Taddeo was routed with the loss uf two thousand 
 infautr}' killed and a thousand prisonti^ while two hundred 
 cavalry fell either by death or capture into the Florentine 
 hands. Amongst the captives were Taddeo del Vemio him- 
 self. Gentile di Varano, and Jacopo dAppiano who was after- 
 wards exchanged for Giovanni Kicci and of whose family we 
 shall again have occasion to speak, llawkwood still followed 
 cautiously and had blame for his sluwiit>s ; but tliere was a 
 skilful and dangerous enemy before him, whom he was well 
 pleased to see in full retreat after having thus retidiated for the 
 surprise at Poggibonzi. Jacopo continued his march with some 
 fighting and the repulse of an attiick made against Hawkwoods 
 orders, but with one halt at Monte Carlo never ceased retreating 
 until the army passed Lucca and occupied a strong position on 
 the Serchio between Pisa and that city. 
 
 Hawk wood now resumed his central quarters at San Miuiato 
 while Jacopo agjiin advanced to Ciiscina ; and Galeazzo cha- 
 grined at his failure insisted, if he could do no more, on his 
 intercepting the Florentine provision-trade from Pisa which 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 493 
 
 would materially influence the conditions of peace. After an 
 unsuccessful attempt to surprise Santa Maria-a-Monte which 
 Hawkwood bafiled, Jacopo quitted the Florentines' territory 
 towards the middle of October and encamping between Sarzana 
 and La Venza forced Piero Gambacorta to save his own state 
 by arresting all supplies to Florence for fifteen days. This was 
 compensated by the revolt of Piero da Coreggio in Lombardy 
 and the defeat of Ugolotto Bianciardi before Castel Baldo by 
 the Paduans, both of which served to hasten the conclusion of 
 peace. But Antonio Adomo leaned towards Milan and even 
 attempted to seduce Ganil)acorta, who however honestly resisted 
 not only these entreaties but tlie more powerful eftbrts of Ga- 
 leazzo himself, for through Jacopo d'Appiano the dear but trea- 
 cherous friend of Piero, he also strove to detach that chief 
 entirely from Florence, or at least induce him to stop her 
 supplies until the following April. On Gambacorta s refusal 
 Jacopo del Vemie advanced once more and from the valleys of 
 the Serchio and Calci so harassed the Florentine commerce 
 tliat in the middle of December a large and numerously escorted 
 convoy under the command of John Belcott an English con- 
 dottiere, either by his cowardice or treachery, was captured 
 despite of the heroic exertions of Hugo de Montfort who with 
 a large detachment advanced from Florence to meet it. This 
 was the last act of hostility in Tuscany, and Avith the exception 
 of some mhior aifairs and small naval successes may 
 be said to have finished the first portion of this ex- 
 pensive war. Florence however suspecting the good faith of 
 Gian-Galeazzo and both mediators called in the community 
 of Genoa as a third party and under their auspices peace 
 was concluded on the twenty-sixth of January DiOji. By 
 tliis treatv Francesco da Carrara and Gian-Galeazzo Maria \is- 
 coute were to retain all the dominions they actually possessed 
 except those in Tuscany : Francesco was to pay 10,000 florins 
 annually to Visconte for fifty years ; all oflences of citizens 
 
 A.D. 1392. 
 
494 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXV a I.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 495 
 
 serving on either side were to he pardoned ; all captured j)laees 
 in Tuscany were to be reciprocally given up by the belligerents 
 except Valiano ]Moute[)ulciaiio and Lucignano : the Cuunt of 
 Vertii was not to meddle in Tuscan affiiirs iKn- the Bologuese 
 or Florentines in those of Lombardy except to protect their 
 alhes; the existmg free companies were tu lie prohibited by 
 all parties ; no encouragement given to others, and even- pic- 
 ture pauited in derision of either side was to be destroyed. 
 These conditions thus arranged occasioned an after-question 
 amongst the deputies about sureties for their observance 
 ''The sword,'' exclaimed the Florentine, Guido del Pidaj^io. 
 with animation, ''the sword shall he our ffioirautee for cvcnj- 
 thunj ; for ViseoHte has felt our power and wc his "*. 
 
 Thus ended the first act of this drama with the usual etferts 
 of war ; debt, suffering, and no satis^ictory result ; for neither 
 the ambition of Visconte nor the appn hensions of Florence 
 were diminished; and the consequent interlude prolonged its 
 devastations; for on the cessation of w;ir its " Tools," — the 
 soldiers of that afie imd countiT reallv tl(^( rve the name, 
 instantly turned on their employers and in the guise of free 
 companies still distracted Italy. Az/o da (astello, Broio di 
 Treolino, Bandolino da Bagnacavallo, and liiordo di Michelutti, 
 all distinfmished leadei's who had served in Visconte's armv. 
 gave well-fomuled cause not only of general fear, but of the 
 belief that they were still secretly retiuned by Galeazz(j lUid in- 
 tended for the covert annoyiuice of his fomier adversaries. A 
 league Wiis therefore fonned between FLooikm , Jiologna, Ft r- 
 rara, Padua, Faenza, Ptavenna, Imola; and afterwards Mantiui. 
 against these bands, with an indirect reference to Visconte. 
 and the amtated condition of Tuscan v of wliich he knew \vt 11 
 how to take advantage, increased the necessity for sudi - 
 compact. 
 
 • Poggio, Lib. iii., p. BO, &:c\ — Leon. 823. — Miinitori, Anni 13!n-2. — 
 Aretino, lib. x., folio \H0. — Goro Sisuunuli, vol. v., cap. .^ t. — Pa'ilo 
 Dati, p. 54. — S, Amniirato, Lib. xv.,p. Trouci, Annali Pisani, vol. iv. p. 1^6. 
 
 Lucca was in a state of anarchy from civil contention ; Laz- 
 zero Guinigi murdered Forteguerra de' Forteguerri, the gon- 
 falonier of justice in the public p^dace ; then pitched his body 
 from a window, and after committing many more homicides 
 usuq^ed the sovereignty of the republic under that popular title. 
 At Pisa a detected plot against Gambacorta's life was only the 
 prelude to a deeper tragedy: Genua after furious conflicts, 
 bloodshed and exile, finally chased Adoriio from the throne 
 and elected Antonio di Mental ti in his [)lace, while Perugia 
 was incessantly tormented by the Guelph and Ghibeline 
 factions, and at last gave herself in despair to Boniface, who 
 although he immediately occupied that city was soon compelled 
 to remove on account of their dissensions". 
 
 In Pisa Gambacorta had always proved too steady a friend 
 of Florence to escape the enmity of his own countrymen, and 
 from his inflexible adherence to that state had also incurred 
 the hatred of Gian-Galeazzo who saw in the possession of Pisa 
 his surest instrument of Florentine subjugation. According 
 to most writers Gambacorta had pursued a ^vise and humane, 
 though perhaps somewhat despotic sysuni of government ; had 
 mamtained peace, fostered comrneree, and made the republic 
 flourish. Paulo Tronci howeven- asserts that the whole family 
 bad now become hateful to the citizens, even of their own faction 
 the Bergolini ; as well from the haughty insolence of Gherardo 
 and Pietro, Gambacorta's sons ; one of whom was archltishop ; 
 as from the extreme power and vehemence of Pietro himself, 
 whose riches exactions and despotism made him slight every 
 law whether imperial or municipal, and whose pride disdained 
 the admonitions of his friends ; so that the exiled BaspanU m 
 conjunction with Galeazzo began to spread their nets for his 
 ruhi : other Pisan authorities sueh as Sardo, lloncioni, and the 
 unknown author of the '* Cronaea di Pisa "' give substantially 
 the same account, so that Gambacortas patriotism seems in a 
 
 * Muratori, Aimo 1302. 
 
496 
 
 FLOKENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book k 
 
 •HAP. XXVIII.] 
 
 FI.ORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 497 
 
 great measure due to the gratitude of Florentine writers for 
 Ms unflincliing attachment to their republic-. He had lon^ 
 given all his confidence to Jacopo d'Appiano, a man, as it 
 "would seem, of low birth, unscrupulous conscience, and great 
 sagacity ; whose father had been a follower of the Ganibacorta 
 family and had lost his head in their cause and for which reason 
 Piero had made Jacopo share his subsequent prosperity. Ap- 
 piano was Piero's private secretary, had by him been made 
 chancellor of the republic, was privy to evei'}' secret, managed 
 the principal affairs of Pisa both external and internal with 
 supreme authority, and thus giiined great riches followers and 
 influence independent of Gambacortd. who implicitly trusted 
 him. His son Vanni d'Appiano had been exchanged by Gale- 
 azzo for Giovanni llicci, and was treated as a son by Visconte 
 who lost no opportunity of inciting Jacopo to assume the sove- 
 reignty of Pisa, nor could Piero ever be pei-suaded by the 
 warnings of Florence and other well-wishers, to suspect liis 
 friend's integrity f . This old servant, for he had seventy 
 winters on his head ; secretly assembled a band of followers in 
 Pisa on the real or false pretext of defending himself against 
 his deadly foe Jacopo Rosso de' Lanfranchi who was seeking 
 his and his son Vanni s life, and Piero still deaf to friendly 
 warning, appointed a day to reconcile them. An affray mean- 
 while took place, Lanfranco and his son were killed on their 
 way to the place of arbitration by Jacopo's followers who 
 ensconced themselves in his palace : Piero instantly demanded 
 the homicides and was refused ; the city became tumultuous ; 
 he had plenty of support, but declared that the ordiuar}^ 
 course of justice w^ould be sufficient \Nithout disturbing the 
 community. The city guard therefore took anus but were 
 
 * Paulo Tronci, Annali Pisani, vol. iv., — Cronaca di Pisa. — Muratori, S. R. !•> 
 
 p. 158. — Ranieri Sardo, "Cronaca torn, x v., p. 10H4. 
 
 Pisana," cap. from ccv. to ccx. — + Tronci, Annali, vol. iv., p. 158, 
 
 Ratfaello Roncioui, Lib. xvi., p. 949. Anno 1392. 
 
 beaten by Vanni dAppiano : Piero's palace was simultane- 
 ously attacked by Jacopo as is said at the instigation of the 
 citizens; the son soon joined, but Gambacorta would allow 
 no weapon to be aimed at his ancient fiiend ; lie was alone 
 and armed, in the " Loggia " of his new palace, and confidingly 
 descended at the treacherous prayers of Jacopo to treat for 
 peace. No sooner was he outside and had retired from the 
 throng to mount his horse, than Jacopo extended his hand 
 towards him as if in friendship, but it was the signal for murder, 
 and in a moment old Piero Gambacorta fell dead with many 
 wounds. Some writers say that while calling on Appiauo not 
 to conmiit so much evil he was first struck by a missile which 
 felled liim without penetrating his armour, but his helmet 
 tailing oif he was killed by a lance thrust: be this as it 
 may. the Bergolini were shortly dispersed; Piero's sons 
 wounded, imprisoned ; and poisoned within a week : the 
 dwellings of Gambacorta, and his faction with those of 
 many Florentines were abandoned to plunder and the city 
 tilled with Appiano's armed followers. On the twenty-fifth 
 of October he was proclaimed, apparently by the public will, 
 Captain and Defender of Pisa with all Gambacorta's au- 
 thority, and after a few days assumed the honours of knight- 
 hood. 
 
 He was now absolute lord of the republic, and to secure 
 himself demanded aid of Visconte, the original mover of all, 
 who joyfully despatched two hundred lances to his assistance 
 with the secret resolution of ultimately commanding Pisa. 
 None had pity on the mangled remains of Piero until night 
 <ame, when some compassionate friars from a neighbouring 
 convent gave an humble sepulchre to the late powerful lord 
 of the commonwealth. *' what cruelty! " exclaims Naddo of 
 I^Ionte Catini a cotemporary author, " what cruelty was this ! 
 what an example for this wicked world! " " Such a man as 
 was Messer Piero, first to be so murdered and then for his 
 
 VOL. ir. K K 
 
498 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I, 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 499 
 
 lifeless body to be so igiiominiously treated I and all by his 
 Iwsom friend and dearest companion ! * " 
 
 There was now apparent peace in Italy save the disturbauees 
 from disbanded soldiers and pontifical nepotism : the 
 
 1 n 1393 
 
 latter troubled Lti Marca ; and the fonner covertly 
 moved l>y Visconte, levied rei>tnited contributions on Tuscany 
 in detiance of everj' league. Lombardy appeared tranciuil but 
 mischief lurked beneath ; and in the summer of this yeai* a 
 Milanese embassy arrived at Florence to excuse certain trans- 
 actions in that quarter which alanned IMjuitua and endangered 
 peace. No sooner were they departed than Francesco di Gon- 
 zaga himself arrived, nominally on a pilgrima.^'e to Fvome but 
 really to form a secret league against \'isconte : these prince^^ 
 had been friends, if such a name may be so prostituted in its 
 application, but nnitual hatred and vengeance now (tcca[»ied the 
 place of friendship. Gonzaga's wife was Jiemabo's daughter 
 and therefore cousin and sister-in-law to Gian-(ialeazzo who 
 feared her vindictive influence for the doulde murder of a 
 father and a brother, wherefore it was settled to destroy her 
 by means of her own husband whose gratitude he counted on 
 for opening his eyes to her supposed inlidelity. His ambas- 
 sador accordingly concealed some forged lettei-s in her cabinet 
 and m Gian-Oaleazzo's name gave Francesco notice of then- 
 existence : the papers were detected and the lady's secretaiy 
 immediately tortured : subdued by pain he confessed all that 
 was asked of him and lost his head: but Gonznga distracted by 
 jealousy, ordered his onnti wife's immediate rxccution although 
 the mother of four children ! The truth came subsequently to 
 light, when struck with hon'or and remorse the unhappy man 
 vowed eternal vengeance against Giaii-Galeazzo Visconte: 
 
 * Roncioni, Stor. Pisa, Lib. xvi., p. tino, Lib. xi., foglio 194.— S. Anuni 
 
 .049, &c.— Siirdo Cronaca Pisaiia, cap. rato, Lib. xvi., p. H35. — Tronci, An- 
 
 cv. to ex. — Goro Dati, Storia Fior., p. nali Pisa, voL iv., p. 160. — SisinoiKl', 
 
 40. — Mem. Stor. <li 8cr Naddo di vol. v., p. 332. 
 Monte Cautini, p. 133. — Leon. Are- 
 
 and the latter had sufficient audacity to denounce Gonzaga for 
 the murder of his kinswoman I Very soon after this partly in 
 retaliation for the building of a fortified bridge over the Po which 
 Gonzaga had allowed the allies to construct at Borgo Forte 
 he, by changing the Mineio's course, attempted to destroy the 
 capital =■=. 
 
 Mantua is nearly encompassed by an upper and lower lake 
 formed by the Mincio s waters after their issue from the Lago 
 di Garda ; and by turning the course of this river above the 
 town Gian-Galeazzo hoped to form a pestiferous swamp which 
 would have ultimately destroyed the whole j)opulation, or if 
 drained by their subsequent industry, would still have ruined 
 the natural defences. A vast dyke had alreadv been erected 
 above Borghetto and Valeggio, and a mountain was half tun- 
 nelled into the plain of Verona when Gonzaga came to implore 
 the aid of Florence and Bologna. Neither of these cities 
 intended to desert him, yet had no excuse for interference 
 as Gian-Galeazzo's works were confined entirely to his own 
 territoiy : engineers were however sent to examine them, and 
 on their report the ]\lantuan envoys were told that neither 
 arms nor allies would be necessary to stave off this danger, 
 for nature was not to lie controlled even by a despot, and 
 would soon assert her independence. The mortified em- 
 bassy retired in silence with this equivocal answer but ere 
 it reached Mantua a sudden Hood swept every work away 
 and with them all the fears of Gonzaga and liis trembling 
 subjects f. 
 
 After this a disputed succession in Ferrara between Azzo 
 d' Este the nearest legitimate lieir, and the deceased Alberto's 
 natural son Xiccolo HI. brought the Florentine and Milanese 
 forces in oj^position, but without any breach of peace and merely 
 
 * Amminito, Lib. xv., p. 81 ;J. 
 Sismondi, vol. v., p. 32i> 
 
 t Sismondi, vol. v., p. 336.— Muru- 
 
 K K 3 
 
 tori. Anno 1393. — Corio, Parte iii", 
 Ibfilio 272. 
 
 I 
 
500 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 oCl 
 
 A.D. Ui)-i. 
 
 from espousing the conflicting pretensions of different candi- 
 dates, the former of whom was uUimately made prisoner. Nor 
 was Genoa less convulsed hy Antonio AdiU'no's continual efforts 
 to recover the ducal throne : the Doge jNlonaldo ceding to events 
 resitrned, and was succeeded hy Pietro da Campo Fregoso, who 
 in his tuni gave way to Clemente di Promontorio, and he 
 a^'ain with hetter prospects to Francesco Giustiniiuio, who, 
 after baffling all the efforts of Adonio, finally succumbed to 
 the Monaldo faction which again placed Antonio de' Monaldi 
 on the ducal throne, and thus restored present traniiuillity to 
 
 that ever vexed city -•=. 
 
 War seemed again threatening and made Florence more 
 keenlv feel the loss of her favourite general Sir 
 John Hawkwood who died suddenly at his villa on 
 the seventeenth of March 1394. He was honourably buried 
 in the cathedral church at the public expense and an eques- 
 trian portrait by Paulo Ucello, a celebrated painter of the day, 
 placed over his tomb where it still remains, the marble monu- 
 ment once intended as a record of liis exploits never having 
 
 been erected. 
 
 Hawkwood was decidedly one of the ablest captains of the 
 fourteenth centuiy, but like many others of his day, disho- 
 noured the military character by making war a mere sordid 
 trade of skilful butcherv^ adopted only for the accumulation of 
 riches without any scruple about the means. Wide-spreading 
 plunder, violence, and bloodshed marked his reckless coui-se 
 whenever the command of his employers or his soldiers' neces- 
 sities reijuired them ; but his military discipline was perfect : 
 pmdent, cool, and daring ; the army's confidence in him was 
 unbounded, and from his school issued, according to Giovio. 
 the ablest captains of that and the following century, such :i> 
 Alberigo da Barbiano, Sforza, Braccio, Carlo Malatesta, Paulo 
 
 ♦ Animirato, Lib. xvi., p. 846. — Muiatori, Anno \oi)o. 
 
 Orsino, and Mostarda, who revived the military spirit of Italy 
 without the high moral qualities of the modem soldier-. 
 
 Civil war between Guelpli and Ghibeline continued to rage 
 in Genoa : Montaldo again abdicated ; two more dukes followed 
 in quick succession ; Adorno attacked the town, was beaten, 
 made prisoner, escaped, returned with fresh strength, and on 
 the third of September once more mounted the ducal *^hrone at 
 the moment that his enemies were about to call in the perilous 
 aid of Frenchmen f. Soon after this Gian-Galeazzo 
 purchased the coveted title of Duke of Milan for 
 100,000 florins from the weak and needy AVenceslas and cele- 
 brated his coronation with unconunon magnificence. This was 
 uo empty title ; save Pavia and its territor}" which were made 
 into a county, it consolidated almost all the ancient league of 
 Lombardy : but it was more important from the right of here- 
 ditary succession which it conferred ; and more so still from 
 the fatal consequences which ultimately attended it. The Lom- 
 bard cities had long lost their freedom in fiict, but not in law : 
 their several rulers were Tyrants, not natural lords ; the em- 
 peror alone was paramount, and he had never sanctioned their 
 usui-pation by any public act. The people therefore were 
 theoretically supposed to be still masters of their own liberty 
 and form of govennnent ; but this diploma gave stability and 
 legitimacy to the Visconti dynasty. By their marriages with 
 France and the ultimate failure of male heirs the duke of 
 Orleans and his successors when kings of that country claimed 
 the inheritance : this was again disputed by the emperors 
 as a devolved fief of the empire, and hence the Italian wars 
 of Louis XII. Francis I. and Charles V. with all their con- 
 sequences : but Gian-Galeazzo could not foresee this and re- 
 joiced in present honours as a pledge for the future stability 
 of his race |. 
 
 * Paulo Giovio Vite d' Iluomini II- f Miiratori, Anno 1 394. 
 
 l»^stri. + Muratori, Anno 1395.— Corio, Stor 
 
502 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [bcok 
 
 ClIAP. XXVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 503 
 
 A.D. 1396. 
 
 Some good offices performed for Lucca by Florence against 
 a free company occasioned a closer alliance between them; 
 and the adoption of a common banner for nuitual defence in- 
 -icribed with the ^v()rd Peace had more sincerity than another 
 league concluded in the following May with the 
 ambassadors of Milan, Padua, Fcrrara, IMantua, Bo- 
 logna, Kimini, Faenza, Imola, Pisa. Sirna, Perugia, and Citta 
 di Castello for reciprocal defence against all condottieri and 
 everj^ foreign interference in Italian atlairs. It produced 
 nothmg for all was hollow and suspicion lurked under even- 
 smile : even Florence, alarmed at Yisconte's secret machina- 
 tions, was the first to break the agreement by sending j\Ia80 
 degli Albizzi to make an oHeusive and defensive alliance 
 with France just as the (pieen, sister to Lodovic Duke of 
 Bavaria had commissioned Jiuonaccorx. Pitti to promote 
 such an embassy. Neither had this any tffect in conse- 
 quence of pecuniary disputes with the (ieneral Count Bernard 
 d'Armignac, the king's hifinnity, the Duku of Orleans' strong 
 opposition, luul the shmghter of nearly a th.aisaud French 
 nobles and seven thousand followers iit tlie battle of Nicopolis: 
 for the enormous ransoms demanded after that disaster had 
 drained France of gold and rendered her less eager for foreign 
 expeditions. Both the treaty and battle of Nict.polis between 
 Bajazet Ilderim and Sigismoud of Hungary occurred in Sep- 
 tember; and as the Genoese soon after invested Charles M. 
 of France with the supreme dignity of their commonwealth. 
 
 Mil., Parte iv", folio 27:i.— Sismomli, 
 vol. v., p. 341. — The principal places 
 comprised in the new «luketloni were 
 Brescia, Bergaiuo, Couio, Novara, 
 Vercelli, Alessamlria, Dertcna, Bobbio, 
 Piacenza, Reggio, Parma, Cremona, 
 Lodi with its dfjK*n<lant places, Trento, 
 Crema, Sonzino, Burmio, Borgo Sau 
 Donino, Pontremoli, Massa Nuova, 
 Feli(i:nio, Rocca d' Aratio, with all 
 
 tliat still remained in the territory ot 
 
 Asti ; also Sernivalle, Verona, Viceim. 
 
 Feltri-, Iklluno, Bassano, Sarzana. 
 
 Laventina, Carrara, San Stefan^, and 
 
 all tlie dioocss of I.uni, with tlitu 
 
 territory and jiiri>iliction as a fiet "f 
 
 the eilipire. (Vide Coi-io dili 
 
 J/iiftoric MikintH, Parte iv», fogli" 
 
 274). 
 
 and that Asti now belonged to that kingdom as the portion of 
 Valeutina Visconte Duchess of Turenne, this monarch became 
 more nearly interested in the affairs of Italy *. 
 
 The French alliance excited Galeazzo s alarm ; and as he 
 believed that Florence was secretly assisting the Pisan 
 exiles against d'Appiano with other indications of a hostile 
 character, he detennined to stave off the war from Lombardy 
 by quietly sending strong reenforcements to assist Jacopo 
 d'Appiano against these exiles, and still be ready to invade 
 the Florentines at a moment's notice. The new tyrant of 
 Pisa and his son, who seems to have been co-equal in authority, 
 strongly urged this, for they wanted to follow Castruccio's 
 steps and by means of Visconte acquire the lordship of Lucca, 
 but Florence with increased intiuence from the French 
 alliance kept strengthening her relations in Lombardy and 
 liomagna. 
 
 Ten new officers of the Balia were elected, of whom Maso 
 degh Albizzi was the soul ; but they soon began to incur blame 
 about the approacliing war and their large expensive prepara- 
 tions : in consequence of these murmurs an embassy was 
 despatched to make peace Ijetween Pisa and Lucca as well as 
 with the Pisan exiles, and so remove all pretext for 
 the assembly of so large a Milanese force m that 
 state : this was speedily accomi)lislied, and with strong profes- 
 sions of gratitude ; but being thus free, Jacopo d' Appiano 
 instantly turned his whole mind against Florence and deter- 
 mined to gain possession of San Miniato as a place of arms 
 commanding the road about half way between the two capitals. 
 To this end Giovanni da Barbiano was sent as a free condot- 
 tiere towards the Lucchese frontier which drew the Florentine 
 army into the Valdinievole to watch his motions : San Miniato 
 
 * Cronaca di Buonaccorso Pitti, pp. S. Ammirato, Lib. xvi., p. 853.- 
 48, 49, 54.— Memorie Stor. di Ser niondi, vol. v., cap. Iv. 
 Naddo da Montecatini, p. 158. — 
 
 -Sis- 
 
501 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 was thus left exposed, and by means of a potent citizen named 
 Benedetto Mangiadori an enemy to Horence, the goveniur 
 fell by treacheiy and the people, as usual, were called to 
 arms and liberty : they did take arms, but in favour of the Flo- 
 rentines, and San Miniato was almost iustitntaneouslv recovered 
 although Mangiadori escaped. Tlie tirsi account of this 
 treachery gave considerable alarm to the Florentines, the 
 second urged them to vengeance : a council of six hundred 
 Richiesti was instantly assembled ; the conduct of Galeazzo 
 was exposed ; the incursions of Alberigo da Barbiano from the 
 side of Siena, of Giovanni da Barbiano on that of Lucca, this 
 attempt on Saii Miniato by Jacopo d'Appiano the mere tool of 
 Visconte, and the Milanese araiy already prepared to invade 
 Mantua ; all were laid in strong relief before them and it was 
 then asked if the Florentines were still to remain with their 
 hands in their girdles as calm spectators of events .' ( >pposition 
 now ceased, war was declared by acclamation and the BaHii 
 charged to press it with all their power and activity. Mean- 
 while Alberigo da Barbiano acting as if he were a free cou- 
 dottiere marched from Siena, burned Castellina. passed into 
 Chianti, and devastated all that countn% then crossed the Arao 
 and ravaged the plain of Florence to within a mile of the 
 capital : afterwards moving on Lastra and Signa he attacked 
 the latter which was finally defended by the women, and with 
 some loss, returned by San Casciano to Siena. War had not 
 yet been declared, and the Florentine army under Bernadone 
 della Sen-a was occupied in watching Giovanni da Barbiano on 
 the Lucchese frontier, so that Alberigo made this sudden and 
 unexpected inroad without opposition. The Florentines how- 
 ever in a short time found means to seduce Paulo Orsino, 
 Biordo de' ^lichelotti, and also his brother with a large body of 
 troops from Visconte 's service, and Giovanni da Barbiano 
 reengaged himself to Bologna, so that they were not only 
 easy about themselves but sent assistance to Mantua now hard 
 
 CHAP, xxvm.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 505 
 
 pressed by the ducal forces : Alberigo was kept in check by 
 Bemardone della Serra while an additional recnforcement of 
 between three and four thousand men-at-arms was despatched 
 bv the leamie under Carlo ^lahitesta to succour Mantua-. 
 
 This city was in extreme peril, for all tlie Milanese soldiers 
 of Lombardy had assembled against it directed by the best 
 t^enerals and the detennined hatred and talents of Gian-Gale- 
 azzo himself. He ordered two armies to invest it ; one under 
 U'^olotto Bianciardo jrovenior of Verona ; the other commanded 
 by Jacorao del Verme lay south of the Po, intending to pass 
 that river near Borgo b'orte where the allies, but principally 
 Florence, had built a strong and well-defeiulcd bridge four 
 hundred and fifty paces in length at the enormous cost of 
 100,000 florins f. Both these armies were ordered to pene- 
 trate into that portion of Gonzaga's dominions called the 
 " Serrar/Uo " of Mantua from its inclosure l)y the Po, Mincio, 
 and Oglio rivers, all of which being dilhcult to i)ass had 
 hitherto preserved it from the ravages of war. 
 
 For upwards of three months the Milanese armies had been 
 baffled by these obsUicles and all navigation was stopped by the 
 bridge of Borgo Forte ; at length on the fourteenth of July 
 Jacopo del Verme after an obstinate conflict, but favoured by a 
 strong wind and current succeeded in destroying the bridge by 
 fire-ships, and thus opening a free passage into the Serraglio of 
 Mantua reduced Gonzaga to extremity I. This misfortune was 
 soon compensated by his cousin Charles Malatesta's arrival, 
 who with the allied succours brought fresh spirit, confidence, 
 and immediate victoiT ; for crossing the Po at Stellata near 
 Ferrara, accompanied by a powerful squadron amongst which 
 were seven Venetian galleys commanded by Francesco Bembo, 
 
 * Memorie Storiche di Scr Naddo da f Goio Dati, Lib. iv., p. 46. 
 
 Montecatini, p. 159. — Leon. Arctino, X S. Amniirato, Lib. xvi., p. 863. — 
 
 Lib. xi. — Poggio Bracciolini, Lib. iii", Poggio, Stor. Lib. iii., p. 88. — Sis- 
 
 p. 87. — S. Ammirato, Lib. xvi., pp. moudi, vol. v., cap. Iv. — Mui-atori, 
 
 856 to 863. Anno 1397. 
 
506 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [bO(iK I. 
 
 he attacked the Milanese flotilla near Govemolo at the Mincio's 
 mouth, sank or destroyed them all and passed that river while 
 Del Vernie, feart'ul of his communications liy the destmction of 
 a pontoon bridge was in full retreat across the Po ; and by a 
 fintd movement cut off all the baggage and infantiy along with 
 a great body of horse. 
 
 Meanwhile Gonzaga in concert with the garrison of Gover- 
 nola had attacked and defeated liiancardo on the left bank of 
 the Mhicio ; and thus three imi)orta!it victories were gained in 
 one day and the count ly completely cleared of the enemy. 
 Bembo soon destroyed the jNIilanese bridge, and captured a 
 hundred and seventy vessels at anclinr nbove it ; there were 
 six thousand prisoners and two thuUMind liurses taken on this 
 memorable occasion, but the success \va> not followed up; for 
 the condottieri of that day knew well how to impede the sudden 
 termination of a war that suj)ported tlieni in credit and afflu- 
 ence ; nevertheless peace was again talked (.1 : . ( ialeazzo how- 
 ever was not so easily tamed; Alberigo da liarbiano and almost 
 all his troops were recalled from Tuscany ; new levies were 
 made ; the Milanese flotilla was replaced and augmented ; and 
 that of Padua and ^lantua att;icked and destroyed at Borgoforte 
 on the twenty-ninth of October with the loss of three galleys 
 twenty-five ffiiHeons, and all the crews and armament. Alberigo 
 then entered the Serraglio, ravaged the whole country, over- 
 came every obstacle, and carried desolation to the gates of 
 Mantua. 
 
 The condition of Gonzaga was now worse than ever and the 
 real's of Venice and Florence so augmented as to make the former 
 speak openly of joining the league while the latter endeavoured 
 to engage the Duke of Austria in her service. The prospect 
 of having these potent antagonists startled (ialeazzo and in- 
 clined him to negotiate, while Gonzaga tired of such destructive 
 warfare was so eager for its termination as to beghi a secret 
 
 * Ricordi di Gio. Morelli, p. 5.— S. Ammirato, Lib. xvi., p. 863. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 507 
 
 A.D. 1.398. 
 
 correspondence with his most hated enemy. But Visconte was 
 in no haste ; his object was procrastination not peace, and he 
 therefore threw so many obstacles in the w^ay that it was not 
 until six months were passed, and after Venice had openly 
 joined the league, that a truce for ten years was concluded 
 principally through her mediation, and published on the 
 twenty-sixth of May 131)8-. 
 
 Gian-Galeazzo Visconte inherited the family disposition to 
 make and break treaties either openly or covertly as 
 best suited his own purposes ; Pisa therefore as a 
 means to the conquest of Florence was now his main object ; 
 and while negotiations for peace were still in progress he pre- 
 tended to dismiss Paulo Savello and other condottieri from his 
 service and covertly despatched them to join the Tuscan army 
 at Siena, of which reiaiblic he had received the absolute 
 lordship. They had also another and more important duty to 
 perform on their way : entering Pisa at night Paulo imme- 
 diately repaired to dacopo d' Appiaiio and in the duke's name 
 demanded possession of the citadel with the fortresses of Cas- 
 cina, Leghorn, and Piombino, as the only means of protecting 
 that city against the Florenthies. Appiano astonished, but too 
 wary to be thus entrapped, professed his devotion to Galeazzo 
 and begged time until next morning to consult the Anziani 
 without whose concurrence he had not powder to comply. Paulo 
 knew this to be false but acquiesced, and quitted him with 
 significant threats : Jacopo instantly ordered his son Gherardo 
 whom he had made Caj)tain of Pisa (f(»r Vanni was dead,) to have 
 all his troops in readiness by dawn of day for the attack of an 
 enemy. These commands were so eflectually executed that 
 Paido was beaten, wounded, and made prisoner, and his people 
 dispersed. Florence lioped from this breach to draw beneficial 
 consequences, and Lucca expected the same ; ambassadors from 
 all three states met on the occasion but in vain ; for Appiano the 
 
 * Muratori, Anno 1397-8. — S. Ammirato, Lib. xvi., p. 865. 
 
503 
 
 FhORENTINi: nisiOUY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 A.D. 135^. 
 
 bitter enemy of Florence was either persuaded or affected to be 
 so, by Visconte's ambassador, that all liad occurred \vithout his 
 knowledge and their alliance remained unbroken *. 
 
 Autumn brought new troubles, for dacopo d'Appiano died on 
 the fifth of September his son Gherardo quietly succeediug; 
 but this young man preferring ease and tranquillity to the 
 troubles of a turbulent dominion and fearful alike of Florence 
 Visconte and his own citizens, sold Pisa to that duke for 
 200,000 florins in despite of all the offers and reinon- 
 stmnces of the other two, the Pisans offering as much 
 as Galeazzo for their entire emancipation. Gherardo retained 
 the independent lordship of Piombino, Elba, Populonia, Suve- 
 reto, and Scarlino, all which as the Principality of Piom- 
 bino remained two centuries in his familv, but is now annexed 
 to the Grand Duchy of Tuscany f. This was a fearful stroke 
 of Galeazzo's policy, and coupled v.ith aW his other iiitluence in 
 Tuscany gave ample cause of alarm, for I'lorence remained 
 almost alone an oasis of liberty in the j:'reat Italian desert I 
 Genoa, Siena, Pisa and Peruma were all ruled l)v tyrants, 
 while Bologna and Lucca were convulsed by civil discord which 
 was fast bringing them to ruin : Rome languished in vice and 
 slaver}^ ; Venice, never free, took little interest in the common 
 fate of Italy ; Naples had long bid adieu to peace and free- 
 dom ; Lombardy was one great swamp of despotism threatening 
 the few firm islands that still impeded its expansion ; and 
 even Europe itself seemed to be threatened with general mis- 
 fortune. 
 
 Bajazet menaced all Christendom witli his arms ; Constanti- 
 nople was almost in his grasp ; Tamerlane was behind him in 
 the distance meditating the conquest of the world ; most of the 
 European sovereigns were weak, mad, or foolish ; a schism in 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib. xvi., p. 865. — + S. Anmiirato, Lib. xvi., p. 870. — 
 Tronci, vol. iv., p. 17-. — Muratori, Muratori, Anno 1399. — Tronci, vol. 
 Anno 1398. iv., p. 178. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII.] 
 
 FI.Or.ENT] NE II 1 STORY. 
 
 509 
 
 the church still shook tlie devotion of the pious, and pestilence 
 swept fearfully over tlie face of Italy I 
 
 At this uioment a Scotch, Spanish, or Provencal priest began 
 to preach repentance in the y( ^t : his auditors clothed and 
 hooded in white, and carrying a crucitix in their front marched 
 in [)rocession to the nearest city chanting the beautiful hymn 
 " Stabiit Mater dolorosa " which was then composed, and asking 
 mercy for their sins". They were called tlie " White PenU 
 tents " and came to Italy through Piedmont, then proceeding 
 to the coast, were joined by the inliabitants of Polsevera 
 who entered (ienoa in July to the number of live thousand of 
 every rank age and sex, all dressed in white linen and chanting 
 the "Staltat Mater" and other hvmns : the Genoese then took 
 up the pilgrimage and spent nine days in visiting the sacred 
 jilaces (if their city, but the strongest marched onward to Lucca, 
 ri^a, and tlieuce to Florence where true to their wonted enthu- 
 siasm forty thousand Florentines with the two bishops at their 
 head assumed the garb and carried tliis mania to Arezzo. There 
 was no inebriety or ether misconduct known amongst them ; 
 fasting, abstinence, prayers and |teacemaking were their occupa- 
 tions for nine davs : they entered no house, visited no convent, 
 souglit no slielter ; but slept on the bare ground in the open 
 air, and passed with confidence into the cities of their greatest 
 enemies. What food was given to them they received, and 
 distributed the overplus anatngst the poor: a spirit of peace 
 and good-will seemed to attend their steps and infuse itself into 
 the souls of those they visited: this enthusiasm was so deep and 
 universal, that the loudest revilers were carried off hi the gene- 
 ral feeling, and thus a gentle zephyr seemed to pass over the 
 fiice of the world for a few short moments, l)ut was felt no niore ! 
 The btunn of human passions again resumed its wonted course -f. 
 
 * Boniiist'j,'ni, Ilist. Finr., I-ib. iv., p, CJio. Morelli, p. G — PogU'io, Lib. iii", 
 
 752.— Munitoii, Annali, Anno l;i'>!). j). !»'2. — Muratori, Anno 13.').'). — S. 
 
 t Leon. Arctino, Lib. xii. — liuonac- Ainuiirato, Lib. xvi., p. 872.— Sis- 
 
 corso Pitti, Crouica, p. 58. — Ricordi di niontli, vol. v., cap. ivi. 
 
510 
 
 FLORKNTIXK HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 A.D. 1400. 
 
 The new year mid century opened inauspiciously for Flo- 
 rence : Galeazzos intrigues were ceaseless ; and being 
 secure of Siena, in the absolute ^.tvcreignty of which 
 he had been again contirmed ; of Pisa which he had just pur- 
 chased ; of the Counts of Poppi and other mountain barons : 
 he turned his mind on Perugia, and through tlic agency of its 
 raercenaiT tvrant Ceccolino de' IMichelotti reduced that citv 
 also under his dominion. His next object was Lucca where 
 Lazzero Guinigi still domineered : tliis man had a foolish bro- 
 ther, a soldier, who being about this time at Pisa was sent for 
 by Visconte's govenior and secretly told tliat if he had suffi- 
 cient spirit he might become seignor of Lucca. • You have 
 " only to demand a private audience of your brother by night. 
 *' which will not be refused, and when alone stab him to the 
 " heart, proclaim yourself lord of thr rv])ublic and you shall 
 " not be h)ng without assistance." This dett >table advice was 
 blindly followed, but the gonfalonier ^lichclc ( ruinigi promptly 
 arrested the culprit, who knew not how to proceed, and con- 
 demned him by the usual course of law. 
 
 This obsUicle behig removed from Msconte the suspicious 
 Florentines who never lost an opportunity of interfering in 
 their neighboui's' concerns, sent an otier of immediate assist- 
 ance which was coolly declined ; and soon after Paulo Guinigi, 
 a partisan of Galeazzo, with his secret aid made himself lord 
 of the connnon wealth and added one inoie state to the greatest 
 enemy of Florence. Nor was this reitublic better pleased at 
 the conduct of Venice in concluding a gen(U-al peace with ^ i>- 
 conte on the twenty-first of ^larch without tlie concurrence or 
 even the knowledge of the Florentines but which by the con- 
 ditions of her league she had a right to do : the latter thouglit 
 with some reason, that their interests had been sacrificed yet 
 accepted the treaty which was published witliout rejoicing on 
 the eleventh of April 1400 after >onie strong but inetlectnal 
 remonstrances*. This mortifying event was [iggravated by tlK' 
 
 • Buonaccoi-so Pitti, Cron. — S. Ammirato, Lib. xvi., p. 876. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOKY. 
 
 511 
 
 appearance of a pestilence which now began to rage with 
 extreme violence over all Italy and in Florence alone daily 
 carried off two hundred souls ; so that with the number of those 
 who had tied from its ravages the city on its great and usually 
 crowded festival of San (riovanni seemed like a silent desert 
 instead of its wonted dis[day of mirth, and joy, and j)roud exult- 
 ing magnificence. The shops wei'e mostly closed ; the streets 
 unthronged and silent ; the windows and balconies unpeopled 
 and unadorned ; the markets deserted ; the churches with more 
 priests than penitents ; tlie puldic palace desolate, and the 
 government alarmed for the general siifety. Soldiers were 
 therefore levied to protect the city and conttido and remained 
 until September and October, wiien the country was relieved 
 from this oft-repeated and dreadful scourge of the Italian 
 peninsula '■'. 
 
 Tliis same year, Pio1)ert elector of Bavaria succeeded the 
 deposed Wenceslas in the imi>erifd dignity and immediately 
 despatched ambassadors to assure Florence of his good will, 
 conlinning her privileges and making that state his vicar over 
 all the imperial possessions within her own dominion. 
 The arrival of this embassy was very acceptable to 
 the Florentines, who seeing no safety but in war were again 
 preparing for it : ] Juonaccorso Pitti, who had visited all countries 
 and spoke all languages, and Ser Pero da Saumiiuato, were 
 therefore despatched to Pobert, nominally as a mere cere- 
 mony on his election but really to invite him into Italy, as 
 well for his coronation as to assert the imperial rights against 
 Milan which if he consented to attack with a large force, 
 100,000 florins were to be his reward f. This was subse- 
 quently doubled ; and after nuich unnecessary delay and 
 ^"oo^i"^' impolitic negotiations, all minutely related by Buonac- 
 corso Pitti in his interesthig Chronicle, Robert appeared at 
 Trent in the middle of October with an army of fifteen thou- 
 
 A.D. 1401. 
 
 S. Ammirato, Lib. xvi., p. 877. f Buonacoorso Pitti, Croiiica, p. 60, &c». 
 
12 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 513 
 
 sand horse, where he was soon joined by Francesco da Carrara 
 and a large reenforcenient of all arms. The hopes of Florence, 
 although niised by this movement, had already received a check 
 from the stiite of factions and recent revolution at Bologiia, 
 where Giovanni Bentivoglio a young nobleman of great influ- 
 ence and popularity, had with the assistance of (ialeazzo and 
 public favour made himself lord of that city ; yet not for this 
 was he inclined to favour the duke of INIilan but on thecontnuy 
 drew closer the ancient ties of amity with Florence *. 
 
 All these things could not escape the lynx-eyed Gjdeazzo 
 whose first means of defence were an attempt to poison the 
 emperor by bribing his physician with 15,000 ducats to 
 commit the crime; his next was an extraordinary tax of 
 600,000 florins by which he levied an army of thirteen thou- 
 sand five hundred men-at-arms and twelve thousand infantry' 
 under the most renowned captains of tli«^ age, ever}' one of 
 them having separately commanded armies. Alberigo 
 da Barbiano, Facino Cane, Otto Buonterzo of Parma. 
 Galeazzo of Mantua, Taddeo del Venue, Galeazzo and Antonio 
 Pon-o of Milan, T'golotto Bianciardo, the ^Marquis of Monte- 
 ferrato, and Carlo ]\lalatesta of Rimini, all were commanded by 
 Jacopo del Venne but each leading a separate division. Besides 
 this he had garrisoned and supplied his frontier to^Mis, 
 strengthened his other cities, augmented his generals" pay. 
 seduced both Mantua and Ferrara from the league; and 
 attempted, but unsuccessfully, an alliance with the sovereign 
 
 pontitl\ 
 
 On the side of Florence it was settled that the Dukes of 
 Saxony and Austna were to command the two divisons of high 
 and low Gei-many ; and Francesco da Carrara all the 1 talma 
 troops with whom he led the general march towards the 
 Brescian hills, Robert intending to follow with his personal 
 escort. The whole army reassembled within a few miles oi 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib. xvi., p. 883. 
 
 A.D. HOI. 
 
 Brescia and while debating on the plan of operations a sldrmish 
 commenced between Milanese Italians and the German impe- 
 rialists, which ended in a more extensive and general combat : 
 the Germans confiding in their ancient superiority fought 
 boldly but disorderly ; they were generally w^oi^e armed than 
 the Italians ; many with only a helmet and light cuirass which 
 did not allow of a regular course with the lance in rest ; so that 
 they cast their spears with a thong like javelins ; and their 
 bridles were so light as to be only good for speed and common 
 management. The Italian on the contrary was one mass 
 of iron with a heavy tilting-lance and a powerful bit that 
 stopped or turned his horse at speed, and now proved himself 
 to the world's surprise in every way superior to his Ger- 
 man adversary. The military spirit and discipline of Italy 
 was revived and active ; Hawkwood had trained her in the art 
 of war and she no longer depended exclusively on foreigners 
 for her intenial battles =:=. The Germans were defeated and 
 driven to their entrenchments with disgrace and death, and so 
 great was the panic that within three days, either from this 
 or other causes, the Archbishop of Cologne and the Duke of 
 Austria left the army on some slight excuse and retired to Ger- 
 many. Thus vanished all hope of this grand armament, and 
 ^ith it the expectations of Padua, Florence, and others who 
 were promised riches from Visconte s spoils : Robert retired to 
 Trent and was on the point of repassing the Alps when the 
 earnest entreaties of Carrara and the Florenrine ambassadors, 
 with some sense of his own honour, recalled him and four thou- 
 sand horse to Padua f. 
 
 The intelligence of this unexpected calamity spread conster- 
 nation through Florence, for the present disappointment was 
 equal to the previous animation of the citizens when in one 
 single night 200,000 florins were voluntarily raised and sent 
 off to Venice in readiness for the emperor ;. Now all was 
 
 * Leon. Aretino, Lib. xii.,p, 209. f S. Ammirato, Lib. xvi., p. 885. 
 
 t Toggio, Lib. iii., p. 94. 
 VOL. II. L L 
 
514 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 changed ; the last days of Florentine liberty were believed to 
 be near and the state all but trampled under the footsteps of 
 Visconte's legions ! The citizens sUired in silence on each other 
 and all was gloom until the emperor's return to Padua became 
 known, when courage again revived and ambassadors were once 
 more sent to treat with him : but Florence re<pured service for 
 her money, wliile Robert insisted that the latter was necessary 
 first, and in large quantities to produce the fonner ; thus tlie 
 dispute continued until A])ril I loo, ^Yhen with con- 
 
 A.D. 1402. -, 
 
 siderable payments the emperor returned to Ger- 
 many. Meanwhile Visconte proud of his success immediately 
 attacked Bologna, almost the only outlet now left for Floren- 
 tine commerce except Motrone near Pietra Santa, knowing 
 that once in possession of that bulwark Florence would soon 
 fall an easy prey. Beniardone della Serra with the whole dis- 
 posable force of the republic was immediately despatched to 
 Bentivoglio's assistance and would probably have preserved 
 the town mitil Visconte's resources, which the Florentines well 
 knew were exhausted, but the rash spirit of the latter lost 
 evervtliinj:'. Forcinj? Beniardone out aj^ainst his will to fight 
 a superior force, a bloody battle ensued, the Florentines were 
 completely defeated, their general made prisoner, Bologna was 
 taken bv force and treachery, and Giovanni Bentivoglio fell 
 in its defence. Florence deprived of her general and army was 
 now open to the enemy : her last hour was come if Visconte had 
 only pushed on his conquests ; but he otTered peace as was his 
 wont after any great success ; and ambassadoi*s met at Venice 
 from both sides to settle the conditions. It was on unequal 
 terms for Florence who with her army destroyed, her general 
 prisoner, her resources exhausted ; no hope, no chance of a 
 defender ; no means of foreign aid ; the Cancellieri in open 
 revolt at Pistoia and the Ubaldini in the Apennines, had great 
 difficulties. Yet three friendly states offered themselves to 
 her consideration, Venice, Naples, and the Church: but the 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 515 
 
 terms of Venice were too hard, too mercenary, and too degrading 
 to Florence ; and her iidelity was not to be trusted : Ladislaus 
 was young, warlike, and eager for glory but faithless and un- 
 scrupulous and therefore a dangerous auxiliary : the pope 
 alone remained ; and as it was thought his own interest would 
 lead liiin to right conclusions every endeavour was exerted to 
 secure his assistance. 
 
 In the midst of all this terror, intelligence arrived that 
 Gian-("Talc:iz/o \''isconte was dead of the plague at his villa of 
 Marignano on the Aml)ro ! Instantly the psalm, " Our bonds 
 are broken and ire ore nou- free" resounded through the streets, 
 and an indescribable delight hllcdthe hearts of the community: 
 Florence was saved and the people felt it and rejoiced ! Gio- 
 vanni (iideazzo Visconte died on the tliird of September at the 
 age of lifty-live, after having for twelve years of mingled peace 
 and war tormented the Florentines who however are not quite 
 free from the imputation of having poisoned him. 
 
 He loved retirement, was liberal to clever men, jm encourager 
 of the arts, and was says Poggio and ^Iimiton of a great and 
 sagacious mind ; magnanimous, clement : and glorious in the 
 eyes of the world from his success. His ability and sagacity 
 were palpable, but his magnaniinity and clemency arose rather 
 from his being unsuseeptil»le to anger or resentment than any 
 nobler feeling : all with liim was calculation, and neither blood, 
 friendship, gratitude, religion, justice, or conscience^ ever im- 
 peded his designs. Ambition was his all-absorbing passion and 
 the conquest of Italy his ultimate object. Like Mastino della 
 Scala it is said that he caused a royal crown to be made for his 
 future dignity ; and wlien he heard of a comet appearing wliile 
 he was ill, it was received by him as the sign of his dissolution 
 and he thanked God for making the symbol of his recall an 
 object in the heavens to be seen by all the world-. 
 
 * CagnolaStor. :Mil., Lib. ii", p. '22. Auimirato, Lib. \vi., p. 881, &€". — 
 — Corio. Stor. Mil., Parte iv^ — S. I'oiru'io, S.oria, Lib. iii''.— Leon. Are- 
 
 L L :2 
 
516 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOTIT. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 517 
 
 This prepondcmtiiig weight being removed Italy righted of 
 her own accord and a new series of events commenced with the 
 century : similar passions exciting similar effects, names only 
 are changed, and this is the burden of historical song: a thou- 
 sand variations to the same tune but the cadence moving with 
 
 unaltered beat*. 
 
 Although the course of militaiy transactions has been miin- 
 terniptedly followed for twelve years it must not be supposed 
 that the domestic affaii-s of b'lorence worked in perfect hannony. 
 or were even less stonny than usual : on the contrar}', dissen- 
 sions, plots, exiles, admonitions, and confiscation of property 
 tilled up the hitervals of extenial war vriih. all their wonted 
 
 activity. 
 
 We must take up the thread of our liistory from November 
 \:\\)\ when the Alberti and llinucini families were l>y 
 the removal of the Divieto restored to the rights of 
 itizenship and Florence remained free from ciril broils until 
 September l:>l):i when :\Iaso degli Albizzi became 
 gonfalonier of justice : he was the son uf Luca degli 
 Albizzi and nephew of that Piero who lost his head in 1:37 U. 
 Besides the destmction of his property IMaso had suffered all 
 the hardships and miser}- of banishment fur a ]>lot of which 
 Piero was generally believed innocent : in any circumstances 
 such injustice would not have been easily forgiven or forgotten: 
 but in that frowning age of passion and revenge the injury 
 was treasured up with accumulated interest and a fresh and 
 ardent recollection was presened (tf his ovm and his family > 
 sufferings. Piero s death alone had made Maso a determiuca 
 enemy of the Alberti, nor did the fate of its principal author 
 lienedetto in the least mitigate his thirst of vengeance. An 
 
 lino, Lib. xii., and last of his history. Sisinondi, vol. v., rap. Ivi. 
 
 — Goror)atiStoria,Lihv.— Cronicatli * We bore take leave of Leonardo 
 
 Jacopo Salviati.—Ricordi di CJio. Mo- Aretino, whose account of all nnlitan 
 
 relli. — Cronaca di Buonaccorso Pitti. transietions is always clear and iro- 
 
 — Muratori, Annali, Anno. 140*2 — hablc. 
 
 A.D. 131)L 
 
 (* 
 
 A.D. 1,'©3. 
 
 opportunity was only wanting, and his accession to the chief 
 matnstracv furnished it : by means of two exiles a plot to over- 
 turn the government was revealed with all its particulars to 
 the Seignory, which resulted in the arrest of Cipriano, Alberto 
 and Nerozzo degli Alberti, with several others of that family 
 who were said to be implicated. Benedetto was dead, but the 
 vindictive spirit of faction never died, and Maso resolved to 
 rrratify it ere his term of office expired : by liis influence a 
 decree was immediately passed to place all the Alberti except 
 the sons of Niccolaio amongst the " Grandi"' and thus deprive 
 them for ever of their privileges as Florentine citizens. This 
 arbitrary proceeding convulsed the city ; a parliament was 
 instantly called and as usual a numerous Balia of the ascendant 
 faction appointed with ample powers to tranquillise the state. 
 The task was rough and arduous, and on the twentieth of Oc- 
 tober this board of dictators prepared for work by appohiting 
 Francesco Gabrielli d' Agubbio as captain of the guard with more 
 than the usual authority and retfuners, hi order to a prompt 
 and decided execution of their decrees. The troops were simul- 
 taneously augmented, and additional power given to the Seignoiy 
 to raise money by forced loans for their support. The names 
 in the priors' election purse of 1387 were destroyed and replaced 
 by sm-er partisans ; the Seignory for November and December 
 was ordered to be selected, not legally drawn by lot ; and if m 
 the gonfalonier's election purse any suspicious names, appeared 
 they were to be immediately cancelled and replaced by those of 
 more devoted citizens. Xo less than three priors were to be 
 drawn from the Borsellino ; many payments due to public cre- 
 ditors were suspended for three years and the money appro- 
 priated to military expenses, and the podesta, who had refused 
 to summon the Alberti before his tribunal for examination, was 
 dismissed \sith all his court and followers. 
 
 The people alarmed at such despotism and uncertain of the 
 end, at once took to their arms ; one faction to preserve what 
 
51$ 
 
 ILORENHNE IITSTOIIY. 
 
 [book 
 
 they bad already acquired ; the other to repel worse treat- 
 ment : the fn-st humed to the great Sijuare with loud shouts of 
 ** Lotiff lire the pcojAe and the Parttj (/Kclj'h : " the second 
 after seizing a pennon with the people's arms at the captain's 
 palace also thronged to the same spot with the antagonist 
 war-en' of ** Louff live the people a ml the Tnahs.'' ]?ut the 
 former were strongest and after some hloodsh* d compelled all 
 the latter who remained in the place to join their cry. The 
 Seignoiy fearful of the result if a leader were found t*) direct 
 the storm, immediately delivered the Gueli>hic standard to 
 liinaldo Gianfiglazzi and that of the ]K?ople to Donate 
 Acciaiuoli, both of them well beloved of the coiiimunitv. with 
 orders to tranquillise the to^vn. But the malcontents remem- 
 bered the olden time and the davs of Salvestro who holdlv 
 espoused their party when oppressed by powerful citizens ; 
 wherefore the weaker faction immediately repaired to the 
 houses of Vieri and Michele de' Medici, theeousin and brother 
 of Salvestro, the former since his deatli being considered cliief 
 of the family. These citizens were implured with all the energy 
 of distressed supplicants to deliver them from Maso degli Alhizzi 
 and their present oppressions, as Salvestro had formerly deli- 
 vered them from the tyranny of his uncle, unless they them- 
 selves wished to be ruined and persecuted like the x\lheru. 
 " Take," said they, *' take boldly the people's banner; and those 
 •• who now follow Donato and liinaldo will soon join I lie Medici 
 •' their present and ancient deliverers." lUu Vieri, to whom 
 their supplications were tdmost wholly addressed, had Salves- 
 tro 's example before him and all its melancholy c«»nNe(|uences: 
 and whether from this, a want of all and>ition, or absence of 
 generosity in taking the part of the oppressed ; or from an 
 honest and patriotic spirit that perceived more evil in the re- 
 medv than the disease, was deaf to all their entreaties. It 
 seems to have been the general opinion at the time tliat if he 
 had been more ambitious than honest he might at that moment 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII.] 
 
 FLOKENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 519 
 
 have easily made himself sovereign ruler of Florence, so bent 
 were the minds of the people on havhig a chief, no matter at 
 what sacrifice, who would deliver them from oppression and lead 
 
 on to vengeance. 
 
 The lower classes, who had never forgotten and still felt the 
 lawless hand of power, eagerly searched for a vindicator; and 
 whoever miglit be found, provided he were only able to control 
 their actual oppressors no matter how wicked he should prove, 
 they were ready to salute as their deliverer even at the expense 
 of iil>erty, that fruitful tield for ilie hd.ours of seditious men. 
 Thus the road was p:ned for usurpation with a gradual and ni- 
 M'usible reluKiuishment of all lait the outward form of constitu- 
 tional freedom. Nor did Vieri lack advisers and prompters to 
 the work ; amongst others Antonio de' Medici, who from having 
 been his enemy had becNnne most intimate, urged him strongly 
 to assume the goveniment, but received tins spirited reply. 
 " When you were my enemy Antonio, your thrcdt^^ insjnrcd 
 " no Jhu\ and mnr yon ore my friend your council shall do 
 - me no eriir Then addresshig the nmltitude he promised 
 to be their advocate if they would listen to his advice, but 
 not their leader; and proceeding along with them to the 
 palace he spoke earnestly for them, cleared himself of all 
 suspicion, and persuaded the crowd to retire quietly. De- 
 termined to secure themseh es from future danger the priors 
 lost no time in fortifying the great s.pare and guarding it with 
 six hundred infantry and two hundred Genoese crossbow-men ; 
 besides these two thousand chosen citizens of their own party 
 were armed and clothed alike to be ready on any emergency ; 
 a regidar guard-house was appointed for the rendezvous of 
 every civic company in case of need, and several other regula- 
 tions all tending to keep down sedition and preserve power 
 were promidgated. To all save these, the use of arms was for- 
 bidden. The Balia was then augmented with the addition of 
 many more citizens in order to increase its force and stability by 
 
520 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 Lbook 
 
 extending its base ; and thus strengthened a decree was passed 
 on the twenty-fourth of October for the banishment of Cipriano, 
 Alberto, Xerozzo, Piero, and Giovanni degli Albert] besides seve- 
 ral others; respectively to Pthodes, Brussels, Barcelona, and Sar- 
 dinia : many of inferior note who had been most jictive in the 
 sedition were executed; others exiled, fined, or imprisoned ; and 
 A.D.1394. "^""^'^l^y ^^ gi^'e more dignity to the chief magistrate, 
 but really to get rid of many obnoxious persons for 
 whose dismissal there was no legal cause, none under forty-five 
 years old coidd thenceforth be gonfalonier of justice. Other 
 severe laws were promulgated to secure the ascendant faction 
 under the name of public govennnent, odious even to many 
 good citizens of their own party who deemed that state inse- 
 cure which required such violence to uphold it. 
 
 Those of the Albert! who remained were indignant; the 
 Medici, and especially Vieri who felt that his honour had suf- 
 fered in the opinion of a people whom he had induced to submit 
 were no less angr}^; and one of the tirst who had spirit to step 
 foi-ward was Donato Acciaioli a man rather superior to than a 
 companion of Maso's, who nevertheless from having carried even • 
 thing with so high a hand and so successfullv while in otfice. 
 was become chief of the republic *. Many of the ancient noble> 
 were now placed among the popolani to iiureiise their ranks 
 and dimmish the number of malcontents of which the old aris- 
 tocracy always fonned a considerable portion ; and to show the 
 extreme jealousy of faction Rinaldo Oianfiglazzi one of the 
 most illustrious and popular of citizens who had joined in the 
 banishment of the Alberti, now nearly lost himself by promising 
 his son and daughter in marriage to two members of that 
 devoted race. 
 
 Great murmurs ran througli the juscendant fliction at this 
 apparent desertion, and Rinaldo was finally summoned before 
 
 • Gio. Morclli, Ricordi, p. 4.— N. Bru*o, Stor. Flor., Lib. i«.— S. Ammi- 
 Macchiavelli, Lib. iii". — Gio. Michele rato. Lib. xvi., p. 840. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE mSTORY. 
 
 521 
 
 A.D. 1390. 
 
 the public tribunal of the Otto della Guardia, severely repri- 
 manded for his conduct and threatened to be inscribed on the 
 public books as a disaffected man if these marriages were allowed 
 to proceed. He with the utmost reverence and humility ex- 
 cused himself by declaring that he had no intention of quittmg 
 his party ; that he never contemplated any harm in marrying 
 his children to citizens who had committed no crime against 
 the stiite ; whom the state had not exiled, or deprived of office, 
 or placed amongst the great, or in any way punished ; but that 
 the marriages should be broken otf. In consequence of this he 
 was released, and after a few years his daughter s marriage took 
 place owing principally to her own iidelity. Such was the 
 boasted liberty of the Florentine republic I *. 
 
 Donato Acciaioli perhaps the most powerful and generally 
 esteemed citizen of Florence, is described as one of 
 tliose who could not sit down in the tranquil enjoyment 
 of his own prosperity while his fellow-citizens were wailing in 
 hopeless misery. Indignant at tlie rigorous administration of 
 his party and its abuse of power, he had been long contemplating 
 a change, and only waited for his chance of office to restore the 
 numerous exiles, or at least re -enfranchise the less culpable 
 admonished citizens who still resided in the capital. He there- 
 fore began whispering his intentions about amongst the people 
 as the only certain means of restoring public tranqiullity : but 
 tired of waiting for the chance of official power he chose the more 
 dangerous way ; and relying on the support of those numerous 
 friends to whom his opinions were already known, seized the 
 moment when his kinsman Michele Acciaiolo and his friend 
 Niccolo Ricoveri were priors, to cany his thoughts into execu- 
 tion. They accordingly at his request proposed a law for the 
 restoration of the exiled and admonished ; but the Seignoiy 
 decided that where good was doubtful and danger certain new 
 schemes ought never to be attempted, and certainly should not 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib. xvi., p. 843. 
 
522 
 
 FLORENTINE TTIf^TOKY, 
 
 [book I. 
 
 dui'ing the continuance of their magistmcy. Failing in this 
 and other attempts Donato became angry and sent them a 
 haughty message for he ^vas a veiy powerful chief of their own 
 faction ; that what they refused to do witli the gown should 
 be accomjdished by the sword. Tliis l)old deliance was answered 
 by a citation to appear before their tribunal, find after a mimite 
 examination by a committee expressly appointed and com- 
 posed of almost all the leaders of this faction including Donato 
 himself, he was convicted of a secret attempt at revolution 
 and banished for twentv veal's. He did not fall alone ; for 
 
 « *■' 
 
 his cause was so closely comiected with a multitude of inferior 
 citizens, but still men of power and intluciice, that in ordt r to 
 punish them with more security it became necessary to make a 
 previous example of a man whose high rank and authority 
 might othenvise have exempted him from danger. His ruin 
 therefore, to which he submitted without a nnu'mur, pulled 
 down Alamanno the son of Salvestro de" ^Medici ; two Antonios 
 of the same family; all the descendants of Alamanno, Salves- 
 tro's father, with many plebeians besidc> two of the devoted 
 Alberti who were severely lined-'--. Maso def:fli Albizzi had now 
 ruled the commonwealth for nearly two vears and a half, and 
 had filled the city with malcontents, while tlic rest of Italy was 
 swanning with angry exiles ready for any entequ'ise that pro- 
 mised to restore them to their country. His government was 
 an oligarchy comprised, now that Acciaioli was in c\ih\ of ihp 
 following citizens who managed to sliar*' all the great oliico 
 of state and foreign embassies amongst themselves and 
 their friends. The leader was Maso ; tlicn c:mie Filippo 
 Corsini, Andrea Vettori, Gianozzo lUHotti, Xofri Arnolii, Ki- 
 nieri Peruzzi, Lionardo dell' Antella, Kinaldo ( i iaidlglazzi, 
 Francesco Kucellai, Bartolommeo Valori, Francesco l'i( aavanti, 
 Andrea Minerbetti, Guido del Palngio, Forese Salviati, Lorenzo 
 
 ♦ is: cm. Storiche <li Ser Naddo, p. 153.— Maccliiavdli, Lib. iii".— S. Aiiimi- 
 rato, Lib. xvi.,p. 850. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 523 
 
 A.D. 1397 
 
 Ridolfi, and Michele and Lotto Castellani. Power so con- 
 densed and concealed behind the wide-spreading forms of 
 liberty was formidable, but so completely was it deemed to be 
 in Maso s hands tliat his death like Ciesar's, as was as vainly 
 believed, would set the countiy free. 
 
 About this time amongst the exdes at Bologna were Picchio 
 Cavicciulli, Tommaso de' Pdcci, Antonio de" Medici 
 and five others fdl high-spirited young men ready to 
 face any danger that involved a hope of ultimate victory. These 
 desperadoes were invited to Llorence by Piggiello and Baroccio 
 Cavicciuli with other kinsmen ; aW of them admonished and 
 therefore discontented citizens ; and otYered secure concealment 
 whence they might issue at the proper moment, assassinate 
 Maso degli Albizzi, call the people to arms and rouse the whole 
 city to revolt. Success was c»>ntidently predicted from the uni- 
 versal dissatisliietion, and tliey would be seconded as was affirmed 
 by the Ricci, Adimari, :\Iedici, Manelli, and mtiny others who 
 were disgusted with the existing government. Tempted by such 
 representations which were partially correct, the eight conspi- 
 rators entered Florence on the fourth of August, safely reached 
 their concealment and set a watch on Albizzi s motions, intend- 
 ing to make his death the signtd of revolt. Ere long they 
 heard that he had gone into an apothecary's shop near San 
 Piero MajTrriore : thev instantly sallied forth but arrived too 
 late ; he had already dej^arted : nothing daunted they hurried 
 on towards i\Iercato Vecchio, where meeting G iovanni di Piero 
 one of the adverse party, immediately killed him and at the 
 same time attempted to excite the citizens by loud and re- 
 peated cries of " JVop/c, People, Arms; Liberty; Death to the 
 Tyrants:' Turning towards Mercato Xuovo a second adversary 
 was stricken down at the tennination of that street called the 
 Calamala ; but no man joined them : finally stopping in the 
 Corso degli AdimaA at a Loggia or Portico called the Nig- 
 hittosa, now no longer in existence ; they harangued the mul- 
 
i24 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXVllI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 525 
 
 4 
 
 \ 
 
 titude which had collected more from curiosity than any notion 
 of sudden insurrection : endeavouring' hv a vehement oration to 
 rouse theur dormant spirit and free themselves by one bold 
 etfort from a debasinj^ servitude. Thev declared that the cries 
 and suffering of their fellow-citizens far mortj than any personal 
 wrong, liad moved them to the entei*prise : that the [)eople had 
 often prayed for chiefs to lead them on to freedom, and had 
 vainly implored Vieri de' Medici to espouse their cause ; but 
 that now they had no less than eiglit resolute leadei's. and 
 amongst them two of that very family, all ready and willing io 
 show them the way to victoiT ; and still thov stood unmoved, 
 staring in stupid silence at each other and cUdaying, until their 
 liberators should be overcome and their own slaver}^ still more 
 firmly rivetted ! They who were ever wont to fly to arms on 
 the slightest injuiy, were now stiff and motionless under an 
 accumulation of the heaviest wrongs that a tic* -l^orn people 
 could possibly endui*e ! Would they still suffer so many fellow- 
 citizens to lan<niisli in exile, so manv to be admonished ; when 
 it was in their power to restore the one aiul the other to their 
 rijjhts and countrv ? The tnith of this address was felt, but 
 not sufficiently to create an instantaneous revolt against so 
 powerful a government, and the unnecessary murder of two 
 unoffending citizens told badly fur the cause. 
 
 Perceiving the hopelessness of their eflbr-ts the conspirators 
 took shelter hi the cathedral rather t«> <bfrr ilian eseai)e from 
 a death that was now inevitable, as the p(M»ple seemed bent on 
 meekly suffering their disgracefid servitude. I\lean while the 
 priors uncertain of what was doing armed th<? palaee, but on 
 learning the truth surrounded and forced ^^'^en the ehurcli 
 where most if not all were tidven alive and others are said to 
 have died bravelv defendinc; themselves. There were no acconi- 
 plices but those who had given them slielter, and they were 
 executed along with the survivors of thiS daiing, rash, and 
 inconsiderate entei'prise. 
 
 This incident, individually trifling, serves at least to show 
 the violence, the oppression, the destructive character of the 
 time, when constitutions vibrated between licence and slavery, 
 crossing real liberty as a useless mark ; and when on so slender 
 a foundation men of high rank and family were easily and un- 
 hesitatingly led to attempt so desperate a game against so 
 powerful an administration-. 
 
 A comparative tranquillity of three years under the energetic 
 ride of Albizzi was finally interrupted by another ^ _ . ._^ 
 conspiracy of a graver character ni its objects and 
 consequences, because it was contrived and pursued under the 
 auspices of Visconte and implicated a number of the most 
 illustrious families. For this enterprise Galeazzo employed the 
 multitude of Florentine exiles then in Lombardy as his most 
 willing and effectual instruments to work on a large and power- 
 ful Itody of malcontents within the city who were engaged to 
 second their attempts. On a given day from certain places in 
 the neigh])Ourhood a numerous band of well-armed exiles w^ere to 
 enter Florence by the Arno and joining their friends within kill 
 all the chiefs of the predominant faction and reform the state at 
 their pleasure. But conspiracies says jMacchiaveUi, are generally 
 composed of too few or too many : if too few they are insuffi- 
 cient ; if too many they are betrayed. Amongst the internal 
 plotters was Samminiato de' llicci who in seeking additional 
 support, incautiously stumbled on an accuser in the person of 
 Salvestro Cavicciuli degli Alainanneschi whose owii wrongs 
 and those of his kinsmen naturally indicated as a sure and 
 faithful coadjutor, liut whether conscientiously, according to 
 Ammirato, or from the greater force of present terror over 
 distant and uncertain hope as IMacchiavelli asserts, he revealed 
 the plot : Samminiato was arrested and the whole combination 
 unfolded. Salvestro made no stipulation for his fiiend's life, 
 
 • Mem. Stor. di Ser Naddo, p. 167.— N. Maccliiavclli, Lib. iii".— S. Ammi- 
 rato, Lib. xvi., p. 8G0. 
 
526 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 A.D. 1401. 
 
 and afterwards received a reward for his ])atnotism ; but all the 
 other conspirators had the good fortune to escape except one, 
 who was executed along with Samniiniato dt' ilicci. 
 
 A Balia of nhietv citizens was immediatelv ( rrated and the 
 suspected pei'sons were punished hycondenniation to banishment 
 and admonition : six of the Ricci, six of tlit* Alherti, two of the 
 ^ledici, two of the Strozzi, three of the Scali, I Undo Alioviti. Ber- 
 nardo Adimari. with nundjcrsof the lown* .l.is-cs. were declared 
 rebels and the whole families of Alberti, Kicfi, and Medici were 
 admonished for ten years-. lUit the doomed Alberti were still 
 considered too formidable for the dominant faction, and a decree 
 soon after passed to banish all the males of that flmiily 
 above sixteen vears of age lest tlie state should be 
 endangered by their presence in the capital f. In the year 
 141*2 they broke their con lines; a new Balia was crtattd against 
 them, which in j>ei*secuting this unlucky race Avith all the in- 
 fluence of government and vimlence of faction, did not neglect 
 by new and stringent laws to strengthen and consolidate its 
 already despotic authority. 
 
 With the Alberti's ruin we may virtually bid adieu to Flo- 
 rentine liberty, circumscribed as it was and dressed in the delu- 
 sive and flattering garb of a republic: it \\a^ at bt^t never or 
 rarelv more than the freedom, or rather the lit^iise of a class ; 
 a large class; l)ut still only a portion of the comnion family. 
 The nobles, the lower orders, and the powerless citizens, were 
 ever discontented but never united and thcrcfoie always more 
 or less oppressed, the faction in power alone being free. It 
 was mortH)ver a liberty of governing, an eligibility to place. 
 power, emolument; not that of living in the unnntlested enjoy- 
 ment and security of goods and person ; not civil lil)erty as 
 now understood ; but still in unison with the opinions of that 
 age and countiT. Yet it must not be despised, for the theory 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib xvi., p. 87f>. — Macrhiavelli, Lib. iii". 
 f Mufchiuvelli, Lib. iii". 
 
 CHAP. XXVI 
 
 u.] 
 
 BXORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 527 
 
 though infantile, was still good ; it was the day-spring of 
 modern freedom, and like the star of Bethlehem proclaimed 
 the coming of a milder age. Henceforth we shall see under 
 various phases only a well-concealed despotism ; first of the 
 Albizzi and then of the Medici ; but perhaps if impartially 
 examined, attended until tlie linal ruin of the republic, with a 
 less brilliant exterior, but a more widely-spread mass of indi- 
 vidual hai)piness and general comfort because it was 
 
 . , A.D. 1402. 
 
 necessaiy to work in the name and forms of freedom 
 long after the substance was decayed. There w^as moreover a 
 strong belief in existing liberty on one side; and a certain 
 reverence for ancient institutions on both that concealed the 
 pliant fingers of the sceptred citizens, who also had the sense 
 to hide their state beneath the civic gown and a social equality 
 of comnmnion with their countrymen. 
 
 CoTEMPORARY MoNARCHS. — Kiijifhiml : Richard IL UTitiH 3.99 ; then Henry 
 IV. of Lancaster. — Scotland: K()i)ert IIL, Stuart, from \'M)0 to 1405. — 
 France : Charles VL (The Maniac). — Castile and Leon : John L to 1390; 
 then Henry HL — Arag.»n : John L to L'»9.) ; then Martin V. — Portugal: 
 John I. — Naples : Ladi>lans of Dura/./o. — Sicily : Martin the Younger and 
 Maria. — True Pctpe : Boniface IX.— Antipope : Clement VU. until 1394 ; 
 then Benedict XI H. — (Jcnnany : Wcnceslas to 1400, then deposed and 
 reigns in Bohemia till 1419; then Robert Count Palatine elected Emperor. 
 — ILuigary : Sigismond of Luxemburg. — IVdand : Yladislas V. (Jagello) 
 embraces Chrisii;iuity. — Creek Emperor: John Pakeologus until 1391 ; then 
 Martin 11. — Ottoman Empire : Baja/.et Uderim, (or the Lightning). — Tartary : 
 Timur, or Tamerlane. 
 
528 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS CHAPTER. 
 
 FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
 There are certain moral precepts of general and everlasting 
 application more commonly acknowledged than willingly obeyed 
 yet holding a cousi)iciious place in every liiunnn transaction: 
 their necessity' is undenied ; they form the theoretical standard 
 of virtue in civilised societv, receive an outward rexcrence fiuiu 
 all, and are generally used as a convenient test of our neigh- 
 bour's conduct and character whenever it becomes expedient tu 
 taunt him with their violation. 
 
 These laws, essentially attached to Christianity, shone with 
 as cleai" a light in the middle ages as at present, but tlip 
 human mind was not then so well fitted to receive them : tluy 
 were rather used as a reprehension to others than as practieul 
 rules of individual conduct. In those times also, that enthu- 
 siasm excited by a succession of mysterious ceremonies ini>- 
 called religion became deep and frequent, while the sobei 
 pace of genuine morality moving with " pilgrim steps in amice 
 grey," was comparatively circumsciibed iind unheeded. And 
 even if natural impulse might in some have prtnlured more 
 lofty and practical virtues, universal example must soon liavr 
 whirled them into the common vortex of licentiousness : accus- 
 tomed from infancy to the companionship of Vice, the men ot 
 those days were blind to her naked deformities and only beheld 
 her in the brilliant trappings of successful villany and mundane 
 honour, with wealth, glorv, and external reverence ; nay even 
 
 MISC. CUAP.] MORAL CHARACTER OF FLORENCE. 
 
 529 
 
 in the very garb of virtue ; and dazzled by tliis factitious 
 splendour the world followed eagerly in her train. Success, 
 no matter by what means or in what cause, from the turn of 
 the die to a revolution of the state was then the great measure 
 of worldly approbation ^' ; the test of conduct, the salve of 
 crune, the justification of injury. In tliis murky atmosphere 
 the fiercer passions worked without fear or danger from reli<non 
 conscience or morality, and by its obscurity alone ought men 
 and nations in that age be judged, not through the clearer 
 )nedium of our own. 
 
 When we thus regard Florence, she seems to shine with 
 more genuine lustre than her peers, to exliibit a steadier light 
 ;uKl milder aspect, and to offer a conjunction of liberty morality 
 
 'Dante opens the sixth Canto of his prevalent fawnin? on good fortune, 
 i'lirgatoiy with an illustration of the in a strikinsr simile 
 
 g simile. 
 
 " Quando si parte '1 giuco della Zara, 
 Colui, che pi nle, si rinian dolente, 
 Ripctciuio Ic volte, e tristo iinpara : 
 
 Con Taltro so iie va tutta le gente : 
 
 Qual va diiianzi, e qual diretro '1 prcnde, 
 E qual da lato gli si rcca a mente. 
 
 Ei non s-arresta, e questo e quello 'ntende : 
 A cui porge la man, piu non fa pvessa ; 
 E cosi dalla ealca si difende. 
 
 Tal'era io in quella turba spessa, 
 Volgendo a loro e qua e la la fiiecia. 
 E promettendo mi sciogliea da essa." 
 
 ** "VNTien from a game of dice two players rise, 
 The loser still remains in doleful mood 
 Considering fruitkss casts, and sadly leanis : 
 
 With t'other moves tli' exjieoting crowd away : 
 This one before and that behind him clings ; 
 A third beside him cries, ' Forget not me.' 
 
 He makes no stay but lends an ear to each : 
 Those that receive liis hand urge on no more, 
 And thus from pressing tlirongs defends himself. 
 
 Just such was I amongst that thickening crowd, 
 Turning to each, and liere, and there, my face, 
 And promising, I loos'd myself from all.'' 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 M M 
 
530 CONDITION OF FLORENCE DECLINE PAPAL POWEli. [book i. 
 
 and principle, coupled with those broad views of Italian politics 
 that for a season fixed her as the cynosure of national inde- 
 pendence. And though so frequently disturlxMl I'v internal 
 heats she probably enjoyed as much, perhaps more tranquillity 
 than most of the neighbouring republi*^ ; than Siena for in- 
 stance ; or Pisa, except under the (.uimbacoiti ; than Genoa 
 Perugia or Bologna ; all more or less tormented by ambitious 
 citizens and political turpitude under the delusive name of 
 liberty. 
 
 The austerity of her j'oveniment, harsh as it was, yielded to 
 that of Venice ; and her liberty was greater, for aristocratic 
 equality embraced a far wider circle, and though quite as 
 strongly marked in character was made ^^onu what more palat- 
 able by the social denomination of fellow-citizen : nor were her 
 magnates ever individually so powerful as those of the pruiid 
 and princely Oenoa. Her factions, as elsewhere, were still 
 Guelph and Ghibeline and now equally removed from church 
 and empire to the more limited but no less bloody field <•! 
 domestic conflict. 
 
 After Ilodolph of Hapsburg s abandonment of Italy no per- 
 manent authority had been presened there by the German 
 emperors although their periodical visits wwc always costly, 
 troublesome, and sometimes dangerous. The popes also had 
 lost much by a similar cause : while revellinj^ in luKury and 
 licentiousness at Avignon they becuine at once the slavc-^ "t 
 France and tyrants of Italy until her indignant states undii 
 native leaders shook off the yoke and a* bicvcd tlioir freedom. 
 Yet the popes still made war; feebly, doubtlully, usrl. >-ly, but 
 always cruelly : too weak to conquer, too powerful to Mibmit: 
 they were deaf to the voice of compassion and proved an eternal 
 scourge to the whole Itiilian peninsula. Alltornoz did much. 
 Poiet something to restore ecclesiastical dominion ; but the 
 indignation of Florence and papal oppressions s^ton strip}>ed the 
 church of even- fief but Rimini. The whoL,' world was taxed 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 INFLUENCE OF FLORENCE — PEOPLE. 
 
 531 
 
 to support these wars ; vast suras were accumulated amongst 
 the pious northern powers and sipiandered in the bowers of 
 Avignon, while unpaid troops and rapacious legates plundered 
 Italy, and warred and conthiued wars for their own personal 
 
 gam. 
 
 During this confusion Florence l)eing morally and physically, 
 as it were the very lieart of It:dy, gave life and vigour to the 
 nation : pursuing a bold energetic and generally successful 
 policy when not spoiled in the execution, she stood forth the 
 champion of native lil)erty, and preservhig, at least the external 
 grandeur and simplicity of a free peo})le, became no mean study 
 for the politician and philosopher, and often an example of that 
 which internal union might at any time have made her, namely 
 the most powerful and respected connnonwealth of Italy. 
 Good and evil were within her grasp, but the latter was gene- 
 rally chosen : as her very existence depended on trade, peace 
 and independence were her n^d and legitimate objects of 
 policy from which however slie was frequently diverted by 
 ambition, jealousy, and hatred of her neighbours. 
 
 A long-sighted sagacity arising from intimate acquaintance 
 with the resources and policy of otliei- states made her keenly 
 seusiljle to the approach of danger and therefore an early and 
 officious meddler in Italian piditics : feared, hated, and envied 
 by her neighbours, she was yet courted and employed, and 
 often duped or sacrificed when her aid became unnecessaiy. 
 
 In what comfort or misery the great mass of Florentines 
 lived, what influence their form of government and institutions 
 had on the labouring classes either in town or country, how 
 their moral and physical existence were affected, and what 
 were their common enjoyments, are unfortunately the points 
 least noticed by historians although they form perha[)s the 
 most useful an<l interesting portions of national history : but 
 in those days the people were little thought of. The great 
 and powerful w'ere alone objects of attention amongst coteni- 
 
 M M ^ 
 
532 GOVERNMENT OF SUBJECT STATFS. PAUPERS. [book I. 
 
 porary wiiters, and poor men's condition whether as soldiers 
 or peasantry, in war or common hte, seems never to have 
 been an object of historical interest and scarcely of reflection : 
 hence much difficulty, nay almost an impossibility arises of 
 gaining any satisfactoiy knowledge on a subject which is the 
 only means of fairly appreciating the comparative usefulness of 
 institutions like those of Florence. 
 
 We know that the city, and its immediate territory un<ler 
 the name of Contado, were govenied by the same laws; and 
 that almost all the after acquisitions, int^luded in the general 
 appellation of district, although subject to universal state 
 regulations were ruled by the original statutes and decrees of 
 their independent condition mdess they clashed with the 
 former : for Florence seldom attempted by the substitution of 
 her own peculiar form of govennnent to destroy native consti- 
 tutions. Nor was there any legal incunvi nience in this, for 
 the broad frame-work of all Italian stairs wa> ><. analo<,^ous 
 as to insure the easy movement of their various subordmutf 
 machiner}% therefore little alteration was felt in the change. 
 
 That tiiere must have been considerable sutVering amongst 
 the poor of Florence and its neighbourhood is evident from the 
 complaints and turbulence of the working classes ; from the 
 repeated laws for encouraging agricultural settlers in the con- 
 tado, so often desolated ; and from the more direct authority 
 of Villani who gives us an interesting though indistinct glimpse 
 of the general mass of uuligence. We are told by him that 
 one of the inferior citizens died in 1 o-M) leaving almost all his 
 fortune to the Florentine poor; and to carry this will into 
 effect his executoi-s apiH)inted a day and hour for their meet- 
 ings in the principiil church of each (piartcr to receive their 
 several portions : it was thus found that more than seventeen 
 thousand persons of every age and sex were in such distress as 
 to have no scruple about receiving six danaii each from this 
 cliarity, without counting those greater sullerers of higher con- 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 ALMSGIVING. CHARITIES. 
 
 533 
 
 dition who being ashamed to beg concealed their misery ; or 
 those in hospital, or prisoners, or religious mendicants ; all of 
 whom received a separate bequest of twelve danari each to the 
 number of four thousand more. The Florentines then as now 
 probably gave alms without much discrimination, and we know 
 from Dante that beggars were as well acquainted with the usual 
 tricks of their calling as in the present day. In the thir- 
 teenth Canto of his Purgatoiy we thus find them used as an 
 illustration of his text. 
 
 " Cosi li cicclii, a cui la roba falla, 
 
 Stan no a' pcrdoni a chiedcr lor bisogna, 
 E I'uno 1 caj)0 sovni Talfro avvalla, 
 Pcrche in altrui pietii tosto si pogna, 
 Non pur per lo sonar dcllc parole. 
 Ma per la vista die nou uieno agogna" *. 
 
 This enormous mass of mendicity surprised the citizens ; but 
 it was not all Florentine : many beggars were attracted from 
 the countr}% from districts beyond the state, and even from 
 without the Tuscan confines to share the distribution, neither 
 had the nation recovered from Castruccio's wars : but still we 
 have in it sufficient jnoof of a vast mass of destitution through- 
 out the rei)ublican territory f . 
 
 Although such distress hidicates anything but a tender and 
 wholesome action of government on the lower classes of society 
 yet the Florentines were religiously, perhaps somewhat selfishly, 
 addicted to indiscriminate alms-giving as well as to more useful 
 modes of charity in the sliape of hospitals and similar institutions ; 
 but continual wars, and the ravages of condottieri were a stand- 
 ing misfortune to rich and poor during the greater part of this 
 century, for both suflered in person and property, independent 
 
 * " So those blind lieggars that have lost their all, 
 Frequent the churches to supply their need ; 
 And one his head reclines on t'other's breast 
 To raise compassion in the pious throng. 
 Not merely by *\ie sound of piteous words, 
 But by the sight, which pains them equally." 
 t Gio. Villani, Lib. x., cap. clxii. 
 
 i j^ I 
 11 
 
534 
 
 WEALTH. LUXURY. — MARRLVGE PORTIONS. [book i. 
 
 of the public contributions to satisfy those rapacious freebooters. 
 Nevertheless Florence probably contained a <:jreater number of 
 wealthy citizens than any Itidian state but X'enicc and Genoa, 
 and riches were more equally spread over the whole commu- 
 nity ; indeed her fame for opulence was so notorious that 
 higher nmsoms were demanded for prisoners of that nation 
 than anv other, and finallv occasioned such inconvenience as to 
 deter many citizens from serving personally in war. But not- 
 withstanding all this wealth there was a continual struggle 
 between the public government and the citizens, especially the 
 ladies of Florence about luxurious indulgence in dress aiul 
 private entertainments. Grave fathers of families of whom the 
 magistracy was chietly composed disliked such expense ; and 
 the manners of official people seem to have been simple 
 enough ; for it was not until the latter end of this century that 
 the gonfalonier and priors deemed it necessaiT to keep a regu- 
 lar cook at the public palace, and even sought an excuse for 
 this luxuiy in the necessity they were frequently under of 
 entertaining illustrious foreigners. At tlieir private dinners 
 we find that boiled partridges, a dish of tripe, and a plate of 
 sardinias, were considered sufficiently handsome entertaimnent 
 for the chief magistrate's common acquaintance -. Previous 
 to this the official dinners of the Seignorj' wei'e probably accord- 
 ing to the usual custom, sent out partly or wholly, to be 
 dressed ; the bakers' ovens, as with the lower and many of the 
 middle classes amongst ourselves, being substituted for home 
 cooker}' ; but confections of all kinds were still a settled portion 
 of almost every meal, and even offered as refreshment to morn- 
 
 mg visitors. 
 
 Fortunes amongst the Florentines w^ere necessarily diversi- 
 fied in amount, but about GOOO florins seems to have been 
 considered handsome, and marriage -portions varied from 800 to 
 "-^000 golden florins for girls of high rank; but marriage pre- 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib. xiiL, p. 688. — F. Sacchetti, Novella 37. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 WEAT>TII. LITXURY. DRESS. 
 
 535 
 
 seuts were sometimes made of such value as to enter into the 
 settlements, and were not unfrequently deducted from the 
 dower if through subsequent causes, such as death without 
 children or separation, it were restored*. 
 
 Some citizens accumulated immense riches ; amongst others 
 Niccolaio degli All>erti who died in l;37T is mentioned as the 
 most wealthy individual of Florence, possesshig in that city 
 alone about :Ui>,()00 golden florins principally acquired in com- 
 merce, for he was a merchant and had under his father's care 
 visited every Christian country ; afterwards retiring into pri- 
 vate life he avoided envy by universal charity and social bene- 
 volence. His burial, according to the fashion of that day, 
 was both sumptuous mid interesting ; for five hundred of his 
 poorest pensioners followed the funeral train while many more 
 of higher rank who had privately lived on his bounty lamented 
 their loss in secret} . Such characters are rarely noticed 
 by liistorians, but they relieve the dark picture of woridly in- 
 terests and assure us of a quiet unobtrusive mass of benevo- 
 lence existing under the agitated surface of political crime and 
 excited passions f. 
 
 Luxury of course augmented in Florence with increasing 
 wealth, and magniticence (»f dress seems to have been a prevaib 
 ing fancy not only there but throughout Italy: towards the last 
 quarter of this century fashion became more changeable and 
 whimsical, a probable effect of the stringent sumptuary laws 
 which were successively promulgated, and which seem to have 
 acted rather as a stimubuit to ingenious methods of evasion 
 than a permanent check to extravagance. In the year i;330 an 
 expensive tiiste for supcrtluous ornaments prevailed to so great 
 an extent amongst the Florentine ladies that severe regulations 
 were issued against it : coronets and gariands of gold, silver, 
 pearis, and precious stones, were so generally worn as to become 
 
 « Cronacadi Buonaccorso Pitti, pp. t M. di C. Stefani, Rub. 777.— S. 
 130, 135, kc\ Amraiiato, Lib. xiii., p. 706. 
 
536 DRESS.— SUMPTUARY L.^WS.— COURT FOLLOWERS. [b^ok , 
 
 a serious expense to fathers and husbands. Net-work, rich 
 tresses, ribands, and various other ornaments for the hair, all 
 worked in with jiearis and jewtls ; besides many-ioloured gar- 
 ments, slashed, and cut, and .idonied with a variety of rich 
 stutfs and costly materials, studded with thick-set rows of silver- 
 gilt buttons and often fringed with pearis; all tli.se had become 
 common amongst the fashionable circles of the lapital. In 
 April of the above year it was decreed that no wouian should 
 thenceforth mdulge in this extravag.iiicr ..r u>. any imitation of 
 such costly ornaments unless executed in painted paper, nor 
 wear any other than \ery simple clothing with woven patterns 
 not raised or embroidered, or striped i»erpcndicularly or dia- 
 gonally, except in plain streaks of two colours. Ncitiier were 
 any fringes nor flounces of gold, silver, Jewels, enamel, or glass 
 allowed ; nor more than two rings on the lingers ; nor w-aist- 
 belts with more than twelve silver clasps ; nor trains of moiv 
 than four feet long : nor were they permitted to add above thirty 
 inches of cloth to their collai-s: and in like manner were forbiddtn 
 to use striped gowns, robes, ermines, and iVingcs to children 
 of both sexes, the only exceptions being the families of knigllt:^. 
 a dignity which still held a high rank in jiublic estimation. 
 
 The men also were deprived of all superfluous ornameiit> 
 especially of silver waist-belts and doublets of costlv materials : 
 no entertainment was thenceforth to consist of more than three 
 kinds of meat, nor were more than twentv covers jdlowed at 
 marriage feasts, nor the bride to have above six bridesmjiids . 
 and even new-made knights were restricted to a hundred cover> 
 and three kinds of meat at their installation dimiers; and more- 
 over forbidden to dress for the mere purj)Ose of giving costly 
 robes and other apparel to buff'oons, court followers, and jugglers; 
 names then bearing a more dignified meaning than now, although 
 inferior to the Provencal troubadoiu-s or trou verres * . Petrarca in 
 
 * Villani, Lib. x., cap. cJ.—The deri- « trobar" to invent or find, because 
 vation of Troubadour is from the word they recited their own compositions. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 Petrarch's account of them. 
 
 537 
 
 an interesting letter to Boccaccio gives a curious picture of the 
 Italian jugglers of this age for whom liis writings were often a 
 fertile source of protit. 
 
 "They are," he says, " a sort of gentry who with but little wit 
 " have excellent memories hut uncommon impudence and effron- 
 " terv. Possessing nothing of their own they dress in the spoils 
 " of others and fi'equent the courts of princes, emphatically re- 
 " citing verses which they have learnt l)y heart in the vulgar 
 •• tonfTue, and l)y this means conciliate the fevour of great 
 " lords from whom they receive money, garments, and presents 
 •' of every description. They seek out these means of liveli- 
 •' hood at the houses of celebrated authors and by dint of 
 " entreaties, sometimes even of money when the necessities 
 *' or mercenaiy disposition of the latter favours them, they 
 " obtain what they want. I have often been exposed to their 
 " importunities, but now they come more rarely, perhaps on 
 •' account of my age or because my studies are changed, or 
 " very likely repelled by my refusals; for being frequently wor- 
 " ried by their importunities I treat them harshly and they 
 " find me inflexible. Sometimes touched by the misery and 
 " humility of the supplicant I yield and employ an hour in pro- 
 *' viding something for their wants. I have occasionally seen 
 " them, after having ohtiiined what they asked for, leave me 
 " naked and miserable and return clothed in silk with a well- 
 " fdled purse only to express their gratitude for my having de- 
 " livered them from poverty. This has touched me to such a 
 '* degree that regarding what 1 did as a species of almsgiving I 
 " determined not to refuse, but the worry and importunity soon 
 " compelled me to cease. I said one day to some of these 
 •' askers, ' You always come to me ; why do you not address 
 "yourselves to others, to Boccaccio for example?' They 
 " answered that they had often done so l)ut always misuccess- 
 " fully. As I expressed my surprise that a man so prodigal of 
 " his money should be so stingy of his verses; they added that 
 
533 
 
 DEF ENSIVE ARMOUR. — DRESS. — TASIIIONS. 
 
 [book 
 
 *' Boccaccio liad burned all his Italian poetry. More than ever 
 '• sui*prise(l I imniediately asked the reason of it; they generally 
 " professed their ignorance, hut one replied, ' I believe that 
 " Boccaccio is waiting until his mind becomes ripened by ago to 
 *' correct liis early productions.' I answered, 'Then why burn 
 *' them?' At Venice I spoke with our tVicnd Donato who told 
 *' me that from his earliest childhood Boccaccio hcid written 
 *' much in Italian; it was his greatest pleasure ; but,' added he. 
 *' * when he had read what vou had done in this lan<4uaj:'e, his 
 " ardour was so effectually cooled that he not only ceased to 
 *' write but burned all the poetry he had already written because 
 *' it was so mferior to yours' "*. 
 
 We shall hereafter notice the rest of this letter to Boccaccio, 
 and proceed to give some further accoiuit of Florentine rnan- 
 iiers and customs taken principally from Sacchetti who lived 
 tlirough the <xi't?J^ter pait of this ceiiturv, and in his mure 
 advanced age declaimed against the mut:ibility of public tiiste. 
 
 The numerous private feuds and public tumults in Florence 
 occasioned a partial continuance of defensive armour to be com 
 monlv woni when other states seem to liave been satislied with 
 
 kr 
 
 more peaceable attire. The (rorgicra or gorget as a piece of 
 defensive armour, not the quiet article of dre>s which also bore 
 this name, and the Bracciajuola, taken in a similar sense, seem 
 to have been long used by Florentine men as a protection 
 atjainst treachery : but women have ever beeri considered, 
 perhaps unjustly, as the greatest sinners in the whimsierd 
 revolutions of fashion and they accordingly fall more particu- 
 larly under the lash of both novelist and historian f. 
 
 At one time, as we are told bv Sacchetti, thev wore their dress 
 so low as to expose their armpits ; then by a sudden jump were 
 covered to the ears, always in extremes ; and it would require 
 volumes to record the incessant changes which had taken place 
 
 * De Sade, vol. iii., T.ib. vi., p. 658. — MenioircSj &c". 
 t Sacchetti Novelle, Nov. 115, 178. 
 
 M 
 
 ISC. CHAP.] 
 
 SACCHFTTT ON FEMALE DRESS. 
 
 539 
 
 even in his own recollection. Tlie Genoese, Venetians, and 
 Catalonians, remained longest stationary, but even they at last 
 gave way, and all the world agreed, as he expresses it, to dis- 
 cai'd stability, for both the men and women of Christendom 
 were attired alike and could scarcely be distinguished by any 
 nationid peculiarity. Florentines, ( i enoese, Venetians, Veronese, 
 all adopted one mode, and it would have been well if they had 
 kept steady to that : but they did just the reverse : if only a 
 siuf^le new caprice appeared, jdl the world followed ; for all the 
 world and especially Italy, was prompt to change and adopt 
 new feshions. The young Florentine girls who used to dress 
 so modestly, he continues, have now changed the fiishion of 
 their hoods to resemble courtesans, and thus attired they move 
 about laced up to the throat with idl sorts of animals hanging 
 as ornaments about their necks. Their sleeves, or rather their 
 sacks as they should Ijo called ; " w:is there ever so useless and 
 pernicious a fashion ! Can any of them reach a glass or take 
 a morsel from the table without dirtying herself or the cloth by 
 the things she knocks down ? And thus do the young men, 
 and worse ; and such sleeves are made even for sucking babes. 
 The women go about in hoods and cloal^s ; most of the young 
 men without cloaks in long llowing hair, and if they throw off 
 their breeches, which from their smallness may easily l)e done, 
 all is off, for they literally stick their posteriors into a pair of 
 socks and expend a yard of cloth on their wristbands, while 
 more stuff is ])ut into a, glove than a cloak-hood. Flowever I 
 am comforted by one tldng. and that is that all now have begun 
 to put their feet hi chains, })erliaps as a penance for the many 
 vain things they are guilty of; for we are but a day in this 
 world and in that day the fashion is changed a thousand times : 
 all seek liberty, yet all deprive themselves of it : God has made 
 our feet free and many with a long pointed toe to their shoes 
 can scarcely walk : he has supplied the legs with hinges and 
 many have so bomid them up with close lacing that they can 
 
540 
 
 HEAD-GEAR. FRENCH TASTES. 
 
 [book 
 
 scarcely sit : the bust is tightly bandaged up ; the arms trail 
 their drapery along ; the throat is rolled in a capuchin ; the 
 head so loaded and bound round with caps over the hair tliat it 
 appeal's as though it were sawed oft': and thus I might go on 
 for ever discoursing of female absurdities, commencing with 
 the immeasurable trains at their feet and proceeding regularly 
 upwards to the head, with which thev may always be seen 
 occupied in their chambers ; some curling, some smoothing, 
 and some whitenin<' it, so that they often kill themselves with 
 colds caught in these vain occupations "" •-. 
 
 The vast thickness of wrappers woni about the head in tbo^t 
 days is further illustrated by Velluti who tells us that a lady 
 of his acquaintance called Monna Diana once passing by the 
 Rossi palace opposite to the church of Santa Felicita, was 
 stmck on the head by the fallinj' ot* a hira^e stone not only 
 without injury but without even feeling anytliing more than 
 as if some gravel had clattered down about her ears f. The 
 first serious change of dress in Florenct which disturbed their 
 ancient customs was introduced by the i^'rench followers of 
 Walter de Brienne in 134^3, before which says Villani the Flu- 
 rentine attire was the handsomest, the noblest, and the most 
 decent of any other nation, and resembled that of ancient 
 Rome ; but the new French fashion deprived men of the power 
 of dressing themselves without assistance, from the tight- 
 ness and complexity of the habit, of which long Iteards made a 
 conspicuous feature, in order to look more lierce in arms. 
 This costume which was neither handsome nor decent was 
 eagerly adopted by the young Florentines of both sexes who 
 were, says Villani, naturally vain and disposed to copy the 
 changing modes of other nations, but always choosing the 
 vainest and least respectable as objects of imitation \ The 
 splendour of public life, if it may be so called, was conspicuous 
 
 * Sacchetti, Novel. 178. f Donate Velluti, Cronaca, p. 14. 
 
 J G. Villani, Lib. xii., cap. iv. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] HAWKWOOD's FUNERAL.— value OF DRESSES. 541 
 
 at funerals, marriages, christenings and festivals : citizens vied 
 with each other in the expense and magnilicence of their enter- 
 tainments, their presents, and public display of valuables. Sir 
 John Hawkwood's funeral was at the public cost: a committee 
 of the most distinguished citizens was appointed to conduct the 
 ceremony without any restriction of expenditure: his bier, 
 covered with cloth of gold and scarlet velvet was borne by 
 kni<^hts of the highest rank, with innumerable torches, ban- 
 ners, shields, and war horses clothed in golden trappings; 
 black cloth was distributed amongst his family and servants : 
 the body exposed on a bier was finally deposited at the baptis- 
 mal fount of San Giovanni where troops of Florentine matrons 
 had assembled to weep over it : in the church a funeral oration 
 closed the scene, and an equestrian portrait was afterwards 
 painted to serve until a magnificent marble tomb could be 
 erected on which his exploits were to be sculptured by the 
 most skilful artists of the day *. Marriage presents also par- 
 took of this magnificence, especially in dress, to an extent 
 apparently unsuitable to the fortune : we find for instance a 
 lady of the Pitti family who with a portion of 1100 florins 
 received the following articles as presents. A petticoat of silk 
 velvet striped black and white lined with miniver, value 100 
 florins; a pink petticoat of the same kind, but lined with 
 scariet taff'eta worth 15 florins ; another of crimson silk lined 
 with green taff'eta of '-iO florins vjdue ; three others of black 
 and coloured sflks estimated at 1-^, 10, and 15 florins; a black 
 cloak at 8 florins; three sflver waist-belts 81 florins : besides 
 these there were a diamond, an emerald, a silver collar or 
 necklace, an ivoiy ornamented cabinet, with other articles of 
 clotliing amounting altogether to 41)8 golden florins or nearly 
 half the dowry, each florin being equal to more than a pound 
 steriing of the present day f. Magnilicence in dress then an 
 indication of high rank, seems to have been the prevailing taste 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib. xvi., p. 844. t Cronaca di Buon. Pitti, pp. 135, 13G. 
 
542 
 
 DRESS AND LUXURY. — PIPPINO. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 of the Italians during all thiscentiny, on which subject we have 
 some cuiious particulars from the Frate Francesco Pippino 
 who wrote in l^U-'], as well as from 'iiovauni Musso a Placen- 
 tiau writer of the year 138S, lx)th of them puhlished and cited 
 by Muratori. 
 
 " Now indeed," says Pippino, *' in tlie pivsent luxunousage 
 many shameful practices are introduced instead <>f tlie fornicr 
 customs ; many indeed to the injury of people's minds, be- 
 cause fmj'alitv is exchani^ed for mamiiticmce ; the clothinif 
 being now remarkable for its exquisite materials workmansjiip 
 and supertluous ornaments of silver, gold, and pearls ; admirable 
 fabrics; wide-spreading embroidery: silk fu' vc-;ts, painted or 
 variously coloured, and lined with divers pr» rinus l\n*s fruia 
 foreign countries. Excitement to gluitnny is not wanting; 
 foreign wines are much esteemed, and nlniost all the people 
 drink in public. The viands are suniptuuus ; tlie chief cooks 
 are held in great honour; provocativr> (it'th(> p;ilate are eagerly 
 sought after ; ostentation increases : money-makers exert them- 
 selvcN tn supply these tastes ; hence usuries, frauds, rapine, 
 extortion, pillage, and contentions in t]i<' rommonwealth : alsu 
 unlawful taxes; oppression of the ininHcnt; banislnnent of 
 citizens, and the combinations of ricli men. Our true god i.> 
 our belly : we adhere to the pomps which weie renounced ui 
 our baptism, and thus desert to the iiicat cneniy of our race. 
 Well indeed does Seneca the instrut-tor of ni<»rals, in his l>ook 
 of orations <'iu-se our times in the following words : 'Daily, 
 things grow worse because the whole contest is for dislio- 
 nourable matters. Behold ! the indolent senses of voutli 
 are numbed, nor are they active in tlie pursuit of any one 
 honest thing. Sleep, languor, and :i carefidness for bad 
 things, worse than sleep and languor have seized upon their 
 minds ; the love of singing, dancing, and other unworthy 
 occupations }>ossesses them: they are eHeniinate : to soften 
 the hair, to lower the tone of their voice to female comi'li- 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 DRESS AND LUXURY. MUSSA. 
 
 543 
 
 ments ; to vie with women in effeminacy of person, and adorn 
 themselves with unbecoming delicacy is the object of our 
 
 youth ' " *. 
 
 Such were Pippino's strictures at tlie commencement of the 
 fourteenth century, and it is worth observing how the same 
 strain of censure is still maintained at its close, the past age 
 being ever thrust forward as an example to the present. 
 ( jiovanni Mussa discoursing hi his history of Placentia about 
 public manners in 1-188, complains that the most extravagant 
 expenses were incurred \y\ both sexes in food, clothhig and in 
 all other tilings, much more thiui had formerly been the cus- 
 tom. " The ladies, ■■ he says, '' wear long and wide garments 
 of silk, velvet, and gibbd >ilk cb)tli, and cloth of gold and 
 entire silken cloths ; and of scarlet wool, and purple, and of 
 other most nol)le woidlen fabrics. These stutis whether of 
 velvet or of gold, or gilded or of silk, cost for one ' Cahano,' 
 ' PcUarda,' or ' U(tnh>tti>: from 'io to GO golden tlorins or 
 ducats ; which garments are made witli sleeves wide through- 
 out, as well below as above, and which said sleeves cover to the 
 middle of the hand, and some bang d(jwn to the ground open 
 only at the outside and pointed underneath after the form of 
 the long Catalan shields which are broad above and narrow and 
 shaqvpointed at the nether end. On some of the aforesaid 
 slee\e> are fastened from three to five ounces of pearls worth 
 10 tlorins an ounce : others are adorned with wide borders of 
 gold placed roimd the collar of the throat in the guise of a 
 dog's collar: and also round tlie extremity (d' the sleeves, and 
 round other sleeves under the above-mentioned garments. 
 And they wear little hoods with wide fringes of gold or peai'l, 
 and girded in the waist with splendid bands of gilt silver and 
 of pearls worth -^o golden tlorins each more <u* less ; and some- 
 times they m altoj:jetlier ungirded. And every ladv hath so 
 many rings and other ornaments with precious stones that they 
 
 * Muratori, Auticliita, vol. ii., p. '246. 
 
r)4i 
 
 DRESSES OF THE FOT'RTF.FNTH CENTTTRY. 
 
 [book 
 
 are worth from 30 to 50 golden florins. However, such gar- 
 ments are decent because they do not show the hosom ; ])ut 
 they have other improper vestments called ' Cipiiana ' which 
 are veiy wide towards the feet, and higlier up are narrow with 
 long and wide sleeves like the otliers, of the same value and 
 similarly ornamented, and they are adorned in front with 
 round silver gilt buttons or pearls, from the throat to the 
 ground. These Ciprianie have the neck so wide that they 
 show the bosom but the dress would be altogether elegant il'it 
 were more modestly closed at the upper part. The said ladies 
 wear also on their heads ornaments of exceeding value : that i-v 
 to say, some wciU' chaplets of silver gilt, or of pure gold, with 
 pearls and precious stones costing tVom 7<> to 100 golden 
 florins : some wear tassels of large pearls of Kxi or l'^5 florins 
 value, called *TerzoUa' because they are coTii})o>i'd of three 
 hundred large pearls and are arranged in three rows. Most of 
 the said ladies instead of }dats of gold or silk, which they for- 
 merly wreathed and entwined hi their hair, now wear beads 
 and gilt or silken cords covered with jiejirls : some use short 
 mantles or cloaks reaching no lower than the hands, lined with 
 tine cloth or miniver ; and also on >plendid strings a rosaiy of 
 red coral or amber. Matrons and old women wear a iiohle 
 niimtle, wide and long, down to the ground ; rounded towards 
 the bottom, open in front and maile in folds, but buttoned 
 towards the throat for a span's breadth with silver gilt or pearl 
 buttons; and they are usuallv made with a collar ; everv ladv 
 having three mantles or mure, one of ' Bhno, ' (?) one of purple, 
 and one of striped camlet furred, with golden fringes ; and 
 they sometimes wear the hood and sometimes not. But they 
 wear veils of silk or fiiir cotton, line and white. Widow ladies 
 wear similar clothing, but all brown and witliout gold or |)earl> : 
 the buttons being brown also, and brown hoods or hue white 
 linen or cotton veils. In like manner vounjx men wear ' C"- 
 hatws,' ' Barillotos,' and ' Pellardas, ' long and wide ever}- 
 
 Misc. CHAP.] DRESS AND CUSTOMS OF PLACENTIA. 
 
 545 
 
 where down to the ground with rich bordering of native and 
 forei^m furs : these garments are of cloth, and silk, and velvet, 
 and cost from '20 to W golden florins. They use mantles wide 
 and long down to the ground, and short cloaks only reaching 
 to their hands : old men wear similar clothing and double 
 hoods of cloth and over these, splendid caps, not woven nor 
 seamed but ending in a point. The youths also wear other 
 cloaks short and wide and some short and narrow^ so short as 
 hardly to reach below the waist : besides wliieh they wear 
 stockings of cloth tied in live places to short and tight hose 
 which are woni under the other garments and along with the 
 stockings cover all the nether limbs. Some of these close 
 dresses are of linen cloth and are occasionally embroidered with 
 silver, silk, and pearls; some more, some less ; and others are 
 of silk and velvet. The lore-mentioned short cloaks are a little 
 longer at the back and front than at the sides, and are some- 
 times bound round the waist over all the other clothes ; and 
 are generally without hoods except in winter. Stockings ai'e 
 woru soled ; with white shoes under the said soled stockings 
 both in .summer and winter : sometimes they wear shoes with 
 long and sharp points extending three inches beyond the foot. 
 All the citizens of Placentia of both sexes as they formerly used 
 to wear shoes and soled stockings without points, so now do 
 they wear them with small pohits which both long and short are 
 full of the hair of oxen. Also many youths and damsels wear 
 on their necks chains, or silver or gilt circles, or pearls, or red 
 coral ; and the said youths wear no beard and shave the neck 
 also below half the ear ; and above they wear the * Zaz;:era ' or 
 CflBsarean, or imperial form of hair, large and round. Some of 
 them keep one horse and from that to five according to their 
 means, and some none. Those who keep one horse and up- 
 wards mamtain a sen ant or sei*vants who have every year as 
 much as 1-2 golden florins each for their salaiy : waiting women 
 eani seven golden florins a year each and they have food, but not 
 
 VOL. II. NN 
 
>46 
 
 FOOD. FEASTS. WKDDINT.S. 
 
 [boo:: i. 
 
 rlotbmjx- About food all the citizens of Placentia do manel- 
 lous things, especially at feasts and weddings, for they usually 
 give what followeth. First, they give good white and redwine. 
 but before dl things they give confections of sugar ; and tor tlie 
 first course they have two capons : oi- < »ne capon and a great 
 piece of meat for eveiy trencher, uniaiiK iited with ahnouds. 
 and sugar, and spices, and other good things : afterwards tliev 
 give roasted meats in great (juantity, »'ither of capons, pullets. 
 pheasants, partridges, hares kids and other viands according to 
 the season : anon come pies and cream cheeses witli sugar on 
 the top : then finiits : then, (the hands being first wai^hed) 
 before the tables are cleared they give <lrink, and confections of 
 sugar; and iifterwards drhdv agaui. Some instead of pies and 
 junkets give at the beginning of dinner pies whicli they call 
 tarts made with eggs and cheese and milk ; and sugar in jood 
 quantity spread upon the said tarts. At supper they give in 
 winter jellies of wild fowl, of capons, of Guinea fowl, of veal 
 and of fish : then roasts of veal and capons ; afterwards fruit : 
 and then comes the washing of hands confections and wine as 
 before. 
 
 In summer the suppers consist, besides tlie above jellies, of 
 kid, pork, pullets, fish . then roast or fries of pullets and other 
 viands according to the season and afterwai'ds drink. On the 
 second day after a wedding they first give macaroni with cheese, 
 saffron, ginger and other spices ; then roast veal and fruits : 
 wash their hands; confections and wine as before. After 
 supper the wedding is considered as finished and the guests 
 return home. In Lent they first give drink with sweetmeats; 
 then drink again ; aftei-wards figs and bbniched almonds fol- 
 lowed by a large fish seasoned with pepper, rice soup v,itu 
 almond milk ; sugar, spices, and salt eels. After these come 
 roasted pike with sauce of vinegar or nmstard, and mulled 
 wine : then are given nuts and other fruits, after which the 
 usual ablutions, wines, sweetmeats and second drinking. 
 
 fpv^'^: 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 INCREASE OF LUXURY. 
 
 547 
 
 The citizens of Placentia now live splendidly orderly and 
 handsomely in fine houses, and with better furniture and plate 
 than they were accustomed to seventy years ago ; that is to say 
 before the year of Christ 13'20. They have now finer dwellings, 
 more splendid chambers, tire-places and chimneys, gutters, 
 cisterns, wells, orchards, gardens ; and most of them terraces or 
 balconies : and there are at present several heartlis and chim- 
 neys for fire and smoke in those houses which formerly were 
 almost without ; for in the aforesaid time they kindled one fire 
 only in the middle of the house under the hollow of the roof : 
 and all the fnnily assembled round it and used it for cookinjr : 
 and I have seen, even in my time, that many houses were with- 
 out wells and very few with garrets. Finer wines are now drunk 
 than in former days, and the manner of feeding amongst Placen- 
 tians is generally thus. The master of the house with his wife 
 and children eat at the first table in a se[)arate chamber with a 
 fire ; and the servants after them in another part of the house 
 at another fire or generally in the kitchen. Two people eat 
 out of one plate, but each person has his ovm soup ; one mug 
 of earthenware or two of glass, one for wine and one for water, 
 are supplied to each. There are many who oblige their own 
 servants to wait on them at table with large knives to cut the 
 meat and other things before them. And ere they are seated 
 at table water is brought round in a basin ; and again after 
 dinner and supper, before the table is cleared they once more 
 wash their hands. The quantity of furniture now made use 
 of, which formerly was used by very few citizens, is as twelve 
 to one ; and this is the effect of commerce by Placentian mer- 
 chants who trade with France, Flanders, and Spain. First, 
 tables of eighteen inches wide are used ; which were formerly 
 but twelve ; and also napkins, that of old w^ere made use of by 
 few : and they have trenchei's, and spoons, and forks of silver, 
 and soup-plates of stone, and large knives at table, and ewers 
 iuid basins, and great and small coverlets on the beds and 
 
 NN 2 
 
548 LUXURIES. — STANDARD OF WEALTH. — MECHANICS. 
 
 [book I, 
 
 cloth curtains round about the said beds ; and also hanginrrs 
 of arras and candelabra of bronze or iron, and torches and 
 candles of wax or tidlow, and other line furniture and ve>se]s 
 and vases. And many make two iires ; one in the cbinm. v 
 and another in the kitchen, or in the chamber instead of tbt 
 chimney*. Many keep good preserves of sugar and honey in 
 their houses, and all these things aiv very c.xpt'nsive : where- 
 fore large dowers ai'e now requisite, amounting to 400, 'lOO, 
 and 000 golden florins and more ; all of which is expended 
 by the bridegi'oom and sometimes more in adorning the hiide 
 and in the wedding. And he who marries spends \0{) gulden 
 florins or thereabouts, over and above the dowry, in nunnuL 
 garments and presents for the bride and in marriage cere- 
 monies. Such expense as tliis caimot be mcurred with pru- 
 dence or justice, and many i-uin themselves who thus wish or 
 are expected to do more than they can. 
 
 If any one at present possesses nine cows and two hor>( > lit 
 certainly expends 300 florins a year which are equal to i'-it 
 imperial lire ; and so in proportion to the mnnber of cows : 
 that is to say in food, clothing, the salaries of senaiits, tuxes 
 tolls and other extraordinary expenses of daily and inevitable 
 occurrence. Certes there ai*e few who can long bear muIi 
 expenses, and therefore many from these causes are forced !»• 
 desert their countn' and become soldiers, retainers, merchant>. 
 usurei*s, &c. 
 
 It must not be supposed that amongst the above mentioned 
 are included mechanics ; none are meant but nul)les, merchants. 
 and other good and ancient citizens of Placentia who follow nn 
 trade. The mechanics also indulge in great expenses, more 
 than of old, and chiefly in dress for themselves and their 
 wives ; but trade still will always support those who wish to 
 
 * Meaning probably of embers in a room as is still the custom amongst 
 brasicr placed in the centre of the Italians. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] WINES.— DUKE OF CLARENCE AT MILAN. 549 
 
 live with honour. At present people cannot live without wine, 
 and thus all are now accustomed to drink it *. 
 
 From other sources we also learn that an increasing taste 
 for ^ines and even iced wines prevailed in this century as eariy 
 as 13-1'3 t ; not so much, at Florence, by the importation of 
 foreign produce as by the agricultural introduction of the finer 
 kinds of vines, amongst which the Vernaccio di Coniiglia of 
 Porto Venere seems to have been a ftivourite : yet so wild was 
 the country in 1383 that even in the vineyards of that place it 
 was not uncommon to see the wolves come down and while the 
 labourers were at work devour their day's food which Wvis gene- 
 rally deposited in the boat that conveyed them to and from the 
 
 vineyard f . 
 
 The manners of Placentia so industriously described by 
 Giovanni Musso, will apply with little variation except in point 
 of maf^nilicence, to Florence and most other lUilian cities at 
 this period ; but in some of them accompanied by a sort of 
 barbaric splendour that now can scarcely be reconciled with 
 common sense, much less with common humanity when the 
 means were produced by grinding taxation ; nor with the 
 acknowledged talents of those princes who indulged in it. At 
 the marriage of Violante daughter of Galeazzo Visconte to 
 Lionel Duke of Clarence in 13()S, as well as at the coronation 
 of her brother as Duke of Milan in 1395, the banquets described 
 by Corio seem almost fabulous when compared with the com- 
 parative simphcity of our own times, and form a singular 
 contrast. 
 
 The Duke of Clarence arrived at Milan in May and entered 
 that town escorted bv (lalcazzo and a brilliant retinue of 
 ^Milanese nobles and ladies, divided into separate bands, each 
 similarly attired in magnificent dresses for the occasion, while 
 
 * Giovanni Musso, De Moribns Cl- 
 vium Placentiae, apud Muratori, Anti- 
 chita, tomo ii", p. •248' 
 
 t Cronaca di Donato Yelluti, p. 82. 
 + Cronaca di Velluti, p. 82.— Sac- 
 chctti, Nov, 177. 
 
550 
 
 HIS MARRIAGE FEAST. rETRARCH. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 a body of two thousand English horsemen including uivliers 
 brought up the rear. On the fifteenth of June the marriage 
 ceremony was performed at Santa ]MariH IMaggiore where Ber- 
 nabo gave away liis niece, and the same day, apparently in tlie 
 open court before his palace in the Piazza dell' Aren^ra 
 (jaleazzo gave the splendid feast which we are now about V. 
 describe. 
 
 The guests were arranged according to their dignity at two 
 separate tables ; to the fn-st of which besides the Visconte 
 family and the English prince, were admitted the Count of 
 Savoy, the Bishop of Novara who officiiited at the marrw^e ; 
 and the most distinguished English and Itali;in barons. But 
 one of the most honoured and illustrious guests at this tal.le 
 was the poet Petrarca whose brilliant genius had thus mai:- 
 him a companion for princes. He was universally courted, for 
 all the Italian tyrants were more or less people of taste and 
 letters or encouragers of them, .-uid fully alive to the import- 
 ance of ilattering the most distinguislied literary men an<l 
 artists of the day, whose genius tlioy w.dl knew could spaiul 
 their name over the broad expanse of coming generations. 
 either for good or evil; and none were nmre successfully 
 courted than Francesco Petrarca by ( raleazzo \'is. ..iit.-. There 
 was a chai-m too potent in the silken network of prhicely atten- 
 tions and unhmited power for the mind even of the impatient 
 independent Petrarch to resist, when managed by the skilful 
 hand of a Visconte ; and he accordindv became for some vears 
 one of Galeazzo's warmest adherents, honoured by and honour- 
 ing the couit of which he now formed a part. 
 
 Pieina della Scala and a company of illustrious matrons 
 tilled the second table which held about a hundred guests or 
 iifty covers. There were eighteen courses oacli ushered in Aritli 
 exceeding pomp, and accompanied by a suce(^ssion of presents 
 consisting of horses, dogs, hawks, hounds, t^dcoiis, arniom' and 
 other valuable offerings. The first course was served up in 
 
 MARRIAGE FEAST AT MILAN. 
 
 551 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 duplicate, as a mark of peculiar honour, to the bridegroom's 
 table and was composed amongst other dishes of two small 
 elided porklings with fire in their mouth and gilded fish 
 c'dled " ForceUdtir Along with these were led mto the 
 companv, two greyhounds in silken leashes and velvet collars 
 besides other gifts with technical or obsolete names now ditii- 
 
 cult to explain. 
 
 The second course consisted of gilded hares and pike, accom- 
 panied bv the offering of twelve couple of greyhounds m six 
 leashes of silken cord Avith gilded clasps and silk collars : also 
 six gosshawks adorned with enamelled silver buttons on which 
 were seen the crest of Galeazzo and his sou the Count of 
 
 Vertu. 
 
 At the third entry appeared as the principal dish a large 
 calf, whole, and completely gilt, a more substantial object of 
 devotion than that of the wilderness, with many smaller dishes 
 principally of gilt trout. This was accompanied by twelve 
 hounds and other sporting dogs of divers breeds with velvet 
 collars gilded clasps and buckles, and leashes of silken cord. 
 
 The fourth course dis^dayed a mixture of gilt partridges 
 quails and roast gilded trout spread over the royal board ; 
 while twelve beautiful falcons with bells, silk hoods, and silver 
 crested buttons, fluttered round the guests attended by twelve 
 couple of sporting dogs in gilded chains and silken leashes. 
 
 The fifth course was composed of gilt ducks, gilt game, gilt 
 fish, principally carp, and a living present of six hawks in 
 velvet hoods studded with pearis, besides silver buttons and 
 
 other costlv trappings. 
 
 Beef, and capons with garlic sauce ; sturgeons in water, and 
 other viands, made up the sixth entry : and for presents there 
 were twelve steel cuirasses buckled and studded with silver. 
 
 The seventh course consisted of capons, fish, and other ani- 
 mal food sei-ved up in lemonade; and as presents twelve 
 complete suits of tilting armour, then famous at Milan ; twelve 
 
552 
 
 ALV^RRIAGE FEAST CONTINUED. 
 
 [book I, 
 
 superb saddles and twelve lances ; of which two saddles were 
 lichlj adonied Tvith silver mountin<T for the Duke of Clarence. 
 
 The eighth course was made up of pastry, heef and great 
 eel pies, Avith a present of twelve complete suits of war-armour, 
 two of them more costly and skilfully ornamented for tb.' 
 English prince. 
 
 For the ninth course were seiTed up a series of meat and 
 fish jellies with a dozen pieces of gold and an equal quantity of 
 silver cloth. 
 
 The tenth senice was of the same nature, hut principally 
 lampreys, and accompanied by two large enamelled silver 
 flasks and six basms of silver, gilt and enamelled like tlie 
 flasks, one of which was filled with Malmsey, the other witli 
 fine Vemaccia wine. 
 
 The eleventh course was principally of kid and otlier roasted 
 meat ; accompanied by six horses ; six saddles mounted in 
 gilt silver; six lances; six gilded targets, and six tine ^tctl 
 caps of which two were ornamented with gilt silver for the 
 bridegroom. 
 
 The twelfth course consisted of hares with other meat and 
 fish, variously cooked and served in silver ; and along with it 
 six great coursers with saddles and golden (.rnaments. 
 
 Venison and beef in various shapes supplied the thirteenth 
 service, besides six war-horses in gilded bridles and green 
 velvet caparisons, tabards, and silken ornaments. 
 
 The fourteenth course of this everlasting f.^ast was made up 
 of fowls and capons dressed in red and green sauces with citron : 
 and a present of six jousting steeds in gilded bridles ; capa- 
 risons of red velvet ; gilt studs, buttons, and topknots ; and 
 halters of crimson velvet. 
 
 For the fifteenth course came peacocks, tongues, carp, and 
 vegetables : and as presents a hood, mantle, and petticoat 
 covered with pearls and lined with ermine. 
 
 The sixteenth course brought rabbits, peacocks, roasted 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] GIAN-GALEAZZO'S CORONATION FEAST. 553 
 
 ducks and other dishes ; accompanied by a great silver basin, 
 a large mby, a diamond, a pearl, and some other valuables. 
 
 For the seventeenth course we have junkets and cheese in 
 various forms accompanied by the ai)propriate gift of twelve 
 
 fat kine. 
 
 The eighteenth and last course of this monstrous banquet 
 consisted of fniits and sweetmeats, with two valuable coursers 
 for the Duke of Clarence, called the Lion and the Abbot; 
 besides seventy-seven horses for his principal barons and fol- 
 lowers, all at the expense of Galeazzo Visconte who throughout 
 this techous entertainment was attended by twelve knights of 
 the highest nuik'''. 
 
 A similar feast and more circumstantially related by Corio, 
 was given at Gian-Galeazzo s coronation : it consisted of many 
 tables loaded with ducal plate, and suiTounded by a vast con- 
 course of illustrious foreigners, princes, lords, and ambassadors 
 of every rank and nation. The dinner was enlivened by music, 
 the guests washed in distilled odoriferous waters ; Greek, and 
 particulariy Malmsey wine, flowed in abundance; gilt and 
 silvered bread stamped with the imperial and ducal arms was 
 served to the guests : gilded fish, pigs, and calves, in vast 
 dishes of solid silver placed whole on the table ; mutton, capons, 
 fowls, kids, hares, and pigeons in abundance ; two gilded bears 
 served up whole in citron sauce ; pheasants and peacocks in 
 various guises. A vast silver dish containing an entire stag 
 dressed and gilded ; a whole doe similarly gilt and garnished with 
 two wild kids : quails, partridges, and other game in flocks : 
 gilt tarts, pies, baked pears, made dishes in the form of fish 
 and other animals; lemonade; synaps; roast fish with red 
 sauce in silver soup plates; silvered eel pasties; silvered 
 jellies ; trout with black sauce ; silvered sturgeons ; silvered 
 fruit tai'ts ; fresh almonds peaches and numerous confections. 
 After dinner the tables were covered with gold and silver 
 
 ♦ Corio, Parte iii", folio 239. 
 
554 
 
 SUMPTUARY LAWS OF FT.0R1.N(E. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 plate, collars, chains, necklaces, rings, clctli of gold, silks, 
 velvets, and other rich materials ; all of which were presented 
 to the guests according to their rank, to tli<' value of :^0,000 
 florins. Besides these, fifty coursers with liigli saddles covered 
 with silk were presented to the imperial officers, and the day 
 was spent in singing, tlancing, and other pastinics. A militarv 
 review and tournament occupied several days and the prize was 
 earned otf hy l^artolommeo Manchino, a Bolognese gentleman, 
 against the whole chivalry of Christendom and divers Saracen 
 knights who were attracted hy the fame of this magniliceut 
 euteitainment". 
 
 The sumptuaiT laws of Florence forhid, and prohahly in 
 some measure prevented the introduction of such extravagance 
 there, for a court presided over hy a foreign judge with exten- 
 sive powers and severe penalties, was created to enforce their 
 observance : and ordei's were at the same time applied to the 
 correction of trade comhinations and monopolies, fuid to assize 
 both meat and hsh. The consequence of all this \'illani tells 
 us, was considerable improvement with less luxurious habits to 
 the gi'eat profit of the citizens, but injurious to silk-merchants 
 and goldsmiths whose every-day employ-iient was inventing 
 new and fanciful ornaments. These laws were however ap- 
 plauded and imitated by almost all the fre<' cities of Italy, but 
 sadly lamented by the women, who spent as much by sending 
 to Flanders and Brabant for woven striped stuffs at any ex- 
 pense as a substitute for the fancifully cut, sla^lied, and embroi- 
 dered dresses which were prohibited at Florence. Still Villani 
 insists on the great advantage which accmed to the citizens by 
 thus cheeking the growing extravagance of their women in 
 marriage and biiptismal feasts ; and this was probably its most 
 favourable and rational point of view, for there is nuicli waste of 
 health and food in fine cookery and sumptuous fare, and com- 
 paratively little employment f. 
 
 * Corio, Parte iv*, folio 2G6. 
 
 •f- Villani, Lib. x., cap. cl. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.l PETr^RCAS OPINION OF FLORENTINES. 555 
 
 Petrarch m an irritable letter to Boccaccio written after some 
 passages in his " Africa" had been severely handled in the 
 literaiy circles of Florence, attacks the Florentines for their 
 luxmy. The emperor Frederic the Second, he says, who was 
 well acquainted with Italy declared that all intimacy with 
 Italians should 1)0 avoided, for they were too prying, too sharp- 
 sighted for their neighbours' faults ; too prompt to pass judg- 
 ment; and too free in the formation of their opinion without 
 troubling themselves about its truth or falsehood ; and this 
 Petrarch asserts was peculiariy applicable to the Florentines. 
 
 "More soft, more effemhiate than Sardanapalus, in their 
 mode of living ; they are more rigid and severe than Cato and 
 Fabricius in their censures. Their minds are more subtle than 
 solid, rather crude than matured ; envy consumes them, and 
 they cannot bear to hear any of their compatriots praised, they 
 take it as an indirect rei.roach to themselves : the least attempt 
 to enhghten them otfends : anything distinguished displeases. 
 Take a proof as clear as day : our country as you know has 
 been always agitated by frequent and sharp wars : havhig 
 within herself able generals she yet has always affected to seek 
 for strangers, choosing rather to be > anquished under foreign 
 leaders than victorious under her own countrymen ! This is 
 an odious mode of tliinking which our fellow-citizens do not 
 inherit from their Boman ancestors"^!'. 
 
 The invective is not devoid of truth ; jealousy though much 
 softened is not yet extinct in the Florentine character, and at 
 that period it was hifected with a biting, coarse, and practical 
 wit, often tinged by ill-nature : very spiteful ; and mixed with 
 a strong dash of kliaverv. This humour pervaded all ranks, 
 and if Sacchetti mav bo trusted, even the philosophic Dante 
 was not entirely free from it : a cunning scheme to mortify 
 somebody or gain something generally formed its essence, and 
 the unmingled pleasure of mirth was rarely the single motive 
 
 * Petrarca, Epistle to Boccaccio, Vide Dc Sade, vol. iii., Lib. vi., p. C4L 
 
"56 riLVCTICAL WIT. SACCHETTI. OITRESSIONS. [b„ok , 
 
 of its conception. Sacchetti's novels, wliicli true or false as 
 personal anecdotes, are at least a portrait of existing manners, 
 atford numerous examples of this ; and in their must approved 
 wits and humourists little is offered hut a comix. mid of dirtv 
 swindling and knavish dexterity, with an uttci' recklessness of 
 other peoples feelings. 
 
 The fUthy indecency of these novels is nut (ompensated ly 
 the moral which Sacchetti with a higher tone nf sentiment J. 
 frequently draws from them, and they exhibit a coarseness df 
 general mannei-s that would now he disgusting to many of tie 
 lower orders of civilised nations. The Jews al.out this j)enu.l 
 with a more business-like puqiose, traded on tho snji. ruinous 
 ignorance and vitiated tiistes of the dav, and bv I'ostrrni'^ the 
 vulgar persuasion of their magical knowledc^e. woro feared and 
 hated, and yet everlastingly consulted by ibe women und oih. r 
 credulous members of Christianity, especially in tho country, 
 where morals hung as b.osely on the age as in the crowded 
 streets of capitals *:=. 
 
 It was customary in those days for reduced gentlemen to live ;i 
 good deal on the public, not as in our own ago and count ly l\ 
 place and pension, but by vulgar highway lobbery : and many 
 that resided in dilapidated country-houses bad m* scruple about 
 administering to their necessities by plunder. Nor were ilu- 
 richer fiimilies, when tempted, a whit more nice in their choice 
 of expedients ; on the contrary greater jtower was ai.jdi.d with 
 greater etfect in oppressing poorer neighl)ours by an exerei-^. 
 of unbounded tyranny of which both pojudani and nobles w.i. 
 equally guilty ; the fonuer generally witli imjiunity, the latter 
 with great risk of punishment. As an instance of this ^ort of 
 misrule may be cited Sacchetti's anecdote id' one (d" the ]\ledici 
 family, then rapidly advancing towards supreme authority, wlio 
 seized on tlie vineyai'd of a poor neighbour called Cenni 
 without right or conscience, and the latter only succeeded in 
 
 * Fran. Sacchetti, Novel. 153, 175, 177, passim. 
 
 >nsc. CHAP.] ANECDOTE OF A POOR COUNTRYMAN. 557 
 
 obtaining redress, through the influence of Francesco de' ]\Iedici 
 chief of the clan, by his shrewd wit and natural sagacity, when 
 one of those long and expensive lawsuits that sometimes lasted 
 thirty years, would have totally ruined liim^^. 
 
 Cenni arrived one morning Jit Florence and going straight 
 to Francesco de' Medici addressed him thus. " Messer Fran- 
 " cesco, I come before God and before you to beseech you for 
 " the love of Christ to save me from being robbed, if I am not 
 '• pre-ordained to be so. One of your kinsmen wants to rob 
 '- me of my vineyard, which I must consider as lost if you will 
 " not assist me. Now I say to you :Messer Francesco, that if 
 " he be predestined to have it why let him have it ; and I will 
 '* tell you why. You wlio have lived so lung nmst know that 
 '' this wodd is governed by tits and feshions ; sometimes we 
 " have the tit of small-pox ; sometimes of pestilence ; some- 
 • times a general blight of the harvests ; sometimes a fit comes 
 " over the land which in a twinkling kills many people ; some- 
 " times the world is plagued with a fit of never doing justice 
 " to any one ; and thus we liave a fit of one tiling and then of 
 " another ; wherefore to come back to the question, I say that 
 " against such inevitable occurrences there is no protection. 
 " In like manner what I am come to beg your assistance for 
 " tlirough the love of God is just this : that if the fit of taking 
 " vineyards is come on the earth why then let your kinsman 
 " take mine and God prosper him ; for against these visitations 
 " I neither can nor will attempt to struggle : but if tliis fit he 
 " not now come on the world then I humbly beseech you that 
 •' niv vinevard mav be spared to me." "My good man," an- 
 swered Francesco, " be you assured chat fit or no fit your vine- 
 " yai'd shall not be taken from you." So saying he assembled 
 some of the chief members of his family, made Cenni plead his 
 cause again before them and afterwards sent orders to their 
 kinsman, who had already taken possession, to restore the dis- 
 
 Cronaca di Velluti, p. 37. 
 
558 SOCIETY. FEDELI. SLVVES. IlENT OF irOT;>I.S. [ 
 
 COOK 1. 
 
 puted property. It is quite tnie adds Saccbetti that the world 
 is governed hy fits, except only the,tit of right doing*. Such 
 however was repuhlican liberty, and no witiulcr that the power- 
 ful citizens were so enthusiastically attached to it ; for thev not 
 only enjoyed their proper portion hut appn^priatcd that of 
 othei-s to their share. 
 
 Florentine society at this epoch, as far as we can judge from 
 the scanty materials that exist, was in liict a mixture of great 
 wealth and power with extensive poverty and dependence : and 
 although there does not appear except on the estates of the 
 ancient nobles, to have been any regidar feudal service v( t all 
 the great popolani who possessed landed propeity seem to have 
 been complete lords of their peasantry either from herechtarv 
 descent, purchased rights or the engagements of tlie cultivat(.r; 
 and these under the name of " Fedcli " wero scaicclv more than 
 vassals with permanent obligations and perinips similar to the 
 Roman clients ; for we continually read of th( ii- l)ringing their 
 followers into Florence dining j)ublic disturbances either to aid 
 a faction or for private war. Besides these followers and 
 domestic senants there are indications of the existence of 
 slaveiy as late even as the year 1117, as we leani from Buo- 
 naccorso Pitti, who mentions his going as podesta to San 
 Gimignano with twenty-eight in family including two slaves ; 
 but when at private lodgings in Pisa his establishment, though 
 a citizen of high rank, was only two men and one woman- 
 sei-vant besides a nurse ; and the rent he paid for a furnislied 
 house, which he occupied only two months, was 4s golden 
 florins ; yet outside of the town he was lodged doulilc that tinic 
 for '20 florins K 
 
 The activity, riches, and uifluence of Florentine merchants. 
 or Lombards as they were usually called by transalpine nations, 
 made them so generally necessary that they cvei-y where 
 acquired a rank and consequence far beyond that due to their 
 
 * F. Sacchctti, Nov. 88. 
 
 I 
 
 t Cronaca di B. Pitti, pp. 80 lOG. 
 
 ,r rn.Pl T. VNK OF FLORENTINE MERCHANTS.— TRADE. 559 
 
 MISC. CUAl .J 
 
 mercantile character alone. A Florenthie citizen was every- 
 where considered noble, and deemed fit company for princes 
 at the very moment that he was in the full pursuit of com- 
 mercial business: some were treated almost as sovereign 
 princes, especially when like Donato Acciajuoli who was 
 banished in BV.lO, their family had been frequently honom-ed 
 by the dignity of supreme magistrate and the rank of cardinal, 
 a powerfid station in those proud and palmy days of ecclesias- 
 tical authority. One of Donato's brothers was also Duke of 
 Athens, another was Archbishop of Patras ; besides wliich 
 several members of his family enjoyed stations of high rank 
 mider the crown of Naples. He himself had filled the highest 
 places in the commonwealth ; had been frequently employed as 
 ambassador, was a knight of tlie Florentine people, senator of 
 Rome ; and possessed two feudal baronies in the kingdom of 
 Naples. His name was therefore known and respected through- 
 out Christendom : popes wrote to inform him of their election 
 and continued to honour him even while in exile ; nor did any 
 foreign ambassador arrive at Florence while he was in power 
 without an especial commission to visit Donato Acciajuoli, who 
 was invidiously styled by his enemies the Lord, and the Doge 
 of Florence. Yet he quietly submitted to twenty years of exile 
 in a good and patriotic cause ! 
 
 But notwithstanding these high distinctions wliich were 
 more or less open to every Florenthie citizen, there seems to 
 have been none of the superior trades and few of the others 
 beneath a citizen's attention, even in the highest families ; their 
 sons were early placed in shops, warehouses, or counting-houses ; 
 first in Florence ; then abroad ; travelling from countiy to countiy 
 in the pursuit of gahi and acquainted with all the world -. In 
 these excursions it was not unusual for a merchant to unite 
 gambling with trade; and we accordingly see Buonaccorso 
 Pitti while on the most intimate terms of sociability with the 
 
 * Cronaca di Donato Velluti, pp. 44, 63, 65. 
 
 Ml 
 
5G0 lU'ONACCORSO Prm. rilAKACTFi: of the F\GT.Ts1I. [iu,oki. 
 
 whole blood-royal of France, pursuing bis traffic as a niercliaiit. 
 acting as ambassador, and taking a commission from one Ber- 
 nardo di Cino to sell or gamble a large amount of pearls and 
 other jewels to Duke Albert of I^avaria Count of Holland ; who 
 however declined both propositions. Nor does there appear 
 to have been any lack of martial spirit when occasion ofl'ered ; 
 Buonaccorso displayed much in resenting a private insult at 
 play from one of the royal family of France ; and l)eing eager 
 for military glor}^ he and two Italian friends joined the kings 
 armament against England in lJJ>^o, with thirty-six horse 
 entirely at their own expense '''. 
 
 The English at this time stood high in the worlds opiniun 
 as a military nation, but if we may lielieve the testimony of 
 Petrarca it was not always so : it will perhaps surprise our 
 readers to leani the judgment once pronounced, whether true 
 or false, on their forefathers. In a letter to his friend Pierre 
 le Bercheur on the decay of Fnmce and Italy the poet says, 
 '* In my younger days," (probably during the wars of Ihuce and 
 Edward II.) the inhabitants of Great Britain who are called 
 Enslish were the most cowardly of all barbarians, inferior even 
 to the vile Scots ; and then, on the contrary, the mditary con- 
 dition of France was most flourishing : at present (lolU) tlie 
 English bavins become a warlike nation have subdued the 
 Freneh by frequent and unexpected victories : in ravaging 
 France with fire and sword they have reduced that khigdom 
 to such a state that I could scarcely recognise it in my late jour- 
 ney. Will you learn in two words the cause of this alteration '.' 
 Listen to Sallust : he says that fortune clianges with manners, 
 and that empire goes from bad to better. Force, spirit, virtue, 
 renown, circulate like money and go from nation to nation. 
 Pteuown ever empty and changeable has one thing lixed and 
 certain : she always follows virtue and flies vice." Amongst the 
 causes of French and Italian decay he mentions #he relaxation 
 
 * Cronaca di Pitti, pp. 33 and 45. 
 
 Mi:ic. CHAP.] MILITARY DISCIPLINE AND MORALITY. 
 
 >61 
 
 of militaiy discipline, luxury and debauchery as morally and 
 physically enervating to man ; a want of emulation in the officers 
 and subordination in the sokhers. "When you enter a camp," 
 he continues, 'you believe yourself in some disreputable 2)lace 
 or taveni. They do not get drunk on eyery sort of wine ; they 
 must have foreign wines ; and when these are not to be had 
 they complain that the army wants eveiything, that they are 
 d}ing of thirst and that there is no wonder that soldiers desert. 
 Military emulation has passed from the use of arms to the 
 bottle, and it is now no longer a question about what weapons 
 are to be adopted against the enemy l)ut what glasses are to be 
 placed for drinldng. He who drhiks the largest bumpers, who 
 carries off most wine, is regarded as the victor and crowned with 
 laurel. Seneca foretold the day when drunkenness would be 
 honoured, and drinking deep be considered a virtue. The offi- 
 cers far from correcting their soldiers show them the example I 
 What can drunken men perform ? They stagnate in their tents, 
 snoring, sweating, gambling, eating; and steeped in low de- 
 baucheiy with the women who follow their camp. When in the 
 field they quit their ranks ; know not their leaders ; obey 
 nobody ; and wander about without order like bees which have 
 lost their hive. Sluggards, cowards, ignorant, boasters : if they 
 take up arras, if they mount on horseback, it is not to serve 
 their prince or defend their country^ or to acquire renown ; but 
 for interest, for vanity, for love of pleasure. If they adoni 
 themselves with gold it is to please their mistresses and enrich 
 their enemies of whom they are the prey"-:^. 
 
 Such was Petrarca's opinion of camp discipline and morahty 
 m 1:36-2: but things were worse at court, and brought down 
 the poet's indignant censure both in prose and verse although 
 by no means a rigid moralist in his own conduct. His favomite 
 denomination for Avignon was the " Western Babylon ," and 
 all, he asserts, that was ever said of the two Babylons of 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 De Sadc, vol. iii., p. 552. 
 
 
5G2 
 
 AVIGNON THE WESTERN BABYLON. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Assyria and Egj-pt ; of the four labyrinths ; of Avemus, or 
 Tartarus ; was nothing in comparison to that hell. " There he 
 declai'es, was to be seen that Nimrod, powerful on earth ; that 
 mighty hunter before the Lord ; who is attempting to scale the 
 heavens by the elevation of lofty towers* ; that Seiniramis with 
 her quiver; that Cambyses more senseless thiin the Per^sian mad- 
 man. There are to be seen the inllexible Minos; Rhadamanthus; 
 Cerberus who devoui*s all ; Pasiphae enamoiu'ed of a bull ; the 
 Minotaur, oftspring of this mfamous passion : all that is to be 
 seen elsewhere of the frightful, dark, and execrable is there 
 assembled. No clue to escape from the labyrinth ; no 
 Daedalus, no Ariadne ! In gold alone is safety. There gold 
 appeases the most cruel monsters, softens the most ferocious 
 hearts, splits rocks, opens eveiy gate, even the gates of heaven ; 
 and to comprehend all in a word, with gold alone you may pui*- 
 chase Jesus Christ. In that place reign the successors of a 
 band of poor fishermen that have forgotten their origin : they 
 move in gold and pui'ple, proud of the spoils of princes and 
 people. Instead of the unpretending barks in which they 
 wroudit for their liviuj:' on the lake of Genesareth thevnowin- 
 habit super!) palaces. They have parchments from which pieces 
 of lead depend that serve for nets to entangle the poor dupe? 
 whom they scale and broil to appease their gluttony." After 
 expatiating awhile in this guise he exclaims. " Here reigii 
 pride, envy, luxury and avarice with all tlieir arts, but neither 
 piety, faith nor charity. The wickedest prospei-s best ; the poor 
 just man is oppressed ; the villain who prodigally distributes 
 gold is raised to heaven; simplicity passes for folly; wickedness 
 is called wisdom : God is despised ; law is trampled on ; Plutus 
 worshipped ; good men are derided, and tilings arrived at such 
 a state that veiy soon there will be none of them left to «leride. 
 times! O manners!"! These invectives, many of which 
 
 * Porhap-. as Do S;i»Io l»flicvrs, tliis ]»:il;ief tuwriN of Aviu'iion. 
 i> Pope Climcnt VI., who built the f De Su(k% Lib. iii, p. 1)5, tVc, 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] AVIGNON — STATE OF RELIGIOUS OKDERS. 
 
 563 
 
 were boldly uttered, did not any more than its disgusting con- 
 dition prevent Petrarca's residence in Avignon, and this con- 
 dition, described in his second dialogue with Saint Augus- 
 tine, seeing that it partly belongs to Italian manners, may be 
 shortly noticed as a curious sketch of the ecclesiastical me- 
 tropolis. 
 
 Complaining of his manner of life at Avignon, even before 
 Laura s death ; he says, "I am weaiy of it beyond all expres- 
 sion : I inhabit a dirty, noisy town which is the common smk 
 and receptacle of all the filth of the world : eveiything here 
 disgusts and nauseates: it is an assemblage of narrow dirty 
 streets where you cannot move a step -vrithout encountering 
 furious dogs, stinking pigs, carts which stun you with their 
 rattle; teams of four horses that block up all the ways; deformed 
 beggai-s that cannot be regarded without horror ; strange coun- 
 tenances from eveiy nation ; rich insolence drunk with pleasure 
 and debauchery^ and a licentious populace in everlasting squab- 
 bles. Is it possible to enjoy in such an abode any portion of 
 that tranquillity so necessary to the Muses ? For myself I can- 
 not bear it." ->' 
 
 In truth, the town must have l)een worthy of its reverend 
 inmates when even the presence of Laura could not soften its 
 physical features nor cast a veil over its moral deformities in 
 the imagination of a lover who might be supposed blind to every 
 disagreeable object within the enchanted circle of her influence. 
 All cotemporary authors condemn the licentiousness of eccle- 
 siastics in these times : monks of ditferent orders were at open 
 war with each other and not always without bloodshed ; the 
 convents were tainted by calumny and filled with oppression ; 
 and lay corruption in its worst form was fully shared by ever}- 
 ecclesiastic from the pontiff downwards f. Notwithstanding 
 this disgi'aceful conduct of churchmen, the pope's injustice, and 
 their own bold opposition to it; the Florentines still maintained 
 
 * Dialogues, Dc Sade, Lib. iii., p. 1 10. 
 
 :i 
 
 f Muiatori, Aimo 1373. 
 
564 
 
 EIGHT SAINTS — RELIGION — SUPERSTITION. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 a profound reverence for every thing ecclesiastical; accompanied 
 by strong supei-stitious impressions of the misfortunes that 
 almost always seemed to follow those who withstood the Vicar 
 of Christ even in the illegitimate exercise of his authority. 
 Giovanni Magdotti one of the most daring, ahlest, and honestest 
 of the " Eight Saints" died during the interdict, but received 
 all the comforts of religion notwithstanding, along with the 
 honours of a tomb in Santa Croce and the talisnianic vord 
 Libertas inscribed on his monument : vet tlio sacrik'i^e of that 
 war hung heavy on the public mind, and superstition trend ilingly 
 observed that all the "Eight Saints" perished, and their fami- 
 lies became extinct or dispersed withui a very brief period after 
 the peace of 1378*. Nor were the people less uneasy under 
 the religious privations of the interdict ; their devotion too deep 
 too serious for this, apprehended a diminution of religious sen- 
 timent from long interruption of religious ceremonies ; a for- 
 getfulness of God, and a consequent relaxation of morality. The 
 clergy were therefore compelled to resume their functions as 
 though no anathema had ever been pronounced, it was declared 
 of more importance to maintain a true knowledge of Christ in the 
 public heart than bow to a pope who professing to he his earthly 
 vicar neither obeyed his precepts nor followed his example t . 
 But long ere they came to this bold resolution : the act of some 
 of their abler spirits ; compunction had troubled almost every 
 heart: masses of penitent citizens of all degrees ; men, women, 
 and children assembled daily and nightly, praying weeping and 
 singing in the various churches with bell, book, and candle; 
 and processions of fifteen thousand at a time, not unaccompanied 
 by relics and sacred music, and attended by numerous bauds of 
 llagellants amounting often to live thousand souls of eveiy rank 
 in the commonwealth ! A hundred times as many m this way 
 frequented the churches as were ever luiowii to attend under 
 ordinary circumstances, and many young and rich nobles stnuk 
 
 * Poggio, Lib. ii", p. 58. f Poggio, Lib. ii., pp. 54, 55. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] RELIGIOUS ENTHUSIASM— ZEAL— ASTROLOGY. 565 
 
 with sudden awe were disentangled from their errors and assem- 
 hhng at Fiesole fasted, distributed alms, prayed, slept on straw 
 or the hare ground, «on verted others, dressed them in their own 
 rich garments, supplied and repaired convents; even abandoned 
 the worid and issuing forth in numbers begged for the poorer 
 class of religious houses. By all this enthusiasm they were 
 desirous of proving that although their intention was to conquer 
 the pope they were still most devoted servants of the church 
 
 itself*. 
 
 Thus even when excited by public wrongs the zeal of Flo- 
 rence was reverential and profound, but blended with an 
 intense superstition from which few were exempted : at one 
 moment, as we are told by a cotemporary ; no less than twenty- 
 five thousand people were to be seen bowed down m humble 
 submission, not directly to the Almighty, but before a sacred 
 exhibition of saintly relics with the holy portrait of Santa 
 Maria in Pianeta at their head ; and in solenni tones of deep 
 contrition imploring her intercession to protect the city from 
 impending danger f. The sight must have been imposing ; 
 sincerity is always so, whether in the mass or the individual. 
 Nor was superstition confined to religion : the almost universal 
 helief, and even in many of the more enlightened, the half con- 
 fidence in judicial astrology, still pervaded every rank : many 
 of the sounder intellects, such as Sacchetti, laughed this science 
 to scorn, but it was nevertheless made a business of state 
 pohcy ; and no standard was delivered to the general ; no in- 
 cipient march of armies suffered, except under the auspices of 
 astrological calculations, and a minute adherence to the sooth- 
 sayer's commands. The most trifling accidents, such for instance 
 as that of a high wind breaking the flag-staff of the gonftilon, or 
 a fight amongst the public lions ; as occurred in 1391 with the 
 death of a male and female ; accidents from lightning ; thunder 
 in an unclouded sky ; or any other unusual occurrence, were 
 
 * M. di C. Stefani, Rub. 757. 
 
 f Mem. Storiche di Ser Naddo, p. 106. 
 
566 
 
 RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES — INFIDELITY. 
 
 [bo 
 
 OK I. 
 
 sufficient to cast a gloom over the whole community ; and any 
 sinister event that happened, although sL\ months after, con- 
 finned the strange belief*. JMany of the lay religious com- 
 panies were formed about this period, and the desire of relics 
 was such, that the widow of a Florentine merchant who had 
 stolen some from the emperor of Constantinople was rewarded 
 by an annuity of GO florins for presenting them to the 
 republic f . 
 
 This deep devotion was not shared by everj^ other Italian 
 community: Padua and Venice are especially noted for a 
 freedom of religious opinion that roused the auger of Petrarea 
 who although an ecclesiastic was by no means a bigot, and 
 always inclined to argue philosophically. He however asserted 
 and lamented that all Italy was imbued with the opinions of 
 Aristotle, but more profoundly and dangerously by those of his 
 Arabian commentator AveiToes of Cordovji, who like him denied 
 the existence of Providence and the creation of this world; 
 laughed at the Bible, derided all religion, called that of Moses a 
 childish superstition, that of Mahomet a swinish one, but Chris- 
 tianity the most absurd and insensate of all, for its God was at 
 the same time both devoured and worshipped. Petrarea joined 
 a society of these free-thinkers at Venice, who because lie 
 ridiculed their philosophy and infidehty, after a long and 
 formal discussion amongst themselves, pronounced the damning 
 sentence that was to wither all his laurels ; namely, that lie 
 '* was a well-meaning man without literature \ " ! The intellec- 
 tual liberty of the flock seems, according to the same authority, 
 to have been at least equalled by the ignorance of some of 
 their principal pastors, more especially at Avignon where their 
 influence was as unbounded as it was mischievous. Some of tlie 
 cardinals are described as of very limited intellect, incapable 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib. xv., p. 828 ; Ammirato, Lib. xvi., p. 839. 
 
 Lib. xvi., p. 849. Ij: De Sade, vol. iii., Lib. vi., pp. C55, 
 
 t Cronaca d' Inccrto, p. 211. —S. 656,659,751,760. 
 
 MISC. CHAP. J CLERICAL IGNORANCE— DRESS OF ECCLESIASTICS. 567 
 
 of their high duties and more to be pitied than blamed ; others 
 more enlightened, were hurried away by passions and self- 
 interest without a thought for the public good, but a luxurious 
 affection for France and hatred of Italy that influenced all their 
 councils and kept the pontifical court in the trammels of that 
 monarchy. Some were so ignorant as to believe that the 
 church possessed nothing comparable to Avignon and its neigh- 
 bourhood ; that Italy rested on the world's confines, or a little 
 beyond them; that it was encompassed by an unnavigable 
 sea; that to pass the Alps was an impossible thing; and all 
 beyond were objects of danger and suspicion even to the 
 air, the water, the wine ; and every other article of human 
 sustenance. 
 
 Urban V. to whom Petrarch addresses this remonstrance, 
 had won his good opinion by various incipient reforms ; such 
 as the abolition, or rather the restriction of the right of sanc- 
 tuary, which up to this time was common to every cardinal's 
 palace, within the precincts of which no officer of justice dared 
 to enter: also the confining of ecclesiastics to one benefice 
 and the reformation of liLxurious habits amongst the priest- 
 hood, especially in their dress. "Who can calmly behold," 
 he exclaims, *' the fashion of homed shoes ; heads decked out 
 with wings ; the hair tied in a tail ; men's foreheads covered 
 with those pins of ivory that women place in their hair ; 
 stomachs compressed by springs, (a species of torment suffered 
 of old by the martyi-s)?" to all of which, more particularly in 
 Italy, he urged the pope to extend his reforming care-^. 
 
 The Florentines as we have seen, notwithstanding their 
 habitual reverence for the church scrupled not to levy contri- 
 butions on it so heavy as to be almost incredible, except 
 under the conviction of the clergy's riches being more abundant 
 than what even in those joyous days of ecclesiastical prosperity 
 can easily be conceived. 
 
 * Epistle to Urban V., Dc Sade, Lib. vi., p. 675, &c. 
 
568 
 
 TAXATION OF THE CLERGY — CORN. 
 
 [bo( 
 
 >K I. 
 
 A board of ten citizens was created in October 1378 for the 
 
 purpose of levying contributions on the whole Florentine 
 
 church establishment of both sexes, to assist in maintaiuing 
 
 pul)lic liberty; and so energetic were they in perfonning tliis 
 
 duty that if any credit may be given to ancient chronicles the 
 
 enormous sum of 1,000,000 of golden florins was raised in 
 
 three days ; but with the forced sale and forced purchase of 
 
 many ecclesiastical possessions*. The church influence as we 
 
 have seen, was sufficiently powerful to procure a subsequent 
 
 reimbursement of this loss as the ecclesiastics had before done 
 
 in 1307 on account of the gate-tolls or Gabelle from which thev 
 
 claimed exemption in common \\'ith great lords, j.relates, and 
 
 foreign ambassadors. These tolls had been larmed out the year 
 
 before as a less expensive, but certainly more pernicious, method 
 
 of collection than that by goverament officers, and 1800 lire 
 
 were accordingly repaid armually to the mendicant friars. 
 
 besides nearly three times that amount to the other sacred 
 
 orders under the bishop's superintendence in 1368f. 
 
 The clergy seldom suffered a permanent loss ; they were an 
 immortal body whose thoughts and effbrts were always con- 
 centrated on one object, the prosperity of their corps ; nor are 
 they ever mentioned in the Florentine annals as t^ddnj; anv cun- 
 spicuous part in the relief of i)ublic suffering during the numer- 
 ous plagues and famines that afflicted those times and marked 
 their uncertam, improvident, and rigorous cliaractci". From 
 13--i8 to 1330 all Tuscany and most of Italy were stnick hy 
 one of these visitations : com rose from seventeen soldi the 
 bushel to twenty-eight ; then suddenly to thirty ; to forty-two . 
 and before the harvest of VWJ to a golden florin, at that time 
 equal to sixty-six soldi and now probably to above twice that 
 sum or more than one pound sterling ;. Corn in foct bore any 
 
 * Cronaca d' Incerto, p. 213. grains was worth 3-J^ lire, and conc- 
 
 t Animirato, Lib. xiii., pp. 653,663. sponded to 13 lire, 6 sol. 8 den. in 
 + In 1330 the golden florin of 72 1767, which was the value of a zcc- 
 
 M ISC. CHAP.] FAMINE REGULATIONS ASTROLOGY. 
 
 569 
 
 price for those tliat could pay ; but the poor starved : Perugia, 
 Siena, Lucca, Pistoia and many other places unable to sustain 
 the pressure drove out their poor, while Florence not only 
 repudiated this cruelty but supported the greater part of these 
 outcasts in addition to her own suffering population. She 
 imported wheat from Sicily to the port of Talamone in the 
 Maremma, and with mfinite danger and expense brought it 
 safely to the capital : some came from Ptomagna and even 
 Arezzo, and thus the price was kept down to half a florin a 
 bushel in the market but mixed with one fourth of barley. 
 
 The madness of hunger continued so violent that public 
 executioners were kept constantly attending the market of 
 Oito-san-Michele, with the block and axe, to chop off" the limbs 
 of disorderly persons. This supply cost the government 60,000 
 florins m two years, and would have failed in its object if the 
 sale of wheat had not been forbidden in the market and ready- 
 made bread furnished instead, on account of the government. 
 This was sold in certain appointed places at the rate of four 
 dauari for sLx ounces of mixed bread, and succeeded in miti- 
 gating the popular fury, as each individual could now purchase 
 enough to avoid starvation, whereas previously, because a 
 bushel was the smallest quantity sold, and the daily gains of 
 some not more than eight or twelve danari of wages, many 
 were totally precluded from the market. In consequence of 
 this new arrangement, Villani, who proposed it and super- 
 intended the execution, tells us that the popular craving was 
 soon in some measure abated, the multitude pacified, and the 
 suffering borne with comparative equanimity, while the rich 
 strained every nerve to diminish their distress, he is par- 
 ticular in its narration as a precedent for future times, and 
 then gravely proceeds to inform us that whenever the planet 
 Saturn is in the last degree of Cancer and until he arrive at 
 
 chino or florin of 71 grains. (Vide 7'enzc) from an ancient MS. of the 
 Fineschi, Carestie e Dovizie dl Fi- fourteenth century. — Florence, 1767. 
 
570 
 
 STAR-INFLUENCE — MARKET SCENES IN FAMINE. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 the Lion's belly, famine will be in tbe land of Italy and espe- 
 cially in Florence, therefore it may be partly attributed to that 
 sign. " We do not however say that this is necessarily so, for 
 God can make the dear cheap and the cheap dear according to 
 his will, and through the merit of holy persons or for punish- 
 ment of sin : but humanly speaking, Satuni according to poets 
 and astrologers is the god of laboiu*ers, but more tiuly does he 
 carry his influence to the working and sowing of the gi'ouiid ; 
 and when he is found in adverse and contrary signs and 
 houses, like Cancer ; and still more in Leo, his influence on the 
 earth is dimmished because he himself is naturally sterile and 
 the sign of Leo is sterile, so that he produces deamess and ste- 
 rility, not abmidauce and fruitfulness. And all this T iiave 
 found from experience in times past ; and for those who under- 
 stand such things it is enough to say that thus it happened in 
 these particular periods which are every thirty years ; and 
 sometimes in his quarters, according to the conjunction of good 
 or evil planets "-. 
 
 The market scenes during these famines were deplorable ; 
 men and women trampled in the crowd, others strugghng for 
 precedence ; children, driven away for their own safety, filled 
 the town with their cries ; purses snatched or stolen ; and tlie 
 losers beating their breasts and ciying out in all the madness 
 of despair, others retuniing home disconsolate without purse 
 or food; the constables driving people back without mercy, 
 supported by the Podesta and his armed attendants ; the block, 
 the axe, and the executioner, in grim array, and famine over- 
 coming this and ever}^ other apprehension. The com market 
 was opened every day except holidays at Orto-san-Michele with 
 considerable solemnity : in the morning all the " Officers of 
 Abundance,'' a court of high dignity and authority at Florence 
 made their appearance there, and after examining the quantity 
 and quality of provisions seated themselves on an elevated 
 
 • Fineschi, Carestie e Dovizie diFirenze. — G. Villani, Lib. x., cap. 1155. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] CORN MARKET — VARIOUS KINDS OF GRAIN. 57l 
 
 bench near one of the pilasters of the market-house and soon 
 aftei-wards the retail business was commenced by corn-dealers 
 who sold in small quantities according to the *' Mina " or half 
 bushel ; the " Quarto " or half Mina ; and the half Quarto. 
 The Staio which is now considerably less than an English 
 bushel varied at different periods of Florentine history as we 
 leani from Dante and others, and was sometimes heaped up, 
 sometimes only full measure-''. Wheat in the Florentine 
 market was of four kinds ; namely, " Calvello " supposed to 
 be the same as the ancient " Carvellino " of the Pisan market 
 which consisted of those grains too large to pass through a 
 certain sized sieve and therefore bearing a higher price. The 
 second was Sicilian wheat and bore the second price : the third 
 was the " Grano Comunale " or common Florentine wheat of 
 the last harvest, sometimes called " Grano Gentile,'' which in 
 times of scarcity was mixed with barley and other grain and 
 then of course bore an inferior value : the fourth kind was 
 denominated ''Grano Grosso" or coarse wheat and bore the 
 lo\Yest price. These four sorts of wheat were exposed for sale 
 in certain rush or wooden vessels called " Bigonce " of various 
 dimensions, but generally holding from seven to eight bushels ; 
 of which three hundred might be seen in the market dmnng 
 favourable seasons, principally of foreign grain, for the Flo- 
 rentuie district was not supposed in those days to average 
 more than five months' consumption, although it had been 
 known to produce enough for two years. The prices of these 
 wheats were in the ratio of 30, 29, 28, and 27, when the best 
 oats were 18^ soldi the bushel; but an attempt to limit the 
 market price soon deprived it of any supply, the corn-dealers 
 preferring the risk of a secret sale in their houses at more 
 than the legal value. This seems for a moment to have opened 
 the eyes of government, as a general license was finally issued 
 
 * Purgatorio, Canto xii ; Paradiso, Canto xv. — Borghini, Vescovi di Firenze, 
 vol. ii°, p. 537. 
 
572 SALE OF BREAD REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE. [book i. 
 
 by proclamation for the making and sale of bread without 
 reference to price, weight, or size ; and in a ver}^ short time 
 the public ovens were nearly abandoned, better l)read beina 
 sold privately at a lower price ; so sure is it tliat private neces- 
 sity and energy, if left free, are the best purveyors, no matter 
 how numerous the population ; for numbers only multiply 
 those minute channels and resources which like the capillaiy 
 system in human bodies, maintain and nourish existence-'. 
 Besides the combination of mischief and inutility which is sure 
 to proceed from the interference of govennnent in the victual- 
 ling trade of a settled community, it proved a heavy item (»f 
 public expense to Florence wliich fell ultimately on the iteople 
 in the guise of taxation. We have an interesting account of 
 the receipts and expenditure of the republic fi'om 13:K) to 133^. 
 during the costly war with IMastino della Scala when Arezzo 
 and its contado, Pistoia, Colle, and eighteen walled towns in 
 the Lucchese dominions were ruled bv tlie Florentines, 
 besides fortv-sLx in their own territoiT, without counting those 
 belonging to private citizens and a vast number of open towns 
 and villages. 
 
 Little revenue accrued from the assessed taxation of Flo- 
 rence ; her gi*eat mcome arose from duties on provisions and 
 merchandise at the city gates with various duties under the 
 general name of " GahcUe ;" and in extraordinary circumstances 
 by loans and imposts on merchants and other ojwlent citizens 
 with assignments on the gabelle, wliich latter amounted to 
 near 800,000 golden florins ; an immense revenue in those 
 days, and reckoned superior to that of Naples, Sicily, or 
 Aragonf. The ordinary charges independent of soldiers' pay, 
 which ceased almost instantaneously at the conclusion of a 
 war or at a truce and foraied nearly the sole advantage of em- 
 ploying mercenaries ; amounted to less than 40,000 florins or 
 
 • Carestie e Dovizie di Firenze dal Padre Fiiieschi. 
 "t* Gio. Villani, Lib. xL, cap. xci.j xcii. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 FLORENTINE REVENUE. 
 
 573 
 
 only a little more than one-eighth of the revenue. On which 
 Villani honestly exclaims, '• Florentines what bad and wicked 
 " providence is it to increase the public revenue with the sub- 
 " stance and poverty of the citizens by forced taxes, in order 
 " to support foolish enterprises! Know you not that where 
 " the sea is wide, great are the tempests ; and that with aug- 
 - mented revenues come evil expenses ? Temper, my dearest 
 " brethren, your inordinate desires and please God ; and 
 " oppress not an innocent people "=^=. 
 
 Giovanni Villani's detailed statement of the revenue and 
 expenses of Florence is also given with some variations by the 
 Fra Ildefonso di San Luigi,in the twelfth volume of the ''Delizie 
 degli EruclUi Toscaai " amongst the '* Monumentl " to Stefani s 
 History, taken from some manuscript memoirs of Florentine 
 History in the lil)rary of San Paulino, which interesting docu- 
 ments will not be misplaced in this chapter. Villani s account 
 is here given (with occasional additions from the fomier) because 
 he assures us that it was copied by himself out of the public 
 l)ooks, the income being counted in golden florins of seventy-two 
 grauis of gold each, at twenty-four carats. 
 
 Revenue of the Florentine Republic from 1336 to 1338. 
 
 Florins. 
 « Gabelle " or exit and entrance tolls at the Gates of Florence 
 on victuals, mercliandise, and other commodities. Farmed 
 
 annually at • ^^'-^^ 
 
 Gabella, or duty on the retailers of wine equal to one-third of 
 
 the value ^^'^^^ 
 
 « Estimo " or tax on real property in the contado . • 30,1 00 
 
 Carry fonvard 
 
 178,600 
 
 ♦ Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. xcii. 
 
674 
 
 FLORENTINE REVENUE. 
 
 Lbook I. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 FLORENTINE EXPENDITURE. 
 
 575 
 
 Brought forward 
 
 Gabella on salt, whicli was sold at 40 soldi a staio to the 
 citizens, and at half that price to the rural population . 
 
 These four Oahelle were appropriated to mamtain the Lombard 
 war against Mastino de la Scala, and came to 
 
 The rents of exiles* and condemned persons' property 
 Gabella on lenders and usurers .... 
 Charge on certam country gentlemen called Nobili del Contado 
 Gabella or duty on contracts, mortgages, &:c. 
 
 Do. on all beasts for slaughter in the city . 
 
 ^^- <io- do. m the contado . 
 
 Do. on letting of lodgings, houses, &e. 
 
 Do. on flour and grhiding mills .... 
 
 Do. on those citizens appointed to high offices abroad 
 podest^, &c. • • . . 
 
 Do. on accusations and defences 
 Profits on gold coinage, all expenses paid, came to 
 
 Do. on the smaller money 
 Rents of public property, tolls on ferry-boats, &c. 
 Gabella on the hve-cattle merchants of Florence . 
 
 Do. on the stamps of weights and measures, and peaces 
 between private citizens .... 
 
 Do. on the sweepmgs of the corn market of Orto San 
 Michele, and the hire of bigonce or coni-tubs 
 
 i)o. on countrj' lodgings 
 
 Do. on country markets 
 Realisation of fines and penalties, which generally amount to 
 
 a great deal more than . 
 Payments in lieu of military service both horse and foot', not 
 
 counting those in Lombardv 
 
 * • • 
 
 Gabella on the porches and projections of shops 
 Do. on the green-grocers of Florence 
 Do. on licences to carry arms at 20 soldi a head 
 
 Rent of prisons or prisoners ( *) 
 
 The Gabella on police messen foci's 
 
 O • • • , 
 
 Do. on the timber rafts floated up the Arno . 
 Currv forward 
 
 Florins. 
 178,600 
 
 14,450 
 
 193,0.50 
 
 7000 
 3000 
 2000 
 20,000 
 15,000 
 440<l 
 4150 
 4250 
 
 3500 
 1400 
 2300 
 1500 
 KJOO 
 20(Ml 
 
 600 
 
 750 
 550 
 
 21)0(1 
 
 20,000 
 
 7000 
 7O00 
 
 450 
 13(M» 
 1000 
 
 100 
 50 
 
 Brought foi-ward 
 
 Gabella of the inspectors of securities given to government 
 Do. on the fees of the consuls of trades, government's share 
 Do. on the country possessions of citizens*. 
 Gabella on fighting without weapons (boxing) *. 
 Do. on those who have no town house, only a country resi- 
 dence. ...... 
 
 Do. on the mills and fisheries *. 
 
 Florins. 
 
 305,750 
 250 
 300 
 
 1000 
 
 Total revenue minus the marked items . . 307,300 
 
 THREE 
 
 Lire. 
 15,240 
 
 5880 
 
 4900 
 
 305,750 
 
 Expenses of Florence from 1336 to 1338 in Lire, of which 
 AND TWO Soldi were tiiex eq,ual to a Golden Florin 
 
 The salary of the podesta and his suite, yearly 
 
 Do. of the captain of the people, and his officers attend- 
 ants, &:c. ..... 
 
 Do. of the executor of the ordinances of justice against 
 the great with his officers and attendants 
 Salary of the conservator of the people, and over the restored 
 
 exiles with fifty cavalry and one hundred infantry, a temporary 
 
 and extraordinary office soon abolished . . . 26,040 
 
 Tlie judge of appeals on the rights of the state . . . 1 100 
 
 The officer executing the sumptuary laws, &c. . . 1000 
 
 The superintendent of the market of Orto-San-Michele and the 
 
 Piazza della Badia ...... 1300 
 
 The superintendent of soldiers' pay and their messengers . . 1000 
 The officers, notaries, and attendants superintending tlie defects 
 
 of soldiers ; i. c, the real number on service . . . 250 
 
 The public treasurers, their officers, notaries, monks, &c., who 
 
 have charge of the public acts . . . . . 1 400 
 
 The officers in charge of the rents of public domains . , 200 
 
 Jailors and prison guards . . . . . . 800 
 
 The table of the priors and their officers and suite . . 3600 
 
 Cany forward . . . . . . 62,710 
 
 * These uie uncertain in one nccount, and not given by Villani, therefore 
 omitted. Those given amount to 50,000 florins, which seems to be an error. 
 
576 
 
 FLORENTINE EXPKNDITUllE. 
 
 [book 
 
 I. 
 
 Brought forward ..... 
 
 Salary of the senants and otlier public attendants of the palace 
 includhig the two tower-keepers of the priors' palace and that 
 ofthepodesta . . . . , . . 
 
 The seignory's guard, a captain and sixty foot soldiers 
 
 The notar}- of the reformations and his assistant 
 
 The chancellor or secretary of the community and assistant 
 
 To keep of lions ; torches ; candles and festa lights for priors . 
 
 The registering notary of the public palace . . . . 
 
 The police and messengers of the priora 
 
 The public trumpeters ; six public criers or heralds ; kettle- 
 dnmimers, sounders of the Svcylia (an ancient wind instru- 
 ment now gone by) bagpipers, flutes, and Httle trumpets ; in 
 all ten, with silver trumpets ..... 
 
 Alms to religious mendicants and hospitals . . . . 
 
 Six hundred city night guards ..... 
 
 The Palio or prize of silk or velvet cloth for the races on Saint 
 John's day, and those of cloth for the festivals of Saint Bamaby 
 and Santa Reparata . . . , , . 
 
 Public messengers and spies employed abroad . 
 
 Ambassadors' salaries . . . , . . 
 
 Governors and guards of fortresses .... 
 
 For supplying the public armoury with crossbows, arrows, and 
 large shields (Palvesi) ..... 
 
 Lire. 
 62,710 
 
 550 
 5200 
 
 450 
 
 450 
 2400 
 
 100 
 1500 
 
 IHIMI 
 
 2000 
 
 10,800 
 
 310 
 
 1200 
 
 15,500 
 
 12,400 
 
 4G50 
 
 Sum total in florins of 3 liri 2 soldi each 30,103^ florins, 
 when money was certainly more than twice its present 
 value ...... Lire 121,220 
 
 This is independent of the military establishment, which of 
 course varied according to circumstances :, but it was generally 
 averaged in ordinarjnimes at from seven liundred to a thousand 
 horse and as many footmen. Neither is the expense of walls, 
 bridges or other public works of an extraordinarj- nature in- 
 cluded in the account *. 
 
 * Gio. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. from xci. to xciv. — Delizie degli Eruditi 
 Toscani, torn. xii. Monuiucnti No. vi., p. 349. 
 
 MISC. ciUP.J UNSALARIED OFFICERS — REMARKS. 
 
 577 
 
 It will be seen that none of the great officers of state within 
 the city, except foreigners, received any salaries, and yet the 
 struggles for office were fierce and bloody, for power is a 
 stronger stimulant than riches to the ambitious mind and 
 the notion of unpaid public duties in a large community is 
 perhaps more theoretically beautiful than practically correct. 
 We do not find that the j^ublic administration of Florence was 
 maintained in greater purity or efficiency under this seemingly 
 disinterested })ra(tice ; that there w'as less peculation, nepotism, 
 partiality, or vengeance ; more rigorous justice, or security from 
 private or public oppression ; wiser counsels, calmer delibera- 
 tions, greater economy, or more lasting tran(|uillity. Neither 
 does it appear that the struggle for salaried offices and govern- 
 ments without the walls was less general, or violent,or more 
 patriotic, or disinterested than in other places ; some offices 
 seem indeed to have lost the assistance of efficient men from 
 fear of the attendant expense, and it was at one time difficult 
 to procure ambassadors for the public sendee until the salary 
 was raised and a coercive law promulgated on the subject. 
 
 Sismondi asserts with a friendly leaning towards the Flo- 
 rentine government ; that in republics the honour of govern- 
 ing is sufficient recompense for the trouble, and when good 
 reputation is the sole remuneration of magistrates none of them 
 will be negligent in attempting to acquire it : if on the contrary 
 they are paid, their principal end is accomplished and their 
 labour is not fruitless for themselves, although they may not 
 have deserved either the people s love or the respect of posterity. 
 This is the very poetry of human government ; for when was 
 the disinterested love of honest fame ever willingly accepted 
 as the sole remuneration of magistrates, or generally felt as the 
 onli/ incentive to public office ? Have not those higher spirits 
 whom, from time to time, such feelings have actuated and who 
 form exceptions to the rule, been shigled out from the crowd 
 and sent down to posterity as bright and extraordinary examples 
 
 VOL. II. p p 
 
 
HFPWSiii-^yi 
 
 578 
 
 STATE AND POPULATION OF FLORENCE. 
 
 [book 
 
 of private virtue and public patriotism ? And if good renown 
 be a powerful excitement to official virtue, why should its influ- 
 ence wither under the comfoitable warmth of an honest remu- 
 neration ? Would not a man of intemtv rather double his 
 exertion in the public ser\ice, if his mind wxu*e at case about 
 the private necessities and future provision of his family ? 
 
 The general state of Florence at this period presents n 
 picture of glowing prosperity ; but the city alone wiis " the 
 state,'' to which evei'5i:hing external l>eyond the contado 
 administered, and was almost sacrificed. There were tweritv- 
 tive thousand males from fifteen to seventy able to bear arms 
 as national militia, and all citizens ; this necessarily excluded a 
 multitude of the mere people who were not freemen. Amongst 
 the fonner were fifteen hundred noble and powerful citizens 
 who under the general title of '"GmndV' became subject to the 
 ordinances of justice. There were seventy-five Cavalieri di 
 Corredo, or belted knights ; a great diminution irom the older 
 days of aristocmtic rule when no less than two hundred and 
 fifty enjoyed that high distinction. But when democracy gained 
 the ascendant its antagonist order fell so considerably in power 
 and dignity that comparatively few of them coveted this dis- 
 tinguished honour. It was supjwsed by Villani that Florence 
 contained ninety-four thousand inliabitants, of which fifteen 
 hundred were soldiers and foreigners in transit, and exclu- 
 sive of religious orders. He makes tins estimate from the 
 quantity of bread necessary to supply the city ; a very inac- 
 curate measure between the unequal portions of rich and poor, 
 between waste and economy, want and superfluity ; and unless 
 he, as is probable, excluded the suburbs which were large and 
 populous, is far below the mark for we are assured l)y Boc- 
 caccio that one hundred thousand people died of the pkigu' 
 alone in 134!^ without counting the previous thinning out by 
 fiimine and yet the city was not completely depopulated. 
 Sismondi is probably more accurate in estimating the popula- 
 
 MI9C. CHAP.] POPULATION CONTINUED MANUFACTURES. 
 
 579 
 
 tion at a hundred and fifty thousand ; and eighty thousand able 
 to carry arms in the contado and district. The latter is per- 
 haps under the mark if Goro Dati can be believed, for he 
 asserts that a force of one hundred thousand militia could be 
 assembled on any point within the state at three days' notice 
 in 139:^, and that eighty thousand were actually marched on 
 Ai'ezzo, as we have seen, to secure its evacuation by the Sire 
 de Coucy. It was found by the black and white beans kept in 
 the church of San Giovanni as respective registers of male and 
 female baptisms, that the yearly average was from five thou- 
 sand five hundred to six thousand, there being generally from 
 three to five hundred more males than females. 
 
 There were from eight to ten thousand children of both sexes 
 learning to read : from a thousand to twelve hundred studvins 
 arithmetic in six schools ; and between five and six hundred at 
 grammar and logic in four great seminaries. 
 
 There were a hundred and ten churches in the town and 
 suburbs, including those of the regular orders, and comprising 
 fifty-seven parishes : tive abbeys ; two j)riories containing eighty 
 monks : twenty-four female convents with about five hundred 
 nuns : ten different orders of friars : thirty hospitals with a 
 thousand beds for the poor and infirm ; (a fine feature of the 
 national character) ; and from two hundred and fifty to three 
 hundred priestly chaplains. 
 
 The work-shops of the wool-trade amounted to more than 
 two hundred, and from seventy to eighty thousand pieces of 
 cloth were annually manulactm-ed, to the value of 1, -200,000 
 florhis, one-third of which remained in Florence as remunera- 
 tion for the labour of thirty thousand workmen employed in 
 this trade, independent of masters' profits. Thirty years before, 
 there were three hundred workshops belonging to this trade and 
 more than a hundred thousand pieces of cloth were annually 
 manufactured, but of a coarser quality and only half the value ; 
 because at that time no English wool w^as used nor did the 
 
 p p 2 
 
5S0 
 
 TRADES SUPPLY OF GRAIN, ETC. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 uiaiiufacturers know liow to work it in tlie skilful way which 
 was subsequently adopted. The warehouses of the " Calhmda " 
 or trade m transalpine liibrics amounted to twenty, which im- 
 ported more than ten thousand pieces valued at :100,(jO() florins 
 for the exclusive demand of the hihabitants besides what were 
 exported. There were eighty bankers ; an<l from 850,000 to 
 400,000 golden florins of seventy-two grains weight, and fine- 
 ness of twenty-four carats, annually issued from the mint, and 
 about twenty thousand pounds weight of small ei' money. 
 
 The college of Judges was composed of eighty members ; the 
 notaries of six hundred ; the physicians and surgeons of sixty ; 
 the apothecaries' shops amounted to a hundred. Merchants 
 and mercers abounded; the various branches of shoemakiiig 
 were mnumerable ; of masons, carpenters, and various other 
 trades the number was verj^ large; and above thi< c liundred 
 citizens were employed out of Florence in foreign negotiation. 
 A hundred and forty-six ovens supplied the conununity, and 
 it was found from the duties collected on grinding and ovens 
 tliat the daily consumption of Florence within the walls was a 
 hmidred and forty *'mo/////a" of wheat equal to eight sacks 
 of three Staia or Florentuie bushels each ; but most of the 
 rich, noble, and substantial citizens with their families remained 
 at least four months of the vear at their countiy houses. In 
 I'^HO the weekly supply of wheat was only eight hundred " moij- 
 ffia ;" a proof of subsequently increasing population if not pros- 
 perity. Of wine, fifty five thousand Coyna of ten bairels each, 
 and in abundant seasons sixty-five thousand were animal ly con- 
 sumed within the walls : four thousand calves and oxen were 
 brought to the shambles ; sixty thousand sheep ; twenty thou- 
 sand goats ; tliirty thousand pigs which were fattened up to a 
 hundred and fifty, and even to three hundred weight, and paid 
 two Lire of Gabella. During the month of July there entered 
 by the gate of San Friano alone four thousand loads of water 
 and musk melons for public use. In these times also, says 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] FOREIGN REOIORS, ETC. BUILDINGS. 
 
 581 
 
 Villani, the following foreign officers administered justice in 
 Florence, each with the power of torture. Namely the 
 "Podesta;" the "Captain of the People;" the "Defender 
 of the People and the Trades ; " the " Executor of the Ordi- 
 nances of Justice," and the " Captain of the Guard or Con- 
 servator of the people " who had more authority than the 
 others ; but all could inflict personal punishment. Besides 
 these there were the Judge of llights and Appeals ; the Judge 
 of the Gabelle ; the presidhig officer in the Court of Female 
 Ornaments; the head officer in the Commercial Coml; the 
 Director of the Wool-trade ; the Ecclesiastical Officers ; the 
 two Bishops' Courts of Florence and Fiesole, and the Inquisi- 
 tion ; all showing what a vast quantity of executive and judicial 
 power was in the hands of foreigners, who if free from local 
 partiality were also free from local shame and not exempt from 
 the influence of local authority. 
 
 Florence was at this period well studded with handsome 
 dwellings ; the citizens were continually building, repauing, 
 alteiing, and embellishing their houses ; adding every day to 
 their ease and comforts, and introducing improvements from 
 foreign nations. Sacred architecture of every kind partook of 
 this taste ; and there was no popular citizen or nobleman but 
 either had built or was building fine country palaces and villas, 
 far exceeding their city residence in size and maginficence ; so 
 that many were accounted crazy for their extravagance. 
 
 " And so magnificent was the sight," says Villani, " that 
 strangers unused to blorence on coming from abroad when 
 they beheld the vast assemblage of rich buildings and beautiful 
 palaces with which the country was so thickly studded for three 
 miles round the ramparts, believed that all was city like those 
 within the Roman walls ; and this was independent of the rich 
 palaces, towers, courts and walled gardens at a greater distance, 
 which in other countries would be denominated castles. In 
 short," he continues, " it is estimated that mtliin a circuit of 
 
582 
 
 DESCRIPTION OF FLORENCE ARCHITECTURE. [book i. 
 
 six miles round the town there are rich and noble dwellings 
 enough to make two cities like Florence'"-. And Ariosto 
 seems to have caught the same idea when he exclaim^ 
 
 *• A vedcr pien tli tante villc i colli, 
 
 Par che '1 terrcn vc le germugli come 
 Vermene gcrmogliar suol, 'e rampolli : 
 Se dentro un mur sotto un medesmo nomc 
 Fosser raccolti i tuoi Palazzi sparsi 
 Non ti sarian da pareggiar due Rome " f. 
 
 This growing taste for building although a natural consequence 
 of commercial prosperity was probably accelerated by the re- 
 peated action of sumptuary laws, which in restricting personal 
 expense and sensual gratification gave a new direction and 
 more intellectud character to taste. By forcing the opulent 
 into a nobler line of expenditure, that suqilus riches which by 
 us is generally dissipated in ostentatious, cumbrous, and yet 
 ephemeral amusements, was by them more commonly employed 
 to encourage the line arts. And as amongst these architecture 
 is that which presents itself most frequently and majestically 
 to general observation ; in which artisans of eveiy rank and 
 genius are employed and therefore more or less judges of its 
 excellence; which is soonest felt and most easily compre- 
 hended as an index of safety ease and comfort, as well as a 
 pleasing union of strength, symmetry, and utility ; it would 
 naturally become an early and favoured art even without any 
 warlike necessity, by a people such as the Florentines. It 
 would moreover as it were, demand the kindred aid of both 
 painting and sculpture which with magic toucli enhance those 
 
 ♦ G. Villani, Lib. xi., cap. xciv. — Delizie degli Eruditi Toscaui, vol xii., 
 
 Monumenti. 
 
 •f" While gazing on thy villa-studded hills 
 
 'Twould seem as though the earth grew palaces 
 
 As she is wont hy nature to bring forth 
 
 Young shoots, and leafy plants, and flowery shrubs : 
 
 And if within one wall and single nan\e 
 
 Could be collected all thv scattered halls, 
 
 Two Roraes would scarcely form thy parallel. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] ARTISTS— VIGOUR OF FREE INTELLECT. 583 
 
 beauties that soften its rigid mathematical character and give 
 to it a conspicuous station in the march of human refine- 
 ment. Hence probably their triple union, often accompanied 
 by poetry, in most artists of the fourteenth and fifteenth 
 centuries: yet architecture independent of its utility, must 
 always hold a subordinate station as a mere intellectual effort, 
 inasmuch as the original idea may be endlessly copied and 
 multiplied by inferior minds without sacrificing a spark of the 
 author s genius though the prototype were annihilated. But 
 neither the copy of a painting or a statue, any more than the 
 translation of a fine poem, can be animated with all the lofty 
 spirit of original inspiration : an inferior mind will fail in the 
 attempt ; a superior, if it condescend to copy, will absorb the 
 idea and make the work its own. Florentine taste and 
 genius first generated artists and were in tui*n attracted by the 
 bold creative spirit they produced ; for whatever evils spring 
 from a turbulent democracy, and their name is legion ; it was 
 on the whole a more noble and impressive condition, more in 
 unison with the dignity of man than the forced tranquillity 
 and painful submission of their lord-bestridden neighbours. 
 The mental energies were at least unfettered, the doors of know- 
 ledge opened ; and whether for good or evil the human mtellect 
 bounded and rebounded uncontrolled to the utmost spring 
 of its natural elasticity. This freedom of intellectual life 
 invigorated every class ; was felt in every occupation and pur- 
 suit; and according as it was more or less governed by pas- 
 sion, often produced a thrilling contrast of the dark and 
 brilliant points of national character. In this living spirit 
 the artists largely shared ; for genius is ever bold, and Flo- 
 rence prized her liberty of speech as moderns do the press, 
 wherefore as authors statesmen or artists the acts of public 
 men were never spared by public censure. 
 
 The same spirit that in the high-reaching ambitious citizen 
 broke forth in turbulence and blood, carried those of milder 
 
584 
 
 ENCOUR.\GEMENT TO PRIVATE BUILDING. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 genius and more peaceful occupations as far a^; the obscurity of 
 an age becoming daily more enlightened by their eiforts, would 
 allow the human intellect to soar. 
 
 Encouragement, although intended rather for population 
 than art, was given to private architecture by a law of 1378, 
 enforced with perialties in 130'2, which obliged every new made 
 citizen to build a dwelling in Florence of at least 100 florins 
 value ere he could exercise his civic rights : and the ample 
 space of unencumbered ground within the walls alfurded plenty 
 of room ; so that, according to Migliore, there were more pa- 
 laces than houses. The new streets became wider, longer, and 
 more regular ; and lost that confined, antitpie, and somewliat 
 military character formerly chosen for its defensive qualities, 
 which facilitated the prompt erection of Semufli or barricnides 
 at each extremity *. 
 
 At this period also and do^vn to that of the siege in 1 520 tlie 
 suburbs of Florence exhibited a ganiiture of houses, churches, 
 and palaces equal to the internal city and probably almost 
 doubling its nonimal pupulation. The city walls, thick set with 
 lofty towel's and massive barbicans were principally the work of 
 this centur}', and with the vast and stately temples of Santa 
 Croce and the cathedral ; the rich and OTaceful belfrv ; the 
 beautiful edifice of Orsanmichele ; all undertaken almost simul- 
 taneously though checked by foreign and domestic war ; im- 
 press us with high notions of Florentine taste and magnifi- 
 cence. The baptistiy or primitive cathedral of Florence was 
 superseded about the beginning of the twelfth century by the 
 then existing church of Santa Ileparata, and tlie latter in I'^OB 
 by the present edifice under the name of " Santa ]VIaria del 
 Fiore," in allusion to the national lily. Aniolfo di Cambio, 
 Giotto, Gaddi, Orcagna, and Filippo Branelesco, successively 
 directed this work through the long space of more than a hun- 
 dred and fifty years ; and though the last-named architect in 
 
 • S. Ammirato, Lib. xvi.,p. 832.— Fcr. Migliore, Firenze lllustrata. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 CATHEDRAL. SANTA CROCE. 
 
 585 
 
 defiance of every moral and physical difficulty completed the 
 present stupendous dome without the aid of centering ; a work, 
 said Michael Angelo, "most difficult to copy and impossible to 
 sui-pass," he did not live to see the church completed even to 
 its present state, and a hundred and seventy-six years inter- 
 vened from its foundation to the final elevation of the ball. The 
 cost although now uncertain must have been enormous ; that of 
 the belfry-tower alone, if the antiquarian Migliore can be cre- 
 dited, amounted to 11,000,000 golden florins! But this 
 statement though followed l\v sul)se(]uent writers will not gain 
 so much credit as the more comprehensible assertion that Flo- 
 rence expended a greater sum of money on her public build- 
 ings than she did in all her wars *. 
 
 Happy for the world if such examples were more frequently 
 imitated! Neither had Giotto the satisfaction of finishing his 
 own tower which he intended to surmount with a lofty marble 
 spire reaching about a hundred and ninety-two feet above the 
 present elevation, an addition that would have run up this 
 graceful edifice to about four hundred and fifty nine feet. His 
 pupil Taddeo Gaddi afterwfirds wished to carry tliis into effect 
 but the Florentines forbid it as being too antiquated. Too 
 antiquated ! as if anything containing within itself the real 
 ingredients of beauty could ever Ije too antiquated for a correct 
 taste f. 
 
 The vast fabric of Santa Croce although commenced in the 
 preceding century was only brought to its actual state by 
 Arnolfo di Cambio in 1:3 viO. In the fifteenth century Castello 
 Guaratesi a public-spirited citizen offered and actually began 
 to complete the front at his own expense but being disgusted by 
 the Board of Works, which refused a place for his itimily arms 
 amongst the embellishments, discontinued his aid ; yet when 
 
 * Fer. Migliore, Firenze lllustrata. — + Luigi Biadi, Fabbriclie non termi- 
 LuigiBiadi, Fabbriehe non terminate, nate. 
 — S. Ammirato, Lib. xvi., p. 833. 
 
586 
 
 LOGGIA DE LANZI. SYMBOLS OF FACTION. [book i. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] VENGEANCE. — MILITARY AECHITECTURE. 
 
 587 
 
 the ancient belfry tower was ruined by a hurricane in 1514, 
 forgiving all former discourtesy Castello again offered his funds 
 to erect a new one under the same conditions, and was again 
 refused*. 
 
 The usual ceremony of renewing the supreme magistracy of 
 Florence, which generally took place on the Ringhera or plat- 
 form before the public palace occasioned another beautiful 
 specimen of Florentine architecture : this ceremony was often 
 interrupted by heavy rains, and as a remedy for the incon- 
 venience Andrea Orcagna was employed to build the still 
 existing Portico or Loggia de' Lanzi on the site of houses 
 belonging to the Figliamochi and Baroncelli fjimilies. It was 
 fii'st called the Loggia della Piazza, but after the fall of repub- 
 lican Florence served as a guardhouse for the German Lanzi 
 or Lansquenets of the grand-ducal guard, and thence its pre- 
 sent appellation. It was the admiration of Michelangelo who 
 afterwards proposed to continue this lofty and magnificent 
 Portico round the public Place which in I3s0 had been paved 
 with brick ; and thus he would have rendered it one of the 
 handsomest architectural squares in Europe f . 
 
 It might be expected that the fine arts would have escaped 
 the taint of faction : but it was not so : the names of Guelph and 
 Ghibeline or popular and imperial parties, everywhere served 
 as a cloak for private enmity and political intrigue and hke 
 those of the nobles and peoj)le were frequently subdivided into 
 smaller ftictions by the clashing interests and private enmity 
 of powerful clans which so often deluged the Italian cities with 
 blood. The contending factions were distinguished by their 
 dress, their devices, colours, and sometimes even in the man- 
 ner of folding their napkins; but especially in the pecidiar 
 form of the battlements of their towers and palaces, which were 
 either square or pointed according to the political sect of the 
 
 * L. Biaili, Fabbriche non terminate. Lib. xv., p. 776. — Cinelli, Bellezze 
 f S. Ammirato, Lib. xiii., p. 689 ; di Firenze, p. 71. 
 
 owner. Such harmless signs of party were pardonable, but 
 the blood of relations and companions was made to flow with- 
 out scruple or remorse, and the most cruel tortures were reci- 
 procally inflicted when actual power allowed of deliberate 
 vengeance ; a passion which they carried even beyond the 
 grave, by putting their enemies to death without confession on 
 mirpose to enjoy the imaginative pleasure of their perpetual 
 forment in another world * ! 
 
 Of militaiy architecture, excepting the common mural de- 
 fences with an occasional citadel, the more elaborate specimens 
 must be sought, rather amongst those states which had lost 
 their liberty, of which these fortresses were the tombs and 
 emblems, than in Florence and other independent republics. 
 In Lombardy, Romagna, and in Tuscany are still to be seen 
 some of these strongholds of ancient tyranny; but the two 
 existing shackles of Florence are of a more modem date, and 
 though once grim and bristling, are now useless for the defence 
 of an absolute prince who is not a tyrant. 
 
 The regular military establishment of Florence was hardly 
 sufficient to garrison, and more as keepers than soldiers, the 
 citadels of her fortified towns and numerous strongholds : 
 having free communication with the country these citadels re- 
 quired only feeble detachments, and could easily be succoured 
 although the town were in open insurrection or even occupied 
 by an enemy. In fact no state could then have kept all its 
 strongholds fully garrisoned, for eveiy hamlet was inclosed 
 by stoccades, or mounds, or ditches; or with what generally 
 prevailed in small places, a strong connected circumvallation 
 composed of the back-walls of dwelling houses, each family 
 guarding its own and keeping a watch from lofty windows which 
 served as loopholes for defence, and commanded the adjacent 
 country. Excepting the villas of opulent citizens which in fact 
 were castles, there were but few insulated houses ; the whole 
 
 * Cebrario, Economia Politica, p. 49. 
 
 h\ 
 
53 8 
 
 MILITARY ARrHITECTl-RF. AND OPl.nATIoNS. [book i. 
 
 rural popuLation congregating in walled towns or -villages called 
 " CasteUir and '" Uocche'' when built in elevated positions 
 amongst the hills. They were defended exclusively by their 
 inhabitants and sersed as asylums for all moveable property 
 the growing cro])s alone being left oj)en to an enemy. War 
 therefore, as in the previous age, continued to be a more suc- 
 cession of inroads accompanied by tire devastation and plunder, 
 which lasted one, two, or three months with the capture of a 
 few places by force or treachery : but no long stay could be 
 made, no lasting concpiest ; no army could long subsist whidi 
 destroyed its o\vn nourishment ; where every man was an 
 enemy and eveiy march a siege. Booty was necessarily the 
 principal object, after mischief, and tlierefore few pitched 
 battles ennobled these predatory excursions. Neither could 
 battle be easily given without a mutual agreement between 
 the belligerent forces, for each in its entrenchments was safe 
 from the attack of heavy-armed cavalry in which the great 
 strength of armies then consisted ; and the least ol)stacle, even 
 of rough ground, was sufficient to iheck them, so that by 
 mutual cooperation a broad and level space was always pre- 
 pared for the combat, but only after a formal deliance by heralds 
 accompanied with insult, ridicule, or compliments ; and so 
 answered, according to the prevailing lumiour of the chiefs. 
 These actions were seldom bloodv, for the men-at-arms and 
 their heavy horses were wrapped in steel, and though encoun- 
 tering with prodigious force and often unhorsed were seldom 
 wounded, while Plutus in the form of ransom exercised the 
 function of mercy. Sometimes however the more deadly passions 
 prevailed, and then a poniard adapted to tliis especial purpose 
 bearing the signilicant appellation of " misfriconlia " soon cut 
 through the helmet straps and dispatched the ViUKpiished. 
 
 Pleavy-armed cavalry whether knights or simple men-at- 
 arms were each well supported l»y a certain number of light- 
 armed followers as long as they stood their ground, but the 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] THE LAN( i; MIIJIIA i[EIiCENARIES. 
 
 589 
 
 chief once defeated all were vanquished unless engaged with 
 the antagonist followers. The death or capture of a single 
 man-at-arms thus involved defeat to several under the deno- 
 mination of a " Lance.'' The number attached to a lance varied 
 at different periods from its first hitroduction with three men 
 by Hawkwood until they incrciised to six in the following cen- 
 tuiy when it appears to have become a simple matter of bargain. 
 
 By a document cited in Cibrario's work we lind that the 
 Duchess of Savoy in 1175 engaged Colluccio de Grifis of 
 Calabria with twentv-live lances at four horses for each lance 
 and amongst them a man-at-arms completely armed in the 
 Italian manner with a su[>porter and an assistant ; the former 
 to be furnished with a crossbow besides a corselet and lance 
 or partizan : and another supporter with lance in hand. For 
 eveiy such lance he was to receive twenty Savoyard florins a 
 month paid quarterly besides the pay of live more for his table- 
 money and personal remuneration. He was to serve the 
 Duchess one year, either in or out of Italy, be obedient to all 
 her commands, deliver u[) to her any general or high public 
 functionary that he might capture, as well as all towns and 
 castles that should fall into his hands --. 
 
 The admirable orgiuiisation of the Florentine militia already 
 mentioned on the authoritv of ( ioro Dati ought to have insured 
 a formidable arm of defence in a period of almost continual 
 alarms if their efficiency had been duly attended to, because 
 from their local knowledge and habitual use of weapons they 
 could defend mountain passes and town walls and even act in 
 the field along with regular troops ; but singly opposed to dis- 
 ciplined mercenaries they seem never to have accomplished 
 anything or saved a single florin of forced contribution to the 
 govennnent. 
 
 The mercenary soldiers, although always more or less em- 
 ployed in Italy, were earliest and most frequently engaged by 
 
 * Luigi Cibrario, Ecouoraia Politica del Medio Eva, capo ix. 
 
590 
 
 CONDOTTIERI SYSTEM. ITS ADVANTAGES, ETC. [book i. 
 
 wise. CHAP.] GENERALS POWER. — ITALIAN CONDOTTIERI. 
 
 591 
 
 opulent and powerful prelates and convents when it was con- 
 sidered indecorous for churchmen to take the field in person 
 unless bound to do so as feudal barons. The Catiilans and 
 other Spaniards, first led into Sicily and Calabria by Frederic of 
 Aragon against the house of Anjou, after tlieir dismissal made 
 war a trade, pait repairing to Greece as already noticed under 
 the name of the " Great Company " while others remained 
 in Italy, and at the beginnmg of the fourteenth century gave 
 their name of Catalan to eveiy sort of mercenary soldier of 
 whatever nation. Then followed (iuaniiere, ^lontreal, Lando, 
 Baumgarten, Hawkwood, the Bretons, the first company of 
 Saint George, the Stella, King Louis's Hungarian cavahy, 
 and a poisonous sprinkling of minnr adventurers, all existing 
 by rapine and under no curb but that amount of discipline 
 essential to the successful issue of their rapacity. During 
 the fourteenth century' Itcdy learned from these a tenible 
 lesson, acquired a congenial histe, and was aroused by a new 
 and fearful spirit : she joined, emulated, and even surpassed 
 the strangers in their own sanguhiaiy course, and finally 
 planted the seeds of modem tactics and tlie present art of war. 
 The mischief of this system is plain : its advantages were tlie 
 prompt assemblage of a disciplined army at a known cost, and 
 its no less instantaneous dismissal when hostilitit s ccaseil : no 
 pensions, no claims of service, no provision for widows and 
 children afterwards incc>mmoded the state ; the troops were 
 bought for a price and a period, and the general could mature 
 his plans without fear of his followers leaving him at the end 
 of thirty or forty days, or of tlieir refusing to follow beyond a 
 certain point perhaps in the moment of victory: nor was the 
 inconvenience of leaving their business and social enjoyments 
 less felt by the burghers ; so that the inducements were strung, 
 but far outbalanced by an accumulation of national evils which 
 reduced Italy nearly to the condition of a subjugated country. 
 The militar}^ power of the general was great ; and apparently 
 
 uncontrolled except by the government he served : even to the 
 infliction of capital punishment on men and officers of the 
 highest rank and independence ; but it was sometimes dangerous 
 to exercise it. The Florentine commander Bemardone della 
 SeiTe beheaded in 1307 the chief of a powerful band of merce- 
 naries called Bartolommeo Boccanera of Prato, who after seve- 
 ral acts of disrespect and insubordination presumed to disobey 
 his connnands : this from the oftender s high rank almost 
 created a mutiny, more especially as many thought it not 
 unmixed witli personal enmity ; but he was upheld by the 
 Seignoiy *. Notwithstanding this universal employment of 
 mercenary troops, no man able to bear arms was exempt from 
 service on emergencies ; and these general levies were some- 
 times so rigidly enforced that eveiy citizen was compelled to 
 appear under arms in the camp before the " Campana " had 
 ceased to sound, or before a waxen taper placed on the city gate 
 was entirely consumed ; and thus both men and arms were sup- 
 plied but not soldiers, nor sometimes willing partisans. 
 
 The militaiy trade was seductive, dissolute, lucrative, in- 
 spiriting, and therefore popular amongst the idle and mipro- 
 fessional, and the poor nobility; different motives acted on 
 different characters, but the wealth and distinction of suc- 
 cessful condottieri tempted every rank in Italy from the prince 
 to the peasant. Foreign leaders and soldiers who up to the 
 middle of this century monopolised the Italian war-trade, had, 
 at its termination, almost entirely given way to native troops 
 and commanders f. The Ordelaffi, ]\Ialatesti, Varani, Visconti 
 and others first joined the foreign bands and battened, in com- 
 mon with strangers, on the misery of their native land ; but 
 Alberigo count of Barbiano in the Bolognese state, was the fii-st 
 Italian Prince who raised an exclusively national company 
 under the banner of Saint George, which equalled the others in 
 
 * Leon. Arctino, Lib. x. — Scip. Ammirato, Lib. xvi., p. 860. 
 t Muratori, Antic. Itiiliatie, Dis. 20. 
 
592 
 
 BARBIANO AND OllIER LEADERS — PRICIS. [book i. 
 
 wickedness but excelled them in military talent. In 1877 with 
 two hundred lances he took a willing part in the horrors of 
 Cesina, and two yeai-s after while servhig Pope Urban VI. de- 
 feated the Bretons, the Antipope Clement VII. "s cxtmpany, at 
 San Marino, and thus established his fame and fortunes. 
 
 This company soon became the school of Italian soldiers, and 
 ere the centuiy finished many distinguished native leadei*s 
 issued from its ranks : Jacopo del A'erme thr son of a cele- 
 brated captain had already distinguished himself under the 
 Venetian banners in their eastern wars ; but liianoiardo, Facino 
 Cane, Otto-Bon-Terzo, Broglio, Biurdo, Ceccolino di Miche- 
 lotti ; and finally Braccio di Montone who became a celebrated 
 master in wai*, ai'e all said to have been moie or less formed m 
 the school of Alberigo; but a far more fortunate chieftain, the 
 elder Sforza, and therefore his still more celebrated son, issued 
 also from the same academy *. 
 
 The pay of a lance at this period was some inducement, 
 independent of other attractions, to follow the military profes- 
 sion : according to Salviati it was from l-i to llj ilorins a niunth 
 on which however there appeal's to have been heavy charges : 
 three horses and arms for three men were a ^n-eat and necessarv 
 expense, if not paid, as they seem to have sometimes been, by 
 a separate allowance; the price of soldiers fluctuating like other 
 marketiible commodities with the demand and supply. 
 
 The price of a war hoi-se varied from about sixty to near 
 two hundred pounds of the present day in the last quarter of 
 this centur}' : a lionzino cost from twenty-one to twenty-four 
 pounds ; its saddle thirty-one shillings ; and the daily expense 
 of a horse's keep at an inn was one and sevenpence halfpenny, 
 of which the hay and oats amounted to about a shilling ; a pair 
 of spui-s cost upwards of five shillings ; a bridle twelve and a 
 penny; a courser's bit more tlian fifteen : a jiair of pages stir- 
 rups eight and fourpence ; a mule's bridle ornamented, about 
 
 * Piiulo Giovio Vitc. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 TRICES OF COMMODITIES. 
 
 59 
 
 thirty-eight shillings ; the animal itself from twelve to twenty- 
 five pounds, and other similar commodities in proportion: 
 amongst them we find that twelve skins of red Florentine 
 leather for maldng scabbards, sword ornaments, and covering 
 saddles, cost upwards of seven pounds five shillings of the 
 present day. 
 
 Mutton was threepence half-penny, beef twopence farthing 
 and veal twopence three farthings a pound at Turin in 1374. 
 A hen cost tenpence, a capon twopence half-penny more ; 
 a pullet foui-pence farthing; a cow between two and three 
 pounds ; and a calf two guineas, in the year 1 35 '2. Thirty- two 
 years after a Turin pound of lard cost six farthings ; a pound 
 of tallow candles tenpence three farthings ; and an ox-tongue 
 about sixpence in 13U1. Oxen sometimes rose to 11/. each. 
 
 In the lirst quarter of the same century we find a new winch 
 crossbow costing more than seven pounds twelve and sixpence ; 
 nearly five pounds twelve given for two hundred shafts to 
 supply it, and about two pounds for a thousand iron arrow-heads. 
 
 Cloth for clothing the poor cost to the hospitals in Savoy about 
 twenty-seven pence halfpenny an ell, of native manufacture, 
 and about the same quantity of white Irish serge (" sa/a," Pop- 
 lin ?) cost five and iivepence farthing in 1343. Writing- 
 paper was nearly two-and-sixpence a quire in 1352. A pound 
 of sugar from Xegropont cost about eight shillings. A pair 
 of cuirasses, (perhaps the back and breast-plate) nearly two 
 pounds eleven shillings; a longbow cost at Venice between 
 seventeen and eighteen shillings ; jack-boots one pound nine 
 shillings the pair in 1375, and about the same time a pair of 
 white leather shoes for riding, cost two-and sixpence three 
 farthings : a steel hauberk nearly thirty-one pounds and a 
 glass chamber vase sevenpence *. 
 
 ihcse were murh used in the which in those days was formed prin- 
 
 fmirteenth century, probably to fiicili- cipally on the appearance of the water 
 
 tate medical judgment of disease, without seeing the patient. 
 
 VOL. II. Q Q 
 
594 
 
 PRICES OF COMMODITIES. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Common lances for light-armed infantrj^ cost about two shil- 
 lings each ; a pair of gauntlets one guinea, a proof corslet of 
 steel twenty-four pounds ; a coat of mail thirty pounds and a 
 dozen of arrows three pounds. An ordinary crossbow about 
 twenty-five shillings and the better sort two guineas. The 
 cost of four galleys given by Galeazzo Viscunte to Amedeus of 
 Savoy in 1360 was about 78'24/. sterling. Tiles in 1384 cost 
 about three-and-sixpence the hundred and bricks about twenty- 
 seven shillings a thousand. The common wages of a day 
 labom'er about the middle of this centuiy in Savoy were from 
 tifteenpence to seventeenpence half-penny a day in the present 
 currency of that state ; but some were as low as fivepence 
 farthing for the mere canning of stones ; while a carpenter 
 received about two-and-tenpence and a crossbow maker nearly 
 seven shillings per diem. In 1340 however the average wages 
 of common day-labourers in Savoy was from threepence half- 
 penny to foui*pence a day of the present money, and the 
 average of wheat something more than half its present money 
 value. The foregoing particulars have been roughly taken from 
 the Cavaliere Luigi Cebrario's verj- interesting and laborious 
 work on the political economy of the middle ages and will ena- 
 ble the reader to form a compai'ison between the pay and 
 principal expenses of condottieri '^. 
 
 If his calculation of the value of money be correct, measured 
 as it is by the price of wheat, the present price of necessaries 
 in Piedmont is not more than double that of the fourteenth 
 centuiy ; and this, if the ancient " Staio " or bushel measure 
 of Florence were equal to the modem one, seems to be cor- 
 roborated by the old records of that republic. 
 
 The wandering military adventurers of these imsettled times 
 were probably better paid than any other class, for they were 
 in almost constant reijuisition, and not of a temper to starve 
 when out of employment from any conscientious scruples about 
 
 * Cebrario, Economi.'i Politica del Medio Evo, Turin, 1839. 
 
 MISC. CHAF.] 
 
 SOLDIERS AND TTIEIR ARMS. 
 
 595 
 
 the appropriation of their neighbours' property. These knights- 
 errant were assembled and sometimes paid by individual 
 leaders to the number of from twenty to thirty in a band ; a 
 petty baron with a few vassals, and even single men-at-arms 
 under the names of " Lanzi Sjjezzati " and '' Bnganti" offered 
 themselves for hire in the military market ; and when once in 
 the field their numbers seldom diminished ; for they either 
 joined the standard of greater companies or with augmented 
 forces negotiated as independent chieftains. 
 
 The foot-soldier, under various names according to his arms 
 or countrj^ began especially in mountain warfare, to be more 
 prized towards the middle of this century; and the regular 
 infantry under the name of " Clients " were generally armed 
 with a cuirass or coat of mail, a heavy buckler and an iron 
 skull-cap; their offensive weapons being a long sword, often 
 an iron mace ; and a lance of eighteen feet. Archers and 
 crossbow-men were in general use and highly paid, particularly 
 the Genoese and Catalans ; but the English bow-men still pre- 
 served their superior fame in Italy. Some of the crossbows 
 shot off two arrows at once ; those used in defence of cities 
 often carried three Verrettoni, or discharged stones against 
 the enemy. Some of the infontry's shields were so long that 
 they stood fixed in the ground by means of an iron spike 
 at bottom and covered the whole body while the soldier plied 
 his weapon behind. Half pikes and javelins were much used 
 even by heavy-armed cavalry, and as before mentioned, with 
 bad success against the long tilting-lances and iron cavaliers 
 of Italy. 
 
 The Hungarian horse, so much employed during this century 
 in consequence of the connection between that kingdom and 
 Naples, were principally archers of almost Parthian celebrity, 
 and kept the head unanned to insure a greater command of 
 their weapon, especially in retreat ; they were the Cossacks of 
 that day with all the ferocity of tlieir Hunnish ancestors. 
 
596 
 
 BESIEGING INSTRUMENTS — MODE OF WAEFARE. [book i. 
 
 There appears to have been little or no alteration in the 
 besieging instruments from those of the last centuiy except the 
 gradual introduction of unwieldy cannon in the attack and 
 defence of cities, whose cumbrous form and enormous weiglit 
 seldom allowed of more than two or three dis<diarges in the 
 course of as many hours, and these always in the same direction. 
 yet where they took effect it must always have been far superior 
 to that of any other engine. Amongst the latter tlie ^langu- 
 nels and '' Trahucchi^ are described as being formed of vast 
 beams of timber suspended so as to cast a leathern sack of 
 heavy stones from one extremity, in the manner of a slin^,' 
 and with exceeding force, against the enemy ; from these en- 
 gines it was still the custom to insult a beleaguered town l>y 
 casting dead animals into it. 
 
 Such mocker}^ was harmless, but their barl)arities were not 
 so. and yet were exercised on the most unoffending inhabitants 
 when from a blockaded place it became necessary to eject the 
 useless mouths which were principally old men and females, 
 notice was commonly given to the besieged that all male out- 
 casts should be hung up without mercy, and the women? 
 petticoats were usually cut away behind as far as the waist : 
 they were then branded on one cheek, and when famine at last 
 overcame modestv and forced others without the walls the 
 nose was amputated in addition, as will hereafter be seen at 
 the sie^e of Pisa bv the Florentines. 
 
 Military service, unless compounded for, was exacted by all 
 governments from vassals and citizens : either for simple 
 •* Cavalcades," which were mere inroads often made in pride 
 and defiance ; or else to show themselves prepared for hos 
 tilities : also for " Eserciti,'^ which were more serious expe- 
 ditions for particular objects not of the last importance ; and 
 for what was called Esercito Gencrale, General Armament, or 
 Host, when the state was endangered by a powerful enemy 
 For the two first the Bando or Ban was summoned, eon 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] FORCES — OFFICERS AND FOLLOWERS. 
 
 597 
 
 sisting of the stipulated contingents of horse and foot already 
 settled by treaty, and we therefore often read of Florence 
 and Pisa sending their " Ca vallate " or bands of city cavalry, 
 each man-at-arms being attended by another on a Pionzino 
 or inferior horse. But when the general army took the field 
 both Ban and Arriere Ban were summoned, comprising almost 
 every man capable of bearing arms. Yet the larger cities 
 even in such cases often sent but a quarter or a sixth of 
 their armed citizens at a time ; or perhaps two of these divi- 
 sions which were regularly relieved, the turn for service being 
 often settled by the dice ; but sometimes all were compelled to 
 arm and serve personally, in despite of every privilege. 
 
 The army was attended by a certain number of commissaries 
 on the part of the Seignorj^ with great power of interference, 
 and always assisting at councils of war : they were often mis- 
 chievous, but absolutely necessary for the control of an army of 
 mercenaiy foreigners. Other officers w^ere appointed whose 
 exclusive duty was to prevent desertion and similar breaches 
 of thscipline, and every ten, twenty, and forty men were com- 
 manded by an officer, the two last under the name of " Con- 
 stables/' 
 
 The chief engineer wdio had charge of all the military en- 
 gines, was an officer of no small consideration in the armies of 
 this period, which were also furnished with a sufficient train of 
 chaplains, surgeons, heralds, trumpeters, and other musicians ; 
 amongst which bagpipers were very^ conspicuous ; and often with 
 a full attendance of buffoons and jugglers ; besides various 
 other means of fashionable amusement. 
 
 There does not appear to be any certahity of gunpowder hav- 
 ing been used in Italy before the year 1380 wdien according to 
 Ammirato it was brought by the Venetians from Germany, and 
 along with the '* Bombarda " or primitive cannon, used against 
 the Genoese in the Lagoons*. These Bombarde resembled our 
 
 ♦ S. Ammirato, Lib. xv., p. 804. 
 
598 
 
 CANNON ROCKETS SPIES GENERAL S PAY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 sea mortars but were much more rougli and unwieldy and carried 
 H stone ball : they as well as the cannon were frequently placed 
 in batteries fonned by a succession of triangidar cars called 
 "" RehaiuUchinV arranged with their angular pomt opposed to 
 the enemy thus forming a series of embrasures adequate to tbe 
 protection of artilleiymen from missiles. Rockets seem to have 
 been also employed, about the same period for setting tire to 
 towns, but by the Arabs as early as the beginning of the 
 century. 
 
 Women and monks were often engaged as spies, the foniier 
 protected by their sex the latter by their habit in those days 
 of religion and chivalry ; nor was it uncommon for adven- 
 turous chiefs to assume the monk's or minstrel's garb and 
 hazard their lives by exploring an enemy's camp : hangiiij^f, 
 burning, or being cast from a militaiy engine, were the usual 
 penalties, and even guides were frequently punished by loss of 
 hmb or the exaction of heavy fines, but traitors were decapitated, 
 and sometimes ''planted,'' a shocking punishment already 
 described as common in this centurv -. 
 
 The pay of great men as generals, vsithout any considerable 
 following, was variable according to the urgency of the occasion 
 and the probable duration of their command : Count Beltram 
 del Balzo, general of the league made by Florence with. Pemgia 
 and Naples in 1336 against Mastino della Scala, received 400 
 florins a month out of which he was bound to maintain a doctor 
 of laws, two assistants, two notaries, three trumpeters and a kettle- 
 drummer, besides other attendants. He was moreover to biing 
 \\ith him a hundred anaed cavalry as part of tlie general con- 
 tingent for which he received an additional allowance of 10 florins 
 a month for each : no horse under the value of ^0 florins was 
 allowed, but compensation was given by the confederates if 
 killed or mutilated in their ser\ncef. 
 
 * Cebrario, Economia Politica del Medio Evo, capo ix. 
 + S. Ammirato, Lib. viii., p. 406. 
 
 MISC. 
 
 CHAP.] 
 
 MILITARY BANK PAY STOCK BARGAINS. 
 
 599 
 
 For the more regular payment of mercenary troops a bank 
 was established by the Florentines in 1395 under the direction 
 of two magistrates where a military muster-roll was kept and 
 the expenses paid by a stoppage from soldiers' wages. In Pisa 
 we find that a company of two hundred native crossbow-men 
 were raised in 1381 who received six florins a year when not on 
 service but twelve times that sum when employed beyond the 
 
 walls. 
 
 The prevailing, though probaldy heightened impression of 
 Florentine riches, as it raised the value of their ransoms when 
 prisoners, so it may be reasonably supposed to have raised the 
 price of soldiers in their service, and there is some reason to 
 believe that money bore a lower value generally in that opulent 
 citv than in many of the suii'ounding states. It is certain that 
 stockjobbing prevailed in all its varieties to such an extent that 
 in 1371 a tax of two per cent, was imposed on every time bar- 
 gain. " Seeing " says Stefani " that many gambled in the 
 funds, and said, ' Stocks are at 30 per cent. ; now I wish to 
 do some business with you: I will give you, or you may give 
 me in one year from this time so much stock at 31 per cent.' 
 MVhat ^\ill you take to do this?' A bargain is made and 
 they remain quiet : if stocks fall they buy, if they rise they 
 sell and thus shift their bargain twenty times a year. Where- 
 fore a tax of '^ per cent, was put on every bargain made" *. 
 
 About the same period, in consequence of the firm of the 
 Guardi failing for 127,000 florins, new and heavy punishments 
 were inflicted not only on the bankrupt himself but also on his 
 wife and children and he was moreover rendered incapable of 
 election to any public office : even honest bankrupts who fled 
 were outlawed until they returned ; and no previous composition 
 made with their creditors exonerated them from their original 
 debt if subsequent prosperity enabled them to pay f. 
 
 *M. di C. Stefani, Lib. ix., Rub. +S. Ammirato, Lib. xiii., p. 679.— M. 
 727. di Coppo Stefani, Lib. ix. Rub. 727. 
 
600 TRADE REPUTATION MERCANTILE COMPANIES. [book i 
 
 Great pains appear to have been taken by the Florentines 
 to maintain their moral reputation as tradesmen, manullicturers, 
 and merchants : as a public body they had a high theoretical 
 sense of probity and honourable dealing, which was not as mav 
 be supposed, always carried out in practice by individuals. 
 Each piece of Florentine cloth for instance was by law ordered 
 to have attached to it a label containuig every item of its cost 
 from the first purchase in England France or Belgium until its 
 re-sale beyond the Alps. Namely, Prime cost : " God's pen,nj: 
 (levied on all contracts in England) expense of carriage to 
 Florence, dyeing or re-dyeing, combing, shearing, pressing, fold- 
 ing, &c. with all the duties tolls taxes package cartage, an<] 
 even the wine and expenses at tavenis in transit. 
 
 The innumerable custom-houses with heavy tolls and duties 
 in every independent state and feudal lordship during the 
 middle ages, were vexatious impediments to trade, and couple.l 
 with insecure travelling prevented any single private individual 
 from exercising it. The consequence was an association of 
 those rich and powerful companies of Tuscan, Lombard, 
 Flemish, and Provencal merchants, who being ruled as in the 
 present day by directors and governors, made compacts with 
 great barons and princes; obtained security, privileges and 
 exemptions by threatening to change the line of trade, and 
 acted altogether as sovereign independent societies. They 
 were too useful to quaiTel with, and were generally protected by 
 great monarchs especially the popes, who often .supi)orted them 
 by the force of ecclesiastical censures : this was made neces 
 sary not only from the avarice of individual rulers, but from 
 the ill-understood and illusive temptation of high duties which 
 sometimes amounted to prohibition, and at othei-s bore hard on 
 poverty by an equal charge on the coarsest and finest fobrics. 
 The common and expressive name for these illegal, sudden, 
 and vexatious demands, which were often exacted in defiance of 
 treaties, was " Malatolte " " eviltaken " or robbeiy, and the uni- 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 GREAT MERCANTILE COMMUNITY. 
 
 601 
 
 versal adoption of the word bears ample testimony to the practice. 
 Nevertheless commercial profits in those days were great, be- 
 cause the growing taste for comforts and luxuries, which filled 
 half Europe, could only be supplied from a comparatively 
 restricted source and that source in the hands of a few power- 
 ful individuals ; the external commerce of Naples for instance 
 was in the fourteenth century almost exclusively monopolised 
 by the Bardi and a few other wealthy Florentines •'•'. 
 
 The multitude of petty jurisdictions through which the 
 overland trade was constrained to pass, necessarily turned the 
 greatest part of the Transalpine commerce seaward ; neverthe- 
 less a brisk communication was maintained by the Simplon, 
 ]\Iont Cenis and Monginevra passes, under the powerful protec- 
 tion of the commercial world of Italy ; for besides the corporate 
 character of each trade, the whole body of civic "Arts" acted in 
 union for all external affliirs ; and moreover of itself formed 
 a member of the great community of Italian merchants ; to 
 which were occasionally if not permanently united those of Pro- 
 vence and Catalonia. A powerful mercantile state was thus 
 created, springing as it were from the very pressure of misrule, 
 and spreading civilisation through the still murky and barbarous 
 regions of ignorance : it treated by means of its ambassadors 
 with Q\ery potentate, and procured by particular conventions 
 that protection which the political system and rough charac- 
 ter of the age rendered impossible for private individuals to 
 accomplish. The principal stipulations were, that tolls and 
 duties should not be suddenlv increased ; that indemnitv for 
 oflence was to be demanded from the person who committed it 
 and punishment inflicted on him alone, not on the whole body of 
 his compatriot merchants : that their bales should not be opened ; 
 that the roads should be protected ; and that all disputes 
 should be settled in a day. Moreover, that no goods should be 
 seized through the bad conduct of conductors, and that every 
 
 * Cibrario, Econ. Pol. Med. Evo, cap. viii. 
 
602 
 
 ITS MANAGEMENT PAPER-MONEY — BAN KS. 
 
 [book 
 
 mischief done to merchants by thieves or robbers should be 
 immediately made good: there was besides, an occasional 
 stipulation that all duties were to be paid in one species of 
 money to prevent unpleasant discussion and difficulties. These 
 conventions were called treaties of " Sahaf/uanlia " *' Salvacon- 
 dotto " and '' Guidagio ;" or safe-guard, safe-conduct, and 
 guidance ; and when one of these treaties was concluded at 
 Bourget, by Louis of Savoy seignor of Vautle, with the united 
 Tuscan, Lombard, and Provencal merchants, before Amedeus V. 
 there were present as their representatives, envoys from the 
 merchants of Milan, Florence, Lucca, Siena, Bologna, Pistoia, 
 Rome, Orvieto, Venice, Genoa, Alba, Asti, and Provence. 
 
 The geographical position of Savoy made its princes eager 
 to facilitate the passage of trade through their dominions ; but 
 the great and natural protectors of commerce were the popes ; 
 because drawing the bulk of their reveime from foreign coun- 
 tries and through mercantile channels, the papal treasure 
 became unsafe and was often exposed to plunder in despite of 
 every precaution. To this end pontiffs brought the spiritual 
 arms, and perhaps never more usefully, to bear on such agree- 
 ments when ordinar}' tribunals would have been mocked and an 
 appeal to arms unavailing. 
 
 A local paper cuiTency seems to have existed at Milan in 
 the thirteenth century, a probable consequence of accumulated 
 treasure m the princely coffers for wars and other expenses ; 
 but the invention of bills of exchange and the necessity of 
 advanchig money ou credit opened, as Cibrario observes, the 
 councils of princes to their bankers ; for no important enter- 
 prise could be undertaken without their knowledge and searcelv 
 without their aid, and the Florentines who swarmed in eveiy 
 foreign state were by means of their banks and other menaii- 
 tile establishments noted for an accurate and early acquaint- 
 ance with all political secrets. Their foreign spy-system was 
 well organised, subtle, and penetrating, because their own 
 
 MISC 
 
 . ciup.] FLORENTINE SPIES, ttc. PUBLIC DEBT WEALTH. 603 
 
 merchants were their spies, rulers, ministers and ambassadors. 
 Thus the interests of commerce and politics became in a great 
 measure identified and gold was never wanting ; so that to use 
 the homely expression of one of their own writers, " The Flo- 
 rentines were acquainted ivith all the creeks and crannies of the 
 world'' "^^ 
 
 Their wisdom however did not shield them from debt. The 
 second incumbrance of this kind contracted after their conflict 
 with ]\Iastino della Scala in 1336 was a consequence of that 
 event and amounted in 1353 ; after the Pisan war on account 
 of Lucca; to ^^00,000 florins. This according to Cibrario 's 
 calculation is equivalent to 10,9-26,000 francs or about 677,040/. 
 sterling and bore an interest of one danaio per lira a 
 month, or five per cent, per annum with the further privilege 
 of being free from seizure or sequestration for any crime, 
 yet was vendible and transferable. During the wars with 
 Gregory XI. and the Count of Vertu the real property of 
 the state according to Goro Dati was estimated at ^0,000,000 
 of florins and the property of public creditors, or funded debt 
 held by citizens, from 4,000,000 to 5,000,000 ; but after Vis- 
 contes deatli and the conquest of Pisa, peace and general con- 
 fidence added one-fourth to the value of every kind of property. 
 The real property of Florence was probably much more than 
 this, because it was by far the richest city in Tuscany ; and on 
 the levy of a forced loan at Siena in 1357 of two in a thousand, 
 40,000 florins were raised from that city alone, which would 
 give 20,000,000 florins ; or according to Cibrario's calculation 
 423,850,000 francs, equal to about 16,954,000/. steriingf. 
 Florence therefore thirty years later was probably much more 
 opulent : according to Goro Dati she spent in the three suc- 
 cessive wars with Gian-Galeazzo Visconte Count of Vertu, the 
 
 * Goro Dati, Lib. iv., p. 56. — Cib- Villani, Lib. iii., cap. cvi. — Cibrario, 
 rario, capo viii. cap. viii. 
 
 tGoro Dati, Lib. viii., p. 131 M. 
 
604 
 
 WAR EXPENSE CIBRARIO S WORK. 
 
 [book 
 
 previous great war with pope Gregorj^ XL, and the subsequent 
 purchase aiul conquest of Pisa in 140G : independent of smaller 
 quarrels and subsidies to condottieri; about ll,500,0(i() iLrius 
 which on the basis of Cibrario "s computed value of metals 
 would be equivalent to about 0,73*2,45()/. sterlhig of our pre- 
 sent monev ^. 
 
 Having frequently quoted the distinguished Chevalier Cibra- 
 rio s estimate of the comparative value of ancient and modern 
 money it may be as well to indicate the ^dan on which he pro- 
 ceeded to arrive at conclusions so different from those of all otlici 
 writers on this subject Adam Smith and Galiani (della Moueta) 
 he says were well aware of the necessity of comparing ancient 
 money with the price of commodities in order to ascertain its real 
 value : Dupre de Saint Maur+, Carli I, and Pagnini s besides 
 many other writers of all nations held the same opirnun but did 
 not proceed in their calculations with all the jmlgment necessaiy 
 to accomplish this object. The proportions proposed l»y the two 
 first between the ancient and modem value of things dilTer 
 considerably and therefore cannot be accepted, neither does he 
 think that those of Selden and Hallam have a more stable 
 basis. The quantity of precious metals imported from Ame- 
 rica is a false measure even if accurately known ; because wr 
 are ignorant of the relative quantity coined and manufactured 
 into articles of luxui-y pomp and magnificence : neither are we 
 acquainted with the extent of a diminished supply from the 
 European mines in consequence, besides vari(»us other circum- 
 stances in population agriculture and trade ; all in a continual 
 state of mutabihty but all more or less all'eeting the value 
 of money. 
 
 It being impossible to make an accurate calculation on such 
 an unsteady basis, one less subject to variation becomes neces- 
 
 * Goro Dati, Lib. viii., p. 120. mercio della Moneta. 
 
 f Essaisur la Monnaie ctsurlc Rapport § Del Pretrio tklle Cose, in his work 
 
 entre I'Argent et les Denrecs. on the Deciiua of Florence. 
 
 :J: Disertazione sull' Origine e sul Com- 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 CIBRARIO S ESTIMATE OF MONEY, 
 
 C05 
 
 sary, and this is generally allowed to be found in corn which 
 supplies the first, constant, and universal necessity of man, and 
 is perpetually adjusting itself to the number and condition of 
 the people. For example says Cibrario, "When I ascertain 
 that with three soldi that is with thirty-six danari of Yienne 
 (in Provence) a bushel of wheat could have been purchased at 
 Turin in 1-200. When I know what quantity of metal an- 
 swered to the thirty-six danari and what was the real capacity 
 of the bushel, or staio, at that epoch ; then by comparing the 
 average price of wheat at the end of the thirteenth century 
 with that of the present day, 1 can reasonaldy conclude that 
 the tliirty-six danari of Vienne correspond with that amount of 
 modem money necessary for the purchase of a Inishel of wheat, 
 and that this is the real value of the thirty-six danari. But 
 to arrive at this conclusion it becomes necessary to proceed as 
 follows. 
 
 " First, To turn ancient money into modern with reference 
 only to the quantity of metal contained In both. Second, To 
 find the medium price of wheat in those days by the average of 
 a certain number of years. Third, To find the true capacity 
 of the ancient measures. Fourth, To compare the ancient 
 price of wheat with the modern price, in each year of the 
 period of my search; and then to increase the money, the 
 value of which I seek, by the difference between the price of 
 an equal quantity of wheat at that and the present time." 
 
 In all these points he succeeded after a long, minute, and 
 careful examination of the voluminous public accounts of Savoy 
 and Piedmont, where amongst other interesting facts he dis- 
 covered that in 133G, from a ''Scstario'^ or ancient Pied- 
 montese bushel, of wheat ; equal to two " Emlne " of that day ; 
 three " Fiubhl " or seventy-five poimds of bread, were usually 
 made. At present two emine make eighty-six pounds of 
 bread (from which he deducts one pound as an allowance for 
 an apparently sitjjposed present superiority in the preparation 
 
COG 
 
 RELATIVE VALUE OF MONEY IN FLORENCE. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 of bread) and there remains ten pounds difference between the 
 ancient and modem emina. 
 
 The latter he tells us is equal to something more than 
 twenty-three litres; therefore the ancient Sest^irio or Staio 
 of Piedmont was equivalent to 40,(>85 litres. The avera^re 
 price of one emina of wheat from 18t>5 to 18^35, was 4 lire 
 64c. 6om. Therefore a sestario would now cost 8 lire 
 17c. 7Gm., or so many French francs. The medium price of 
 a sestario of wheat from 1-280 to 1300, in Piedmont was 4 lire 
 2*^0. 64m. The actual medium price as above 8 lire ITc. 70m. 
 And thus with inlinite labour he reduces ancient money to its 
 modem value-. 
 
 Hence it appeai-s that money in those days was something 
 less than double its present value in Savoy and Piedmont and 
 probably ; from the generally equal distribution of bullion as a 
 commodity ; with little variation from this throughout the south 
 of Europe. 
 
 In the Florentine chronicles too we have frequent notices of 
 the price of corn and value of the golden tlorin ; also the 
 market weight of the staio or Florentine bushel of wheat in 
 the fourteenth centurj' ; and these enable us to calculate pretty 
 nearlv the relative value of ancient and modem monev in that 
 capital, without reference to, but nearly agreeing with Cibrarios 
 estimable tables f. 
 
 Padre Vincenzio Fineschi's history of thes carce and abund- 
 ant years of Florence (abridged from a manuscript of the 
 fourteenth centurv) offers the results of a monthlv remster kept 
 from 13-20 to 1335 by Domenico Lenzi, a corn-merchant of 
 that day, and taken from the public market books of Florence. 
 Five of these averages are struck half-yearly and thirteen an- 
 nually, together with the mean value of the golden florin in 
 Tuscan lire corresponding to each average. Amongst them 
 
 * Cibrario, cap. vii. A remarkable work, of crroat value labour and research, 
 t F. V. Fincschi, Curistie e Dovizie. - M. VilUui, Lib. iii., cap. Ivi. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] RELATIVE VALUE OF MONEY IN FLORENCE. 607 
 
 there are no less than eight averages which include a period of 
 four years and a half of famine prices, besides thirteen of dear 
 and medium seasons ; but the former greatly predominating in 
 consequence of a shackled com trade always under the strict 
 superintendence, and generally in the hands of government. 
 
 The constant agitation of an universal and energetic com- 
 merce gave a continual and excessive fluctuation to the inferior 
 currency while the golden florin, intrinsically unaltered, became 
 a fixed standard of value for the rest. The average worth of 
 this celel)rated coin during the above period was 3 lire, 2 soldi, 
 and 9 Florentine danari; a great alteration in silver since its 
 fii-st appcjirance in 125'2 when it answered to 20 soldi or 1 lira. 
 
 The average price for a staio of wheat containing from 51 to 
 5*3 pounds troy of 5700 grains each, was at the same period 
 1 lira, 1 soldo and 7 danari. In 1 830 the average price of wheat 
 was about 4 lire, 1'^ soldi and 6 danari in the Florentine market; 
 and the Zecchiuo or ancient golden florin which has scarcely 
 altered is now equal to 1 3 lire soldi 8 danari of Tuscan currency. 
 The capacity of the modern Htaio differs little if anything from 
 that of the fourteenth centuiy : it contains 1480 cubic inches and 
 the English bushel ?2150'4 ; wherefore it is to the latter as 0*941 
 to 1. These data will give 43 pounds of 7000 grains, or 294,000 
 grains avoirdupois, for its capacity ; which brings it nearly to 
 the ancient measure. According to the above authority the 
 average cost of a staio of wheat during the thirteen cheaper 
 years appears to have been 14 soldi and danari; and the 
 medium value of a florin for the same period 04 soldi. Hence 
 by a simple proportion the value of 14 soldi and danari in 
 modern Tuscan money is found to be 05 soldi or 3 lire and 
 5 soldi. The mean of the eight famine averages by a similar 
 process makes the cost of a staio 34 soldi ; the value of a florin 
 60 soldi and 7 danari ; and the value of a staio (or 34 soldi) in 
 modem money is 7 lire, 9 soldi, and 8 danari. A Horm of 
 gold according to this statement would then purchase, on an 
 
60S 
 
 VALUE OF MONEY PAY C-I KXIGIITS, SiC, 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 average of the thirteen more favourable seasons, about '2'29^ 
 pounds of com ; and at present by similar reasoning only 15(» 
 pounds of the same commodity. Wherefore it would appear 
 ihat the value of monev at Florence in the fourteenth century 
 is to its present value as *2*^9'5 to 150. And tliis is no great 
 way from the result of Cibrario s estimate for Savoy and Pied- 
 mont ; as on a rough examination of his tables it would seem 
 that there the relative value of a florin at the same epochs 
 was as '-258 to 1;U, and corn probably cheaper than at the 
 richer and less agricultural Florence. But the conclusion 
 Cibrario comes to is probably not far from the tiiith, namely, 
 that all things considered, from the maintenance of a prisoner 
 to the state of a prince, the average cost of subsistence in the 
 thirteenth and fourteenth centuries was not much under that 
 of the present day in the south of Europe, the augmentation ul 
 public wealth being counterbalanced by an increased popuhi- 
 tion who proportionably divide it ; and even the pay of soldiers. 
 which seems to be the highest remuneration of the time. 
 besides its unequal and ever-varying character, sinks nearly to 
 the common level when the charge of their horses and arms is 
 considered. 
 
 In the first rank of pay stood the knight with two horses 
 and a squire, and sometimes more; as we find one in 13U5 
 receiving upwards of C3 francs a day of modeni money for 
 himself and five squires ; but from to 7 francs was the usual 
 pay for a chevalier with a single horse and Ronzino. The 
 squire was frequently engaged alone and received \)ay accordin^j 
 to the number and quality of his horses and attendants. Next 
 came the man-at-anns with his " destriero " or war-horse, and 
 his pay ranged from 4^ to upwards of 0.1 francs a day. Then 
 the man-at-arms with a courser or inferior horse received from 
 something under 3 to near 5 francs a day : but they had often 
 two or three horses besides Pionzini or Imcks, on which they 
 rode to battle as our huntsmen do to cover. They wc r* 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] PAY OF TROOPS. GALLEYS. ARTIFICERS, ETC. COQ 
 
 also called " MiUti,'" " Briffanti," " Barbiite,'' and afterwards 
 " Lances,'' and often received from 5 to nearly 7 francs of daily 
 pay. The mounted crossbow-men stood high, and received 
 from under 4 J to upwards of 10 francs a day. Infantry 
 of the same arm received from something more than 2 to 
 upwards of 4 francs. Archers received from about 10*2 to 
 145 francs a month in 13()6 and 1401. The ''Client,'' or 
 common foot-soldier with shield and lance, from 5«S centimes 
 or something more than ^ a franc to nearly 1|. The monthly 
 pay of a Marseilles galley, (probably small,) was 611*2 francs, 
 while that of the captain of Genoese galleys, for one of these 
 vessels, came to more than four times that sum in 13GG. By 
 an alhance made in 1340 between Pisa and Genoa a squadron 
 of galleys was to be jointly maintained against pirates and 
 others : each galley was to have a captain and his sen^ant ; 
 a secretaiy and under secretary ; a boatswain and mate ; from 
 fifteen to twenty good and sufficient crossbow-men ; a hundred 
 and eighty rowers, and not less : at least a hundred and fifty 
 cuirasses ; a hundred and fifty shields ; a hundred and fifty skull- 
 caps; five thousand arrows, (" Verrettoni"); twenty- four bill- 
 hooks ; thirty-six long lances ; eight lanterns ; sixty *' Cantaros" 
 of bread (about four tons) which was always to be kept up : 
 and if two Genoese and one Pisan galley were cruising together 
 the Genoese commanded, and the contrary *. 
 
 A militaiy surgeon with his servant received 5^ francs a 
 day. A carpenter of engineers upwards of 2-J francs. A stone- 
 cutter to provide stones for militaiy engines, 1^. Cars and 
 bullocks to cslytj military engines cost for the daily hire of each 
 heasl 66 centimes in 1321, and for the driver 1 franc and 
 31 centimes. The pay of a carpenter or mason finding him- 
 self was 3 francs and 64 centimes; if fed, 2 francs and 43 
 centimes; the cost of maintenance was therefore 1 franc 21 
 
 * Vide Dal Borgo, " Diplomi Pisani," pp. 76 — 79) ; also Roncioni, with some 
 slight variation. 
 
 N 
 
 VOL. H. 
 
 R R 
 
610 
 
 PAY OF KNIGHTS. PRICE OF HORSES. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 INNS. TRAVELLING EXPENSES. 
 
 611 
 
 centimes for a Piedmontese workman in 1384, which according 
 to Cibmrio is its present vahie. The monthly pay of a knight 
 banneret {cavuUere handerese) seems to have been about 407 
 francs and that of a knight bachelor 305. A donzeUo or page 
 received 203; and nobles serving on foot francs and NO 
 centimes a day. Amongst other expenses the pay of a drago- 
 man at Constantinople in 130() appears to have been ^>0I 
 francs or about S pounds sterling a month, while in the same 
 year Amedeus VI. of Savoy gave no less than 7371 francs or 
 •-205 pounds sterling for a Romance, to the Sire Guillaume de 
 IMachaut ; two yeai's after 30(i francs for another to the Sire 
 de Couci's minstrel, and in 13*28 an advocates law library of 
 16 vols, sold for 16*2 pounds sterlmg. 
 
 The coursers and ronzini were used in battle by light-armed 
 horsemen ; and horses of all kinds, although perhaps pro- 
 portionately more numerous than at present from their uiii- 
 vei-sal adoption both in civil and military life, l>ore as high and 
 even higher prices than they now do in the south of Europe. 
 Men women and children principally journeyed on horseback 
 and generally with many attendants ; for litters were not in 
 common use although both these and cars were often preferred 
 by female travellers *. Petrarca complains of being obliged. 
 in order to avoid the munuurs of people, to take more lioi*ses 
 than he wanted : " Cato the Censor," he says, " was contented 
 with one horse and three valets but our depraved vain luxu- 
 rious mannei*s cannot accommodate themselves to this Piomau 
 simplicity. We cannot in these days go a mile without a 
 circle of hoi^ses and serv^ants: I resist as much as I can this 
 torrent of perversion ; when at home two horses serve me, but in 
 travelling I am better known than I would wish, and m 
 spite of myself am compelled to bend to the customs of a 
 corrupt age "f. 
 
 The lowest priced horse for a servant seems to have cost 
 
 • Cibraiio, Tuvolc, &c., p. 550—550. f De Sudo, Vol. iii., p. 741. 
 
 between 10 and 11 pounds ; mules from V2 to 80 ; and a com- 
 plete war-hoi*se given in 1365 by Amedeo VI. of Savoy to Gale- 
 azzo Visconte cost 800 pomids sterling of our present money *. 
 The roadside inns were probably few, but those in towns 
 were good and even magnificent if a correct inference may be 
 drawn from their haviug spoons, forks, goblets, and often plates 
 of solid silver. A passion for such display, beyond all common 
 necessity, seems to have pervaded every rank of sufficient 
 opulence to satisfy it; probably arising from the union of 
 vanity and convenience in a period of great insecurity when 
 sudden calls for money could he most quicldy met by the 
 pledging of such valuables f . The comforts of the road must 
 of course have varied in different countries, but the expense of 
 travelling could not have been great as we learn from Buonac- 
 corso Pitti; whose master considered 1^ florins a sufficient 
 allowance to take him from Buda to Florence. Beinj^ young 
 and wishing to seek his fortune he had attached himself to a 
 travelling merchant who buying ] 000 florins' worth of saffron 
 at Venice passed by Croatia to Buda where the saffron was 
 sold at double its original cost. These Florentine travellers 
 seemed to have looked to the main object and lived roughly ; 
 for Pitti falling sick of a fever was left with the said ducats to 
 the cai-e of their landlord : his bed he says was a sack of straw 
 in an old room ; no doctor visited him ; no female inhabited 
 the house, there was but one man-servant who cooked and 
 waited on Michele Marucci his landlord and two merchants who 
 lodged there. In this condition almost dead with fever he 
 remained six weeks until St. Martin's eve, when a bevy of 
 young Germans assembled with lifers to dance in a spacious 
 room opposite Buonaccorso's chamber where he lay with a sort 
 of old bathing-cloth wrapped round him instead of sheets, and 
 covered by a carpet and his own greasy furred cloak. Some 
 of the young men happened to peep into his chamber and 
 
 ♦ Cibrario, p. 563. 
 
 RR2 
 
 + Cibrario, p. 543. 
 
612 
 
 BUONACCORSO PITTI ANECDOTES. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 seeing him in this condition immediately forced on his cloak and 
 hurried him off to the ball-room, saying " We will either kill or 
 cure you, but at all events put you out of pain ; " and for a whole 
 hour in spite of his earnest prayers they forced him to dance 
 until he fell down with pure exhaustion ; then cariyhig him back 
 to bed they tossed all their cloaks on top of him and resumed 
 their dancing and drinking, which lasted all the night. Next 
 morning they returned for their cloaks, compelled Buonaccoi-so, 
 who had in the interim fallen into a profuse and long continued 
 perspiration, to dress and drink with them which he willingly 
 did, and after another hour of repose went abroad convalescent, 
 supped at a friends house who was master of the mint at 
 Buda ; gambled, and won -200 florins ; then bought horses on a 
 speculation and returned to Florence. Such were the first steps 
 of a young Florentine merchant of high family, the subsequent 
 companion of kings and princes, and the lather of Lucca Pitti 
 who set up as a rival to Cosimo de' Medici and built the cele- 
 brated royal palace that still bears his name *. 
 
 Another anecdote of this author will illustrate the practical 
 working of Florentme institutions perhaps better than any 
 general description : he transmits it as an example, and a 
 warning to his children not to cope with or even defend them- 
 selves against more powerful citizens however just might be 
 their cause. Luigi Pitti the brother of Buonaccoi-so when 
 Podesta of Bucine in the Val-d'-Ambra had several opportuni- 
 ties of hearing the complaints and redressing the wrongs of tbe 
 venerable abbot of Santo Piero a Ruoti an ancient abbey of 
 Val-d'-Ambra founded by the Ubaldini counts of Chitignano. 
 These services made an impression on the old prelate who bad 
 been worried by more powerful neighbours, and attached him 
 so much to Luigi and the Pitti family that about three years 
 after on tinding himself becoming too weak to continue his 
 functions and therefore more subject to annoyance, he repaired 
 
 ♦ Cronica di Buonaccorso Pitti, p. 1 7. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 THE ABBOT OF SANTO PIERO-A-RUOTI. 
 
 613 
 
 to Florence and informed them of his determination to resign 
 the abbacy, which he had then held for four-and-thirty years ; 
 and at the same time constituted them his legal agents, with 
 powers to offer his resignation whenever they could succeed in 
 securing the reversion to their own family. The Pitti were at 
 first unwilling to take advantage of tliis friendly act ; but after 
 trying to dissuade him by a promise of their zealous support 
 against all enemies, they accepted the procuration resolving 
 however not to make use of it, but still support their ancient 
 friend with the whole force of their kindred. 
 
 The weak in Florence, especially if worth plundering, were 
 never entirely free from the ilmgs of more powerful neighbours 
 in despite of tlie protective law of petition ; wherefore Alber- 
 taccio Piicasole and his potent clan whose possessions lay in the 
 vicinity, presuming on the abbot's impotence determined to 
 ruin him by a false accusation and secure the benefice for one 
 of their own relations. Appearing before the " Ten of the 
 BciUd " at Florence they boldly charged the abbot with co- 
 vertly attempting to deliver his abbey up to the Ubertini its 
 ancient owners then rebels under the ban of the republic; 
 and to render the charge more plausible they had secretly des- 
 patched a messenger in the colours of that family to declare at 
 the convent during the prelate's absence that he was come on 
 the part of Andrieno degli Ubertini to confer with the abbot 
 and carry back his answer. This information and a summons 
 from the Balia brought the latter quickly to Florence and 
 Luigi Pitti accompanied him to that magistracy by whom he 
 was closely examined acquitted and dismissed. 
 
 This incident at once convinced Buonaccorso that unless the 
 abbacy were speedily renounced and its reversion secured, the 
 Piicasoli either by force or fraud would soon become its masters : 
 he however was not supported in this opinion by other kins- 
 men, who feared to incm' blame, more especially as the abbot 
 to whom these doubts were communicated, had by the comfort 
 
614 
 
 THE ABBOTS STORY CONTINUED. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 MISC CHAP.] 
 
 THE abbot's STORY COKTINUED. 
 
 615 
 
 and assurance of their support in a great measure recovere*! his 
 health and efficiency. He nevertheless resigned himself to 
 their decision in eveiything saving a compromise of his lionour: 
 this last injunction confirmed Francesco and Luigi Pitti, while 
 Buonaccorso and his third hrother Bartolommeo still held to their 
 former opinion as most secure and eligihle for the prelate himself. 
 The Ricasoli on seeing their intended victim so actively sup- 
 ported, relinquished the scheme of striking him down throu^rh 
 the Florentine govenmient ; changed their point of jittiuk, and 
 by means of Pandolfo, Bindaccio, Galeotto, and Carlo Kica- 
 sole : all of them squires of the pope's household at Home ; 
 preferred a second false accusation accompanied hy a petition 
 for the benefice. The result was a summons to the ahhot ; but 
 decrepitude and a fear of personal outrage induced him to send 
 an advocate in the person of Ser Giuliano dalla Cicogna a priest 
 of Saint Lorenzo and a friend of lUionaccorso Pitti. Mean- 
 while the latter and his brothers bein<? still on friendlv terms 
 with the Ricasoli called separately on Alhertarcio and several 
 members of that family in Florence, explained the transaction 
 that had taken place between them and the abbot, and re- 
 quested the Ricasoli to drop the proceeding, which they at 
 once promised if possible to do by an immediate communication 
 with their kinsmen at Rome. The Pitti then petitioned the 
 Seignory to use their influence with the pontiff for having the 
 abbot's cause argued before the bishops of Florence, Arezzo, 
 or Fiesole and then decide according to their report. This 
 would perhaps have been granted if Betto Busini a prior and 
 friend of Ricasole had not according to instructions moved that 
 the other paity should be heard. Both sides w^ere accordingly 
 ordered to attend on the following day, when all the members 
 of colleges were personally canvassed by the Ricasoli party to 
 vote against the petition : Buonaccorso firmly demanded that 
 his prayer should be granted ; but Bindaccio PeiTizzi a relation 
 of the Ricasoli, not only vilified the abbot s character but 
 
 unblushingly declared that the benefice was wanted for his own 
 brother Amoldo, and demanded a negative, which after some 
 discussion was finally given through the powerful mfluence of 
 
 that ^unily. 
 
 Cardinal Orsini who in the biterim had been appointed to 
 hear the cause at Rome would accept no substitute, but insisted 
 on the abbot's personal attendance ; on this Buonaccorso, who 
 had formerly known him, despatched a letter inclosed to the 
 cardinal in a silver gilt cup of 8'2 florins value; and Giuliano 
 iu presenting it said : " Messere I recommend the abbot of 
 Ruoti to your protection for love of your servant Buonaccorso 
 and the Holy Father." On this Pandolfo Ricasole (alludmg to a 
 treaty concluded by the advice of Luigi Pitti against the pon- 
 tiffs wishes) immediately exclaimed " Messere he recalls to 
 your memory a cordial enemy of the holy church and our lord 
 the Pope." And with this convenient handle the pontiff was 
 so dexterously managed by his Florentine squires that the 
 abbot was condemned to lose his benefice and be placed in per- 
 petual confinement, and Arnoldo Peruzzi preferred to the 
 vacant abbacy in commendam until confirmed by the Floren- 
 tine government, which had succeeded to the rights of its 
 ancient patrons the Ubertini. 
 
 The abbot remained a prisoner at large attended by a public 
 officer, but as a guest of the Pitti who foreseeing that the 
 pope's decree and excommunication not only of the old prelate 
 but of all who supported him, coupled with the aid of the 
 powerful Ricasoli, Gianfiglazzi, Peiiizzi Castellani, with other 
 friends and adherents, and followed by a host of false witnesses 
 would finally carry eveiything, began at last to despair. Buo- 
 naccorso imparted his fears to Giuliano dalla Cicogna who sug- 
 gested as their only chance that the abbot should lose no time 
 in accusing Albertaccio lUcasole of an outrage, by petition to 
 the Seignory, and the terror of condemnation to the class 
 of nobles would force liim to a compromise : approving this 
 
 > 
 
616 
 
 THE ABBOTS STORY CONTINUED. 
 
 [book 
 
 counsel but too wary to implicate himself, Buonaccorso left the 
 detiiils to the priest who willingly undertook to arrange eveiy- 
 thing, provided that a confidential servant of the Pitti were 
 placed at liis orders. A pretended assault was accordingly 
 made on the abbot as he passed by night to a friend s house 
 escorted by a public officer, whose presence alone apparently 
 saved him from personal injury ; the Seignory indignant at 
 this outrage to a prisoner under their charge, instantly pro- 
 claimed a heavy punishment both in purse and person for 
 any person convicted of concealing the culprit's names after 
 three days were expired ; and confirmed the decree next morn 
 ing by the imanimous vote of the colleges. Buonaccoi-so knew 
 exactly how the transaction had passed from the assjiilants, who 
 arrived at liis house a little before the otlier party from whom 
 he received a false and exaggerated account ; for the abbot, 
 ignorant of the scheme, magnified his o\\ti danger, and the 
 officer had repaired with intelligence of wliat occurred to the 
 Seignor}'. Several of the Ricasoli were arrested and examined 
 by the podesta, but released on proving their innocence: 
 Giuhano had also been attached and bound over to appear when 
 summoned ; but Buonaccorsi alarmed at the proclamation sent 
 him and the other culprits out of Florence. This produced a 
 citation for Buonaccorso himself who was threatened with a 
 process unless Giuliano appeared : these things continued for 
 three days, Buonaccorso still persevering hi his silence although 
 again examined and tlireatened. On the fourth however, 
 fearful of consequences if the secret were divulged by others, 
 he went and revealed everj^tliing to the Seignory, who instantly 
 issued a formal command for the arrest of all who were named, 
 as well as any others suspected of being privy to the trans- 
 action ; and ordered the Podesta to condemn them in purse and 
 person ; and from this sweeping sentence before trial, Buonac- 
 €01*80 alone if inculpated was to be absolved and liberated. 
 No less than five criminal prosecutions were thus commenced 
 
 Misc CHAP.] CASE OF LUIGI AND BUONACCORSO PITTI. 
 
 617 
 
 including Buonaccorso's ; amongst them his own servant ; liis 
 friend Giuliano ; Giuliano 's brother ; Lapo Ricasole a relation 
 but deadly enemy of Albertaccio s ; besides another indi\idual. 
 The fear of torture prevented any of them appearing except 
 Buonaccorso, who after examination was dismissed on finding 
 bail for 3000 florins, but the rest were condemned in heavy 
 fines and exiled for three years. During this process the 
 opposmg faction exerted themselves both openly and secretly 
 to have Buonaccorso included in the punishment, and thus 
 destroy his civic rights, but this roused his friends to the rescue 
 and he was saved ! He leaves this history to his children ; 
 not to be used by them as a register of unexacted vengeance, 
 but as a warning and remembrance of those who advanced to 
 his support in time of trouble. 
 
 Nor was he long clear of this difficulty ere another equally 
 illustrative, brought the family into fresh vexation and danger. 
 One evening he was unexpectedly summoned before the Exe- 
 cutor of Justice who to his surprise ordered him into solitary 
 confinement until moniing, when he learned that both himself 
 and brother were to continue prisoners until Luigi Pitti, who 
 many days before had quitted Florence for Naples, should 
 return and answer to a charge of haAdng revealed certain state 
 secrets to the ambassadors of King Ladislaus during the period 
 of his office as prior. This fact was assumed as proved by a 
 letter of the ambassadors to Ladislaus which had fallen into 
 the hands of government and Buonaccorso was ordered to 
 announce his own peril to Luigi unless the latter appeared in 
 person. The detention of these brothers again alarmed their 
 friends and family who immediately assembled to the number 
 of two hundred citizens in the church of San Piero Scheraggio, 
 where Neri Pitti their nephew opened the discussion by praying 
 for advice and assistance. After some consultation it was re- 
 solved that they should repair in a body before the public autho- 
 rities and demand the prisoners' release : this was instantly 
 
618 
 
 CASE OF LUIGI AND BUONACCORSO PITTI. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 carried into act, and warm words passed l)etween the executor 
 and Rinaldo Gianfiglazzi the spokesman. Nor w^ere the women 
 idle : within a short time all who then happened to be in Flo- 
 rence assembled together with tlieir children and proceeding 
 in a body to the public pahice made a similar demand from the 
 Balia, Seignor}-, and Colleges ! So decided a step backed up 
 as it was by the male relations, alarmed the government and 
 delivered their kinsmen. 
 
 IVIean while Luigi Pitti, then governor of Aqnila for Ladis- 
 laus, after receiving the king's permission set out for Florence, 
 but on reaching Perugia heard that he had been proclaimed an 
 exile by sound of trumpet, three days only having been given 
 him to appear in the capital; a notice hardly sufficient even to 
 reach him ere the time was expired ; and he was condemned as 
 contumacious by the activity of an antagonist faction notwith- 
 standing all the exertions of his fomily ! 
 
 Such were party spirit and public justice in republican Flo- 
 rence where under the name and banners of freedom thev onlv 
 dreamed of liberty ; and enjoying the emj)ty pageant of choos- 
 ing their masters submitted to the worst of tyrannies ; the 
 tyranny of faction. We first see the criminal judge receiving 
 a peremptory command, before trial, to acquit and condemn 
 according to the pleasure of government for an offence against 
 itself! He is then covertly and openly assailed, after sentence 
 given, to make him include an absolved person in a general 
 punishment of convicted offendei's ; and this by a faction of avowed 
 enemies in defiance of a public pardon ; and is only prevented 
 from j-ielding by a sudden and formidable array of the accused's 
 adherents, a foction as illegal and pernicious as the first. Next 
 we see two harmless citizens suddenly torn from their homes 
 and imprisoned for the presumed crime of an absent kins- 
 man, and similarly released at the rising and menaces of their 
 indignant relatives ; while the accused himself without trial, or 
 sufficient time to appear on his defence or even receive has 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] GREAT POWER OF THE FOREIGN RECTORS. 
 
 619 
 
 summons, is by the influence of an antagonist faction both 
 fined and exiled from his country*. 
 
 Such examples coupled with what has already transpired 
 in the body of this histor}% are proof sufficient of the pre- 
 dominant spirit of what was called Florentine liberty, the 
 melancholy mockeiy of a name ! Those who love freedom 
 with true affection will respect it in others, as liberty is but 
 another name for justice ; those who confound or identify it 
 with license will trumpet forth the empty title while they still 
 trample upon its substance. 
 
 The great discretionary power of Florentine " Bectors " who 
 as already noticed were always foreigners, may be further illus- 
 trated and is made more evident by the condemnation of 
 Paulo di Lapo of Castiglionchio in 1391. This gentleman 
 communicated some state secrets to his brother Michele then 
 agent to Jacornello Paduano at IMilaii to whom the latter dis- 
 closed them, and his imprudence was the cause of their 
 becoming known to Gian-Galeazzo Visconte the great enemy 
 of Florence. So vexatious a circumstance naturally roused 
 the anger of government and Paulo was arrested, examined, 
 and condemned to death by the Captain of the People on his 
 own confession, but through powerful family influence the 
 Seignory was enlisted hi his favour : these high functionaries 
 interceded with the Captain of the People for the commuta- 
 tion of his sentence to perpetual imprisonment and a fine of 
 3500 florins, besides having the effigies of both brothers 
 painted on the palace as traitors, and Michele if taken and 
 condemned, after first being '' Attanagliato'' or having his 
 flesh torn off with heated pincers, was to be hung. Ammirato 
 relates this fact on the authority of a nameless Florentine 
 author who blames the severitv of the rector, but to the his- 
 torian's surprise he casts no censure on the Seignory for exert- 
 ing themselves to mitigate so cruel a sentence f. 
 
 * Cronica di Buonaccorso Pitti, p. 87. t S. Ammirato, Storia, Lib. xv., p. 827. 
 
620 
 
 MILDER ACTS OF GOVERNMENT. — MOR.VLS. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 By their motives these nicagistrates must be judged : the 
 foreign rector may only have executed the Florentine law as 
 he foimd it ; but the immense discretionar}^ power is undeniable. 
 The existing Seignory were iu fact either leaders, or ahvays 
 under the influence of the predominant faction ; but when un- 
 influenced by politics often displayed a mild and generous 
 spirit worthy of a gentler age, as may be instanced in the case 
 of Louis of Capua who commanded one of the Florentine 
 armies against Gian-Galeazzo Visconte : he had contracted debts 
 to such an amount as to preclude his departure after the 
 cessation of ofi&ce, without legal security for liis creditors, and 
 his son Francesco remained a hostage in the Stinche prisons for 
 his father's extravagance : this was no light suffering in those 
 rough days when jails were as revolting as they are now the 
 reverse; external misery not being so sharj) and general as with 
 us where love of liberty is often stifled amidst the stronger crav- 
 ings of nature. Compassion for the son coupled with a grateful 
 estimate of the father "s services induced the Seignor}no guarantee 
 the debt and release the prisoner, who having been wounded in 
 prison was cured in the convent of Santa Croce at the public 
 cost with much shame to the father for his unnatural contluct*. 
 
 Nor was the Florentine government careless of public morals 
 so far as these depend on legal enactments, as may be gathered 
 from its frequent regulations, often mistaken in the means but 
 laudable in the object; amongst them gambling became a 
 marked and salient point of legal notice for continual assas- 
 sinations were its result and therefore dice were proliibited 
 with a justifiable severity, though probably with small effect 
 against that insatiate craving of the soul after the distant 
 uncertain and unknown which whether for good or evil so 
 strongly marks its nature f. In 131)0 a law was promulgated 
 that authorised the loser of money by dice at any time within 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Storia, Lib. xvi., p. + M. di C. Stefaui, Lib. xi., Rub. 
 843. 864. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 GAMBLING. NATIONAL PRIDE. 
 
 621 
 
 three years to demand its restitution, which if he failed to do 
 within two months the obligation fell on his father, mother, 
 brothers, and other relations in succession who could continue 
 their cause even though the loser had been originally non- 
 suited for want of sufficient proof of having paid the debt ; 
 nor were any renunciations or acquittance of the latter avail- 
 able against their demand unless with the parent or nearest 
 relative's consent*. 
 
 A strong national feeling of pride at the foreign distinctions 
 of countrjTuen often breaks forth to gild the darker features 
 of Florentine character, the more singular because opposed to 
 that jealousy of each others' fame and fortune which prevailed 
 so much amongst the citizens at home ; and foreign honours 
 were not necessarily an obstacle to domestic ambition but on the 
 contrary reflected credit on the individual and nation. The 
 follo^ring anecdote in illustration will also show how doubtful 
 the efficacy, whether exemplary or positive, of capital punish- 
 ment inflicted in the spring of life and human passions, passions 
 that may still prove the som^ce and seed of brilliant virtues when 
 reason assume its royalties ; \irtues that may perhaps be even 
 created by the very crime which subjects them to an ignominious 
 death. One Cecco di Vanni had been sentenced to death in 1373 
 for robbing and murdering a Florentine citizen in the district 
 of Scarperia ; but he escaped, entered the Neapolitan service, 
 distinguished himself by his valour and ability, rose to high 
 honoui's and esteem ; was made a count, a marquis, and finally 
 viceroy of the Albruzzi : he had miiformly endeavoured to do 
 honour to his native land, and distinguished her citizens with 
 peculiar courtesy : this conduct was altogether considered so 
 worthy of public notice than in 1400 his sentence was for- 
 mally revoked by a public decree which restored him to all 
 the rights and honours of citizenship f . 
 
 The nature of this man's conduct may perhaps be questioned 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Storia, Lib. xvi., p. 855. f Ibid., Lib. xvi., p. 877. 
 
622 
 
 PUBLIC M01L\LS. 
 
 COURTESANS. 
 
 [book 
 
 MISC. CHAF.J 
 
 FEMALE INGENUITY. — VENGEANCE. 
 
 623 
 
 by modern judgment ; but it was in the spirit of the age ami 
 stamped by its approvd, and therefore so far virtuous, honour- 
 able, and emulative ; and he moreover did good senice to his 
 adopted comitiy ; yet all this, had he not fled, would have been 
 buried in the grjive of the executed culprit. 
 
 The care of public morals hi other matters is somewliat 
 laughable though melancholy from its oppression of those un- 
 fortunate females who are first deceived, then abused, insulted, 
 and trampled on, by the very sinners whose treachen* has ruined 
 and abandoned them to w^ant, to shame, and ultimate despair. 
 Complaints having been prefeiTcd by laymen and ecclesiastics 
 against the too close neighbourhood of these unfortunate woniLU 
 to the convents, a new edict was issued tliat forbid them to 
 lodge within two thousand feet of any religious establishment 
 under penalties that were doubled on all who conthiucd to 
 occupy a dwelling within the prescribed limits. This was fol- 
 lowed in 1310 by banishment from Florence where none were 
 allowed to enter, except on Mondays to make their necessary 
 purchases after a specified hour under the paius of whipping 
 and branding : tliis severity was intended to encourage matri- 
 mony while it only stimulated pandering; nay, if we may judge 
 from Dante and later sources, encouraged still mow criminal 
 and disgusting excesses *. It was of course impossible to keep 
 the city long immaculate, because the source of evil was 
 within ; but these women were suljsequeutly forbidden to wear 
 slippers : were commanded to cany their gloves in their hand 
 and a small bell on their head, so that when thev moved its 
 sound might be heard and mark them as sinners meet only for 
 the finger of scorn, mocker)', avoidance, (perhaps attraction) 
 and by such means they were to be induced to live more retired 
 if not more honestly f . 
 
 These hostilities were not confined to the frailer portion of 
 the fair sex ; for female vanity and masculme gravity were ever 
 
 • S. Ammirato, Stor. Fior., Lib. v., p. 278. f Ibid., Lib. x., p. 402. 
 
 at war in Florence ; prudence and extravagance were in constant 
 collision; subtilty evading power, and womanish quickness 
 baffling all the keen severity of legislation. Sumptuaiy laws 
 were continually promulgated, and periods of distress and 
 general misfortune were judiciously chosen for these economical 
 reforms, but all in vain ; the ladies still conquered : they 
 dressed, they painted, they stuffed, they modified their figure 
 and proportions with such variety, grace, and natural dexterity 
 that a dark-complexioned or ill-formed woman was scarcely to 
 be seen in Florence ; cotemporary artists acknowledged their 
 skill, and willingly yielded to those more delicate manipula- 
 tions which corrected and improved that nature, of which they 
 themselves were only the copiers. " From very devils in ap- 
 pearance " says Sacchetti quite forgetful of his gallantly, "they 
 metamorphosed themselves into angels of beauty;" and with 
 no less legal acumen they silenced both the judge and notary 
 of that very court whicli was especially appointed to control 
 their extravagance in personal adornment -=. 
 
 A breach of promise of marriage, as appears in Velluti s 
 chronicle, was compensated by a tine equal to the dower but 
 whether this amount were a legal penalty or private composition 
 does not exactly appear : money, the sword, or the dagger, seem 
 however to have been in frequent use for the settlement of Flo- 
 rentine quarrels ; yet often by a slow process, for personal injuries 
 engendered lasting feuds or long-nourished and secret ven- 
 geance, and the chancery suits were equally if not more tedious 
 than our own. Velluti gives us an instance of both. A certain 
 Messer Lambertuccio of this femily had lent a large sum of 
 money to Berto de' Frescobaldi ; and afterwards his heirs under 
 the direction of Simone di Taddeo claimed debts as due to a veiy 
 considerable amount from that family one of whose members 
 called Amerigo Frescobaldi, was Edward the Thirds prmcipal 
 agent and stood high in his favour. This claim involved them 
 
 ♦ Fran. Sacchetti, Novclle 13G and 137. 
 
 ^1 
 
624 
 
 CONDUCT OF A FOREIGN RECTOR. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 MISC. CHAP ] SEVERITY TO NOBLES. CONFESSION. 
 
 625 
 
 in a suit that lasted thirty years, by the expense of which they 
 were nearly ruined, for it was prolonged through the riches and 
 consequent influence of the Frescobaldi who corrupted rectors, 
 judges, and every other functionaiy connected with its decision 
 by a lavish bribery that the Velluti were unable to resist. The 
 bad blood thus generated broke out into personal outrage iind 
 Simone was twice wounded in consequence : his kinsman Tom- 
 maso di Lippaccio had wounded Filippo de' Frescobaldi with a 
 javelin ; the latter who was on hoi'seback fled to Florence and 
 without dismounting passed by the Piazza de' Frescobaldi along 
 the Arno where meeting with Simone de' Velluti he struck him 
 on the head with his sword, but as the latter was anned with 
 a steel helmet did no mischief : Simone began to fly, yet not 
 so quickly as to avoid the lance of Filippo s servant wliich 
 wounded him almost mortally in the loins ; a feud thus began 
 but its duration does not appear ; a new process however seems 
 to have been commenced in consequence, which lasted until 
 some subsequent podesta forced the parties to a pecmiiary 
 compromise ^'. 
 
 The dishonesty of these foreign rectors was sometimes great 
 and if supported by a strong party escaped unpunished : we 
 have an instance in the case of Obizo degli Alidugi who being 
 captain of the peo2)le and favouring the Party Guelph in the 
 memorable events of 138*2, availed himself of liis official power 
 to force a young, beautiful, and noble lady of the Figliohpetri 
 family from her home, to dishonour her, and afterwards place her 
 in charge of a woman infamous for her disreputable establish- 
 ment. The father was an exile ; the family poor though noble ; 
 the brother away from Florence, and this captain was sup- 
 ported by the all-powerful and unscmpulous Guelphs. When 
 the brother returned his sister suddenly disappeared and was sup- 
 posed to have fallen by his hand, but the captain continued the 
 usual time in power : at the expiration of his ofl&ce there was a 
 
 * Cronaca di Donate Velluti, p. 37. 
 
 proposal to punish him for this and other crimes, but the 
 Guelphs prevailed and he departed with impunity*. Such 
 lenity was not shown in those cases where nobles were delin- 
 quents or where the state authority was likely to be compro- 
 mised by forbeai-ance : in 1387, Pagnozzo Strozzi had the 
 misfortune to kill Piero Lenzi, gonfalonier of a company in a 
 chance fray and this was taken up by the government as an 
 offence against the magistracy ; wherefore Pagnozzo, and his 
 brother who was perfectly innocent, were instantly declared 
 rebels, their descendants placed amongst the Grandi, their 
 houses both in town and country^ destroyed ; their possessions 
 confiscated and their relations compelled to repurchase them 
 from the public within three months : whoever killed them 
 was to be rewarded with a certain sum of money paid by the 
 family of the deceased, and the homicide was allowed to 
 cany arms in the city : the Strozzi were also compelled under 
 heavy penalties to keep at peace with and forgive their kins- 
 men's murderers. The relations of Piero Lenzi on the con- 
 trary were authorized to take vengeance without fear of punish- 
 ment on any of the Strozzi or their partisans who were engaged 
 in the affray, or to de]3ute any other person to do so : and to 
 facihtate this tliey were privileged to carry arms both in 
 Florence and the contado f . 
 
 These severe bodily pains were accompanied on the part 
 of government by a peculiar anxiety for the soul, as we may 
 learn from a decree which was published in 1357, forbid- 
 ding any medical man to attend a patient, above the age of 
 fifteen, more than twice unless confession had been previously 
 made : physicians were compelled to swear before the Executor 
 of Justice that they would observe this law and it subsequently 
 became an essential part of the qualification necessary for a 
 doctor s degree. Its original object was to save the souls of sick 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 * Mar. di Cop. Stefani, Lib. xii., Rub. 938. 
 t S. Amuiirato, Lib. xv., p. 786. 
 S S 
 
626 
 
 PILGRIM-IIANGMEN. LAW REFORMS. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 MISC. CHAP ] REGISTER OF PROPERTY. — PROPERTY TAX. 
 
 627 
 
 people in time of plague or other epidemic disorder, and took its 
 origin from a decree of the Lateran Council under Innocent III -f. 
 
 Amongst other regulations showing the state of manners at 
 Florence we find that in 1398, a decree was passed hy tlie 
 gonfalonier Simon Bordoni to discontinue a custom hitlieito 
 existing, of compelling any pilgrims who happened to be in the 
 town to act as pubhc executioners, whereby the feelings of many 
 honourable persons of high rank thus disguised were sorely 
 outraged, wherefore this duty was transferred to those prisoners 
 already condemned in goods and person to long or pei-petual 
 imprisonment f . 
 
 A characteristic, and if discreetly handled a wise regidation of 
 the Florentines notwithstanding Dante's sarcasms, was the peri- 
 odical revision of their statutes and ordinances, a weeding out as 
 it were of the obsolete and contradictor}% and a substitution vi 
 those which were better adapted to existing circumstances 
 and the forward movement of man. There are certain fuiula- 
 mental laws necessarily permanent and admitted by all com- 
 munities, as there are certain moral and theological truths 
 acknowledged by all religions ; but these broad frames or out- 
 lines are commonly filled up with a thick network of subordi- 
 nate regulations that cover them like cobwebs and often im- 
 pede the march of improvement. The Florenthies were early 
 aware of this, and therefore revised their laws and institutions 
 more or less frequently and sometimes factiously, according 
 to the turbulent or tranquil condition of the times, but in l-3'^l, 
 after forty years' omission, an officer was nominated for that 
 purpose but whether permanently or not is doubtful j. 
 
 At or about the time of the previous scrutiny all the public 
 weights and measures which had before been dissimilar were 
 equalised throughout the state, and an attenq)! was simulta- 
 neously made to register real property, but at this epoch more 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Storia, Lib. xi., p. 583. f Ibid., Lib. xvL, p. 868. 
 
 1^ Ibid., Lib. xvi., p. 846. 
 
 to facilitate the recoveiy of debts than for taxation. After long 
 trials and great expense it was abandoned in consequence of 
 the confusion ai'ising from an ever- varying definition of bounda- 
 ries and a continual change of proprietors. The first pro- 
 position of this nature came from Count Guide in 1:^66, and 
 was the immediate cause of his fall ; but the first authentic 
 notice of the execution of these decrees is in 1388*. Again 
 in 1326 an income and property tax was inflicted on the Flo- 
 ]-entines by the Duke of Calabria with a secret board of com- 
 
 Imissioners who soon abused their power by surcharges and 
 corrupt practices ; another was tried under the expressive name 
 of " %f*" or the Saw in 1351, and then that of which we 
 now speak ; but all were ephemeral until the final settlement 
 of the " Catasto " by Giovanni de' Medici in 1427 which will 
 be mentioned in its place f. About the same period in 1355 
 some security was imparted to one branch of justice hitherto 
 enveloped in darkness as it affected the general population : 
 this was a law to publish all acts of the merchants' guild (a 
 I tribunal of very extensive influence) m the vulgar tongue 
 ' mstead of Latin, as had been previously the custom, to the great 
 mconvenience of unlearned suitors ; this was extended the 
 following year to the statutes of the community which in a pon- 
 derous volume were chained to a table in the gabelle office for 
 public inspection I. 
 
 In 1 392 further improvements were made by the commence- 
 ment of a regular system of registiy for public documents in a 
 senes of volumes which probably began the present Archive 
 ot the Reformations, that vast magazine of Florentine history 
 a sealed book to all but German students and guarded with the 
 dragon-like jealousy of the golden fleece, apprehensive perhaps 
 01 a similar harvest §. 
 
 '^gnmi, Delia Decima, torn, i^, cap. J S. Ammirato, Storia, Lib. xi., p. 
 + oVn • TM 576-580. ' ^ 
 
 T ^. V lUam, Lib. X., cap. xvii.-Mat. § Ibid., Lib. xvi., p. 837. 
 
 s s '2 
 
628 
 
 CHURCH AND LAW ABUSES.— DINO EOSSONI. [book i. ■ ^^^^ ^^^^^ PHYSICIANS.— DINO AND TOMMASO DEL GAEBO. 629 
 
 Abuses too bad become rife in tbe clerical department vaih 
 wbicb tbe Florentines were generally cautious in meddling. 
 and unless roused by some great outmge avoided all collision 
 witb tbe pope : in tbis spirit tbey contented tbemselves about 
 tbe year 1355 by evading Innocent tbe Sixtb's imperious de- 
 mand tbat every statute wbicb militated against ecclesiastical 
 liberty sbould be instantly annulled'!^ ! Tbis gentleness did not 
 however lead tbem so far astray as to allow large suras to leave 
 tbe count rj^ in tbe sbape of clerical revenues to foreign absentee 
 incumbents wbilc parisbioners were neglected and cburches 
 falling to ruin : tbe evil was summarily treated : parisb priests 
 were appointed \Nitb decent stipends to officiate, and all the 
 surj)lus revenue employed under tbe direction of commis- 
 sioners for repairs and cbarityf. In tbose days too, ''[mt 
 obit " bonds were as well understood as now and young heirs of 
 wealthy citizens quite as dangerously situated, for minors were 
 lavishly supplied with ready money at exorbitant interest until 
 all such debts were declaimed unlawful and forbidden to be dis- 
 cussed or received in any court of justice. 
 
 Nor was tbe legal profession exempt from censure; the 
 notaries became during this centur}^ so unmeasured and grasp- 
 ing in their charges that a general outcry compelled tbe goveni- 
 ment to interfere and by severe penalties endeavour to check 
 the evil, but without effect although these scandalous transac- 
 tions occurred in the public offices of state t. For this branch 
 of the profession which included that of the conveyancer. 
 Florence was as celebrated as Bologna for jurisconsults, yet 
 the greatest of these which Italy produced in the fourteenth 
 century was a Florentine. 
 
 Dino Kossoni di Mugello, who as he died in i:^ 03 more 
 properly belongs to tbe last centur5% taught and studied at 
 Bologna and was so acute and profound a master of canoa and 
 
 *S. Animirato,Storia,Lib.xi.,p.583. t M. di C. Stcfani, Lib. >, Bui. 
 t Ibid., Lib. xvi., p. 846. 728. 
 
 civil law that Boniface VIII. intended to make him a cardinal 
 but was prevented by his great utility as a professor in tbat 
 university. G. Villani calls him the greatest and wisest law- 
 yer tbat until that time had appeared ; and his scholar, and 
 Petrarca's master, the famous Cino of Pistoia pronounced a 
 similar judgment. His writings on professional subjects are 
 still extant and valued, and his fame has been recorded in Latin 
 verse by subsequent writers. Pope Boniface employed him at 
 Rome along with William of Bergamo and Pdchard of Siena, 
 (both afterwards cardinals) on tbe sixth and most important 
 book of the Decretals whiclf was entirely their compilation. 
 Charles II. King of Naples about tbe same time invited him 
 with an annual salary of a hundred ounces of gold to take the 
 legal professorsliip in tbat capital, but be then expected a 
 cardinal's bat and died, it is said of vexation, on his return from 
 Rome )^itbout receiving it, and while yet in tbe full blaze of his 
 renown *. 
 
 Although Florence at this epoch produced but one great 
 civilian she gave full compensation in medicine rhetoric philo- 
 sophy poetiy and history : Dino del Garbo as Villani tells us, 
 was a great philosopher, eminently sldlled in many natural 
 sciences, and tbe first pb^^sician in Italy. He lectured at 
 Bologna and afterwards at Siena, in consequence of a quarrel 
 which exalts his cunning far above his morality : he wrote 
 commentaries on Galen, Hippocrates, and Avicenna ; and also 
 on Guide Cavalcante s celebrated Canzone about the nature 
 and sources of love. His power of abstraction was such as 
 to assume the appearance of ecstasy and he would often 
 sit before his own door unconsciously twirling the rowel of a 
 spur for a long time together while his thoughts were deep and 
 far away. His son Tommaso, if possible more celebrated than 
 he, was worshipped in Italy as an idol, or rather as iEscula- 
 
 * G. Villani, Storia, Lib. vii, cap. xiv. and xv. — Fil. Villaiii, Vite d' Uomini 
 Illustri Fiorentini. 
 
630 T0M3L\S0 DEL GAEBO. SACCHETTl's SONNET. [book i 
 
 plus himself; the numerous lords or tyrants of Italy had faith 
 in no skill hut his, and as their remuneration was liberal his 
 riches were immense so that he fell into haliits of splendid 
 luxurious living and al)ated in professional attentions though 
 not in deep study. He also was a commentator, especially uu 
 the subject of fevers, and composed much both on the practice 
 and theory of medicine ; l)ut his gi'eat work though left un- 
 finished was " La Somma di tiitta la Medicinal As a philo- 
 sopher he wrote commentaries on Aristotle's treatise upon 
 the soul, and although blessed with a most subtle intellect his 
 appearance is described as heav}* gross, and vulgar indicating 
 anything but his true chai'acter, for he was lively sociable and 
 agi'eeable. Filippo Villani assures us that he foretold the 
 exact time of his death and therefore had an altar prepared in 
 his house ; heard mass ; took the sacrament ; and died at the 
 predicted moment. This event is supposed to have happened 
 somewhere between 1370 and 1'375, and Sacchetti lamented his 
 loss along with that of other celebrated Florentines in a can- 
 zone written on the decease of Boccaccio in December of the 
 latter year. 
 
 " Lasso, die Morte in piceiol tempo ha tolto 
 A te Fiorenza, ciasoun caro e degno ! 
 Principio fo da Pietro," bm* 
 
 " Tommaso in (juesto fiotto, 
 Filosofo alto e dotto, 
 Medico non fu pare a lui Vivente," &c.f 
 
 Torregiano a cotemporaiy^ physician was fully equal if not 
 superior to either ; he studied at Bologna and lectured at Paris ; 
 commented on the Greek physicians ; composed several treatises 
 
 * Alas ! How Death in one brief space hath ta'cn 
 From thee, O Florence, each dear worthy sou ! 
 With Pietro I begin ! &c. 
 
 •]" Tommaso quits the stage, 
 A learned and lofty sage, 
 Physicians living never equalled him, &c. 
 
 {FIL Villani, VitCy note). 
 
 MISC. CUAP.] TORREGIANO. MEDICINE. REMARKS. 
 
 631 
 
 I 
 
 f 
 
 on medical subjects, studied theology in his last years and 
 ultimately became a Dominican monk in which profession he 
 died before the year i;V27. After digging his own grave he 
 gave his medical writings into the hands of two Florentine 
 monks to deposit in the university of Bologna, but they were 
 bribed by Dino del Garbo who swearing them to secrecy most 
 ungenerously made use of the manuscripts, and his school was 
 suddenlv seen tilled with students from the deserted classes of 
 other professoi-s. Jealousy and injury were too keen for all 
 this cunning ; the trick was discovered ; the manuscripts pro- 
 duced, copied, appreciated ; and then published under the title 
 of " Torregiano more than a Commentator.'' Shame and 
 anger drove Dino to Siena whence he never returned to Bologna 
 though afterwards invited there, but died in 1 327 *. Medicine 
 is supposed to be now advanced to a higher state of improve- 
 ment than liitherto, and chemistry, coupled with a deeper study 
 of both morbid and healthy anatomy, has wonderfully assisted 
 it ; but whether the great Physician of Cos would if he were 
 here receive any new light from the actual state of medicine 
 the profession alone can judge; yet such experienced intel- 
 lects as the above which were by no means rare in Italy, sup- 
 ported by the deep science of Greece and Arabia must have 
 carried it to no common height, though perhaps the prevailing 
 disorders consequent upon different habits of society and a treat- 
 ment varying with the idiosyncrasy of modem and ancient men 
 may have rendered some of their learning obsolete, effete, and 
 inapplicable to our own times and circumstances. That there 
 was then as now, much trickish meanness and solemn quackery 
 can scarcely be doubted ; but great minds soar above this and 
 great minds are still great in every age and country. Petrarca 
 it is tme, despised them all as physicians, hut loved several as 
 friends ; still where almost everything, as in medicine, is guess- 
 work, he put no medical confidence in any. His friend Gio- 
 
 • Fil. Villani, Vite d' Uom. Illust. and notes. 
 
632 PETRARCA AND PHYSICIANS.— RHETORIC. CASSINI. [book i. 
 
 vanni di Dondi a physician of some note who wrote ou the mode 
 of living during a plague, was in continual discussion with him 
 on this jioint. *' When I see a doctor come said the poet I 
 " know all that he is going to sav to me " — ' Eat vounfr 
 " pullets, drink warm water, and use the remedy that the 
 storks teach us,' " Sec.-- 
 
 Amongst Petrarch's most eminent Florentine friends was 
 Roherto de'Bardi who was forty years chancellor of the Parisian 
 university : he was the most celehrated theologian of the day 
 and though a layman and unmarried, lived without reproach 
 while he combated vice in ever}^ foim. Through him the laurel 
 crown was offered to Petrarch if he would consent to receive it 
 at Paris, hut the poet refused that honour to both Paris aiid 
 Naples, and carried his fame in triumph to the Capitol. 
 
 It was a Florentine custom in those days to institute public 
 lectures for certain periods on philosophical subjects, and 
 amongst them rhetoric: Bmnetto Latini had previously given 
 lessons in this art which as may be imagmed was held in liigh 
 repute by a turbulent democracy where public speaking was abso- 
 lutely necessar>' to the political success of private individuals. 
 Elocution was therefore carefully taught, the intellect shai-pened, 
 and both gesture and vocal modulation were gradually moulded 
 into grace and sweetness by the practice of a public oratory 
 where personal defects were diligently corrected and young 
 men prepared for after-life. Amongst the professors of this art 
 Bruno Cassini stands preeminent in Florentine annals: he was 
 the son of a cloth-shearer and is mentioned by coteniporaries 
 as having possessed a rare eloquence improved by deep study 
 and all the appliances of consummate art, but was cut off in 
 the full glow of youthful talent during the pestilence of 1348 by 
 which that academy along with half Florence was extiuguished. 
 
 Francesco da Barberino also gmces the literar}^ history of 
 this century as well by his talents as his benevolence in long 
 
 ♦ Do Stide, Memoire de Petrarqiic, vol. iii., p. 768. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 BARBERINO. DANTE. BARBAGIA. 
 
 633 
 
 
 and persevering efforts to correct the morals of an age when 
 according to Dante and other writers licentiousness was wild 
 rampant and universal. We have a specimen of this in the 
 twenty-third Canto of his Purgatory where Forese speaking of 
 his wife Nella is made to exclaim. 
 
 " Tant 'e a Dio ]nu cara e piu diletta 
 La vendovella mia che molto araai, 
 Quanto in bene operare e piu soletta : 
 
 Che la Barbaj^ia di Sardinia assai 
 Nelle femmine sue t^ piu pudica 
 Che la Barbagia dov' io la lasciai. 
 
 O dolce frate, che viioi tu, cli' io dica ? 
 
 Tempo futuro m'e gia nel cospetto 
 
 Cui non sara quest' ora molto antica, 
 Nel qual sn^a in pergamo interdetto 
 
 Alle sfacciate donne Fioreutine 
 
 L'audar mostraudo colle poppe i petto" *. 
 
 " Barbagia " a mountainous district of Sardinia was then noto- 
 rious for its savage licentiousness ; and a commentator on this 
 passage some years later says. "Now this Barbagia is every- 
 where: in France and Piedmont the women go with their 
 bosoms entirely naked: in Germany, in Guelders and other 
 places they go naked into the baths and even into the beds of 
 men to whom they do not belong. Amongst the cities and 
 towns of Italy how the women act and conduct themselves 
 Heaven and also the men of the world know : it is certain that 
 any one who considers the customs of his native town will not 
 
 * So much more dear to and approved of God 
 Is that dear widow'd wife I loved so well, 
 As she in virtuous deeds is more alone : 
 For the Sar(Hnian Barbagia 's far 
 
 More staid and modest in its female race 
 Than that Barbagia foul where I left her. 
 
 Sweet Brotlier, O what would'st thou I should say ? 
 Tlie future time now presses on my sight, 
 To which this moment will not be antique, 
 
 When from the pulpit shall be interdict 
 To Fiorenza's bold unblushing dames 
 The wand'ring forth with naked neck and breast. 
 
634 
 
 BAD MORALS. DOCUMENTI D AMORE. 
 
 [book 
 
 find it necessarj' to go in search of a Barbagia nor any other 
 place for a comparison but may exclaim with Martial, ' /// 
 medio Tibiire Sardinia est.' " 
 
 Poggio Bracciolini in the next centur3% gi^'^s a similar though 
 more charitable descnption of this promiscuous bathing, and 
 Bargigi his cotemporary (an ancient commentator of Daute 
 and perhaps the best) gives a no less unfovourable picture (»f 
 manners in his own day ; but with the disgusting addition of 
 men of rank not scrupling even to prostitute their wives daugh- 
 ters and sisters for base and selfish interests ! Indeed so com- 
 mon was it that no blush was raised, and society moved fonvanl 
 as smoothly and complacently as if still directed l)y innate 
 modesty and the highest tone of morality. Landino too in his 
 time seems to have been of Dante's opinion. " In those days, " 
 he says, " no less than in our own the Florentine ladies exposed 
 the breast, a dress more suitable to a courtezan than a matron: 
 but as they changed soon after by wearing collars up to the cliin 
 so I hope that they \Nill change again ; not indeed relying so 
 much on motives of decency as through that fickleness which 
 per^'ades all their actions." 
 
 Francesco da Barberino vainly endeavoured to correct all 
 this, deemhig perhaps that ink was stronger than vanity and 
 one mans reason than the arts and passions of a multitude. 
 His principles were, that all good and evil sprang from love, 
 and he composed a volume in prose and verse called ''Documenti 
 d' Amore'' yshere'm he treated of this passion in its virtuous and 
 vicious character as well as of the habits necessarj- to form a 
 life of decency and modesty, and the contraiy. The groat 
 plague also closed his eyes at a very advanced age but left his 
 image strongly impressed on the memory of the virtuous and 
 humane *. The next poet of any note was Bonifazio Uberti 
 who wandered in long exile over many countries, frequented 
 the courts of princes, flattered, rhymed; and lived long on 
 
 * F. Villani, Vitc. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] UBERTI. CASSELLI. — MUSIC AND DANCING. 
 
 635 
 
 their bounty: he then changed, became moral, and wrote a 
 poem called ''II Dittamondo'' in which, imitating Dante's 
 "terza rima'' he described all the countries that he had seen 
 and many others only known to him by maps and travels. His 
 fame must have been considerable if it be true that he received 
 the laurel crown at Florence by a public decree. Uberti flou- 
 rished about the middle of this century and amongst his co- 
 temporaries was P'rancesco Cieco, or the Blind, a very celebrated 
 musiciiui of which Florence produced several about the same 
 period: of these Filippo Villani particularly notices Lorenzo 
 di Masino and Giovanni di Cascia ; and Dmite immortalises his 
 friend Casella who so enchanted the souls in purgatory by 
 singing that poet's beautiful Canzone which begins. 
 
 ' Amor, che nella mcntc mi ragimia''* 
 " Cominei*) egli allor si doleemeiite, 
 Che la dolcezza ancor dentro mi suona." 
 
 These Cauzoni which we now read as poetry alone, as well 
 as the MadrifjaU, Ballate, Sonetti, and almost all the lighter 
 Italian compositions of that day were generally intended for 
 vocal music, the Ballata being sung while dancing ; and Dante's 
 Blacksmith as Sacchetti tells us, even attempting to chant 
 his Inferno as a common ballad, to the poet's extreme indigna- 
 tion. Such union of dance and song was the delight of Flo- 
 rence and probably all Italy in those romantic times ; and for 
 this reason it was perhaps adopted by Dante in his Paradise as 
 the most popular expression of celestial joy ; a thing other- 
 wise absm'd. In singing these poems to the most exquisite and 
 touching music of his own composition Francesco Cieco excelled 
 all others : the small-pox had deprived him of sight while yet 
 
 * Tills is the second Canzone of Dante's " Convito,'''' and is entirely allegorical 
 but lei'y beautiful. 
 
 " Love J ivho noiv sits reasoning in my mind " 
 Commenced he then with such deep melody 
 That still within me all its sweetness sounds. 
 
 {Purr/. Cant. II.) 
 
636 
 
 FRANCESCO CIECO. — MUSIC. GUIDO CAVALCANTE. [book i. 
 
 MISC. ciup.] GUIDO CAVALCANTE. NATURE OF LOVE. 
 
 637 
 
 
 a cliild but the fame of his harmony says Villain produced for 
 him a most brilliant splendour. He was the son of a l^lorentiiie 
 painter and learned both in philosophy and astrology, but when 
 old enough to feel the horroi-s of blindness toolv most fondly to 
 singing as an infantine consolation : this attachment naturally 
 augmented with increasing years ; he ramlded from voice to 
 instrument, and a sweet but lonely spirit overflowing \\ith 
 scientific melody soon filled his own domestic sphere. At once 
 mastering as if by inspiration any new instrument that was 
 presented to him he constructed another like it from the mere 
 touch and description. Cieco ere long became the acknowledged 
 prince of Italian musicians and was publicly crowned at Venice 
 by the King of Cyprus, pui-suant to a decree of that common- 
 wealth. He died in I3U0, full of years and honour : and thus 
 Heaven compensates in one way what it deprives us of in 
 another *. 
 
 Amongst the most illustrious Florentines of this or rather the 
 precedmg age, for he died in 1300, was Guido Cavalcante : as 
 a philosopher and a poet, and as Dante's friend, he is celebrated 
 in Florentine litemture both by ancient and modem writei-s. 
 Of him Dante speaks in that short but affecting interview with 
 the spirit of his father in the tenth canto of the " Inferno " 
 where old Cavalcante exclaims in anguish at the supposed death 
 of Guido. 
 
 " Come 
 Dicesti, egli chhe ? Non viv' egli ancora ? 
 Non fieri gli ocelli suoi lo dolce lome I 
 Quando s'accorse d' aleuna dimora, 
 Ch' io faceva dinan/i alia ri.sposta, 
 Supin recadde e piii non parve fuora " f . 
 
 * Fil. Villani, Vite ; also Christof. Landino's '' Apolorjla;' quoted in notes 
 to the above. 
 
 t « How 
 
 Didst thou say * lie had V Lives he not still? 
 Are then his eyes unstruck by light's sweet beam ? 
 When he perceived my silence and the pause 
 Ere I could speak to give him a reply, 
 Supine he fell and came not forth again." 
 
 And again when he praises him and indirectly himself, like 
 Milton, from an innate feeling of intellectual power ; speaking 
 of the Bolognese poet Guido Guinicelli whose writings had 
 hitherto occupied the public mind, he makes Oderisi d'Agubbio, 
 a celebrated miniature painter or illuminator of manuscripts of 
 the day, exclaim evidently in allusion to himself, 
 
 " Cosi ha tolto T uno all' altro Guido 
 La gloria della lingua, e forse e nato 
 Chi funo e V altro caccera di nido'"*. 
 
 Guido Cavalcante as we are told by his biographer Filippo 
 Villani was a philosopher of great authority and no small esti- 
 mation, adorned with a memorable dignity of conduct worthy 
 of all praise and honour : he loved the study of rhetoric and 
 wrote a poem on it in his native tongue which latter received 
 from him in the opinion of his counti'jTQeu a masculine force 
 and splendour only inferior to Dante. The subject of Love, 
 wliich like its daughter Religion is indifferent to none ; its 
 nature, movements, passions, and various affections, he treated 
 says Villani, "with extreme accuracy and acuteness of intellect 
 in an admirable canzone where many things now no longer 
 discussed were handled with philosophical ingenuity." This 
 composition produced several commentators amongst the Italian 
 philosophers and was universally applauded in an age when 
 the ideal beauty of love had reached its acme of refinement at 
 the same moment that the corporeal passion revelled with 
 unbounded licence. Platonic notions of the gradations of love 
 and beauty from the material to the spiritual then prevailed 
 from the general study of Saint Augustine's works, and a single 
 anecdote will be sufficient illustration of the extravagant char- 
 acter of this spiritual devotion. 
 
 * " Thus one Guido has from the other ta'en 
 
 The fame of letters, and perchance is horn 
 
 One that will chase them both from out the 7iest" 
 
 {Pur, c. XL). 
 
638 
 
 ANECDOTE OF KNIGHT-ERRANTRY. 
 
 [book 
 
 i I. 
 
 One of the old chroniclei*s relates that being once at a party 
 in a friends villa not far from Florence he there became 
 acquainted \Nith a beautiful young woman the ^vife of a Flo- 
 rentine citizen, and according to the prevailing custom ex- 
 pressed his admiration of her charms, his devoted love, and 
 implicit obedience with his readiness to undertake the most 
 peiilous adventures at her command ; and all this in presence 
 of her husl>and and the company without any reservation 
 or concealment. Rome at that moment was under investment 
 by a hostile and licentious army which not only almost pre- 
 cluded communication but endangered travellei's throughout 
 the whole land : to this point the lady, hidisposed to receive 
 his incense, commanded him to go, and execute some triflint^ 
 commission for her sake ; not supposing that in the existing 
 state of the country he would think of obeyinii. But her 
 knight was too sincere to check at any danger ; he instantly 
 departed, reached the besiegers' camp, luckily met some 
 friends there who facilitated his entrance into Kome wliich 
 in a short time he quitted, and after divers new perils suc- 
 ceeded in getting safely back to Florence. Throwing himself 
 passionately at the lady's feet he related all his adventures, 
 but was only ridiculed for endangering life to satisfy a woman 
 who cared nothing for him or his amorous declarations. 
 
 Dino del Garbo, Egidio Colonna, and Ugo dal Como all dis- 
 tinguished men, besides many more modem pens have done 
 honour to Cavalcante s genius by their notice of this celebrated 
 canzone which is supposed, though disputed, to be in answer 
 to a sonnet addressed to him by Guide Oriando another poet of 
 tlie time, m the name of a woman, which begins, 
 
 " Ondc si muove, e d'onde nasce Amore ? " ♦ 
 For the nature of Love was then often the subject of philoso- 
 
 • From what place does Love proceed, and where is it horn? 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] GUIDO CAVALCANTE. DANTE ALIGHIERI. 
 
 639 
 
 phical and theological investigation as well as of mere poetry. 
 His answer, commencing, 
 
 " Donna mi priega ; per ch' io voglio dire," • 
 
 and Orlando's sonnet, with many more of Cavalcante's poems 
 mav be seen in a collection of the " Poetl del Primo Secolo " 
 published at Florence in 1810. He discouraged the excessive 
 admiration of Latin, probably as hurtful to Italian literature 
 which he admired so much and exclusively used in his poems f. 
 These are full of strength and beauty, light and playful ; and 
 though perhaps not so soft or quite so refined as Petrarch's, 
 possess a more masculine character in unison with the rougher 
 spirit of his own time and country. Guide died from the 
 effects of a marsh fever caught hi the unhealthy air of Serrez- 
 zana during his short exile already mentioned. The progeny 
 that render Guide Cavalcante immortal, says Crescimbeni, are 
 his noble compositions to which Italian poetry owes much, 
 because from him it received no little strength and splendour J. 
 
 Dante, the father of Italian verse, emphatically declares that 
 he was "% birth hut not by habits, a Florentine "§. He was 
 born in 1 205, and died at Ravenna in 1321. He studied under 
 Brunette Latini and others, was indefatigable in application, 
 acquired all the learning of the day without neglecting its 
 amusements or manly accomplishments in which he excelled : 
 joining in all the pleasures of his youthful companions none 
 ever saw him study yet he knew everything, and amongst 
 other knowledge that of his own intellectual powers : never- 
 theless he appears not to have given himself up to deep philo- 
 sophical studies until after the death of Beatrice. 
 
 Dante fought at the famous battle of Campaldino against the 
 Aretines in 1289, and was noted for his courage in the fight ; he 
 
 * " A hvdy hegs that I will please to ebbe a disdegnoy 
 
 say." + Fil. Vilhmi, Vite,and notes.— Storia 
 
 f Dante clearly alludes to this (/"/. della Poesia, torn, ii., p. 266. 
 
 Cant. X.) — '« Forse cui O^uido voUro § Vide Epistle to Can. della Scala. 
 
640 
 
 DANTE ALIGHIERI. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 DANTE ALIGHIERI. 
 
 641 
 
 then married Gemma Donati and like Milton ultimately parted 
 from his wife, for a long time after living quietly in Florence. 
 He was fourteen times employed as ambassador of the republic, 
 and in 1300 was drawn as one of the priors. This began his 
 misfortunes : too stem to yield against his better judgment he 
 was marked as a victim, and banished while ambassador to 
 Pope Bonilace VIII. by a cruel retrospective enactment. Re- 
 turning as far as Siena and seeing that all was over he joined 
 the other exiles at Arezzo and assisted in the attack on Flo- 
 rence in 1804, but afterwards wimdering over Italy he succes- 
 sively took refuge with Uguccione della Faggiola, then lord of 
 Pisa, with ^larchese Mavrello Malesjiina, Can. Grande della 
 Scala, and ultimately with Guido da Polenta at Fiavenna where 
 he finished his mortal pilgrimage. 
 
 Dante often petitioned his countrymen both publicly and 
 privately to recall him from banishment ; but wearied with 
 fruitless supplication, when Henr}' of Luxemburg became em- 
 peror he assumed a haughty and somewhat uiulignified tone, 
 as relying on imperial power to reinstate the Ghibelines, yet 
 never would appear in arms against Florence, and with Henry 
 the Seventh "s death expired the Poet's hopes of ever more 
 visiting his native countr}'. We have before given Giovanni 
 Villani's character of him ; but in addition, Boccaccio savs that 
 he was of polished manners, of a middle size, and in his latter 
 years a little cui*ved, yet always had a grave and quiet air. 
 His face was long, liis colour bro\Mi, his nose aquiline, his eyes 
 rather large ; the cheeks ample and the under lip protruding 
 beyond the other : his beard and hair were black, thick, and 
 curled ; and his aspect that of a melancholy thoughtful man *. 
 He was a tardy speaker but acute in his replies ; of a solitiiiy 
 
 * This description of Boccaccio per- is no bearil, the face young, and the 
 
 fectly coincides with Giotto's portrait hair not seen, in consequence of the 
 
 of Dante, lately discovered in the head being covered with the ancient 
 
 Bargello, or ancient palace of the Po- Florentine hood, 
 desta of Florence, except that there 
 
 I 
 
 and retiring nature, but ambitiously aware of liis own merit 
 and capacity : an enemy of the ^ncked and of all who offended 
 him, and an implacable censor of other people's morality. He 
 was a plain eater, hated gluttony, drank little and was accus- 
 tomed to repeat the Latin adage that " Many seemed as if they 
 lived to eat instead of eating to live,'' an expression well intro- 
 duced by Moliere in his comedy of " L'Avare." 
 
 Dante hated adulation and never on any consideration re- 
 frained from giving his opinion of others : with women he 
 assumed a gay and lively tone, but in the courts of princes he 
 was too bold, sincere, and independent, and too much detested 
 the vices that he witnessed either to flatter or suffer them with 
 impunity. Though originally Guelpli he belonged to the 
 AVhite faction and was banished with them, and like many 
 others became a fierce Ghibeline Ijut strongly attached to his 
 countiy. AngiT at an mijust condemnation he neglected the 
 most Hkely means to appease his enemies, and while thinldnf^ 
 tmly that his own exile was a consequence of evil go\'ernment 
 he wanted at one and the same time to reestablish himself in 
 Florence and reform the state -. 
 
 Dante delighted in music and was soon calmed by its sound ; 
 he studied and excelled in drawing, probably under the instruc- 
 tions of his friend Giotto, and Avrote a beautiful hand in a long 
 slender and correctly-formed character. He was not exempt 
 from love, but like Cavalcanti and Petrarca with something of 
 the more exalted feeling ; something beyond and above mere 
 animal instinct, which inspired his imagination and impas- 
 sioned his verse. Beatrice de' Portinari for whom lie felt mi 
 eai'ly childish attachment when she was but nine years old, in- 
 liuenced his whole existence while she lived, as Laura did 
 Petrarch's, and even in death fixed his aspirations on some- 
 
 * Boccaccio, Vita di Dante, Edition 1477. 
 Dante, passim. 
 
 — Giuseppe Pelli, Memoric di 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 T T 
 
042 
 
 DANTE S WRITINGS. 
 
 [book r. 
 
 thing beyond the skies. She died at about twenty-four years 
 of age the wife of Simone de' Bardi. 
 
 The " Vita Nuova " or Early Lift', tells of his youthful pas- 
 sion for Beatrice, and is imbued with all the pensive melancholy 
 of his character deepened by and wiitten as a consolation for 
 her loss ; but his Convito, Momirchia and de Vuhjn,} Eloquio 
 are of another stamp. The last was left unliuished at his 
 death and the first, the Vita, is a sort of comment on a series 
 of poetical effusions composed on the subject of his early amour 
 and which according to Boccaccio, he in latter years regretted 
 having written : yet this is contraiy to his own assertion in 
 the Convito where we are told that " although he writes in 
 more masculine style he does not mean to derogate a particle 
 from the Vita Xuova but on the contrary to make it more useful 
 by the Convito=:=. 
 
 The Convito or Food for the Ignorant, is a prose commen- 
 tary on three of his Canzoni where in imitation of Solomon he 
 personifies Philosophy as a woman and Study as Love : it is full 
 of the prevailing philosophy and science of the time and makes 
 us regi-et that he did not also thus illustmte the Commedia. 
 
 In the Monarchia he sustains the imperial authority as 
 necessary, and inherent in the Iloman people by divine v\ill, 
 independent of the pope ; yet does it entu'ely as a Gliibeline 
 partisan, ingeniously, but feebly. This work was condemned 
 to the flames l)y Gregory XXII. and Cardhial Poiet who would 
 have burned Dante's heretical bones along with it had not the 
 latter been withstood by Pino della Tosa of Florence and Osta- 
 gio da Polenta lord of Bavenna. 
 
 In his Vulgari Eloquio he treats of language in general 
 with some curious passages on its grand European divisions ; 
 but the Italian tongue and verse are its principal subjects. 
 Besides these he wrote seven paraphrases of the penitential 
 Psalms and other religious pieces, many Latin epistles public 
 
 * Convito, cap. i*. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 DANTE S WRITINGS. 
 
 G43 
 
 and private and also as is said, (but this is perhaps more 
 than doubtful) a lost history of the Guelphs and Ghibelines. 
 
 Some of his letters are missing, but the sonnets, canzoni, 
 and other minor poetry form no inconsiderable part, and per- 
 haps some of the most beautiful and poetical of his writings ^!^. 
 
 To spealv of the poet Dante is to praise him ; and to praise 
 him would be acting like the eulogist of Hercules. He stands 
 conspicuous ; a bold isolated rock I As Mont Blanc amidst the 
 Alps so towers he above his less aspiring fellows, and although 
 neither so soft nor so beautiful as some, he awes by his gloomy- 
 grandeur and commands by the stern and lofty bearing of his 
 mind. 
 
 In that great moral, religious, theological, and philosophical 
 poem the '' Biriua Comwedia" he disdains a middle flight, 
 and summons the aid of history as a mere auxiliary to illus- 
 trate his theme, or as a channel of boiling vituperation. He 
 rejects nothing: Scripture, fable, mythology, astrology, philo- 
 sophy, physics and metaphysics; from the vilest and most 
 loathful matter to the sul.limest conceptions of a poetical ima- 
 gination; all are cited and all are made his slaves ! 
 
 As an erring man we first behold the poet wandering astray 
 and entangled in worldly temptations : he feels his danfrer ; 
 we see him pause, hesitate, resist; and finally appeal to 
 human reason for present succour. Beason embodied in the 
 pei-son Virgil and sent by Beatrice (whom, as he promised 
 in his "Vita Xuova," he thus immortalises) descends to his 
 aid and leading him through all the pains of hell and sorrows 
 of purgatory which are vividly impressed on his mind, deli- 
 vers him safely to Beatrice. She as the personification of 
 Theology after forcing from him an acknowledgment of past 
 errors, unfolds the joys of Heaven and enables him to recover 
 
 • See the very valuable edition of of Florence, 
 Dante's minor poems by mv wortliv passZ/ji. 
 and talented friend P. 'j. Fraticelli 
 
 TT '2 
 
 — Pelli, ^fcm. di Dante, 
 
644 
 
 DI\TNA COM^fEDIA. 
 
 [book I, 
 
 the path of virtue. These vast flights through hell, purga- 
 tory, ami paradise, open the whole imiverse to his gaze and 
 with a giant s grasp and a magician's wand he eomiuands it all. 
 At first rough and coarse, sometimes even disgusting, yet often 
 pathetic soft and harmonious ; he suits the verse to his subject 
 and scene and toils in a long and fearful journey through 
 gloom and sulfering to the light of day. Cheered and freshened 
 by the brighter world he continues in a still melancholy but 
 softer strain, and linally relieves the wearied mind from its 
 long and painful oppression, brighter thoughts and hopes, 
 and more cheerful converse carry him with light<n' step and 
 augmenting pleasm*e to his trial's end on tlie heights of pur- 
 gatory where the terrestnal paradise hursts upon his view I 
 Here he wanders with heavenly shapes, through yet untasted 
 pleasures, and becomes a new creature all j<'y. all intellect. 
 all beatitude, until Beatrice descends to waft him into a still 
 higher sphere where his softened verse re-echoes luiiversal 
 harmony as the rapt spirit mingles with those brighter beings 
 of an eternal world ! 
 
 Dante's original intention was to write the Divina Com 
 media m Latin verse, but fearing; if thus sealed to tlie manv it 
 would speedily sink into oblivion he wisely chaiiiied his nuiul, 
 and is supposed to have finished severi cantos of the Inferno 
 before his exile from Florence. This fact is disputed ; but if 
 we may trust Sacchetti a cotemporaiy, who makes him qiuu- 
 rel with an ass-driver and a blacksmith on two separate occa- 
 sions for repeating his verses improperly, it will prove the 
 truth of Boccaccio's relation, which originally came from 
 Dante's nephew Andrea di Leon Poggi -. Andrea asserted 
 that amongst the papers which Gemma Donati succeeded in 
 concealing from the populace when his property as an exile was 
 plundered, were the iirst seven cantos of this poem; tlicsc 
 were given to Dino Frescobaldi a cotemporary poet who imnie- 
 
 * Sacchetti, Novclli, cxiv., cxv. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 DIVINA COMMEDIA. 
 
 645 
 
 diately transmitted them to Dante himself, then livuig with 
 JMaorello Malespina in Luuigiana. 
 
 But if Sacchetti sp^alvs true these cantos or parts of them 
 must not only liave been written but published amongst the 
 people long before, else how could a common blacksmith and 
 dustman have become acquainted with them ? The name of 
 " Co)/iHiedi(( "' has puzzled many, and even Dante's own expla- 
 nation is hardly satisfactory : in his dedicatory epistle of the 
 Paradise to Can della Scala he thus entitles it ''Here hegins 
 the Comnhj of Dante AJlrihlerl a Florentine hy birth, not 
 manners.^' xVnd with relation to this he says that it is good 
 to know that comeihj is derived from, two Greek words signify- 
 ing villa or village and canto a song, hence it may be trans- 
 lated " canto villcn'ccio " or " rustic sonr/,'' " Comedy " he 
 says, " is in fiict a species of poetical narration differing from 
 all others, and in its matter it thus differs from tragedy. The 
 latter is in its counnencement admirable and quiet and in its 
 end horrible and offensive. Comedy on the other hand begins 
 roughly but its matter ends prosperously ; as is shown in 
 Terence's comedies. In their mode of speech also tragedy 
 and comedy differ, for one is elevated and sublime, the other 
 remiss and poor, and from this it is plam why the present 
 work is called comedy ; for if the matter be examined it will 
 be found in the beginning offensive and horrible, because it is 
 hell ; and in the end desirable and grateful, because it is 
 paradise. If we examine the mode of speaking it is relaxed 
 and humble, because it is in the vulgar tongue in which even 
 weak women communicate. And thus is manifest why it is 
 called comedy " -^. 
 
 This explanation was not so satisfactory to modem critics as 
 to prevent another, or rather a modification of it being adduced 
 from the " Vulf/are Eloqitio ; " there Dante separates poetry 
 into three different styles, tragic, comic, and elegiac : to the 
 
 * Epistle to Can Grande dclla Scala, Fraticelli's Edition, Florence, 1840. 
 
 '*PWW 
 
 .IfW 
 
G46 
 
 LECTURES ON DANTE — ANECDOTE. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 first he assigns the lofty superior style, to the second the 
 mfenor, and to the third the plaintive. " If the subject be 
 tragic then it becomes necessaiy to use the illustrious or noble 
 vulgar, (" Vuhfare lUustre ") and consequently to fetter the 
 vei-se : but if the comic be chosen sometimes the middle vulgar 
 and sometimes the humble should be adopted "*. And because 
 be used the middle style it is argued that he called his poem 
 a comedy. This work was so rapidly appreciated that notwith- 
 Btandmg some of the envious called Dante the " Shoemakers and 
 Bakers Poet ; " only fifty-two years after his deatli JJoccaccio 
 was nommated by the Florentines as public lecturer and 
 expomider of the persecuted exile's work in order that those 
 who knew no Latin might be stinmlated by it to ilv from vice 
 and nourish virtue f . 
 
 These lectures commenced in the church of San Stefano near 
 Ponte Veccliio, on the twenty-third of October 137:i but were 
 inteniipted by Boccaccio's death before the seventeenth canto 
 was finished ;. Nor was Dante's fame confined to Florence : 
 Pisa, MUan, and ^'enice followed her example, and though he 
 has given occupation to the pens of commentators for upwards 
 of five hundred years his works are not vet completely inter- 
 preted : the Latin, French, English, Spanisli, and German 
 tongues give his sense and echo his words, but tlie poetic atmo- 
 sphere that envelopes them can never be translated j;'. 
 
 While yet alive Dante's pei^on and works, especially the 
 Liferao, were familiar to everybody in the north of Italv, 
 and Boccaccio tells us that one day while walking along with 
 some fnends in the streets of Verona and passing a door where 
 certain women were assembled one of them, without intending 
 to be overheard, exclaimed in a low voice, - Look 1 look! 
 That is the gentleman who goes to hell and comes back when 
 
 • Del Volgare Linguaggio, Libro ii", Atnmirato, Storia, Lib. xiii., p. 609. 
 
 nil ?* ?' rV' , ""^"' '^"- '^"•' § ^••"^^PI>e Pelli, Mem. di Dante, 
 —Dclizie degh Eruditi Toscani.— S. passim. 
 
 MISC. CIIAF.] 
 
 PETRARCA. 
 
 647 
 
 he pleases, and brings us news from the people there below." 
 To which another immediately replied, " You say true, and 
 look at his face and beard, how dark and curled they are from 
 the smoke and heat of those places " ! Dante hearing these 
 words, coming as they did from the simplicity of the speakei*s, 
 was much amused, and passed on smiling well pleased that 
 they should remain of that opinion--. 
 
 We have not yet done with the great Florentines of this 
 age ; another hardly second to Dante follows ; like him also a 
 fugitive and though not himself banished, yet an exile from the 
 same cause. Garzo the great grandfather of Petrarch was a 
 Florentine notary who after a life of one hundred and four 
 years died in the same bed in which he was born I Petracco 
 his grandson was also a notaiy, a profession then held in high 
 repute, especially at Florence ; and as Dante was falsely accused 
 of extortion in his public official conduct, so was Petracco 
 accused of drawing out a fraudulent act in his professional 
 capacity and condemned to a fine of 1000 florins besides the loss 
 of his hand if the penalty were left unpaid ten days after he 
 should be taken : but he had already escaped from his enemies 
 along with Dante and the united white and Ghibeline faction. 
 
 Petrarca, or Petrarcha as it was formerly written ; called also 
 Francesco di Petracco according to the then mode of distinc- 
 tion, was bom at Arezzo on the twentieth of July 1304, the 
 same night that his father, Dante, and the other Ghibelines, 
 principally l>y that poets advice, made their final attempt on 
 Florence, the failure of which destroyed every hope and Pe- 
 tracco settled at Avignon. It is needless to say much of 
 Petrarch : he has written his own memoirs which his fame has 
 made precious, and what was wanting has been well supplied 
 by De Sade with much research, ability, and interest to his 
 readers. The poet himself informs us that he was bom in 
 
 ♦ Boccaccio, Vita di Dante, cap. xviii., Ed. in Black Letter, Venice. By 
 Vindelin di Spira, An. Dom. 1477. 
 
648 
 
 PETRARCA. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 the Borgo deir Orto of Arezzo ; that he had not much phy- 
 sical strength but great agility ; tliat liis figiu'e was not fine 
 enough for v;inity but such as in early youth would plcaso. White 
 hairs began to appear with the down on his chin, which, as 
 he was told, gave him a certahi air of dignity and added' no 
 little ornament to his features : but did not please him the 
 more for this, because it detracted from his youthful aspect 
 which he always regarded with gi-eat complacency. He had a 
 brilliant complexion between white and brown, lively eyes ; 
 and for many years a particularly acute vision, which to hil 
 surprise began to tail after sixty and compelled him to use 
 spectacles. His parents while in exile were of moderate for- 
 tune hiclining to poverty and he himself being neither rich 
 nor poor, liad fewer wants and greater abmidance, more 
 tranquilUty and less covetousness of worldly wealtli. He was 
 averse to riches, not because he despised them but because of 
 the cares by which they are accompanied : he eat little food 
 and that simple, dishked entertainments as scenes of glut- 
 tony injurious to modesty and morality, therefore was averse 
 either to give them at home or partake of them at the houses 
 of others. But small dinnei-s with one or two friends were his 
 dehght and he never ^villingly dined or supju .1 mIoiic : Petrarch 
 was for from immaculate ; he sinned, despised his o\ni weak- 
 ness, condemned the sin, and then repeated it : but this " was 
 of earth, earthy." He had one real, honest, long-enduring 
 affection, which death alone interrupted at a time when it had 
 already begun to abate from its pristine ardom-. He says : " I 
 loved a woman whose mind unacquainted with woridly cares 
 burned with celestial desires ; in whose comitenance, if there 
 is truth on earth, were reflected the rays of divine beauty ; 
 whose manners were examples of perfect modesty, and so ex- 
 pressed in gesture look and voice that no human thing was 
 ever equal to it. I will express all briefly. Laura appeared 
 before my eyes in my early youth on the moniiug of the sixth 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 LAURAS INFLUENCE. 
 
 649 
 
 of April 13*27 in the church of Santa Chiai'a at Avignon, and 
 in the same city, in the same month of April, on the same 
 sixth day, in the same first hour, and in the year 1348 ; from 
 this Hght, that light was taken, while I was haply at Verona, 
 ignorant, alas I of my destiny. I heard the sad tidings in 
 Parma by a letter from my Lodovico on the morning of the 
 nineteenth of May of the same year. Her most chaste body 
 was on the same day of her death, at vespers, deposited in a 
 fitting place Ijelonging to the minor friars, and her soul I 
 believe, as Seneca said of xVfricanus, is restored to that heaven 
 from which it came. I loved the virtues of Laura, which are 
 not spent, wherefore 1 will never set my heart on any mortal 
 thing, but will solace myself in her soul, hi her heavenly man- 
 ners ; and her example is an argument to me of the life of 
 celestial beings. In my af lection there was no baseness, no 
 impurity; nothing culpable except in its excess. Nay I will 
 not be silent : the little that I am, I owe to that woman : and 
 if I perchance Inive ac<tuired any fame or glory, I should never 
 have acquired it had not the puny seed of virtue implanted by 
 nature in my mind Ijeen cultivated by her with so noble an 
 affection. Yes she weaned me, and with a hook, as it were, 
 drew my young hitellect from every low idea and compelled 
 me to fix it on sublimer things ; so true is it that love assumes 
 the form and character and identifies itself with the beloved 
 object. But there never was a slanderer so base as to touch 
 witli a pungent or mordacious word her spotless character; not 
 one who ever dared to affirm, I will not say in her acts, but 
 even in the movement of her voice, that there was anything 
 reprehensible"*. 
 
 Thus adoring, all his actions were framed to please the idol, 
 and thus Laura, like Beatrice, influenced his whole life. He 
 was passionate and often disdamfid but not vain, if his estimate 
 
 * Memorie dclla Vita di Francesco his Latin works. — Molini Fiienze, 
 Petrarca, which he left written amongst 1 }i22. 
 
650 
 
 RISE OF LITER.VTURE. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 of himself be correct ; easily forgetting injuries and steady in 
 friendship. With a judgment more solid than acute he pos- 
 sessed a clear and powerful eloquence and was much employed 
 as an ambassador : intended and educated for the bar he quitted 
 all such studies the moment he wtis free from domestic con- 
 trol ; not from any dislike to the acquirement of a science which 
 he honoured, but from a more generous motive : because in 
 practice its character was so depraved by the mahce and selfish- 
 ness of man that he was averse to learn that wliich lie could 
 not honestly make use of without infinite labour, and in doiiKT 
 so would have had his integrity attributed to ignorance. 
 
 As m private society when decency is discarded the range of 
 humour is extended, so in that of nations we sometimes see 
 that where honesty is trampled upon human energy is in more 
 vigorous though pernicious activity : no wonder tlicn that this 
 age was bold, daring, and energetic; ambition and rapacity 
 were the ruhng powei-s ; but the foraier was local, dispei-sed, 
 broken mto a thousand fragments: each predominant spirit 
 was great withui the narrow limits of its countiy; yet few 
 filled all Italy with their fame, and scarcely any had a general 
 European reputation. A multitude of fierce and brilliant fires 
 were burning both for good and evil, the common illumination 
 was splendid and equalised; Europe gazed at it from afar 
 with admiration, perhaps respect, but only knew it as a whole. 
 In this state literature alone became the object of general 
 interest ; it spread with a universal light, it belonged to all 
 countries and no faction ; tyrants, kings, and republics equally 
 honoured it, and the fame of its leaders overspread the earth. 
 The conjuncture favoured it, for Italian language was yet in 
 its infancy, Latin comipted, and it became an object to*^ sepa- 
 rate the child from a vitiated parent and reform the latter. 
 A host of mtellect burst upon the world, and led by Dante 
 permanently stamped its character on the fouiteenth century. 
 In this way Petrarch became the property not only of Italy 
 
 MISC. CMAP.] PETRARCA OFFERED THE LAUREL CROWX. 
 
 651 
 
 but of Europe ; in an humble and retired cottage at Yaucluse 
 attended onlv bv his rustic old man and woman, he received 
 on the same day letters from the Roman senator and the 
 chancellor of the Parisian university, calling upon him as in 
 rivalry to receive the laurel crown, one at Home the other at 
 Paris. The venerable name of Kome, her antique gloiy, and 
 his own reverence for the Eternal City, finally prevailed, and 
 in liis six-and-tliirtieth year Naples received him with honour 
 on his way to the capitol. There a new triumph awaited him, 
 for Robert the most learned monarch and one of the most 
 learned men of that day, after some severe examinations added 
 his testimony to the genend voice, and entreated that Naples 
 might be the scene of his coronation. But Rome still prevailed 
 and on the twenty-third of Aumist 1^40 Petrarca received the 
 laurel crown, by which, as he tells us, he acquired no science 
 but much envy-i^. 
 
 At this time he was employed on a Latin epic poem 
 wherein under the title of Africa he celebrated the exploits 
 of Scipio Africanus ; and this unlucky preference of a dead to a 
 living language, notwithstandhig Dante's wiser example, has 
 principally consigned it to oblivion : yet it was almost entirely to 
 this poem that he owed the laurel and it received the highest 
 praise from King Robert and Coluecio Salutati, neither of them 
 a mean judge. Rut Petrarch kept it hidden, probably formed a 
 more con-ect estimate himself, latterly disliked its being men- 
 tioned, and finally as is said intended to bum it but had not 
 the resolution to destroy so long and interesting a labour f. 
 
 The " Triumphs " seem also to have nm some risk, not 
 from himself but his executors, yet happily have survived 
 and reached us untouched, with all their faults and all their 
 beauties : his canzoni, sonnets, and smaller poems will ever be 
 read with intense interest while love grief and poetiy continue 
 
 * De Sade, vol. i., Lib. ii., p. 428. — Memoric di Petrarca, Scritte da se stesso. 
 + De Sade, vol. iii., Liv. vi., p. 808, &c. 
 
652 
 
 AFRICA AND DECAMERON. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 to influence the human heart and expand its most gentle 
 affections. 
 
 It is a curious circumstance that notwithstanding their close 
 friendship and constant epistolary intercourse Petrarch never 
 showed Boccaccio his "Africa," and never saw the latter's " Deca- 
 meron "until a few months before his own death, when chance 
 placed it in his hands at Arqua. De Sade surmises that 
 Petrarch knowing Boccaccio's (hscernment was unwilling to 
 show him a poem which he himself so lowly appreciated ; and 
 the latter shrunk from presenting a collection of loose and frivo- 
 lous tales to a person of so grave and delicate a mind, which was 
 offended at the slightest breach of modesty *. This however 
 is unlikely because the Decameron had been many years pub- 
 lished, neither was there much cause of fear for on meetinjr 
 with that work he wrote as follows to Boccaccio. " Having inm 
 
 * but hastily over this book I can scarcely judge, but it has 
 ' given me great pleasure ; what is too free must be suliiciently 
 
 * excused by your age when it was written, the language in 
 ' which you wrote, the lightness of the subject, and the persons 
 ' for whom it was intended. Amongst many gay and trifling 
 ' things some grave and pious are to be found. I ha\e done 
 
 * like all the world ; I have dwelt most on tlie beginning and 
 
 * the end. The description you give at the commencement, 
 ' of the state of our comitr}- during the plague seems to be very 
 
 * true and very pathetic. The finisliing story has made so 
 
 * strong an impression upon me that I have committed it to 
 
 * memory for the puqiose of relatmg it to my friends in society." 
 Petrarch was in fact so pleased with the tale of Griselda that 
 making some alterations he translated it into Latin for the 
 amusement of those who were ignorant of the Italian language. 
 One of liis friends at Padua attempted to read it aloud but was 
 twice prevented by his tears : another at Verona on hearing 
 this made a similar effort and succeeded without any apparent 
 
 • Dc Sade, vol, iii., Liv. vi., p. 810. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 PETRARC A S D E ATK. 
 
 653 
 
 emotion : on returning the volume he said, " I must admit 
 " that it is a touching stoiy, and I also should have wept had 
 " I believed it true ; but it is cleariy fabulous. There never 
 "was and there never will be such a woman as Griselda "=^'. 
 This letter to Boccaccio was accompanied by Petrarca s Latin 
 translation and is probably the last epistle he ever wrote : its 
 date is June 1374, and the poet was found dead in the library 
 of his residence at Arqua on the eighteenth of July, his head 
 restinfT quietly on a book ! Whereupon it was said that he 
 passed from the quiet of study to the quiet of the grave f . Pe- 
 trarch had enlarged and liberal notions ; he seems to be the first 
 who asserted the principle that punishment should be inflicted 
 not as vengeance for crimes but to preverit their repetition. 
 
 He seems also to have had some indistinct notions of the 
 new worid ; if we may judge from the fourth canzone of Mai'- 
 sand's edition, and again in the first Sestina. 
 
 « Nclla stagion die '1 ciel rapido incliina 
 Verso oeeidente, e die '1 di iiostro vola 
 A geiite die di la forse 1' aspetta, &c." t 
 
 « Quando la sera scaccia il ehiaro j^norno, 
 E le teuebre nostra altrui faiiu' alba " §. 
 
 Petrarch influenced the literature of his age as well from his 
 genius as his indefatigable search after Greek and Latin manu- 
 scripts in which he was ably seconded by Boccaccio, and subse- 
 quently followed with greater success by Poggio Bracciolini : 
 
 * De Satlc, Mem., vol. iii., Lib. vi., f Ibid. Lib. vi., p. 701).— Maffci,Stor. 
 p^ 7<)(j_ dclla Lettcratuni Ilal. 
 
 J " In tbat same season wbcn our sun inclines 
 Towards tbc Avcst and our brigbt dayligbtjlies 
 To people tbat perbaps expect bim tberc." 
 
 {Canzone IV.) 
 
 § *' Wbcn evening drives tbe clear dayligbt away 
 And our dim nigbt to otbers makes tlie dawn." 
 
 {Scsiina P.) 
 
G54 
 
 COPYISTS OF >L\NUSCRirTS. 
 
 Tbook I. 
 
 where he could not get the originals he procured copies, but 
 often bursts forth into angry invectives against the careless 
 ignorance and neglect of the whole race of copyists. " You 
 know," he says in a letter to Boccaccio, " You know what the 
 copyists ai'e, they never finish, and make good authors despair. 
 Whether from ignorance negligence or conteiiipi they write 
 anything but what is given them to copy." And again. '' Who 
 can apply an etlective remedy to the base ignorance of the 
 coppsts that spoil and entangle everjthing ? Through fear of 
 this many able geniuses keep aloof from puldisliing immortal 
 works ; a just judgment on this our indolent age in which not 
 books but only the kitchen is attended to, and cooks are 
 examined instead of authors. Wherefore eveiy one who knows 
 in any way how to illuminate parchment and manage the pen, 
 although he be completely destitute of learning, of skill, or of 
 genius, acijuires the reputation of a writer. I do not now 
 speak of nor quarrel with orthography, which has been f<jr 
 a long time extinct : Heaven grant that in any mode whatever 
 they would write what is given them to copy ; the copyists 
 ignorance would be seen, but the substinice of the book would 
 be presened. These on the contrary confounding the copy 
 and original, after promising to write one thing, write some- 
 ilmig entirely different, and in such a way that the author 
 knows not what he himself has dictated. Dost thou believe 
 that if Cicero, Liv}% and many other celebrated ancient writers, 
 and more especially the second Pliny were to return and com- 
 mence reading their own books that they would understand 
 them ? or that they would not, on the contrary, wliile hesitatmg 
 at every passage, believe them either to be the works of others 
 or the dictation of barbarians ? What shall 1 say of our nobles 
 who not only suffer literature to perish but eaniestly wish it ? 
 Surely the disparagement and hatred of so nol)le a thing will 
 ere long plmige us into the abyss of ignorance. It may be 
 added that there is no curb nor law for such copyists, who are 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 ERRORS OF MSS. BOCCACCIO. 
 
 655 
 
 chosen without examination or proof. The blacksmith, the 
 cultivator, the weaver, and other artificers have no such liberty ; 
 and although the danger be infinitely less as regards these, and 
 infinitely more as regards those, all of them nevertheless pro- 
 miscuously undertake to write and there is even a fixed price 
 for these barbarous destroyers " -. The ignorance of Italian 
 noldes and princes is also alluded to by Dante f and the inven- 
 tion of printing has fortunately superseded the emploj-ment of 
 copyists, but the letters of Petrarch on this subject are instmc- 
 tive, inasmuch as they prove the fellaciousness of all manu- 
 scripts even when there is no temptation for the copyists to 
 deceive ; how much more so then are those to be suspected 
 which treat of religion, w^here negligence ignorance and sectarian 
 spirit were often combined with bigotry to distort them. 
 
 Petrarch's great friend Giovanni Boccaccio, the son of Boc- 
 caccio Chellino of Certaldo, sprang from an illicit attachment 
 at Paris in 13D3. His mother, a young Parisian lady, died 
 soon after his birth ; he was brought to Florence when quite a 
 child and as is supposed saw Dante at Ravenna when about 
 seven years old. Boccaccio was at first educated for a mer- 
 chant like most of the Florentines, then studied the canon law 
 but entirely against his taste, wherefore after visiting the tomb 
 of Virgil near Naples he could no longer restrain himself and 
 resolved to dedicate his life to literature. The Latin classics 
 and Dante absorbed him ; for the latter he had the most pro- 
 found veneration, and thially stirred up the Florentines to pay 
 his memory the respect of publicly reading the Divina Corn- 
 media. At Naples he w^as much noticed by King Robert to 
 whom Dante alludes in tire eighth canto of Paradise as being 
 too much addicted to literature to govern well. Addressing 
 mankind, the spirit of Dante's friend Charles Martel of 
 Hungary exclaims — 
 
 * De Sade, Mem., vol. iii.. Lib. vi., della Letterat. Italian. 
 
 p. 668. — Vide Giuseppe Maffei, Stor. f Convito, cap. ix., pp. 60, 61. 
 
05G BOCCACCIO MARIA DAQUIXO. [book i. 
 
 " Ma voi torcete alia religioiie 
 
 Tal die fu nato a eingersi la spacla, 
 E fate Re di tal, eh' e da sermone ; 
 Onde la traccia vostra e fuor di Strada " *. 
 
 Boccaccio became intimate with many learned men at Naplc^. 
 and amongst others with Petrarca at whose examination for the 
 laurel by King Robert he was present, and so astonished was 
 the novelist at his powers that he ever afterwards called him 
 master. At Naples in the church of Saint Lorenzo the Sunday 
 before Easter 1841, he saw and fell in love with the beautiful 
 Maria d'Aquino a natural but unacknowledged daughter of Khig 
 Piobert and the wife of a Neapolitan nobleman. Of her person 
 he gives us a minute and glowing picture such as might le 
 expected from Boccaccio in love ; but tlie amour does liim no 
 credit if it is true that he insinuated himself into the bus 
 band s intimacv to seduce the wife +. 
 
 Neither the cidm of her past life, fears of the future, or her 
 union with a young and indulgent husband had power to sav( 
 her. — She fell and tasted sorrow. — It was the custom of that 
 age and especially at Naples where Provencal manners had 
 become indigenous, for the young assemblies of both sexes to 
 converse on love, propose questions in its courts, discuss its 
 nature and affections, dwell on the generous devotion, magnani- 
 mity, and enterprise that this passion inspired, and to read with 
 avichty eveiy song, novel, or romance, that treated on the 
 favourite subject ; and with what effect we have a painfully 
 touching instance in Paulo and Francesco di Kimini. 
 
 Many of these histories were not written, but pjissed from 
 mouth to mouth through the sociij world : even Petrarch in 
 his last days committed, as we have seen, the story of Grisekla 
 
 * " But ye perversely to relicrion strain 
 
 Him who was born to gird ou him tlie sword, 
 And of the fluent phmscman make your king : 
 Therefore your steps have wandered from the paths.*' 
 
 {Cary^s Dank.) 
 f Baldelli, Vita di Giov. Boccaccio. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 BOCCACCIO. OTTAVA RIMA. 
 
 G57 
 
 to memor}^ for the purpose of narrating it to his friends ; and 
 none knew more or could tell them better than Boccaccio. At his 
 mistress's request he recorded the then popular tale of "Florio 
 and Biancahore " in a romance under the title of " Filocopo " or 
 the Lover of Labour. 
 
 This gentle intercourse w^as suddenly interrupted by Boc- 
 caccio's unexpected recall to Florence ; and Maria's despair, and 
 hopes, and fears, and love, and jealousy, and distraction, form 
 the subject of his " Fiammetta'' which he feigns to be written 
 by her as a warning and example to those who are in danger 
 of being overborne by love. He then wrote his " Teseide'' or 
 the exploits of Theseus, an epic poem which was dedicated to 
 La Fiammetta ; and afterwards, as a solace for the dulness of 
 home the '' Ameto'' or " Cammed la deUe Xiii/e Florentine,'^ a 
 sort of Cymon who on tlie banks of the Mugnone in company 
 with a bevv of Florentine mrls is converted from a rude insensible 
 clown to a gentle lover. But the tale is by some supposed to be 
 an allegory the nymphs being the Virtues who gradually extend 
 their influence over Ameto's mind ; yet the stories are all real, and 
 the speakers Florentine ladies under feigned names. After this 
 Giovanni returned to Naples w^as favoured by queen Giovanna 
 who delighted in his novels and particularly as it would seem 
 in the most licentious : but though in after life he condemned 
 his Decameron and implored Mahiardo Cavalcante to keep it 
 from his daughters as he valued their morals ; yet he never 
 censured but on the contraiy vindicated queen Giovanna's con- 
 duct. In consequence of some question discussed in the Neapo- 
 litan court of love where he and his Fiammetta were present, 
 he addressed a poem to her, in ottava rlma (of which he is said 
 to have been the inventor) describing the loves of Troilus and 
 Cressida, which perhaps may have suggested Chaucer's tale, 
 and called it Fllostmto : this was followed by the " L' Amo- 
 rosa Vislone,'' also addressed to La Fiammetta, and then 
 besides other works the " Nlnfale Flesolano " or the loves 
 
 VOL. II, u u 
 
G58 
 
 BOCCACCIO DECAMERON. 
 
 [bock I. 
 
 of the Affrico and Mmsola two small Fiesoline streams neai- 
 Florence; and this assemblage of mythological tales has made 
 the plain between Florence and Fiesole classic ground. As a 
 lyric poet Boccaccio is not much esteemed, and indeed felt 
 himself so subdued by Petrarch's poetry that he was on ihe 
 point of committhig all his own to the flames. 
 
 His Decameron or hundred tales was commenced dming 
 the plague and was written as he said to amuse the fair sex (to 
 which he was devoted) because they were in his opinion re- 
 stramed too much in their pleasures by fiitliers husbands and 
 brothers, contined to the small circuit of their apartments, 
 and idly employed in not always the most agreeable reflec- 
 tions. But liis admirei-s give him the further credit of writing 
 these amusing stories to dissipate by a keen satire the cloud of 
 vulgar eiToi*s then prevalent; to expose monastic hj^iocrisy 
 and licentiousness, and to exhibit examples of human life in 
 all its variety of rank and character, of mean and noble, bad 
 and good, and for universal instmction. I*art of the lesson 
 would no dou])t be easily learned but the moral effect is ques- 
 tionable. This work is generally considered as a model ^^i 
 Itahan prose, and along with Dino Comi»agni and Giovanni 
 Villain became the standard of subsequent writei-s. A work 
 like the Decameron might have passed urn* iisured by the 
 church if the church had been left inviolate ; but priests and 
 monks were unmasked and the author was justly and with 
 great advantage assailed by them for his immorality : this was 
 strong ground, and eight years after its appearance Boccaccio 
 himself was converted and led the wav in condemnation of his 
 
 own wTi tings. 
 
 A holy man of the Senese Ceitosa called PietroPetronisenta 
 brother named Giovaccliino Ciaiii to the novelist with eimiest 
 remonstrances and exhortations to reform. Ciani seems to 
 have perfonned his task with the boldness and inspu-ation of a 
 prophet and foretold a speedy and miserable end if Petroni's 
 dying words were slighted. Boccaccio trembled : he instantly 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] Boccaccio's conversion. — petrarcas letter. 659 
 
 wrote to Petrarch for advice ; told him that he would abandon 
 literature, sell his books, and pass the rest of his life in soli- 
 tude and repentance. The lover of Laura was of a more 
 regulated mind ; he was no epicurean, more refined, more even 
 in his movements than Boccaccio, and not open to superstitious 
 fears, he freely examined the nature of this prophecy, exposed 
 the folly of abandoning literature because a friar exhorted him 
 to reform which, good in itself, might be accomplished without 
 running into so violent an extreme : at his age and with his 
 infirmities it required no prophetic monk to foretel the chance 
 of death and with this in view, says Petrarca, " Leave worldly 
 folly, bad habits, and the remnants of old pleasures ; compose 
 your mind and manners in front of a better mirror ; ehanee 
 useless novels for the records and laws of God ; and as for that 
 ever-sprouting plant of vice from which you have hitherto with 
 difficulty lopped the branches, cut it down now and completely 
 eradicate it. I'se your powers of verse and prose, of which 
 yon are no longer a disciple but an old master, use them 
 according to your own discretion ; you know which to keep and 
 which to reject ; literature augments the souls goodness and 
 awakens it to honour, and so far from retarding, urges it on in 
 the tme course of life." He then offers him a home in his 
 house, and advises him to keep his books, but if determined to 
 sell them declares that he will be the purchaser. 
 
 This letter which is very long, eloquent, and sensible, re- 
 stored Boccaccio to reason and made him combine Ciani's and 
 Petrarch's counsels. — His Decameron troubled him most : in 
 a letter to his friend Mainardo Cavalcanti he savs, " Leave mv 
 novels to the wanton slaves of passion who wish to be thought 
 the frequent contaminators of female modesty ; and if you will 
 have no mercy on the decency of your own females, spare at 
 least my honour if you bear me sufiicient affection to shed 
 tears for my sufferings. In reading them they will consider 
 me a base pander, a sensual and depraved old man ; an impure 
 
 u i; '2 
 
660 
 
 BOCCACCIO CONDEMS THE DECAMERON. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 slanderous pei*son ; and an eager propagator of others' wicked- 
 ness. Nobody will anywhere rise in my defence : I wrote as a 
 vounj: man and I was forced to it by an authoritiitive com- 
 mand.'' — This command is supposed to have come from Queen 
 Giovanna, and the letter was written in consequence of Caval- 
 cante having promised to let the ladies of his family read the 
 Decameron, which if he did, Boccaccio tells him, and that 
 their morals suffered in consequence, on his own head nut 
 theirs would be the sin and blame ; " Wltrnjon- I hcsnrh you, 
 ami I repeat it ; I unphre you hy my vokiiscI aud by my prayers 
 not to do so.'' 
 
 Five hmidred years have not abstracted a particle of wisdom 
 from this earnest exhortation which niodrrn female readers of 
 the Decameron would do well to ponder. Boccaccio was ever 
 a warm admirer and champion of l):iiitc and l>y s.nding the 
 Divina Commedia a present to Petrarch drew from him a cold 
 but decided denial of opinions then generally entertained, that 
 he was either envious or insensible of that great poets excel- 
 lence. Petrarch was deeply imbued with the classic spirit (»f 
 the time and undervalued everything in a language to which 
 he himself is indebted for his fame and which Dante charac- 
 terises as nearly equal to Latin for lofty expression and full of 
 the sweetest and most amiable beauties-. Dante and Boc- 
 caccio saw further, for at that epoch the use of Italian as a 
 channel of genend communication was jd ready become what 
 printing soon became to manuscript ; readers were indetinitely 
 multiplied, thought was once more unshackled, new ideas burst 
 upon the worhl in all the freshness of awakened intellect ; the 
 Italian works of Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio, Sacchetti, and others 
 spread rapidly over Italy while the Latin compositions were 
 then confined to the learned and have been generally neglected 
 by posterity. Boccaccio died in 1375 shortly after he had 
 begim his public lectures and comment on Dante, whose liie 
 he wrote after his conversion in i:]01. He was handsome in 
 
 ♦ Convito, cap. x., pp. 70, 71, 12^ Ed. of Fraticelli. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 OTHER FLORENTINE WRITERS. 
 
 661 
 
 person, tall and well proportioned, with a fine face ; the nose 
 rounded over the nostrils ; an animated eye, a nicely chiselled 
 though rather a capacious mouth and a chin that was beautiful 
 when he smded ; gay, affable and fluent his expressions were 
 rendered more graceful by natural urbanity, and every move- 
 ment added dignity to a certain haughthiess of demeanour which 
 generally kept him at a distance from men of higher rank ; and 
 this he preserved to his death-''. 
 
 The two eldest Villani have already been noticed : Filippo 
 was less renowned but stdl generally esteemed, especially for 
 his Lives of Illustrious Florentines which though meagre are 
 interesting. Coluccio Piero Salutati, for many years secretary 
 of the republic and a friend of Petrarch's, shone out brightly 
 in classic lore, he also was a poet but acquired more fame by 
 the force and elegance of his Latin epistles of which he wrote 
 multitudes, than by any other work. So eloquent and effective 
 were these compositions that accordhig to Ammirato Gian- 
 Galeazzo Viseonte declared he was less alarmed at an army of 
 twenty thousand men than at one single letter of Coluccio 's. He 
 died early in the fifteenth century after a life, as Villani tells us, 
 imstained by vice ; and was still living when tliat author wrote. 
 
 Zanol)i di Strada a Florentine schoolmaster and the son of 
 a schoolmaster, added considerable renown to this age of lite- 
 rature : he rose through the favour of his compatriot Nicolo 
 Acciaioli Grand Seneschal of Naples, himself a man of no 
 mean fame, and by his influence received the poet's crown 
 from the emperor Charles IV. at Pisa in 1355, much as it 
 would seem to the annovance of Petrarch. In 1305 as memo- 
 rials of the honour rellected on Florence, by Accursio, Dante, 
 Petrarch, Zanobi, and Boccaccio, a monument was decreed to 
 each by the republic but never erected f. 
 
 Francesco Sacchetti w^as a cotemporary but younger than 
 Boccaccio whom he long survived, and died in 1400. He was 
 much employed as well as the latter in public embassies and 
 
 * Baldelli, Vita di Boccaccio, jpasstwi. f S. Ammirato, Lib. xvi., p. 855 
 
662 
 
 SACCHETTIS NOVELS. — PANDOLFINO. 
 
 [book 
 
 ^vils well qualified for them by his leaniing talent and iigree- 
 able qualities which made him universally welcome. Sac- 
 chetti's fame rests principally on his novels which are amusinit, 
 and interesting from the portraits they present of the form 
 and pressure of the age, but accompanied by nearly all Boc- 
 caccio's licentiousness. He wrote three hundred, but onlv 
 two hundred and fifty-eight are extant, most of them original 
 anecdotes and therefore a sort of private liistoiy of his time, 
 which imparts an interest they might not otherwise obtain 
 or perhaps deserve ; yet the style is considered extremely 
 pure and the tides flow easily. Sacchetti must have been 
 intellectually beyond his age for he openly ridiculed judicial 
 astrologv which was then and for nearlv two centuries after 
 implicitly believed in by some of the wisest intellects ; even 
 Dante in his Paradise acknowledges the stellar influence thouf^h 
 not man's power of interpretation *. 
 
 Amongst all the Florentines of this age Agnolo Pandollinu 
 bom in 1305, is considered for purity of style and solidity of 
 matter one of the most famous : he served in the highest offices 
 of state, but his political career belongs to the fifteenth ceii- 
 
 * This is evident throughout the Paradise, but especially in the following vt rH> 
 of Canto XXII. :— 
 
 " O gloriose stellc, O Lume pregno 
 
 Di gran virtu, dal quale io riconosco 
 Tutto (qual che si sia) lo mio ingegno 
 Con voi nasceva, e s'ascondeva vosco 
 Qucgli ch' e' padre d'ogni mortal vita, 
 Quan<l' io scnti' da prima Taer tosco : 
 E poi quando mi fu grazia largita 
 ITentrar nelTalta ruota che vi gira 
 La vostra region mi fu sortita." 
 
 " O glorious stai-s ! O Light impregnate 
 
 With sur|)assing virtue, from which I own 
 All I possess of intellectual power, 
 
 With you arose and set again with you 
 He the great 8ire of every mortal life 
 When first I breathed the vital tuscan air : 
 
 And after, when by grace I was allowed 
 
 To enter the great wheel that moves thee round, 
 Thy blessed region fate assigned me still." 
 
 Misc. CHAP.] FINE ARTS— PAINTERS— WOOD CARVING. 663 
 
 tuiy. His celebrated treatise ''Del Govcrno dclla FaminUa" 
 both in style and morality is considered one of the best works 
 in the Italian language^!'. 
 
 The fine arts still continued to be cultivated with ardour, 
 and if in 1300 there were no less than a hundred second- rank 
 painters in Florence they were probably not diminished in the 
 fourteenth century ; but no subsequent artist surpassed or even 
 equalled Giotto who as already noticed ran far into the present 
 period. Small progress was made beyond him; except per- 
 haps by a little more brilliancy of colouring, for about a hmi- 
 dred and twenty years when Massaccio stept suddenly forth 
 and gave a fresh and powerful impetus to pictorial art. 
 
 Andrea Orcagna who lived through the greater part of this 
 century was also eminent in sculpture, but excelled more m 
 ai'chitecture than either : it was he who first substituted the 
 circular for the pointed arch in Florence as may be seen in 
 that fine portico near the old palace. Andrea was assisted by 
 his brother Bernardo a man of inferior talent but probably 
 equal to Bonamico di Cristofano, better known as Buff'almacco, 
 and more notorious for his humour than renowned for liis 
 painting. He was the pupil of Tafi, and figures in Sacchetti's 
 and Boccaccio's tales. ThQ " Creation " in the Campo Santo of 
 Pisa is by his hand and along with his pupil Brmio di Gio- 
 vanni, Nelli di Dino, and Calandrino, furnished matter for Boc- 
 caccio's eighth day, as Bartolo Gioggi did to Sacchetti f. 
 
 The number of painters was so increased at Giotto's death 
 in 1336, that about thirteen years after they formed them- 
 selves into a religious society called the Company of Saint 
 Luke, which though consisting of painters and carvers in wood, 
 or workers in metal, was, as regarded drawing, only a pious 
 assembly not a school of art. 
 
 Towards the end of this century wood-carving began to im- 
 prove from the encouragement given in the architectural deco- 
 rations of altars which were constantly becoming more elaborate. 
 
 • Giuseppe Maffei, Storia della Letteratura Italiana. f Novello 170, 
 
664 VAST NUMBER OF EMINENT FI.ORENTINES. [book. .. 
 
 Giovanni da Ponte, Mariotto, Tommaso di Marco, Bernardo 
 Nello, Nello di Vanni, and Francesco Triani besides others ; 
 some Florentine, some Pisan ; all issued from Giotto and Or- 
 cagna s school, none of much note except Triani of whom a 
 large painting of St. Thomas d'Arjuinas glorified, still remains 
 in the church of Saint Catherine at Pisa, the composition of 
 which is admired. 
 
 In taking leave of this centuiy we are reminded that at cer- 
 tani epochs in the worlds progress there is sometimes u 
 majestic race of spirits that suddenly cross our view and carry- 
 ing everj-thing they touch to perfection ; they then gradually 
 disappear and leave their hme for future ages to admire anil 
 fully appreciate. 
 
 The fourteenth centurj- and part of the thirteenth, was one 
 of these glorious periods in Florentine history, and the mind 
 is struck ^ritll wonder to behold from one small city in one 
 single centuiT shine out so bright an assemblage of fresh and 
 lofty intellects. In law, in physic, in theologj^ philosophy and 
 rhetoric; in prose and poetrj% in history, ethics, epistolarv 
 writing, sculpture architecture and painting ; it produced, not 
 one, but several of the highest order of genius, men of no 
 doubtful fame, some of whom feared the point of Dante's poetical 
 ajihorism scarcely more than the bard himself^:-. 
 
 The foui' Accorsi, the two Del Gai'bos, Alderotti, Torregiano, 
 
 ♦ " Non e il mondan roinorc altro ch' un fiato 
 
 Di vento ch'or vicn quinci cd or vien quindi, 
 E muta noine pcrche muta lato. 
 Che faiiia Avrai tu piu, se vcccliia scindi 
 Da tc la carnc, die se fossi morto 
 Iniianzi cbe laseiassi il pappo ^ 'I dindi, 
 Pria che passin mill' tinni ?''~(Purg. Canto XI.) 
 
 All worldly praise is nothing hut a breath 
 
 Of wind, which now this way and now that way blows, 
 And changes name just as it changes sides. 
 
 What greater fUme hast thou, if age sti ip off 
 
 From thee thy Hesh, than if thy death had come 
 Before the p;ip and play-things were left off, 
 
 Before a thousand years ? 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 PASTIMES OF FLORE>'CE. BEFAXIA. 
 
 665 
 
 Cassini, Bardi, Dino di Mugello, Barberino, Bonifazio Ul)erti, 
 Francesco Cieco, Giotto, Orcagna, Cavalcante, Boccaccio, Pe- 
 trarca, Dante, Zenobi, Giovanni Andrea the " Prince of Canon- 
 ists ''; the three Villani, Dino Compagni, Coluccio Salutati, 
 Sacchetti, Pandollino, and other noted though inferior minds, 
 such as Paulo and Bonatti in mathematics and astronomy; 
 present altogether a constellation of such intellect as dazzles 
 the understanding and makes us marvel how one small com- 
 munity could produce so much, so quickly ! 
 
 The amusements of the Florentines in this centuiy were much 
 of the same character as the last : mysteries, tournaments, 
 '' Armeiifjiene^' processions of maskers, and similar pastimes 
 were frequent : two of these troops of mummers three hundred 
 in each, paraded the city for a whole month in 1383, one in 
 yellow the other in white, all crowned with garlands, and 
 music singing and dancing as was then the custom, besides 
 every other kind of diversion ; each was led by its king who 
 walked in state under a golden canopy and entertained all 
 comei-s at a vast expense ■'•=. 
 
 Besides these there was the game of '* Calcio," a sort of foot- 
 ball but more scientific, whieli was peculiar to Florence and is 
 supposed to have descended to them from Greece through 
 their Roman ancestors f . The first of May was always a day of 
 pleasure and mnversal festivity : songs, music, dancing and 
 processions ushered in the spring with the festival of ''Calemli- 
 magg'io:' The songs were called ''Miujiii'' and ''Maggiolate,'" 
 and the ''Maio'' was a green branch decorated with flowers 
 tinsel and ribands which was hung by lovers at the windows 
 or near the door of their mistresses. 
 
 Tlie festival of Twelfth day or the Epiphany corrupted into 
 ''Bejanr or '' Bejania'' was preceded by processions cariying 
 effigies of men and women, which were also exhibited at the 
 
 * Giov, Villani, Lib. x., cap. ccxvi. 
 + Discorso sopra il Gioco del Calcio, (/'Vrtii-f, 1580.) 
 
666 
 
 FESTIVALS THE JUBILEE. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 windows, with lights and music, and is supposed to be the 
 remnant of older processions representing the advent of the 
 Magi. Many other public festivals and fairs were common to 
 the Florentines who were as eager as their llonian progenitors 
 for amusement; but the chief of all was that of San Giovanni 
 when tribute and homage was publicly received from every sub- 
 ject state. The great festival of tliis century was however the 
 jubilee of 1:350, which quickly aroused all Christendom to de- 
 votion : about the beginning of loOO a report became current hi 
 Rome that whoever visited Saint Peter's at the ronnnencement 
 of a new centuiy would by the act itself be entitled to a plenary 
 indulgence, and the church was conseiiuently thronged. This was 
 not lost upon the subtle Boiiiface, perhaps devised by him. if it 
 were not indeed a remnant of the ancient secular games gradu- 
 ally falling into desuetude and then onlv rcniombered bv the v«rv 
 old. A peasant of a hundred and seven y( ars of age was inter- 
 rogated by order of the pope, who declared that he remembered 
 liis father making this visit in the vear l'^(»0 and advisiiio- liini 
 also to do so if he outlived the centurv : tliis liaviiK^ been con- 
 firmed by sevend other aged men both in I'rance and Italy. 
 Boniface published the jubilee of that year, but the nain< w;i.> 
 not adopted before Clement VI. shurK ncd tlie term to lifty 
 years in imitation of the Mosaic law. The jubilee of 1 :35() was 
 therefore really the tirst under that title; speaking of which 
 Petrarch says in his letter to Url)an V. '• So vast was the mul- 
 titude of pilgi'ims that 1 doubted if the largest city could have 
 nourished them for a day, and yet it was reriiaiked that the 
 abundance was greater at the end than tlie eoiiimencement, 
 although the fields were not cultivated and the vines had been 
 frozen the preceding year--. 
 
 The Bull published on this occasion if genuine, which i^ 
 scarcely credible, is calculated to give a good idea of the kno^vu 
 
 * De Sadc, Mein.. vol. iii., Lib. vi., p. ')85. 
 
 MISC. CHAP.] 
 
 CURIOUS PAPAL BULL. 
 
 667 
 
 grandiloquous character of this pontiff who here asserts the 
 papal supremacy in such a manner as must have made it difficidt 
 for any sublunary monarch to hesitate acknowledging his divine 
 authority. It is dated on the twenty-eighth of June B344, and 
 informs 'the world that the " Soverelfjn Pontijf h}/ virtue of that 
 authority which he has received from the Apostles reestahlishes 
 the souls of those who shall ffo in an indulgence, in the same state 
 as theif at first were after baptism ; and he commands the anfjels 
 to introduce them immediately into paradise without making 
 them pass through purgatory "'■'. Sueh were the fantastic tricks 
 that Roman pontiffs played before high heaven in the fourteenth 
 century. 
 
 * The majority of learned opinions (See Do Sade, vol. iii., Lib. iv., p. {15, 
 are however said to be in favonr of the and note.) 
 Apocryphal cliaracter of this Bull. 
 
 END OF VOL. n. 
 
LONDON : 
 BRADUIHY ANP f VAN'S, I'Ki.MKl.S, WHIiKmiAl:>. 
 
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BIBLIOGRAPHIC IRREGULARITIES 
 
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CdumWa (Bnitif rtfftp 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 
FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
FLORENTINE HISTORY, 
 
 FROM THE EARLIEST AUTHENTIC RECORDS 
 
 TO THE ACCESSION OF 
 
 FERDINAND THE THIRD, 
 
 Ma queir ingrato popolo maligno 
 Che discese di Fiesole ab antico, 
 E tiene ancor del nionte e del macigno. 
 
 Dante, Inferno, Canto xv. 
 
 E come '1 volger del ciel della luiia 
 Cuopre ed iscuopre i liti sanza posa, 
 Cosi far di Fiorenza la fortuna : 
 
 Perche non dee parer mirabil cosa 
 Ci«) ch' io dir6 degli alti Fiorentini, 
 Onde la fama nel tempo e nascosa. 
 
 Dante, Pamdiso, Canto xvi. 
 
 GRAND DUKE OF TUSCANY. 
 
 t • * 
 
 • ' ! • 
 
 1 * • • 
 
 > « 
 
 « 5 i 
 
 % C • « 
 
 3/ 
 • « » » * 
 
 J < 
 
 HENRY EDWAED NAPIER, 
 
 % » '> 
 
 Captilin if ^yte Rt)j:ol Na'iy, r.R.-s.,' j •- 
 
 • • ■ » « 
 • ••••• » • 
 
 IN SIX VOLUMES 
 
 VOL. III. 
 
 LONDON: 
 EDWARD MOXON, DOVER STREET. 
 
 MDCCCXLVII. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 ... ..'-y,'''' 
 
 • -.DBUar.AJ.. EVW,. I^I«TKRS,,WlllTrffR«Vt, 
 
 « • . . 
 
 • 4- • » r » , 
 
 •• •> I » 
 
 « t 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 (fkom a.u. 1402 TO A.D. 1415.) 
 
 War— Its effects on Florentine territory— Florence resolves to continue it against Milan 
 — Dinded state of Lombardy by Gian-Galeazzo's will— League with the church- 
 Reduction of Count Antonio di Palagio— Investment of Perugia— Relieved by Otto 
 Buon Terzo— Senese and Pisan frontiers harassed— Florence resolves to carry the 
 wai- into Lombardy— Carlo Malatesta joins the league— Marquis of Este generalis- 
 simo— Alberigo da Barbiano commands the Florentines— Cardinal Baldassare Cossa 
 legate in Romagna— Piombino secured for trade— Combined army invades Lom- 
 bardy— Encamps near Bologna— State of Milanese dukedom— Horrors of ci^il war 
 there— Hiunan flesh sold at Brescia— Duchess of Milan makes peace with the chxirch 
 —Boniface receives Bologna— Anger of Florence at the peace— Refuses to sign— 
 Malatesta's abuse— Florence continues the war alone— Siena— Pisa— Deplorable 
 state of Lombardy— Florence discontinues hostilities there— Directs her views on 
 Pisa— Fears of Gabriello Visconte— He claims French protection from Boucicault 
 governor of Genoa, who threatens Florence and seizes her merchandise— Embassy 
 to him— Truce with Pisa— Regulations about the rank of foreign rectors— Peace 
 ■with Siena— Feudal chiefs punished— Tuscany quiet— Attempts to heal the schism 
 in the church— Death of Boniface IX.— Innocent VII.— Benedict XIII. at Genoa- 
 Unites with Boucicault to treat with Florence and save Padua— Treaty and sale 
 of Pisa— Gabriello besieged in the citadel— Pisa sold and citadel delivered to Florence 
 —Who soon loses it— Embassy from Pisa— Dismissed— War resolved— Enormous 
 expanse of Florence — Francesco da Carrara's fall and establishment of Venice on 
 terra flrma— His death, &c.— Obstacles to the Pisan war— Ladislaus and Otto Buon 
 Terzo— Overcome— Reasons for it— Resolution of Pisans- Domestic dissensions 
 made up— Gambacorta's tyranny— Futile attempts at peace— Military operations- 
 War and siege of Pisa— An assault fails— Sforza and Tartaglia's rivahry— Anecdote 
 of the former — Cruelty during the siege— Negotiations— Duke of Burgundy's 
 colours in Pisa— Treatment of his herald— Famine increases in Pisa— Negotiations 
 renewed— Successful— Gambacorta's selfish conduct— Terms— Military council— 
 Gino Capponi's firm conduct and speech- Franceschino della Mirandola— Gino at 
 
 
VI 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Florence— HLs address to the Seignory— Capitulation agreed to— Possession taken 
 of the city— Its distress— Supplied with pro^isions— A public assembly— Gino Cap- 
 poni's speech— Ciampolino's answer— Ambassadors and hostages sent to Florence- 
 Rejoicings there— Despair of the Pisans— Emigration of many— Florentine politics 
 —Uncertainty of events— State of Tuscany— Measure of Florence about Pisa and 
 that state's former power— Death of Coluccio Salutati— State of ecclesiastical affairs 
 The schism— Tumults at Rome— Innocent flies to Viter bo— Returns and dies- 
 Gregory Xn.— Pn^rress of the schism — Benedict attempts to surprise Rome— 
 Ladi«laus occupies it— Discontent of the cardinals at Lucca— Some retire to Pisa— 
 Ladislaus and Florence— Gregorj- goes to Siena— Progress of schism— Three general 
 councils summoned— Ladislaus master of the church territory— Ilis policy— Flo- 
 rence withdraws her obedience from Gregory— Ladislaus' ambition— Embassy from 
 Florence— Valori's boldness— Florence unprepared and fearful— Ladislaus in Tus- 
 cany—Embassies fail to make peace— He ravages the coimtry— Attempts Arezzo— 
 Occupies Cortona— Council of Pisa— The two popes condemned and Alexander V. 
 elected— But schism not stopped— Three popes— Treaty with the Duke of Anjou— 
 His arrival— Confederate army advances— Ladislaus' motions and character— His 
 conduct to his wife Constance of Chiaramonte— Coxmt di Troia withdraws the king's 
 troops from Tuscany to Rome— The allies march to Rome— Joinetl by Paulo Orsini 
 —Enter the city— Vain attempt to get possession— Retire— Malatesta keeps the 
 field— Anjou retires to France— Great expense and loss— Rome revolts and is taken 
 possession of by the pope and Florentines— The territory submits— Alexander V. 
 moves to Bol(^na— Dies — John XXIII. suspected of poisoning Alexander V.— 
 Anjou arrives with reinforcements— Defeated at sea— Peace between Florence and 
 Ladislaus— Regulations against War at Florence— Rule of the Albizzi despotic— 
 The Albert! banished— Conspiracies — Dispute with Genoa — Porto Venere gives 
 itself to Florence— Peace with Genoa -Depopulation of Pisa and the Florentine state 
 —Pope and Anjou arrive at Rome— Ladislaus defeated at Ponte Corvo— Treacherous 
 conduct of the Condottieri— The success fruitless— Anjou retires to France— His 
 death— Difficulties of the pope— Peace with Ladislaus— Paulo Orsini —Ladislaus 
 occupies Rome— Flight of Pope John— Florentine merchants plundered at Rome— 
 . Alarm of Florence— Preparations for war— Attempts at peace— I'rogress of Ladis- 
 laus— Nicholas of Este— Ladislaus advances into Tuscany— Peace with Florence 
 
 Discontent at it— Earthquake — Illness and death of Ladislaus— Giaimone's accoimt 
 of it— Florentines suspected of poisoning him— State of Germany and Lombardy— 
 Cruelty of Gian-Maria Visconte— Anecdote of his dogs — His place usurped by 
 Facino Cane— His murder— Facino's death— Energy of Filippo Maiia— Secures the 
 throne of Milan— The Emperor Sigismond at Lodi— The council of Constance sum- 
 moned and oi)cned by John XXIII.— Cotemporar>' monarchs . . Page 1 to 45 
 
 CHAFfER XXX. 
 
 (raoM A.D. 1415 TO A.D. 1428.) 
 
 Effects of Ladislaus' death— Internal regulations— Conservator of the statutes— Fish- 
 market— Florentine statute— Plague— Death of Maso degli Albizzi— His successors 
 —Influence of his faction— Giov. de' Medici— Coeimo— Pope John XXIU. at Con- 
 stance—His flight and re-capture— Bologna revolts— Braccio da Montone's treachery 
 and conquests— Pope John deposed— Pope Gregory XII. resigns— Pope Benedict 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Vli 
 
 XIII. refuses— Martin V. elected by the council of Constance— Florentines offer 
 him a home-He arrives at Florence— Exultation of the city— John XXIII. arrives 
 there, is reconciled and dies— Braccio reconciled with the pope— Received with joy 
 by the Florentines-Martin ridiculed and incensed-Consequences-Braccio reduces 
 Bologna, &c., to ecclesiastical obedience -Leghorn bought from Genoa by Florence 
 -Consuls of the sea-Attention to maritime affairs-Galleys built for trade and 
 war-Florentines not maritime-Reflections on their character-Law of retaUation 
 -Carmaguola's cruclty-Not blamed-Ci\il regulations -Attempted bill on mar- 
 riage-Poverty of many citizens— First salary given to the Seignory— Gino Cap- 
 poni's patriotism-First galley laimched for the Levant trade-New florin comed 
 for the same trade-Prosperity and great riches of Florence-Arts, &c. -Indications 
 of war-Visconti's dcsigns-His character-Executes his wife Beatrice Tenda- 
 Her speech -Carmagnola- Desolation of Placentia - State of Genoa-PhiUp's 
 designs on that city-Treaty with Florence-Genoa surrenders to him-The Doge 
 Tommaso da Campo Fregoso receives Sarzana-Martin V. still inimical to Horcnce 
 -She refust* the alliance of his Bolognesc legate-Who allies himself \^ith PhiUp 
 Considered a breach of the peace-Death of Giorgio Ordilafli of ForU-PhiUp 
 guardian to his son-Sends troops into the Bolognese-Breach of the treaty-Anger 
 of Horence-Discussions-Rinaldo degU Albizzi-War with Milan resolved-Pan- 
 dolfo Malatesta general of Florence-Defeat of the Florentines near Forh at Ponte 
 a Ronca-Florence stirs up enemies against Philip— Alphonso of Aragon-Neapoli- 
 tan affiiirs-Degraded political condition of Sicily-Alphonso arrives at Naples-Is 
 adopted by Johanna IL-Quarrels with her-Is disinherited-Louis III. of Anjou 
 adopted-Kingdom divided into two parties-Florence sides with Alphonso and 
 begins a treaty with him at Leghorn-Milanese success-Carlo Malatesta general 
 of the Florentines -Their forces— Forli invested — Milanese reeuforcements — 
 Zagonara invested-Superstition of Florence —General discontent — Poverty and 
 taxation-Lamentations of the citizens-Braccio da Montone killed before Aquila- 
 Guido ToreUi and Agnolo della Pergola besiege Zagonara closely— Count Alberigo 
 demands aid-Carlo Malatesta endeavours to raise the siege and is totally defeated 
 —Homed horse (nofej— Distraction of Horence at the defeat-Rinaldo Gianfig- 
 lazzi's speech-A forced loan-Piccinino engaged-Horentine losses in Romagna 
 —Madonna GentUe of Faenza takes the field with her damsels-Defeated— Two 
 examples, one of treachery the other of fideUty-New tax on the rich at Horence- 
 The Uzzani faction endeavour to annul it— Fail- Their anger and intrigues- 
 Florence vainly attempts to rouse up aUies- Lamentable state of the rural districts 
 —Reflections— Measures of alle\iation— Piccinino defeated in the pass of Lamone 
 and Oddo di Braccio kiUed— Piccinino turns the Lord of Faenza to the Florentines 
 —Two new Monti created for children— More forced loans— Catalonian galleys 
 arrive-Exi)edition to Genoa faUs— Defeat of Rapallo— Victory of Sestri — Not 
 improved— War draws into Arezzo-Defeat of the Florentines at Anghiari and 
 Faggiola-Piccinino dissatisfied -Joins Visconte— Harasses the Florentine territory 
 — Guido Torelli's opinion of the Condottieri of his day— Embassies-Discontent of 
 Florence— Forced loans— Failure of merchants— Panic and outcry— Lorenzo Ridolfi 
 at last induces Venice to make war on Visconte— His speech to the doge-Carmag- 
 nola joins the Venetians-Cunning of Florence-Peiino Turco-Visconte's offers- 
 League with Venice-Her advantages in treating with Florence— Members of the 
 league-Cannagnola generalissimo— Forces— Brescia besieged and taken-Peace— 
 
 -*WW 
 
Vlll 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 'rilJlTcetr^^^ f-The war neeessary^aeasto 
 
 lengo-^arlo Malate^ta of Rimir^^n^rlf^r;,?' ^^°^--^-««ttle of Gotta- 
 ^;^^or^--Batne of Cremona or C-^^aTs^J^'''^'^r'^^<>^- threaten. 
 Obstinate naval fight on the Pn-v , '^"'-^"elty of Agnolo della Perimla- 
 Battle of Macolo a^d to" Uef™?;" '^^'^^^"^^^^-^ola's large a^yZ 
 ~^^<^^-^^^tl^e,r,^ne^!l^mX^^ suspect cLagnola 
 
 rhommaso Frescobaldi- Peace with Miir FvnT T "^^ ^^^^^^^^^^-Death of 
 "»««^h« . . ^ ^'^'""-^^P^"^' °^ ^ai-Gain-Cbtemporary 
 
 Page 46 to 102 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 Reflections-Recapitulation of ciMl affairs Ar . 
 
 Giovanni dc' Medici rnr.f , • ''^''"^~^^^ ^egli Albizzi-MceoliS rl« r-, 
 
 UL .ueaiti Oonlalonier— His noDulirif^. n- ^^'ceoidda Izzano— 
 
 Albjzz,-, speech -Uzzano', opinion" ,,-lTf , ' Stephen - Rinaldo degli 
 Me^ei over-The la.ters replv™"^";"^* .''"''«'""« to »ain Giovanni d^ 
 toanon-The Cata«o loudly demanT, I-^L.?""'^" -^^™"'J '"content at 
 the hL,t„ryof Florentine .a'atir"" ™ '• T~-''"'"^^''°« '"-- o 
 nature and mode of o,«r,.tion - Iiewar t " ■*'*''"^"-' OerivaUon-Iu 
 mfluence-Forced loan, under vari„rnamlr fr^ -.'^«">P«™« - PoUtical 
 Inapient attempt, a, a Catasto-Difflcuin o7h'"'' ''''''•''■''"°" »' '«''<'<'»- 
 Medtct, the supposed author of the c*^"' °l '^^ ^"■■' "' topost-Giovamu de- 
 of the name Ca,a.„„-i„ „,,„re e,p,a ne^' ^„ '^'"'7"" """ "«"»«-I'-rivation 
 me^ure-Vast e,penditure of Hore„rtr T" ''""'™ "' '""^'o" "^fore thi" 
 profits Of trade-Loan, at Hr.tr^^^^.T''"'"'"' "■""'' ^'^" '"'J greater 
 -N.CCOW da l-z.a«o-s quota of ."Jt^'JlTr'"^ i"'" "PPrcssive imp: J 
 _<;oaque« Of Marradi-Brnto-s e,ar«^ of r^^ " "•- Ca'a'to-Causes of tte 
 -VccAfo,- what .'-War on mJIZ , I *^'<""™' '^o' Modiei's p„Uey Th, 
 Of .ower classe, towards Gi^. -T^.^ ^^^^f"' 7''-> of Horefo^^^^,^; 
 character of Giov. de- MwUci's .»,IW 7 ""''-"" ""'"^-Martini-Bnitn't 
 de-Medici, and last advice t^i t^7""""'-''»''ouW,U„es,,-I,,ath o^Sov 
 -lis manner _ Commercial r-^ToS^ r^Z"'^''''^'''' ™"*"»> °»^ta 
 
 c^.^ '««'«ha::r„:rerirGt:^"^^™-''« — anr-^r 
 
 -Leaders Of faction at Florence- °tl^l7„7/,''-',"''^''"-Vo.terra recove^ 
 tostmo and Avcrardo de' McUci-lCri;^''"' "''"' -*""^>^--Neri Capponi- 
 Uon o, favourahle circumstanc Xalm^rta^™"'' -"-"""-crhL 
 Bruto-s praise of him-Diffloulty of pen"" X . "" '" '""'"■""' ^^tion- 
 Lucca-Guinip oomplains-Viviani's tr^cC^^ "''^•-rortebraccio in^-ade. 
 g>vcn to Fortebraecio- War desiTed hT, f 7~°°'"'" "'»•""'-> cncouragem^ 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 IX 
 
 It ♦. 
 
 consequent intrigues— A new Balik— Cosimo and Pucci in it— Niccolo Tolentino 
 engaged— Michelletto ditto— Expenses increase and Cosimo's influence with them 
 —Intrigues- Office of rebellion— Cabal at the Casa Medici— Lorenzo's intrigues at 
 MUan-Astorre Gianni's success— Recalled through the Medici and his own mis- 
 conduct— Alemanno Salviati— Rinaldo removed— Neri Capponi unemployed through 
 Cosimo's intrigues— Obstacle to the war— Cosimo's wily financial conduct— Senese 
 remonstrate against the war— Opinion of Tenucci's authenticity— Ditto of Bruto's 
 — Foscarini's opinion of the latter's history— Caution with which Bruto's history 
 should be received Page 103 to 156 
 
 CIUPTER XXXII. 
 
 (from a.d. 1430 TO A.D. 1435.) 
 Affairs of Lucca— Causes of the war— Intrigues of leaders— Great preparations— Dis- 
 union in the army— Astorrc Gianni commissary— His cruel conduct at Seravezza— 
 Letter of recall— Rinaldo commLsgary— Resigns in anger— Guicciardini succeeds— 
 Accused and absolved— Licence of armies in those days— (note)— State of parties 
 —Brunelleschi's project to swamp Lucca— Lucchese counter-project— Brunelleschi's 
 failure and mortification— War mania continues— Senese alarmed— Send an em- 
 bassy—Antonio Petruccio's insulting reception— Its consequences— New BaliJl— 
 Plague— Jews admitted to reside in Florence— Great interest— Guinigi treats with 
 Milan— Treachery of his envoys— False letters of the Florentines to create distrust 
 at Lucca— Lucca offered to Philip— Niccolo Piccinino's sincerity— Lorenzo Medici 
 ambassador at MiUm-Sforza employed treacherously against Lucca— Boccacini 
 Alemanni duped— Sforza's character— Cavalcanti's philosophy— Sforza enters Lucca 
 —His insolence— Levies money— Is baffled at Pescia— Genoa favours Lucca— Aspect 
 of the war— Changed— Venice urged to attack Philip— He endeavours to explain— 
 Preparations for hostilities in Lombardy— Paulo Guinigi arrested by Sforza and 
 others, and sent to Milan— His death— Sforza bribed by Florence— Niccolo Picci- 
 nino sent to aid Lucca— Curious flights and battle of crows— Piccinino crosses the 
 Serchio and beats the Florentines— Relieves Lucca— His further proceedings- 
 Defensive measures of Florence— Her perilous state— Conspiracy at Pisa— Fails— 
 Rosso's treachery— Summary proceedings to his relations— Their barbaritj'- Cosi- 
 mo's humanity- Guido's angry reproof to him— Numerous revolts— Micheletto 
 general— Naval \ictory of Portofino— Piccinino's success— Arezzo's danger from 
 treachery— Niccolo Tolentino jealous of Piccinino— Engages with Florence— The 
 latter recalled to defend Lombardy— Poiie Martin V. dies— Eugenius IV.— Endea- 
 vours at peace— Partiality to Florence— Disgusts other states— War inevitable- 
 Siena joins Lucca— Lord of Piombino ditto— Sforza's services secured by the pro- 
 mise of Bianca Visconte in marriage— Carmagnola general of Venice— Beaten by 
 Sforza— Naval battle on the Po— Milanese defeated— Carmagnola deceived by Sforza 
 and Piccinino— Second naval battle —Venetians defeated — Tolentino supersedes 
 Michelletto— They defeat Bernardino at the Capantie—Tisan rural population in 
 organised revolt— Their ferocity— Horrors of the war— Deplorable state of Pisa— 
 The women expelled— Archbishop Ricci-Baldacciod'Anghiari— His cruel character 
 —Anecdote— Vindictive character of war in those days— What Cosimo had to answer 
 for— Carmagnola's inexplicable conduct— His mode of acting and talking— Threats 
 —Venetians suspicious— Resolve to kill him— His death— Reflection— Sigismund 
 
 wW^W^'l^^ 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 rM::hl'.Sl;et:":rhfa r: '"tr "°" '° l— Treacher, Of a „„„,„,. 
 
 Share in it_Ar,ecdo.:re1J;7„'"™kr'; ""' T'^""' --'•>-«^<>«->o'» 
 papal troop, proposed by Ven Tffl "if? ™""'»'«l-J™ction with the 
 
 the churoLpZ^ith MUaT R " „ 7'^«'<»'-*-o"<'braccio Gonfalomcr of 
 
 -Towns dismantled-rnsatisfJZv ' ,f 7 "' '''"' '" «'"''' *' """"tT 
 
 poUey-Xieeoio Jhado ;^ :^™^IV tC„r r Tf ^ 
 -Averardo-Pueci-Name, of pL' T , "•''>-""'"l''<>'» conduet and poliey 
 
 ttem-RinaId„r4c;ri^v!^/,.!^t:il'° ™'' "' l-Hrtie,-P„bUe n,«hief fro.' 
 Kinaldo's intriEue.^Gmril r 7/ * " ^''"'^"" "^"-Blind prophet- 
 
 «.o is ™-o';rrfcred'^:ro::rarr" "^^^^^ r r -^ 
 
 Attempu ,0 poison ^d^a^j^-'T,*, '■'■'" '"'^""'-D^taes on his death- 
 Cosimc^Fet^naecto a, S-hT7, ™ , ''fT' ™" •""""'--''---"res 
 
 -<-ons,erna.r^nof Hor nt^Hor! u Jcto!:7^ ' Cosin.^UriU, Guada^i 
 tags of the Balia-Banishnient, of ,t V ^.""^?="°'"<»-' ™e hundrod-Prooeed. 
 dia "-Opposition-rw^^Tre^,* ™ '^'"-:^™"™ "' *' " "'"' ■"«" <'«<.'- 
 -Terror oahe citizel-Sn Zt w^^??''' •" ''«'•"'' ">* ■»»>* Powerful 
 
 doubts-HisexJeTpnsilla^tT r "^/"^^^ 
 
 sentenee-RetirestoPadTT '~ r"*"' '^'"'" ""^ Seifnorj-Reeeive, his 
 Faction-Rew^Td.^;";:;"™' 'T^^^ 
 
 advice-Cosinioin e.,ile-cZL ', W r *" "^IX-^Fails-BaldoMnetti's 
 the pope-Philip scndrs^r^^s. irnr" ''^'^'''"''"^^"'™'°f 
 enemies-Fortebraccio invest RfTcZ"' - """' ""'■'^ &c.-Other 
 ^ topped bv Piceinin„rZ:rt;;^T Ent:f "'" "' "" '""^'-'"^ "- 
 at Rome-Imola rcvolts-Tolemtao slrt"^. "■*' lo Florence-Truce 
 
 Join-Piecinino opposes th^irLT^^^t^rr^^Z^ ^' ^'^ f"- 
 loss of life-ToIcntino's drath x^ ^ * ^ -Tolcntino a prisoner-Small 
 
 Anew Sci^^or^-^^Tccor^^^^^^ '^^^ ^^ Cosiu.o-B.a..hed- 
 
 meetings-Palla Stro.zi-Anm^ mc^Z at s^l pT""''"'"^'"'^ alarm-Secret 
 summoned- Defensive mea^t T.n ^^uhnan-Rinaldo and Peruzzi 
 
 confusion of t.e Sei^oTiri^lr^XLV.r^^^^^^^^ ^'^^— " 
 Eugemus becomes a mediator-The city full of r^I!^ th. ^ ^-^^tualled- 
 
 conditions-Rinaldo under the pope's nrotP^ Ln "f -""t"^^^ msurgents yield to 
 and his companion. recaUed-Ze o/^" r^^^^^ Bali.-Cosimo 
 
 ~A new Seignorr of violent men-Pro^„f I . , ' ' ^"^ °^^" P^^^^^es 
 all the magistraci.-KiJdor." lec^^^^^^^^^^ "'"^^ ^^^^''^ ^-ds in 
 
 -Cosimo arrives there-Vengeance-A>^r ,^o , ^;^^'gemu«_He quits Plorence 
 
 of the Florentine army-CotemTrrry^L^^ 
 
 Page 157 to 227 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 
 BOOK THE SECOND. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 (from a.d. 1435 TO A.D. 1451.) 
 Cosimo's restoration considered— Compaiison of Venice and norence— Recapitulation 
 of Florentine History and principal institutions— Their power, defects, &c.— 
 Seignory, colleges, Ten of War— Gonfaloniers of companies -Regulations for the 
 " Trtl Magpiori," made during the plague— Its use to Cosimo— Gonfalonier of jus- 
 tice—His power— Lawsuits— E\als— Cosimo's proscription— Nobles made popolani 
 —Third order of citizens arises in various ways— State of Florence in consequence 
 of Cosimo's power— His heartless speech— Low famiUes rise with him- His policy 
 in restoring the nobles— History of Florence, that of Medici from this time-Execu- 
 tions— Cosimo's apparent humanity— Persecutions— Albert! recaUed— Reforms in 
 favour of Cosimo's despotism— Severities— Alliances— Two MiUtary Schools— Brac- 
 cesca and Sforzesca— Affairs of Naples-Alphonso defeated and made prisoner at sea 
 —Sent to Milan-Is liberated by PhiUp- Revolt of Genoa in consequence— Her 
 alliance with Florence -Anger of Visconte— Becomes a member of the league— In- 
 trigues of Rinaldo degli Albizzi— Piccinino ordered covertly against Horence— Is 
 opposed by Sforza— Repulsed at Barga— He is demanded by Venice— Cosimo's am- 
 bition to conquer Lucca— Sforza's views— Florentines determine to send Sforza to 
 the Venetians— He pursues his conquests— Blockades Lucca— Meets the Venetian 
 deputies at Reggio— Refuses to serve beyond the Po— Returns to Tuscany— Is dis- 
 missed by Venice— Demands his arrears of pay— Venice refuses -Florence inter- 
 cedes— Cosimo's unsuccessful embassies there— Davanzani's ditto— Sforza threatens 
 to go over to Visconte— Does so— Makes peace between him and Florence— Picci- 
 nino renews the war in Romagna— Visconte's deceit— Sforza and Florence rejoin 
 the league— War in Lombardy— Neri Capponi persuades Sforza to cross the Po— 
 He defeats Piccinino at Tenna— The latter's escape— RalUes his men and takes 
 Verona— Retaken by Sforza— Cosimo gonfalonier— Pope and CouncU of FeiTara 
 remove to Florence— Accompanied by Greek emperor and patriarch— Eastern and 
 western churches united— Philip resolves to carry war into Tuscany— Vitelleschi— 
 His treachery— Hatred to Florence— Sforza is persuaded not to quit Lombardy— 
 Defection of Malatesta— Of Marquis of Este's son— ViteUeschi's treason discovered 
 —His arrest at Rome and death— Lucca Pitti— Patriarch of Aquilea succeeds him— 
 Marches to Tuscany— Piccinino repulsed by Niccolo da Pisa— Crosses the Apen- 
 nines—Cowardice of Orlandini— Mugello ravaged— Florence threatened— Florence 
 quiet but in great alarm— Discontent of the rural population— Cosimo prepares to 
 fly— His cause for fear- Distraction of CouncUs— Puccio's spirit— Count of Poppi 
 invites Piccinino into the Casentino— Causes of his treason— War in Casentino— 
 MoreUo's gaUantiy in San Niccolo— Cruel artifice of the Count of Poppi— Piccinino 
 recalled— Resolves to fight— Sforza's victory near Orel— Battle of Anghiari— Defeat 
 of Piccinino— Not improved— Small loss— Piccinino in Lombardy— Dispersion of 
 the exiles— Death of Rinaldo dcgU Albizzi-Ruin of the Count of Poppi-Successes 
 
xn 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Xlll 
 
 conte married to Sfo^a-P^™ a„rt„ "^r""-^'' "'«"-«'"'- Vis. 
 power and tm,nny-im an™ "nt mL7 ^ ''°"'""' "' Fl»'*n'»-Costo„'s 
 
 M^der of BaldacobdU„;3rCnt;7 rp-''^™'""'^ °' -"■'" C"'"»»'- 
 -PhUip urges Eugcni,., to war aS^"sto' "a '^^.'^.'"'■'■^— R-^i" of Anjou 
 -Makes war in La Marca-Rerafe rn , ^7'-"-'^'«'n»<' gonfalonier of the pope 
 Po,>^Piccinin„ breal^s i.-^^^^«t "H'*"''"" ""'"^^ ^'-^ ^"^h": 
 With Aiphons-^Bologna revol "-rCjb7v:!" T "^ ""^'-^'^^ "^'clf 
 u La Marca-vl«K.nto assies him-st^a re , T ""^'^-Sforza pressed 
 Venieeaid him-Alphonso reti^sf,^^f J^',"' "* ""■^''^-Florence and 
 treacherous generals-Ue takes his rel^l^f '"'""" ''" "onteloro-Sforza's 
 Of Florenee-xew B^i^mZ^L'ZZ'csZ'^ 'T"'" »»'"^—'»<f«- 
 "ealls Piccinino-Sforza beats fYancirZ. I^'™ '"°*''' P-^d-Visconte 
 
 Peace ooacluded-QuarrelTt™ vL T r'^'''"^'' <"f"«'-Piecinino dies- 
 Sforza-Anger and yonJaToT^^iZT T f-— «an>oUionc executed by 
 against Sforza-Dea.h of Calico rm""" "T'^' '"•' ■»"' •™' ^Iphonso 
 murderer^norenco and Venice rpZh^'^f ^"'^''-™'"' '"P^^^^ '"» 
 excommunicates him-Trios to TtAE '"■"-T*'""'^ ■'<«fly "uned-Eugenitu, 
 -l^e Cremona and Pontr™:," w f ^^^ J»'- ^l-^-Pl-UiP «.en,^U to 
 Mdanese-Viseonte sues for pcaoe-MLr.^ T ^ C^'tetaiaggiore of the 
 
 t"^ of VL^onte-Implores Sfor a no „"h ,""'"'• '^'^ "^"^^ Mcto„-Dis. 
 -Who attempts to scL CrZ^Xlll^'^ h,m-Tempting offers of Venice 
 Marches to C^cmona-State o7rrti«r„ ^ ''"' V'^nte-Death of Philip- 
 Sforza general of Milan-Cro^Po™ p ''"'' """^ "'"^ <" Ix>mbardL 
 character and first moasur«-ALhri ^T'""'"'^'™ »' ^■'*'"^ ^.-kis 
 Attempts Piombino-w-herelta tan T"" ■f"«^^5-Takea CastigUon^ 
 
 Alphonso retires to Xaples-Pa la ^^iu^f^-^lf'r "' «'""""> ^"^ 
 Hacent.a-W.r Horco in l-mbardv-'Ca tlt^b";^'' °""'"' »"•" "P*"--- <>' 
 Sfom makes peace with Veniee-AngerTMi^ , r"'™!" '^'" C^^avaggio- 
 ^ '■"'^-She joins Milan-But Sfor,a n^^T „ ' """' '""^oes^Deserted by 
 »— dor .0 his camp-H. ^^ TmT ,7" ""' '""'-^^■'■" «» »»- 
 
 ^r.cro"'*-^''''"-^ -^^ 
 
 -u.sdeathj;rtti:ir:;;;^r.rna^^'»^"--- 
 
 • . . Page 228 to 288 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 (PKOM A.D. 1450 TO A D U65 ) 
 
 Tr^mLt-: r srrc:^t;r n -- o,cond„ct 
 
 Mark-^ty ftdl Of commoUon aXutri^gTr';"'"' '~^^' ">-ttog m «. 
 -Term, of Alliance oiTered by Alphorr^"!" n*^T'» "^''''°"-«*''«'^ 
 na.,«ul bankrup,c,_o,„era, di*»^tti''*r^.'''>"''''''-'der-Fraudulent 
 
 -vengeance considered a 'Irtue-SudTe/ricKt^^'JrT': '^^^™»™' 
 
 '^^ tituens, but general im- 
 
 poverishment-Scrutiny— Angry votes of the citizens-Called the Lily— Ten 
 "^ccopptatori"— Their power— Upstart families unpopular— Domenico MicheleV 
 character— (no/e)—Generalpcculation— Oppressive taxation — Twenty-four rates 
 in one year— Families leave the city— Executions in their villas— Extreme severity 
 of proceedings— Justification of it— Objections and grievances— Insolence of the 
 Coeimeschi— Taxes levied nominally for Sforza— His complaints on the subject— 
 Catasto suspended— Great inmaoraUty- King of Portugal's di^'idend8 stopped— 
 He seizes the Florentines at Lisbon— And is paid— Murders committed with impu- 
 nity—xeri Capponi's noble conduct— Different estimation of vengeance by small 
 and great— Liugi Guicciardini's cruelty— Jealousy of Cosimo's riches, his palaces, 
 &c.— Public feeling against him—" GH Uomini " or decemvirate of taxation— Op- 
 pressive taxes— Demand of Sforza— Resisted— Cosimo unable to carry it— Resolves 
 on other means— Officers of the Mount— Despotic and tyrannical conduct of Cosimo 
 —He is the pivot of the state— His great power— His supporters alarmed— Giov. 
 BartoU and Alex, de' Bardi attempt a modification— Their plan universaUy popular 
 —Cosimo defeats it— Vast number of expatriated citizens— Three distinct parties in 
 the governing faction— Pucci attempts to mitigate misrule— Fails— Authenticity of 
 Cavalcanti as a historian— Difficult^' of discovering the truth in history— Discontent 
 of Venice— Leagues with Alphonso against Florence and Milan— Florentine mer- 
 chants banished from Venice and Naples— Fall of the funds at Florence— Santi 
 Bentivoglio's stor^-— Remains true to Florence— Venice plots against him— His 
 bravery— Defeats the conspirators— Florence resolves on war— BaUjl of war ap- 
 pointed— Alliances— Passports refused to Venetian ambassadors — The emperor 
 Frederic III. arrives in Italy— Magnificently received at Florence— His expenses 
 paid by Florence— Crowned at Rome— Returns by Ferrara and creates Borso 
 d'Este Duke of Modena— Venetians attack Sforza— Ferdinand of Calabria invades 
 Tuscany— Marquis of Monfcrrato attacks Sforza— Is beaten- Sforza attacks the 
 Brescian territory— Duke of Calabria's progress— Failures at Forano— Broglio— 
 Cacciano—Castellina— Defensive and cautious character of Florentine warfare re- 
 commended by Gino Capponi— Ferdinand retires— Civil affairs of Florence— Balia 
 —Its objects— Gonfalonier elected at will— Divides itself into boards— Taxes and 
 loans— High price of them- Sopportanti and Non-Sopportanti, what ?— Accopiatori 
 -Undue assumption of power by the Balia— Giov. Cambi's anger— Other measiu"es 
 — Divieto abolished in certain offices— Otto della Guardia— Priors chosen by 
 hand— Comicil chamber cnlarged—Alfairs of Italy— Pope Nicliolas- His conduct- 
 Discontent at Rome— Stefano Porcari— His conspiracy and death -Reflection- 
 Embassy to France— Warlike preparations— Regnier Duke of Anjou engaged- 
 Fall of Constantinople— War in Lombardy— Regnier retires to France— Florentines 
 recover their losses from Ferdinand- Siena in danger— Peace of Lodi concluded in 
 Lombardy— Defensive league— Alphonso affronted— Finally accedes— Makes war 
 on Genoa— Distress of that republic— Gives its colonies to the bank of Saint 
 George— And the republic to France— Giovanni of Anjou governs— War continued 
 with Alphonso— Ilis death— Double marriage between Naples and Milan— Eager- 
 ness of Pope Nicholas for the league— Dies— Calistus III. succeeds— Jacomo Picci- 
 nino's movements— Baffled by the allies and enters the service of Naples— Affairs 
 of Florence— Renewal of BaliJL and scrutinies for five years— Old method of draw- 
 ing by lot restored— Divisions of Florence those of faction — Resulting from their 
 system of government— Consequences— Power of Balia— Cosimo's cautionary mea- 
 
 'mm 
 
XIV 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 XV 
 
 fiuros recapitulat«l-- Otto di Guardia "-Their prcat powcr-Co8imo's poUcy and 
 conduct-Neri Capponi-His adherence to Cosimo-IIis character and influence 
 and probable cause of thi. adherence-His death-Change in Ca^imo's friends- 
 They wiah to a»ume power-IIis measures- Gives them the rein for a while- 
 Supports free and popular mea^urcs-The citizens firncv themselves free again- 
 Tbe secedcrs from Cosimo humbled-Cosimo incxorable-The Catasto re-established 
 by the citizeiij^Cosimo still deaf to the entreaties of the seceders-They try to 
 carry a Balia without him-Fail-Cosimo at last resolves to resume his power- 
 Luca Pitti gonfalonier -Made use of by Cosimo - Proposes the Bahk in 
 «nuncils-FaUs-Thre:Uens- Calls a ParUjimont-Creates a Bali^ by force^ 
 >ame of the I»riors of the Arts changed to Priors of Liberty-Other changes- 
 Luca Pitti's reputation -I>unishment of encmies-Girolamo MacchiavcUi's oppo- 
 sition and fate-Tortured into confessions-Other victims-Free spirit wide spread 
 -Strong measures-Persecution-Giov. Canibi's advice-Executions and other 
 ngours-New Council of a Hundred-" Otto di Balia "~" Otto di Pratica"-lt< 
 power-Lucca Pitti's great reputation and I>opularity-Buil(ls his palace and villa- 
 Assisted by all-His conduct and that of his party-Ucath of Calistus IIL-Eleva- 
 Hon of .Fiieas SyMus as Hus IL-IIis attempts at a crusade-Congress at Mantua 
 -Fails-Pope returns to Rome-War in Naples between Ferdimmd and John of 
 Anjou-Both demand aid from Florence-Her conduct -Declares neutrality- in 
 conformity with Sfor/a's views and imder pretext of debt-Death of G. Macchia^elli 
 and consequent rigour*-" Otto di /?«;/.r'-Cosimo's acts and words at variance- 
 Leaden cahn of FloreBce-Cosimo's ambition and tUscontent with Sforza- Latter's 
 mgratitude-Cosimo's (Uslike of his party's violence doubtful-Retires a little from 
 public hfe and devotes his time to literature, &c.-His imUndual modesty of de- 
 portment contrasted with his great reputation- Loses his son-Ills unhappiness- 
 Armament at .\ncona-Death of Pius IL - Accession of Paul IL-Cosimo's death 
 approaches-IIis dying words- Discrepancy between these and his actions except 
 as those of a partisan-His death-Regretted-Reflections on Cosimo's character 
 and actions-Various estimates of him-Remarks continued-Observation of Nic 
 colo da Uzzano-IIis wealth-Not so great as his nephew's when shared-His' 
 great expenses - Personal modesty- Rare talents-Success- Mercantile credit 
 enormous-Additions to the territory under him-Lived at a luckv moment for his 
 fame-IIis wise magiuticence though not learned-Character of' him by poUtical 
 opi>«nent.s-IIis personal appearance-His son's character of Mm-Padre de'la 
 Patrta mscnbed by public decree on his tomb-CotemiJorary Monarchs. 
 
 Page 289 to 345 
 CILU'TER in. 
 
 (from a.d. 1464 TO A.D. 1478.J 
 Piero de' Medici-Dietisahi Neroni-HLs advice to IMerc^-His ambition-Unpopularity 
 of Pieros conduct-IMtti. Acciaiuoli. and Soderini-Their objects -Marriage ot' 
 Lorenzo de Medici-Creates discontent-Intrigues of Neroni and Lucca Pitti- 
 F^tions of the "Por/p/o" and " Pumo "-Growing spirit of free<lom-Niccolo 
 Sodenm Gonlalonier-Tommaso Soderini-Thwarts his brothcr-Niccolo's weak 
 tTiirlrvf 'T'^' '^' Medici-Francesco Sforza's death-Pension to 
 ^e Duke of MUan discussed-Piero's energj- and solid rK,wer-ProiK,sal of 
 his enemies to kill him-Is reUnquished-Uercules of Este emploved by Them 
 
 I 
 
 .1 rn«,inttieri-IIe nroposes to march on Florence-Thc project of kiUing 
 "^^IZZtTlZ^Z. vigilance-Neroni's treachery-Piero informed 
 of all hLoTponents' movements-Hls party gains strength-Urged to act promptly 
 pLoarm.and assembles troops-Leaves Careggi for Horence-His assassina- 
 Jn preve^ed by Lorenzo-He gets safe to Rorence-The Poggio action arm- 
 Z^r^lt^^^^Lm-^^ror^^^ energ,--Cinl war discussed-Perplexity o^ 
 Lver^ent-Disunion of the Poggio faction-Lucca Pitti gamed over to Piero- 
 ^ ei^ of the latter-New .eignory-Reconciliation of parties-Weakness ot 
 n rentL government-Pievo's advisers-Meeting of parties at the Medici p^ace 
 ^NiccoTo Soderini alone remains aloof-Attempts to rouse Lucca Pitti-Par ly 
 succeeds-New disturbances and new reconciUations-Piero conUnues armed- 
 L^ca entirely deserts his party-Piero's moderate language-A parhament-New 
 mI-Ac aiU Neroni. and Soderini fly from Florence-Exiles and admom- 
 
 tns TmTr"n^^^^^ 
 
 -Mo7e"rernostL movements of the exiles-As promptly met at Horence 
 -Manifests-Alliances-Fears of Veni.e-Agnolo Acciaiuoli supplicates Piero- s 
 answered-Joins the exiles^Attempt tobreak the Medician bank by a "m-Neariy 
 ^cceed-Urbino general of Florence -Coleoni general of the exile's forces-Other 
 ames-Venice the great assistant of the exiles-Rival generals-The two anmes 
 take the tield-Operations slow-D.ike of Milan's perversity-Impedes the nuh^y 
 
 operations-invited to Horence-Battle of San ^-^-^f f ^f 5;^^^^^°„^- 
 Armistice-Contributions-Negotiations-Pope's treaty-Scale of power of the 
 tt^u states-Discontent and refusal of Florence and Milan to s>gn the Pope^ 
 treaty-A new peace signed-Attempts of the exiles-Sarzana purchased by Ho- 
 rence-Succession of Rimini-Persecutions by the Medician faction-Piero tries m 
 vain to repress it-ffis speech-No real effect-Prepares to recaU the exUes-His 
 death-Character-Tommaso Soderini considered chief of Florence-llis fideUt>' 
 and moderation-IIis influence in Florence-Nocturnal assembly-Lorenzo and 
 Giuliano acknowledged as cliiels of the republie-Consequenees-Nardis attempt 
 on Prato-IIis exceution-Dukc of Milan visits Ix)renzo-lts consequences and 
 objects-Death of Borso d' Este-Of Pope Paul II.-Accession of Sixtus I\\-He 
 favours Lorenzo-Ti-ades restored to their ancient number -ProscnpUons-Revolt 
 of VGlterra-Political changes-Commercial jealousy-Incipient quarrels between 
 the Pope and Lorenzo-Alliance between Florence, Milan, and Vemce-Between 
 the Pope and Ferdinand-Count of Montefeltro created Duke of Urbmo-Italy 
 divided into two factions-Duke of Milan ass.issinated-Carlo de Montone attacks 
 Perugia and Siona-Cotemporary monarchs . . • I age ,i4b to d»b 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 (from a.d. 1478 TO A.I). 1481.) 
 Different character of opposition to the Medici as chiefs of faction and chiefs of the 
 republic-Discontent-Choice of remedies-Inutility of assassination contrasted 
 with the open trial and pimishment of sovereigns-Oppressive acts-Lorenzo's 
 debts paid by public money-Great power and influence of the Medici- Composition 
 of their party-Its antagonists -Contrast of Lorenzo and Giuliano de' Medici-The 
 Paz/i-Their conspiraey-Death of GiuUano and the consequent horrors-His 
 
XVI 
 
 CONTEXTS. 
 
 ol««)uics--Reflmion8-I.„ronzo-, Hold of action -The Pope'8 in.liCTation and 
 ZTZ^::^T^"^ ""'™ rctea^d-SUt., rvZl^^ZZlZ 
 ^^Z.rr mproparcd state-Venice refuse, aid-MUan n„werte.«I 
 
 Theca^ffXen^ , f "™' """"^l-A l»<"5- Kuardvotcl to Lorenm- 
 
 Tlie cause of Florence espoused by the European potentatcs-Premration. for war 
 
 ^ZZZ7,rZ:~''"'^"^ r ^"^ '"' """"""' ^iera,-Hir« 
 oegnn Ptuhp de Comines' opinion of Itilian warfare-Military operations-Death 
 o Carlo da Monton^Defeat of the Po,»', army at Monte™ WKotert of 
 Runm-Florentine camp and Poggibonzi taken-CoUe taken -Lodovicosjla 
 u. reconcded ,0 Bona duchess of Milan-Alarm and discontent of Fwl -Atu^! 
 concludcd-Lorenzo departs for Naples-His letters to the dukes oTclbfiL 
 irbuio ^a the Florentine Seignory-Honourably reeeivcl t ^rS. " 
 PoIrT? ™<^'»»'-Rotums t„n«renee-IIis fame increasesJ-AlsolS pie' 
 Polmeal changes all tending to dcs,K,ti,m-Loren.o-s private fortune ITZZ 
 bypubhc money-Forty new member, add.^ to the Council of Thirtvi^ow^rl^^ 
 rt\ TrT^" "'™"^'' " °f Lo-»^o-HLs skilful policy-.. 0«o d," Pr27"I 
 Duke of Calabna estabUshcs his i„i,„enee over Siena-Its coLquenees Wlo ^nce 
 L^en^blanied-Justifled-Danger of E-lorcnce-Probably saved by t^eVaptu" Vf 
 .^r!f^ "*" •'^'"''•^'^"'^"'^'"'^''^''l^'^^y-Sutaoissionandr^^^^^^^^^ 
 .»n of Florence wtth the Pope-Xew treaty w1,h Naples-Capturcd pla^T^t"re,i 
 
 Mon^l"-"!"""" "' '"'"' '"" "^'"^"'^ '"---^ fame^CoUZ:; 
 
 Page 387 to 435 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 (from A.D. 1480 TO A.D. 1492.) 
 
 Comparison of Horence free and under Mclician rule-Power ,md prospects of 
 
 UtteTo; r'^'r "^™"^°' "orence during Loren.„-sadmSSn- 
 Ltttle noticed except by Xardi and Pitti-HL, caution in appearance and Zi.! 
 power-Uis project of becoming Gonfalonier for life when of ^Tntinl bU 
 pnvate use of ,he public money-IIis mode of doing it-Sells hirname "o me4^ 
 tile company-IIis patronage-Plot agamst hi, life-Otranto recaptured-Tu^h 
 ^mson enter the NeapoUtan serviee-AlTairs of Genoa-Of MiIan_Of Ve J"e te 
 2^0? ^'r^T ^'' ^^^' P»«">' i" I'^'y-O^o <« Pra,ica renewcdITvI for 
 Uie conquest of Ferrara-AH Italy in arms-si,mondi quoted on the state of llm 
 bardy during this war-Ferrarcse territory the seat of war Smi™ a^' 
 
 »n. declared rebels by Lodovico-Joins the Venetian, ,,[^T. '*"™°.''"'' ■»■' 
 Duke of l-rbino and the Uague- Sickness of LtC^S^tte^XTrrr 
 Energy of the Duchess of Fcrrara-Bologna Hermit- \ L-reat n ,rt rf.ii ,.- '^~ 
 ^\ conquered by Venice-Alphoni of XaZ ^^r^::::Z 
 by JMates a at Cam,x, Morto-Turks employed by the Po,« in Ho^i „u^ 
 
 Robert Malat„ta, death-Suspicions Of mario-The DukeUrbinoTdmh-^ 
 aUmed at Venice- Joins the Uagu^Venice pursues her co„quc«r-Fe.^ara 
 
 " cTfb:. S'Tar ^'^-J'' """■'' "^"^^- Venice'-ExeommT 
 
 v;nr!^ii;i7fy^p'3^-ri;;:;^'_r^^^^ 
 
 between Florence and Kome-VitcUi a^ndoned -^.t^a^T^'cJ^r 
 
 COSTENTS. 
 
 IVll 
 
 J 1.™ ,n restored -Anathema against Venice 
 Uague with «™--^»''7.^/'r:,:'eo™drAUies successful -I^ui, XI. 
 _Her calmness and appeal ° » /™ ^^ ™™V_sarzana sold to the Bank of 
 tries to restore pcace-llis <1™*7^";'" „t„ „, ,ue Marquis of Mantua- 
 Saint George of Genoa-Alhes tired »' -;-»f;;*^ ^„„,, „,„etantly accept this 
 
 UHlovico makes a separate peace ..t '■;'=" •,vi„._Affairsot Florence^- 
 pe^e-ThcPoperefusesandaies-Access. no — ^^^^^^^ 
 
 Sarzana-Bankof sail t;e^r^o what ™^^ ^^, ^^,, ,,, 
 
 Genoa and the Hank of St. George '^«» ^ norence-Aftairs of Naplcs-Kevolt 
 war between Naples and ^^ii^^^Jl^ou^^ imprisoned by Ferdinand 
 ottheliarons-Campomschlof AquU '_™"" Florence and MiUn-Venice 
 
 -l^voU of that "ty-^r°T J?aX cS^^-°t' . *mke of Lorraine- Disorder 
 relieved from censure-Crown of Napes oft^c^^^^^ ^^ salernl^Prince 
 
 of Naples, and discord ^™°"!^»' f;/^™„,^,t,, ^ttle of Porta Lamentana 
 
 Frederic made V"^^"-^""-"^*f^^'^"^Z his Barons-War renewed by 
 _Peace concUided-Ferdinand-s ^"y^^^y'^^j'^JZ-^Zr^^^r, of Genoa to 
 Florence to recover Sarzana and S''"''";"" "' ,^„, ^ Maddalena de' Medici- 
 Milan-Florencc at P.-'-"^ ,o t™K So'^ni dC Medici-Murder of 
 Innocent VIU. prom.si^ a cardina s hat » °""t' ^^ implicated-Con- 
 
 Girolamo ^^^■^''-^■^'"'^'^'["'■^i' '^J'Z^TZrZa at Faenza-Francesca 
 spirators- letter to him-Galcotto \= '"■'"7* "^^^^eiiections on the conduct 
 Bentivoglio-s conduct-Consequence, of Ihs ^"^l ^^^,^^„., despotism, 
 of these women- Affairs of lienoa and ^^J ."^ ^jf/™,,, peace - Disorder of 
 
 great power, and «'"*•^"«"7^ " J';^^,, "itlar, to remedy it- Hi. 
 Lorenzo's private fortune-A ^-^'l.^'^l^^^J'^^,ZoBi..co-'-U>re^- 
 infamous conduct-Depreciation of '^'"''^'^^^ this-Oiovannide' Medici 
 
 erroneously sup,«.sed to have abandoned commerce ^"^^ '^ ^ ^^^^d by Roscoe. 
 made cardinal-Death «' Lorenzo-Interview w.h^^<^^^^^^^^ J J^^^^^ 
 but not dLsproved-Ixircnzo should be judged ;"'' «f«;^^ Lfair- His extensive 
 -Observations on his '^to"^'"-«'»7"''V"]'"'*J"prbably could not have 
 reputation and peaceful poHx-y-Hi^ P° ' ^^f.^^^^^^t Jgreat objects of 
 p,e,ent«l the evils '>«' ""°-;V;: ;t tlledrrefinement andmariiness- 
 interna, and external ,x,lities^H. ^^^^^ 
 
 Simple in private life-His manners . chUdren-Piero's infamous 
 
 of his dcath-Piero Uones mysterious death H« ebua ^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^.^ 
 
 reputation-Cotemporary monarchs 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 rCTioK \n. 1102 TO A.n. 1495.) 
 
 t \t.ie of Italy at this period-Of the other sur- 
 
 Lorenzo's death an important ^'P^^T^'^l' ^'v'les.of Rome-SmaUer states-Fac 
 
 rounding nations-Power ^' "^ '''^'''^^^^^^^^^ elasticity 
 
 tions at Ro«^^"^-"^-^'^""7f;;/Jrd Ferdinand acquiesced in hy Lodovico 
 of Florence-Similar views of Lorenzo and J ^^^^,^ death-Guicci- 
 
 Sforza-Beneficial effects of t^^; u^^^^-C^^^^" ^ ^^^^.^^ ^j Alexander ^l-His 
 ardini'scomparison-De.tho nn^cB^^ 
 
 bribery, abiUties, aiid eharacter-I lero de ^ r ^^.j^^ss toPieio Dovizio 
 .epublic-lliswantofability^d^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^ .,_,,,,,^y of 
 
 of Bibbiena-Insolence of the latter Amoiu 
 
 VOL. III. 
 
xviu 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CONTENTS* 
 
 XIX 
 
 Piero -Lorenzo and Giovanni de' Medici— His quarrels with them— Consequences 
 — Piero courts Naples— Lodovico jealous of this— His proposals about the embassy 
 to Rome — Piero's vanity— Consequences— Franceschetto Cibo sells certain posses- 
 sions to Virginio Orsini— Consequences— League between Venice, Rome and Tuilan 
 —Against Florence and Naples— Ferdinand and the Pope commence hostilities— 
 Lodevico's fears induce him to think of foreign aid— Claims of Anjou to Naples 
 concentrated in the crown of France- Lodovico buys the dukedom of Milan from 
 MaximilLon- Who man-ies his niece Bianca— Seeks a foreign protector— CharlesVIlL 
 —His character and ambition— I -ouis claims his aid— Treaty between them— 
 Preparations, fears, and offers of Ferdinand to France and the Pope— Their partial 
 success— Lodo\ico dissembles and excuses his conduct— French enibassy at Venice 
 and Florence— Horentine ambassiidors sent to France— Temporising policy of Piero 
 —Finally resolves to support Ferdinand— Ferdinand dies -Internal working of 
 Florence— Depravity of the Roman church— How considered by the world— Giro- 
 lamo Savonarola— Accoimt of him— His doings in Horence— Under Ix)renzo — 
 Under Piero— Macchiavelli's observation on him— Alfonzo allied to the Pope- 
 Lodov-ico continues his deception— Cardinal Fregoso offers to make Genoa revolt- 
 la prevented by Cardinal della Rovere's activitj— The latter urges on Charles VHL 
 —Don Frederic of Aragon defeated by the French at Porto Venere—Fieschi beaten at 
 Rapalla by the French— French preiiarations at Genoa— S<iuadron— Charles VHI. 
 crosses the Alps — Joined by Lodovico and his coui't— Has an interview with Giovan- 
 Galeazzo at Pavia— Death ef the latter— Poisoned, :\s was supposed, by Lodovico— 
 Who is proclaimed Duke of Milan— His great uniwpularity with all parties- 
 Description of the French army— Its constitution— A Lance Difference between 
 French and Itali:m armies— Description of the latter— French and Italian artillery 
 —French enter Tuscany -Sarzana and Sarzanella invested— The Duke of Calabria in 
 Romagna— Retreats before Lennox— Charles vaasks his anger against Piero de' 
 Medici— Public indignation rising against him -Lorenzo and Giovanni de' Medici 
 in the French camp — Piero's idarm— Seeks to imitate his father— IIea<L>j an embassv 
 to the French camp— Abruptly quits it, and arrives there alone— His folly— Orders 
 Sarzana and other places to surrender— After Wiirds Pisa— Other follies— Indigna- 
 tion of the Florentines — A second embassy under Savonarola sent— The bad effects 
 of this weak conduct— Piero returns to Florence- Is expelled with all his family- 
 Flics to Bologna and Venice— Excesses of the people— Exiles recalled— Lorenzo 
 and Giovanni de' Medici rei^tored, and tiikc the name of Popolani— Rule of the 
 Albizzi and Medici comp;ired— Price set on the heads of the >Iedici— Hatred and 
 bad repute of Piero— Guidacci's account of him— Pisa receives her liberty from 
 Charles VHL- Horentine treatment of Pisa— Difficult to explain— Macchiavelli's 
 opinion— Pisan appeal to the king— Horentines give up the citadel and fortress of 
 Pisa and Porto Pisano to Charles— Who marches on Florence — Sends to recal 
 Piero— Venetians cunningly advise Piero not to return— Charles enters Horence— 
 Terror of the Florentines^They prepare for resistance— Tumults— Piero Capponi's 
 bold conduct— A convention concluded— Chai les quits Florence— His successful 
 march to Rome— To Naples^— Alfonzo abdicates— Ferdinand retires to Ischia— 
 Conduct of French army— Power of Florence in Tuscany— Change in Horentine 
 notions— Idea of liberty as then entertained— Well calculated to develope national 
 faculties— Admiration of Venice gaining ground in Italy and Florence— Politics 
 changes— A parliament— A Balii— Council of Seventy abolished— The Hundre 
 abolished— Accoppiatori elected— Great Council proposed- Paulo ^Vjitonio Soderi 
 
 f' 
 
 and Guid-.\ntonio Vespucci— Savonarola considered a prophet, and favours liberal 
 government— Decides authoritatively —The (ireat Council decreed— Savonarola a 
 poUtician— His four proposals— His influence breaks all opposition— Accoppiatori— 
 "Otto di Pratica" alwlished— Council of Eighty chosen— " Ten of Peace and 
 Liberty"— Otto de Balia— Accoppiatori divided— Antonio di Miniato executed— 
 Giovanni da Prato Vecchio condcumed, but saved by Savonarola— The Accoppiatori 
 disagree, lose their power, and resign— Great council-chamber built with great 
 rapidity— Formation of the (Jreat Council— Its numbers-Character and functions 
 —Mode of election to offices— Consiglio dcgli ScieltiorPregati— Lawofappealtothe 
 Great Council— Opposition to it -Savonarola's decided conduct- New parties— 
 Frateschi and Piagnoni— Arrabbiate and Compagniacci — Bigi - This revolution 
 bloodless— Board of Grace— Forced loan- Dccima— Divisions-Opposition to Savo- 
 narola— Cotemponxry nionarchs .... Page 480 to 549 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 (l ROM A. I). 14!)4 TO A.D. l.JOO.) 
 
 Increased Intluencc of Savonarola— Tlie " Potenzo "-Savonarola's moral power not 
 confined to individual reformation -But political and national— Spoken of with 
 great respect by cotemporary authors -Philip di Comines' interview with him- 
 Ilis natural sagacity enables him to seem prophetic-SliU an enthusiast-llis high 
 tone of character and patriotism— His promotion of peace amongst the citizens- 
 Appeal of the Black Beans— Guidacci cited -Political morality improved— Affairs 
 of Pisa— All the country in arms for liberty— Repressed by Florence— Pisan influ- 
 ence at the French court-Charles's embarrassment- Cardinal of Saint Malo sent to 
 Florence— His conduct— That of Lucca and Siena— Of Lodovico— Of Genoa— Succours 
 from these suites— The Florentine array under Bentivoglio defeated at Ponte del 
 Serchio— Montepulciano revolts-Florence applies to Charies-IIis sarcastic answer 
 -Succours Pisa— Malvez/.i's success against Florence — Fort of Verruca— Great 
 League against Charles VI 1 1. -Savonarola continues to supi)ort the French party— 
 —Calvin and Savonarola— All Italy alarmed at the French power— Spain also fearful- 
 MaximiUan angi-v-Lodovico's repentance -Secret meetmg at Venice-Consequences 
 —Offers to Florence— DeclintKl— Weak conduct and unpopiUarity of Charles and 
 his army in Nnples-Reaction of public sentiment— Pope refuses the investiture of 
 Naples to Charles- Wlio proclaims himself -Leaves Nai)les with half his array- 
 The Pope quits Rome- Charles loses time at Siena-Ofters of Florence refused— 
 Her fears and preparations-Forbids Piero de' Medici from passing through her 
 territory— Rapidity of defensive preparations in Florence— Procession of Maria 
 Impruneta assumes a new character-Great force collected -Charies renounces his 
 intention of going to Florence-Receives Savonarola at Poggibonzi— W^ho thi-eatens 
 him-Reaches Pisa -Extreme excitement there -Turbidence of the French in 
 favour of Pisa-DupUcity of the king-Resumes his march-Massacre of Pont remoli 
 by the Swiss-Crosses the Ai)ennines— Extreme difficulty of the passage— The 
 army concentrates near Fornovo-Battle of that place-Victory doubtful-French 
 continue their march-Arrive at Asti-Midcc a separate treaty with Milan- 
 Charles quits Italy-Ferdinand tries to regain hLs crown— French unsuccessful at 
 Genoa— Affairs of Naples-GonsiUvo de Cordova— Fcrduiand defeated by Aubigny 
 at Seminara-IIis life in peril-Noble conduct of Giovanni di Capua-Ferdinand 
 
XX CONTENTS. 
 
 flies to Messina— Appears again off Amalfl— Off Naples— Enters the capital in 
 triumph— His general success— False friendship between France and Florence — 
 Cruelty of the Gascon soldiers— Continued duplicity of Charles— A new treaty with 
 Florence— Of no avail in the recovery of Pisa— Conduct of Entiagues and the other 
 French governors— Piero de' Medici oh the frontier— His forces dispersed -War of 
 Pisa neglected for negotiations — Tlicir futiUty— the Pisans successful— Receive aid 
 from Venice and Ma.\iraili;m and Lodovico — Cruel war— Maximilian invited to 
 Italy by Lodovico — Arrives at Pisa— His feebleness— Ketums to Germany— Venice 
 and Lodovico disagree— Petty war— Death of PieroCapponi - Truce between France 
 and Spain — Includes Florence— Ferdinand of Naples dies— Succeeiled by Don 
 Frederic— Revolution in Florence- Not purely patriotic —Therefore unstable— State 
 of parties there— Power of the Great Council — Privileges of the lower classes — 
 Unpopular with the gi eat— Corruption of the commimity and consequent disunion 
 —Discontent of the oligarchy— Who hold no connection with the Bigi or Palleschi 
 -But favoured by Lodo^^ca- Ilis objects— Francesco Valori joins the Frateschi 
 —Opposition to them -Complaints -Finance— Contrast of Lorenzo's time— Valori 
 (Jonfalonier— Strengthens the Great Council— His intluencc— Lodovico jealous of 
 Venice— Proposes to restore Visa to Florence -Fails— Piero dc' Mwiici encouraged 
 to make an attempt on Florence— Appears at the Porta Romana— Fails— Retreats 
 to Siena— Lukewarmness of the people— Koard of i)ublic safety —Lamberto d' 
 Antilla reveals the seci-et history of this attempt -His confession and its conse- 
 quences-Trial of the conspirators- Disputes and intrigues on the subject— Council 
 formed on purpose to try them- Its act*^— Efforts of their friends Discomfited by 
 Valori— Placards to inflame the public m:nd against the priscmers— Meeting of 
 public councils — Arguments on each side - Violence of the College of Gonfaloniers— 
 Timiultuous debate— Valori's decision— His addi ess and boltlness carry the question- 
 Prisoners executed — Valori gains fame and enemies by his conduct- Unjust censure 
 of Savonarola— His law of appeal not infringed— Medal struck in his honour — Party 
 consequences of this condemnation — Intrigues against Savonarola— Bipi withdraw 
 their support from the Frateschi— Whose enemies augment — Alexander opposes 
 Savonarola — Interdicts his preaching— Excommunicates him— He disregards it— 
 Csesar Borgia murders his own brother — Scsmdal of that family — FraDomenico 
 Bonvicini— Negotiations with Rome unsuccessful— Paulo Vitelli engaged as general 
 of Florence — Savonarola's enemies become more furious — Franciscans and Domini- 
 cans' anger runs high— Fiery ordeal proposed — Savonarola's boldness — Supported 
 by the government against the Pope — Processions of children -The *' Anathema " 
 — Sacrifice of vanities — Religious dances — The poet Benvieni — A new brief to silence 
 Savonarola — Government intimidated — He preaches for the last time — Fra Mariano 
 di Ghinazzano's violence against him — Francesco di Puglia i)reaches against him — 
 Challenges— Fire, miracles — Approved of by the Pope—Many willing to prove the 
 fire for Savonarola, who discourages it — Reflections on all this folly — Domenico di 
 Pescia and Andrea Rondinelli appointed to enter the flames — A public board 
 created to arrange the trial -Pile erected— Ceremony— It fails — Disgust and sur- 
 prise of the people— Savonarola lost in consequence— He endeavours to excuse 
 what occurred- Fails— Excitement— Mockery— Savonarola's clear-sightedness — He 
 preachf s and shows much fortitude— His enemies at work— Ordered to quit Flo- 
 rence — The towM in arms and tumult — Frateschi conceal themselves — Tumult in 
 the cathedral— Saint Mark's convent attacked— Valori and his wife murdered— 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 XXI 
 
 ConventUken-Savonarola, Bonvicmi, and Salvcstro Maruffi prisoners— Govern- 
 ment changed Reaction of vice— Savonarola's examination — Torture— Trial- 
 Unjust condemnation— Imprisonment— Occupation in confinement— His courage 
 and eloquence— His execution— Ashes— His character and labours— Consequences 
 of his death— Abasement of his party— Crimes become again prevalent— Injustice 
 of his trial— Nardi -Berlingheri's account— Guiceiardini's—Magliabecchi's— Death 
 of Charles VIIL— Louis XII. His pretensions to Milan— Fisan war— Expensive to 
 all parties— War continued - Florentines defeated near San Regolo — Lodovico 
 supports them — Paulo Vitelli made coumiander-in-chief— Florence favoured by 
 Caterina Sforza, Lucca, and Bologna— Truce with Siena— The Venetians repulsed 
 at Marradi— Retire tuid invade the Casentino xmdcr Bartolommeo d' Alviano— Take 
 Gunaldoli and Bibbicna— Carlo Orsino follows with more troops— Poppi attacked— 
 Vitelli sent against them — Other rcenforcements— Duke of Urbino arrives at 
 Bibbicna— Where he is besieged by \itclli— Count Orsino of Pitigliano sent to his 
 relief— Baffled by Vitelli— Retires— Urbino allowed to retire— Takes Giuliano de' 
 Medici with him— Suspicions ot the Florentines- Negotiations for peace— Conditions 
 displease all parties— I'isuns rcjivfi them -Hostilities against Pisa re-commenced— 
 Pisa invested — Brave conduct of the besieged- -\Jiccdote of two sisters— Walls 
 breached — The assault fails — Female resolution— Murmurs of the Florentine 
 troops— Vitelli suspected— Sickness in the army— Charges against Vitelli— He is 
 arrested, tortured, and behomled— His death unjust and impolitic— Fears and 
 intrigues of the Italian pt)tentates— Lodovico prepares to oppose Louis— Giovanni 
 Giacomo Trivulzio enters Piedmont in command of the French army— Lodovico' s 
 imiMjpularity— Flics from Milan— Which is taken possession of by the French- 
 Louis XII. at Milan —Receives ambassadors from the States of Italy— Prejudice 
 against the Florentines — Ti-eaty concluded with Louis -Its ditiiiculties- Tri\-uLzio'9 
 insidting behaviour- Grounds for his anger— New objects, fears, and poUtical 
 interests of Italy— Florence a mediator between Lodovico and Louis— Other reasons 
 to justify Trivulzio's anger with the Florentines— Papal intrigues— Borgia renounces 
 the priesthood— The Pope consents to the divorce of Louis — Caesar Borgia in France 
 —Created Duke of Valcntinois^ -Marriesthe liing of Navarre's daughter— Prospects 
 of Italy— Cotcmporarymonarchs .... Page 550 to 635 
 
 VOL. 111. 
 
ERRATA. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 9 . 
 
 33 . 
 
 69 . 
 
 99 . 
 102 . 
 162 . 
 
 58 . 
 
 69 . 
 215 . 
 345 . 
 354 . 
 475 . 
 
 LINE 
 
 4, 
 19, 
 1, 
 2, 
 3, 
 
 6, 
 
 o 
 
 -J 
 
 1, 
 
 3, 
 Last line „ 
 
 15, 5, 
 
 FOR 
 
 Note Cap. i*', Roncioni 
 Salviate . 
 Cavalcante . 
 Corio, Parte v", p 
 Do. do. 
 
 »> 
 
 J) 
 J5 
 
 328 
 
 READ 
 
 . Cap. i*^ — Roncioni, &c". 
 , . Salviati, 
 
 . Cavaloanti. 
 
 . Corio, Parte v% folio 328. 
 
 . Do. do. 
 
 , . Parte ii% folio 1 9. 
 
 . Corio, Parte iv*, folio 306. 
 
 . Corio, Parte iv", folio 315. 
 Giannoit. Repub"'. Fiorentiiia . Giannotti della Repub* Fiorentina. 
 Leonardo .... Lionardo. 
 
 Do. Do. 
 
 Carlo da Montona . . . Calo da Montone. 
 
 e ir 
 
 p. 19. 
 
 Part' 
 
 Corio, Parte iv°, p. o 
 
 Corio, Parte iv", p. 315 
 
 "OG 
 
 wmsmm§' 
 
FLOEENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 BOOK THE FIRST. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 FROM A.D, 1402 TO A.D. 1415. 
 
 JJAPPY are those climes that safe in their natural buhvarlvs 
 only know war by name, by partial giief and public rejoic- 
 ings, or the quiet payment of superfluous gold ! Who 
 see not theii- towns in flames, their fields laid waste, ^'^' ^*^' 
 their sons murdered, their daughters violated, their old men 
 weeping and their country ruined. Many are the benevolent 
 but thoughtless hearts which had they ever felt the blast of 
 war, would pause ere from the warm domestic hearth and the 
 bosom of a happy family they lent their voice to carry desola- 
 tion into peaceful, and far distant countries whose government 
 but not the people are the offendei-s ! 
 
 During the Milanese war the Florentine territory had been 
 so devastated and bereft of people that the ground in most 
 parts lay bare, uutilled, untouched and untenanted ; wherefore 
 a decree went forth offering ten years' exemption from every 
 public burden real and personal to all persons who would colo- 
 nise the land, for without such restoratives none could work 
 and live, so deep and universarwas the mischief. The moun- 
 tamous district round Firenzuola was utterly abandoned, and 
 
 VOL. in. B 
 
FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 the remnant of its people could only be enticed back by dint of 
 exemptions and peculiar privileges : yet with the country in 
 this state and enfeebled by the terrible effects of a plague in 
 1400, did the Florentines, as if in mockery of Heaven, again 
 listen to aml)ition and again pant for conquest ! * The death 
 of Gian-Galeazzo Visconte did not therefore restore peace, but 
 on the contraiy gave fresh vigour to the war and new elasticity to 
 the buoyant spirit of Florence whose citizens were loath to pass 
 so fair an occasion of humbling the Visconti weakened as they 
 now were by a divided inheritance and the ambition and mutual 
 jealousy of a gang of unscrupulous condottieri. The eldest son 
 Giovan-Maria Visconte inherited the duchy, properly so called, 
 of Milan, with the addition of Bologna, Siena, and Penigia : 
 Fihppo-Maria succeeded to Pavia, Verona, Vicenza, and other 
 places of inferior note, and Gabriele-Maria, an elder but illegi- 
 timate son, had Pisa for liis portion. This division and conse- 
 quent weakening of the state by a man of Gian-Galeazzo s 
 sagacity in the midst of a formidable and expensive war occa- 
 sioned general suqirise ; but a weak and young enemy in pos- 
 session of Pisa was not unacceptable to Florence, and antici- 
 pated contentions between the mother, sons, ministers, and 
 condottieri offered an alluring prospect to her ambition. The 
 Florentine ambassadors had therefore ordei*s to quit Venice 
 without listening to any tenns of peace, and those at Rome to 
 confirm a ti*eaty already concluded with Boniface IX. for the 
 organisation of a league against Milan and the employment of 
 their united forces for the recovery of Peiiigia. 
 
 Florence began by expellhig Count Antonio del Palagio of 
 the Guidi family, who under Milanese influence had been 
 somewhat troublesome, from all liis possessions in the Casen- 
 tino ; the principal towns, Palagio and Montemezzano, with 
 his remaining territory' were reduced into one community and 
 under the name of Palagio Fiorentino annexed to the republic. 
 
 * S. Ainaiirato, Storia, Lib. xvii., pp. 895, 89fi. 
 
 caAP. XXIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 A.D. 1403. 
 
 Meanwhile the combined army and Perugian exiles invested 
 that city under the pope's brother Giannello Marquis of La 
 Marca: the place would have soon surrendered to Boniface, 
 but as the besiegers insisted on a restoration of their exiled 
 allies it obstinately refused, and held out until relieved by 
 Otto Bonterzo from Milan with a strong detachment of cavalr\\ 
 Giannello fled shamefally, but the exiles and Florentines 
 under Cecco da San Severino maintained all their positions in 
 the district although now too weak to continue the investment. 
 During these events repeated inroads were made and retaliated 
 on the Senese frontier so as to keep all that countiy in a state 
 of tribulation, and the Pisan confines being similarly vexed by 
 a new Milanese garrison, the year 1408 commenced 
 with universal war in Tuscany *. Bartolommeo 
 Valori gonfalonier of justice and the new-elected Balia re- 
 solved to rid themselves of the evil by carrpng hostilities into 
 Lombardy and for this purpose Carlo Malatesta was induced 
 to join the league of which Niccolo ]\Iarquis of Ferrara became 
 general. Alberigo da Barbiano commanded the Florentines, 
 and Cardinal Baldassare Cossa afterwards Pope John XXIII. 
 was appointed legate in Komagna : Pandolfo Malatesta brother 
 of Carlo commanded the Milanese forces at Siena and ravaged 
 the Florentine territory, while Pisa occupied by an enemy 
 paralysed all commerce in that quarter : wherefore Piombino 
 was secured by treaty to facilitate the landing and safe-conduct 
 of Florentine merchandise, and long-anticipated dissensions at 
 Milan soon began to favour the views of that republic. Both 
 Senese and Pisans were quickly repulsed and the combined 
 anny of llomagna made incursions into Lombardy : afterwards 
 encamping near Bologna they expected a revolt, but every 
 unquiet mmour was kept down by the vigilance of Facino 
 Cane who with a strong force had thrown himself into that 
 
 * Aumiirato, Lib. xvii., p. 8.96. — Pog^gioj Lib. iv., p. 104. 
 
 B "2 
 
FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 city. The talents and wealth of Gian-Galeazzo had held ele- 
 ments together that when once relieved from his grasp began 
 to crack and separate : the Guelphic party plotted and agitated ; 
 the military commanders were neither idle nor blind to their 
 own interests ; the ducal counsel was divided ; all contending 
 for the same object under pretence of their sovereign's welfare, 
 and soon commenced a system of vengeance for former injuries, 
 first secretly, then openly *. Francesco Barbavara, Gian-Gale- 
 azzo's chief minister and favourite, headed one party ; Antonio 
 Visconte, also a minister, another : the latter was favoured by 
 the court nobility and people and after great tumults Fran- 
 cesco fled for refuge to the castle whence he ultimately escaped, 
 but the city remained a long time in confusion. Disorder then 
 spread to tlie provinces ; towTi after town revolted, and all 
 Lombardy became one mass of insurrection : Ugolino Caval- 
 cabo first roused the Cremonese and finally obtained the lord- 
 ship of their city ; the Guelphs rose wildly in every (piarter, 
 and so savage was party hatred, that at Brescia as we are 
 assured by both. Corio and Ammirato, they not only outraged 
 the women, not only dragged mothers, and children of every 
 age from their concealment and holding by the hair butch- 
 ered them like sheep and lambs, but actually exposed the 
 flesh of their enemies for sale at the public shambles ! It is 
 not positively asserted that such food was eaten but so much 
 is inferred ; and such deeds does man dare to do when mad- 
 dened by the pernicious spirit of political faction f ! The Rossi 
 agitated Parma, the Sacchi occupied Bellinzona ; the Buscioni 
 seized on Como ; the Suardi on Bergamo ; the Scotti, Landi, 
 Fontanesi and Fulgosi stirred up Placentia ; Lodi Martesana, 
 Soncino and many other towns were every one in arms, and 
 all the land was mad with vengeance. 
 
 * Muratori Annali, Anno 1404. 900.— Corio Ilistor. Milan, Taite i\% 
 
 t I'oggio Bracciolini, Lib. iv., p. 104. p. 292. 
 — S. Ammirato, Stor. Lib. xvii., p. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 Florentine arts and gold were blamed for this, and probably 
 formed the match ; but the combustibles already prepared in a 
 malignant mass of faction had been only kept under by a dark 
 and ponderous tyranny. The league took immediate advanUige of 
 this anarchy and invited by Rolando Rosso were preparing to 
 cross the Po when the Duchess of Milan, apprehensive of con- 
 sequences, commenced secret negotiations with the legate and 
 Carlo Malatesta, which by the cession of Bologna and Peru- 
 gia ended in a treaty ; and this the Florentines were suddenly 
 called upon to sign without even knowing that such a thing 
 was in agitation. The Marquis of Ferrara, Alberigo da Bar- 
 biano, and Vanui Castellani the Florentine ambassador, were 
 kept in equal ignorance ; — the first took it quietly ; the 
 second flared up, threatened, made his own terms, and ulti- 
 mately signed ; but the last proudly and indignantly refused. 
 Bologna was taken possession of in September; first by an 
 insurrection of the citizens, then by the legate, who thus pre- 
 tended to receive the city from them alone, independent of the 
 Visconti. Florence thunderstruck at this breach of covenant 
 made ineffectual remonstrances, but far from denying his error 
 Baldassare Cossa audaciously attempted to excuse it by the 
 advantage of having l^ologna restored without bloodshed to the 
 church. The pope after some dissimulation justified his legate 
 and in answer to Florentine remonstrances bluntly avowed 
 that meanhig to live in peace he cared little for good faith. 
 Perugia then voluntarily submitted to him and the league dis- 
 solved : Florence thus suddenly found herself deserted, and 
 undecided whether she would continue the war alone or accept 
 an unprofitable peace. 
 
 Carlo Malatesta irritated at this hesitation openly called 
 her a dovecot of hiaves who were endeavoming to put down 
 all the gentlemen of Italy, but whose immediate and par- 
 ticular ambition was the conquest of Pisa to which he never 
 would consent, nor allow any Ghibeline community to fall into 
 
FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 A.D. 1404. 
 
 (juelphic hands. The Florentines were yet far from humbled 
 although they had already spent 500,000 florins principally in 
 the Papal service since Galeazzo's death ; but their spirit and 
 courage were at full sea, and Malatesta's conduct raised such a 
 storm of anger as at once impelled them to more vigorous 
 operations in order to prove their complete independence both 
 of him and the treacherous pontifl". 
 
 Succours were accordingly despatched to Cavalcabo and the 
 Rossi ; the Cancellieri who had revolted and troubled Pistoia 
 were tamed and forced to yield the pass of Sambuca; the 
 Ubaldini, also driven into insurrection by the maladmuiistration 
 ,of Florentine governors, were curbed : Gabriello Maria Vis- 
 conte had already disgusted the Pisans by his cruelty extortion 
 and persecution of the Bergolini ; Siena too showed symptoms 
 of agitation and discontent, and the year 1404 opened 
 with fresh expectations for Florence. The state of 
 Lombardy was indeed deplorable ; the ancient but long-sup- 
 pressed enmity between Guelph and Ghibeline was again loose 
 and raging with unheard-of fury and the land was steeped in 
 blood : Vercelli and Xoara were plundered ; Pavia sacked, and 
 along with Tortona Alexandria and many other places fell into 
 the power of Facino Cane : Placentia a prey to internal discord 
 and repeatedly the victim of a cruel rapacious soldiery suffered 
 the combined horrors of civil hate and militaiy licentiousness ; 
 so that, according to Poggio Bracciolini, an eye-^^itness, it was 
 almost entirely depopulated : Brescia, that disgrace of humanity, 
 fell into the hands of Pandolfo Malatesta; Ottobuon Terzo seized 
 on Parma Placentia and Keggio ; Verona revolted and set up 
 the remnants of its ancient race, but their reign was brief and 
 powerless ; and thus the whole dukedom fell to pieces through 
 evil administration, individual hate, and military aggrandise- 
 ment. The young duke scarcely able to preserve even Milan 
 from domestic enemies and the repeated threatenings of foreign 
 invaders, was no longer an object of apprehension to Florence 
 
 CHAP. XMX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 who without concluding any formal peace seems to have gra- 
 dually withdrawn all her forces from Lombardy ^^ 
 
 The new year brought with it a new Balia or war-council 
 who failed in their first and secret attempt to surprise Pisa by 
 blowing in an old walled gateway ; yet this, coupled with his 
 own unpopularity, so alarmed Gabriello that he at once placed 
 himself under French protection through Jean le Meingre sur- 
 named Boucicault then absolute and tyrannical mler for the 
 French monarch in Genoa f. This man glad of an oppor- 
 tunity to meddle with Tuscan politics immediately ordered 
 Florence to refrain from molesting Pisa under the displeasure 
 of Charles the Sixth ; and as a security sequestered Floren- 
 tine merchandise to the amount of "200,000 florins. At this 
 startling notice Buonaccorso Pitti was instantly despatched to 
 treat, but though subsequently supported by four other am- 
 bassadors had no success and returned unsatisfied to Florence ; 
 nor were any amends made until the Florentines granted a truce 
 of four years' certain duration to Gabriello Visconte ;. 
 
 The change of magistracy this year was accompanied by a 
 remarkable resolution, namely that in future no person under 
 the i-ank of knight count or marquis should hold the office of 
 Podesta or Captain of the People ; nor were even the two 
 latter dignities to be deemed sufficient unless at least half a 
 century old, in such high estimation were these repubhcan 
 dignities then held in Italy ! An attempt to make Siena revolt 
 and come to friendly terms with Florence had failed in the 
 preceding autumn, but so weakened was Milanese influence 
 there that ambassadors were now sent to treat without the citi- 
 zens even condescending to inform the governor, San Giorgio 
 
 * Poggio, Storia Fior., Lib. iv., pp. 
 106, 107, &c.— S. Ammirato, Storia, 
 Lib. xvii., p. 902, &c*. — Muratori, 
 Anni 1403 and 1404. 
 + Cronaca di Buonaccorso Pitti, p. 75. 
 X Cronaca di Buonaccorso Pitti, p. 76. 
 See also a spirited and characteristic 
 
 letter on this subject from the Floren- 
 tine Seignory to Charles VI. Published 
 for the first time in 1836 by the inde- 
 fatigable and enterprising Giuseppe 
 Molini, at Florence, in his '' Docu- 
 menti di Storia Italiuna,"" from MSS. 
 in the Royal Library at Paris. 
 
8 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 di Carre to, of the circumstance, and he voluntarily evacu- 
 ated the town to prevent woi^e consequences. A treaty was 
 therefore signed early in April by which the liberty of Siena 
 was reestablished, all conquests restored except Montepul- 
 ciano the original cause of war, which now remained to Flo- 
 rence ; the port of Talamone was again opened to her trade, 
 and tranquillity once more began to dawn on that long- vexed 
 frontier*. 
 
 The feudal chiefs who deserted Florence in her extremity 
 had still to be punished, and Jacopo Salviati tells us that it was 
 he who accomplished this after much hard fighting for nearly 
 half a year, and with such effect as to leave scarcely a common 
 hut m possession of the Ubertini of Val d'Ambra or the 
 Counts of Bagno on the frontier of Romagnaf. This quieted 
 Tuscany, and about the same period ambassadors amved from 
 the antipope Benedict XIII. m their way to Rome under 
 Florentme protection on a mission of peace about the eccle- 
 siastical schism, but Boniface the Ninth s deatli in October 
 abruptly terminated these conferences. After some tumults and 
 bloodshed Innocent VI. succeeded; and under French patron- 
 age Benedict established himself in Genoa to further his own 
 views and gam adherents m Italy ; to this end he cheerfully 
 united mth Boucicault and the Genoese in a scheme for win- 
 ning over Florence to then side by the sale of Pisa, her most 
 coveted object. 
 
 Francesco da Carrara excited the jealousy of Venice by his 
 occupation of Verona and Vicenza, and in despite of the 
 earnest remonstrances of Florence that powerful state made 
 war against him with such vigour that he was soon brought 
 to extremities in Padua, his only remaining possession. This 
 success of her rival and bitterest enemy roused the fears 
 of Genoa to such a height as to overcome all similar feelings 
 
 * O. Malavolti, Storia di Siena, Parte ii». Lib. x. p. 1 05. 
 f Cronaca di Jacopo Salviati, p. 22 1 . 
 
 CHAP. XXIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 towards Florence which the acquisition of a seaport by that 
 state had begun to excite, and secured her agreement to any 
 measure tending to humble such a foe. Boucicault 
 seems to have had his own views in the transaction as 
 well as the others, but a desire of saving Francesco da Carrara 
 was common to all ; Florence was first sounded through a private 
 merchant, and this brought Gino Capponi half officially to 
 Genoa in order to feel his way : the business seemed to run 
 smoothly when (iabriello conscious of his precarious tenure 
 requested an interview with IMaso degli Albizzi at Vico Pisano 
 where his weakness and indecision proved too great to accom- 
 pHsh anything. This meeting however could not be con- 
 cealed from the Pisans who believing themselves sacrificed 
 seized their arms and drove Gabriello and his mother Maria 
 Agnesina, by whom he was governed, into the citadel, where 
 he held out until succoured from Genoa. The nature of Flo- 
 rentine negotiations were now changed; possession became 
 uncertain but Gabriello, whose mother had just been killed 
 by a fall, determined to sell the place : commissioners from 
 Genoa together with Gino Capponi met liim at Pietra Santa 
 and after long discussion Pisa was sold to the Florentmes for 
 200,000 florins with immediate possession of the citadel, and an 
 understanding that Padua was to be relieved the moment the 
 city itself should be reduced. There were also other conditions 
 which fell with the citadel only a few days after it was occupied*. 
 The Pisans disdaining to be sold like oxen, and to their 
 most detested enemy; suppressed for the moment all party 
 differences and joined in the common cause. By force and 
 stratagem they recovered their citadel and then sent ambas- 
 
 • Commentari di Gino Cappone, p. Stor. Ital., vol. vi.) who says that 
 
 254. '' Eacvolta di CronkJu'tte An- 250,000 florins was the price. '* Che 
 
 ticlte;' &c\ {Firenze 1733.)— "Sei duo C con una L e Vemme sopra, 
 
 Capitoli (in verse) dell' Acquisto di costo." Cap. i", Roncioni, Istorie 
 
 Pisa fatto dai Fiorentini nel 1406 di Pisane, Lib. xvi., p. 971, Ar.Stor. Ital. 
 Giovanni di Ser Piero (p. 250, Ar. 
 
10 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book r. 
 
 sadors to Florence offering to repay that state all its expenses 
 in exchange for peace and the restoration of Librafatta and 
 Santa Maria in Castello which had already been taken posses- 
 sion of by the Florentines. The embassy was however 
 abruptly dismissed and both sides prepared for a war which 
 Florence was not afraid to undertake although she had already 
 paid two millions and a half of gold since 1401, and was now 
 obliged to create a new stock to meet the coming expense *. 
 A close blockade by sea and land was resolved on ; but this 
 unexpected turn in the fortune of Pisa was the signal for 
 Padua's fall and the ruin of Francesco da Carrara, while it 
 permanently established the territorial power of Venice on the 
 Continent. Confiding in Florentine assistance he rejected a 
 treaty then on the point of signature and declared he would 
 hold out to the last ; his kinsman the Marquis of Ferrara had 
 been forced by Venice not only to abandon his cause but 
 take an active part against him; no Lombard ally stirred 
 in liis favoiu- ; Florence afar off, had too much on her hands 
 to risk the anger of Venice at such a moment, and thus situ- 
 ated the Paduans themselves began to murmur : the Venetians 
 terrified them with apprehensions of an assault and a gate 
 was secretly opened on the seventeenth of November : Fran- 
 cesco and his son retired to the citadel and thence endeavoured 
 to treat but in vain ; he then repaired in person to the Vene- 
 tian camp and while there both city and citadel were lost by 
 treacheiy. Still listening to evil council he appeared in per- 
 son at Venice, threw himself humbly on the mercy of a govern- 
 ment that had never known mercy ; was rebuked, imprisoned, 
 and by the advice of his enemy del Vermo, who observed that 
 ''dead men made no icary' was with his two sons Francesco 
 and Jacopo finally strangled in prison. Two other sons were 
 safe at Florence; one died in 1407, the other, in a vain 
 attempt to recover his principality, was taken and decapitated 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Storia, Lib.xvii., p. 907. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 11 
 
 at Venice in 1435, and thus terminated the chequered fortunes 
 of that illustrious family * . 
 
 The acquisition of Pisa was a serious affair at Florence and 
 great efforts were made to secure it ; a mere licence ^^ ^^^^ 
 to undertake this conquest had already cost much, and 
 as yet no more ground was cleared for active operations : the 
 remaining obstacles were Ladislaus king of Naples a young 
 warlike and ambitious monarch on the one hand, and Ottobuon 
 Terzo an able unemployed coudottiere in possession of Parma 
 on the other. Ladislaus then aiming at the subjugation of 
 Kome, at that moment almost in anarchy from civil war, was 
 quieted by a promise not to be thwarted in his enterprise, 
 and Ottobuon Terzo was similariy paralysed by a large subsidy. 
 These points settled, it was determined to invest Pisa so closely 
 by sea and land that every hope of provisions or succour 
 should be vain ; the Florentine camp was accordmgly pitched 
 at San Fiero in Grado on the river side a little below the town, 
 under the Florentine commissioner Maso degli Albizzi, but 
 more especially Gino Capponi whose commentaries furnish all 
 the particulars of this memorable siege. 
 
 There were Florenthies who would willingly have relm- 
 quished the enterprise, but strong temptation and the majonty 
 prevailed : it was popular as a commercial, a political, and a 
 personal object; for Pisa had ever been a secure position for all 
 the enemies of Florence, it was the great portal of her foreign 
 trade, and the object of a bitter, long-endming, and hereditary 
 hatred. The Pisans' first care was to reconcile internal factions 
 and concentrate all the various flashes of party spirit into one 
 brictht flame of patriotic indignation against a common foe : the 
 Raspanti were then in power ; many of the Bergolini with their 
 leaders of the Gambacorti family in exile ; all were recalled, and 
 ancient quarrels lulled into present repose by the mere threat- 
 ening of the storm: peace was swoni to by adverse chiefs upon 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Storia, Lib. xvii., p. 915.~Muratori, Anno 1405.. 
 
12 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 the sacramental bread, and made more solemn if not more bind- 
 ing, by a mixture of their blood with the consecrated wine. But 
 Giovanni Gambacorta returned as full of vengeance as before 
 and in contempt of ever}^ oath, after being elected captain of 
 the people, put Giovanni Agnello to death, imprisoned Riniere 
 de' Sacchi and many others, all chiefs of the rival faction, and 
 afterwards secretly drowned most of them in the sea -. 
 
 The Pisans depended on Gambacorta's influence at Florence 
 for an honourable peace and he attempted to make one ; but 
 that city would listen to no overtures except as from repentant 
 rebels : her army was first commanded by Jacojio Salviati a 
 Florentine citizen who after some useful and active service was 
 superseded by Bertoldo degli Orsini : but this general showing 
 more rapacity than soldiersliip displeased the Florentines and 
 was ordered to resign his conmiand to Obizzo da Monte 
 Carelli. Active military operations had continued through- 
 out the autumn of 1405, and when the camp was pitched 
 before Pisa almost all its territoiy had been subdued ; Vico 
 Pisano, a strong fortress ten miles from Pisa on the right 
 bank of the Anio, had been besieged and subsequently capitu- 
 lated after a long investment; the baths of Monte Pisano 
 though firiuly fenced were also reduced, and nearly all the 
 Pisan strongholds captured f . Provisions were intercepted on 
 their voyage from Sicily; a squadron of Genoese galleys in 
 Florentine pay blockaded Porto Pisano, and on each bank of 
 the Amo was erected a redoubt connected together by a tem- 
 porar}^ bridge at the site of the Florentine encampment. A 
 sudden flood, with timber launched from the town, broke through 
 this barrier, and the Pisans in a sally attacked the still un- 
 finished bastion now severed from the army ; but Sforza da 
 
 ♦ Gino Capponi, Commentari, p. 258. — Gino Capponi, Commcntari, p. 258. 
 
 — Poggio Bracciolini, Libro iv, p. 1 1 1. — Capitoli di Giov. Ser Piero, cap. iii«, 
 
 — Tronci, Annali, vol. iv.— Sci Capi- who asserts that one of the besieging 
 
 toli, di Gio. Ser Piero, cap. ii«. engines called " BrlccoW cast stones 
 
 t Jacopo Salviati Cronaca, p. 244-5. of 15001bs. Trov. 
 
 CHAF. XXIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 13 
 
 Cotignola then one of the Florentine leaders, with that skill 
 and daring that made him afterwards so conspicuous, leaped 
 into a small l)oat and with only two followers crossed the 
 swollen stream. Tartiiglia another commander, and a rival of 
 Sforza's did the same, but as it would seem, more from anxiety 
 to save some plundered cattle which were in jeopardy, than 
 from pure gloiy. Be that as it may both these chiefs were 
 well knoAvn to the enemy whom they attacked almost single- 
 handed, or only with a few workmen from the fort, spread a 
 sudden panic amongst them, put the whole party to flight and 
 saved the fortress '''-, The Pisans had no defenders but their 
 own stout hearts and determined resolution, for the Florentines 
 intercepted all supplies l)oth of men and victuals by land and 
 sea, and had encamped against them with fifteen hundred lances 
 of tlu-ee men and three horses each besides thirteen hundred 
 infantry, all mercenaries ; independent of native troops and the 
 besieging anny before Vico. A night assault was therefore 
 commanded with promise of double pay, 100,000 florins, and 
 the plunder of Pisa if captured. 
 
 Thus stimulated a bold escalade took place on the ninth 
 of June and for some time the contest remained doubtful, but 
 Pisan courage after some desperate struggles overcame every 
 effort of the assailants ; they were repulsed ; one of their 
 bravest ciiampions fell, and his body was dragged in triumph 
 through the beleaguered town. After this the growing 
 nvslry of Sforza and Tartaglia began to trouble the camp 
 so much that they were placed by order of the Seignory in 
 distinct and distant commands with their separate force, for in 
 those days armies were like a piece of patchwork, composed of 
 many small independent bands, with but little subordination 
 amongst any who were strong enough to be troublesome unless 
 awed°by high rank or the acknowledged fame of some able 
 
 ♦ Tronci, Annali, vol. iv., p. 192.— diSer Piero, cap. iv., where Tartaglia^s 
 G. Capponi, p. 1 62.— Capitoli di Gio. conduct only is mentioned. 
 
14 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 chieftain *. Sforza himself acquired his surname by an auda- 
 cious bearing towards Alberigo da Barbiano even when quite 
 young and serving in a very subordinate military capacity with 
 the army of that renowned commander f. Increasing scarcity 
 produced an order for all useless mouths to quit the besieged 
 town, but it was met by a counter-order from the camp to hang 
 every male outcast, and cut away the hinder portions of female 
 attire so as to expose their nakedness, and then after branding 
 both cheeks with the impression of the Florentine lily to drive 
 them back under the walls. This not having been found suf- 
 ficient their noses were amputated in addition, and some male 
 prisoners hanged under the ramparts within sight of the whole 
 population. These were Gino Capponi's acts and were justified 
 by existing usages ; Giovanni Gambacorta's cruelty went no 
 further, and seeing defence hopeless he offered to treat for a 
 surrender. While negotiations were in progress the city 
 showed sudden signs of rejoicing and soon after the Duke of 
 Bur^mdys arms and banners were ever}^where displayed; 
 then issued forth the royal herald in all the pomp of his time 
 and oflBce, to give the Florentines solemn warning that Pisa 
 now belonged to his master and advise them to cease from any 
 further molestation. No troops having been despatched to 
 enforce this command the herald s hands were tied together 
 and by the general's order he was tossed into the Ai-no : 
 he escaped, and making his way to Florence received no sym- 
 pathy ; but an embassy was forthwith despatched to the duke 
 and his cousm Charles VI. of France to explain and remon- 
 
 • G. Capponi, p. 1 64. 
 t In the distribution of some plunder 
 he quarrelled with his comrades an<i 
 the dispute was referred to Alberigo 
 who gave it against him. On this he 
 showed such anger and audacity that 
 the general, who knew something of 
 his bold overbearing tem})er, said to 
 him in ridicule, " Or vorrai tu Sjor- 
 
 zare ancor me giovane come fai 
 gli altri ? Certo ben tl sawiene il 
 nome di Sforza.'*^ " What ! dost want 
 to force me too, \uuiig man, as thou 
 dost others ? Certes the name of 
 Sforza well becomes thee." — This soon 
 spread through the army and he ever 
 after bore that name. — {Sdp. Ammi- 
 ratOylAh. xvii.,p.i)'JI.) 
 
 CHAP. XXIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 15 
 
 strate*. This adventure of course broke off all negotiations, 
 but as famine was still eating on its silent way Gambacorta 
 secretly renewed the negotiations with Gino Capponi and 
 finally consented to a capitulation which in saving Pisa from 
 all the horrors of a storm enriched the former chief, who not 
 only fattened on his countiy's ruin but also sought to prolong 
 his vengeance by a stipulation that all personal enemies of 
 the Gambacorti should with all their living children, accord- 
 ing to a list which he presented be declared public rebels, 
 and so treated. He was moreover to have 50,000 florins, 
 the government of Bagno, the citizenship of Florence, ex- 
 emption for himself and family from all tolls and taxes, and 
 be under the state's protection, besides several other advan- 
 tages ; and his brother was to be made Bishop of Florence, 
 or that failing to have a pension instead. These and other 
 private aggrandisements formed nearly all the articles of capi- 
 tulation, those regarding the public comprising only a general 
 amnesty, except for (jambacorta's enemies, and exemption 
 from blood, plimder, fire, and devastation, both for the city and 
 
 contado f . 
 
 The whole transaction was a secret, and on Gambacorta's 
 part infamous: twenty hostages were to be dehvered up to 
 him as a pledge, but fearful of discovery he trusted to Floren- 
 tine honour, and a militiir}^ council was immediately assembled 
 at a place called Casa Bianca on the Arao, first to reconcile 
 Sforza and Tartaglia which was with difficulty accomplished ; 
 and then to settle the mode of taking possession of Pisa. In 
 this the two rival captains differed and each being well sup- 
 ported there was much confusion mi til Gmo Capponi impa- 
 tiently rose and thus shortly but stenily addressed them. 
 " You have often declared that you would conquer Pisa by 
 
 * Jacopo Salviati, Cronaca, p. 24.0.— 972, and note.—^. Ammirato, Stor., 
 
 Gino Capponi, p. 267. — Capitoli di Lib. xvii., p^930.— Gio. di Ser. Piero, 
 
 Gio. di Scr Piero, cap. iv., p. 264. cap. v., p. 271. 
 f Roncioni, Stor. Pisa, Lib. xvi., p. 
 
16 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 " jour personal valour and now when it is in our power to 
 " open whichever of her gates we please, do you still hesitate, 
 *' O vile and wortliless gentry, for fear of assassination ? Are 
 " you terrified at a besieged and starving people ? No more 
 " of this trifling : it is our pleasure tluit you enter by the 
 " Gate of Saint Mark and each of you will give strict com- 
 *' mand and formal warning to your soldiers that no tumult 
 " will be suffered ; and all of you are now commanded on pain 
 " of death to conduct yourselves as if marching through the 
 ** streets of Florence : you ^sill moreover l)e held personally 
 *' answerable for the behaviour of your troops and servants, 
 ** therefore issue such orders as will insure prompt obedience 
 *' to our commands." 
 
 To tliis Fraucescliino della Mirandola replied : " You give 
 " us rough and rigid orders ! but if the Pisans chance to turn 
 " on us, how are we then to act ? If this happen will you not 
 ** then suffer us to repel them by every means ? By fire and 
 " by plunder?" 
 
 Gino, whose impatience would hardly suffer him to wait 
 until this officer had finished, turned sharply towards him and 
 with an angr}' countenance replied: " Franceschino, Frances- 
 " chmo, we will permit no robbeiy in any form ; and if the 
 " people turn on us or other accident occur, why we ourselves 
 *' will be there as well as thou and will command thee and all 
 " the rest as to what may be expedient at the moment ; where- 
 " fore thou mayest spare thy labour, for what we have com- 
 *• manded shall surely be obeyed." 
 
 After this resolute conduct Gino repaired to Florence and 
 explained all to the Seignor}^ : he informed them that Pisa 
 might be had with or without a capitulation for it could not 
 hold out much longer. If by capitulation, he said, they would 
 save an unhappy people from the multiplied horrors of a storm ; 
 they would receive an uninjured town ; they would acquire 
 merit with God and man, and they would perpetuate their 
 
 CHAP, XXIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 17 
 
 fame amongst distant nations. A council was immediately 
 assembled and out of forty-seven secret votes there were forty- 
 six black beans in favour of capitulation. Discontented at this 
 slight want of unanimity the question was again called for by 
 acclamation and a second ballot gave an unmodified decision 
 for the more humane course of policy. 
 
 Gino Capponi and Bartolommeo Corbinelli were appointed 
 pubhc syndics to complete the transaction ; hostages were to 
 be sent by the eighth of October to Librafatta under the care 
 of Sforza, and wlien everything was prepared Gambacorta 
 doubtful of the citizens' indignation if the business transpired 
 wished possession to le taken at night; but the cautious 
 Florentines only occupied a gate until dawn of day when the 
 whole ai-my moved steadily forward with colours flying, and at 
 sunrise appeared with glittering arms before the portal of Saint 
 Mark where Giovaimi Gambacorta anxiously awaited them. 
 He held a verrettone or light dart in his hand and in pre- 
 senting it to Gino Capponi said, " I present you with this 
 " arrow as an emblem of the lordsliip of Pisa the most beau- 
 ** tiful jewel of which Italy can boast : it now remains for you 
 " to command me in what I have further to execute *." 
 
 Gambacorta was immediately given in charge to Bernardo 
 Cavalcanti one of the ten ministers of war, and the troops 
 occupied the marlvct-idace whence they quietly paraded the 
 streets in military array, at that time a very common mode 
 of taking possession, while the whole population gazed in fear 
 and wonder from their windows, few being aware of what had 
 occurred, so well concealed was the whole transaction. Nor 
 did the soldiers marvel less at the pale emaciated faces that, 
 fearful and doubting, gazed with famished looks upon their 
 bravery: some more considerate soldiers had brought with 
 them a few loaves which they threw to little children at the 
 
 Gino Capponi, Commentari, p. 271. Gio. di Ser Piero, cap. v., who calls 
 — S. Ammirato, Lib. xvii., p. 930.— Corbinelli '^ Farigi'" 
 
 VOL. III. c 
 
IS 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [buok 1. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 19 
 
 windows (for some faint gleams of a better nature glance from 
 the worst of men and in the worst of times, as if still moved 
 by its heavenly affinities) and no bird of prey, says Gino 
 Capponi, was ever more mpid in darting on its quarry than 
 these yoimg creatures on the food thus thrown amongst them. 
 Brothers and sisters fought for ever}' piece and devoured it 
 with a ravenousness that excited general astonishment. Gino 
 ordered abundance of provisions to be supplied and crowds of 
 every rank rushed madly to the banquet ; many killed them- 
 selves by sudden repletion ; the priors, and Gambacorta him- 
 self had long lived on Unseed cakes ; there was no more grain 
 or flour, only a little sugar and cassia and three famished 
 cows in the public stores : all else was eaten, even the very 
 grass of the now desolate streets was dried and pulveiized and 
 kneaded into something resembling bread. 
 
 Gino then took possession of the pubhc palace and com- 
 menced Florentine rule ; but so mild was it and so unusual 
 in these times during the first moments of conquest when 
 horrors alone were expected, that people still remiiined in 
 doubtful and anxious apprehension until reassured by the fol- 
 lowing speech addressed in the name of Florence to an as- 
 sembly of civic authorities and the principal mhabitants of 
 
 Pisa. 
 
 *' Honourable citizens we know not whether your sins or 
 
 " our merits have induced the Almighty to bestow on us the 
 
 " lordship of this community which with vast expense and 
 
 " solicitude we have acquired; but certes by your own dissen- 
 
 " sions is this city reduced to such a condition that until Flo- 
 
 " rence hei-self be diminished and enfeebled we shall ever be 
 
 *' ready and able to overcome you ; and still we are animated 
 
 " by every desire to presene the conquest, with death and 
 
 " exterthination to all who dare oppose us. And when you 
 
 " reflect on past events, on the many times that you have 
 
 " endangered the liberty of our commonwealth, you must own 
 
 (( 
 i( 
 (( 
 (( 
 (( 
 (( 
 (( 
 
 <c 
 <( 
 
 (( 
 
 t( 
 
 (i 
 
 (( 
 
 «( 
 
 (( 
 
 (t 
 
 t( 
 
 «( 
 
 (( 
 
 (< 
 
 (( 
 
 (( 
 
 (< 
 
 <( 
 
 (( 
 
 (t 
 
 it 
 
 (( 
 
 41 
 
 that Pisa has always been the receptacle of whoever desired 
 to enter Tuscany as an enemy. With the English company 
 you stripped and flayed our country ; you plotted with the 
 Visconti of Milan and afforded them every assistance to 
 injure and subdue us ; nay, you even allowed yourselves to 
 be sold to Gian-Galeazzo and voluntarily suffered even Jus 
 tyranny for the mere pleasure of outraging Florence, and 
 thus many more offences of a like nature might be enumerated 
 but as they are well known to yourselves I will now pass 
 them over. Yet bearing such wrongs fresh in our memor}- 
 you will see that Florence could not have done less than she 
 has done Nrith a just regard to her own safety: nor can you 
 be reasonably displeased with her sway, for our magnificent 
 and illustrious seigniors have commanded that we govern 
 with justice and impartiality until others are sent to relieve 
 us, and of this you may already observe the effects ; for 
 ha\dng been conquered by a siege during which you were 
 reduced to such extremity as to be compelled either to open 
 your gates or die within tln^ee days of starvation, all of which 
 was well known to us ; we yet prefer the milder course and 
 by making a present of 50,000 florins to Giovanni Gamba- 
 corta for the delivery of your city have happily preserved it 
 from storm and plunder. By refusing any capitulation we 
 should still have had the town and om- troops the booty ; 
 which as they assert could not in justice be denied them; and 
 you have now seen that they entered more like priests than 
 soldiers, so that not the slightest outrage as for as we know, 
 has occurred to a single creature. Even we oui'selves are 
 forced to wonder that no scandal, no violence has broken out 
 amongst the multitude of soldiers here assembled, but that 
 everything has moved as calmly as a review in the streets of 
 Florence ; nay they have acted with even more circumspec- 
 tion than they would have used in that capital ; for had as 
 many fiiars thus entered, more disorders w^ould assuredly 
 
 c2 
 
20 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 14 
 
 l( 
 
 i( 
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 (( 
 (( 
 
 • » 
 
 I i, 
 
 4> 
 
 (« 
 
 t( 
 
 4( 
 
 t( 
 
 i; 
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 a 
 n 
 n 
 n 
 ib 
 i( 
 
 4k 
 
 f4 
 
 4( 
 • 4 
 t4 
 
 44 
 44 
 
 have been committed. But tlie principal oLject of my pre- 
 sent mission is to comfort you with an assm'ance from our 
 Seignory that not according to past deeds but as good and 
 repentant children you will now be leniently treated. And 
 we are further commanded to say that you and every other 
 citizen may be assured that notwithstanding any crimes, or 
 excesses, or proclamations against individuals, whatever may 
 have been the occasion, committed up to this day ; and also 
 in despite of any compact made with Giovainii Gambacorta 
 about rebels, which he wished to be ratified by public treaty, 
 and which compact cannot be justly obser\'ed as you will be 
 duly advised of; if notwithstanding these thmgs any of you 
 have suffered wrong let him come and complain, for so we 
 command ; and you will see by the result that such punish- 
 ment wUl follow as may be an example to all ; neither is 
 there an injurj^ so trilling that the gibbets which we have set 
 up in divers parts of the town, and the fetters, and the public 
 executioners that stand ready in the market-place shdl not be 
 employed agamst those who disobey our commands. And we 
 have moreover warned the captains and condottieri now pre- 
 sent, that if any of their followers infringe these laws we will 
 make them personally answerable for their people's conduct, 
 and inflict on them the same punishment as if they were 
 tliemselves the actual offenders ; therefore be of good cheer 
 and doubt nothing. Open all your shops and stores, attend 
 to your usual aflairs, trade and market securely, and have 
 confidence in our protection. You will moreover do wisely 
 to send a solemn deputation to the feet of our illustrious 
 Seignoiy with full instructions to acknowledge their authority; 
 for ^although they are already benignly disjjosed, still such a 
 proceeding will tend to confirm them ; and you can then also 
 suggest the nature of that reform now become expedient 
 hr this city, and from which great benefit will assuredly 
 arise." 
 
 CHAP. XXIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE lUSTORY. 
 
 21 
 
 When Gino had finished this firm and benevolent speech 
 which shows the character of the man and most of his illustrious 
 family, (a race of honest fame in Florentine history) and in 
 which he so keenly exposed the perfidy of Gambacorta; Messer 
 Bartolo Ciampolino of Piombino replied for his fellow-citizens in 
 an omtion somewhat too abject in many parts even for the fallen 
 condition of liis countiy ; yet interesting as an exhibition of the 
 state of misery and oppression from which conquest had just 
 relieved them. Speaking from a scriptural text, as was still the 
 custom : after acknowledging their own faults and lauding Flo- 
 rentine clemency; he declared, that if they had been previously 
 culpable their late sufferings must have weaned them from 
 former errors and taught them to look up to Florence for future 
 benefits. " She has saved our city," he continues, *' from 
 ** plunder and does not now seem disposed as many believe to 
 *' destroy but increase it as much as lies in her power, and at 
 " least under Jur rule we shall not be stai-ved or plundered as 
 " in the days of Gabriello, who from you Messer Bartolommeo 
 " da Scorno as I remember, took ^5,000 florins under threats 
 " of death if not instantly disbursed : nor, as in the time of 
 " Giovanni Gambacorta befel you Messer Gherardo di Com- 
 " pagno, who were reputed to be the most wealthy man not of 
 *' Pisa only but of all Italy ; wiio without a crime were repeat- 
 *' edly tortured to extract money from your sufferings, wliich as 
 " I believe entirely ruined you. I say nothing of the adulteries, 
 " the massacres, and other cnurmities that were committed ; I 
 " say nothing of the deatlis of our fellow-citizens, especially 
 ** of the Sacchi family in common with many others ; I say 
 " nothing of our starvation, for there is no need to tell in 
 " words what is written in our faces and in the faces of our 
 •* families ; but merely as an example I will relate what hap- 
 '* pened to Messer Bartolommeo del Scorno there before you 
 *' who is still reputed the richest citizen of Pisa ; and what 
 ** he suffered, multitudes have also suffered. Hearing, tins 
 
22 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 " vei7 morning, that every body might have bread, he sent 
 " for a portion which lie cast down before his family in the 
 " great hall where more than tliirty mouths were famish- 
 *' ing. At sight of this the children jo)iully exclaimed, ' 
 ** father, father, and shall we have dinner too!' It was 
 " because they had so little food that this new meal appeared a 
 *' miracle and they still expected a return of their fonner suf- 
 " ferings. A few days before, the said lijirtolommeo had pur- 
 *' chased a quarter of a bushel of wheat of eighteen pounds for 
 *' eighteen broad florins* nor could he get a grain more for his 
 " money : so that we ought to thank the most high God who 
 " has snatched us from such miseiy and given us just and 
 " merciful rulei-s under whose equitable govenmient we may 
 " now hope for some tranquillity"!. 
 
 A parliament wtis next assembled and twenty ambassadors 
 immediately despatched to Florence; they were followed by 
 Gambacorta and two hundred citizens of note all of whom were 
 unexpectedly retained as hostages for two years until a new 
 citadel was erected. Gino Cappoiii who had gained golden 
 opinions through his uncommon vigilance and integiity, durected 
 as it was by great talents and softened by more humanity than 
 was then common in the treatment of enemies, became the first 
 governor of Pisa; and thus was the October of UOO rendered 
 famous in Florentine stor}^ by the lamentable fall of an ancient 
 rival and sometime friend, the willing host of every enemy and 
 a detested yet indispensable neighbour ;. Anxiety now ceased 
 in Florence ; an extended domain was added to the republican 
 territory ; a sea-port secured for tmde ; stronger protection for 
 
 * It appears by this that the Pi«an 
 Staio or bushel of wheat weighed 
 72 lbs. Troy, when that of Florence 
 \ra8 but 52 lbs. The Fiorino largo or 
 broad florin was about ^ more than tlie 
 Fiorino di Suggello, or sealed florin for 
 trading. (Vide F'umno d'Oro Illus- 
 trator cap. xviii,, p. 231.) 
 
 t Gino Capponi, Comment., p. 274. 
 :}: The cost of this enterjuise was from 
 first to last so great that Corio tells us 
 the Florentines called Pisa, in allusion 
 to their public stocks — ^* Jl Monte 
 delta Paurar " The Mount of Ter- 
 ror." (Parte iv% p. 295.) 
 
 CHAP. XXIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 23 
 
 friends, and a new and distant barrier against enemies. Solemn 
 rehgious processions and public rejoicings followed this grand 
 catastrophe ; the sacred picture of Madonna dell' Impnmeta 
 was earned in pomp to Florence ; the nation bowed before it, 
 and the ninth of October was set apart for ever as a day of 
 universal festivity to commemorate so important a conquest*. 
 
 It was not so in Pisa : there it is tme, hunger and physical 
 sufferings were mitigated or removed; " but a wounded spirit 
 who can bear?" Many noble families after the loss of freedom 
 with five hundred years of independence and accumulated 
 glory disdained both ease and safety ! They saw the mournful 
 shadows of past ages glide before them and wave a long adieu 
 to the scenes of departed greatness ! Pisa the free and flourish- 
 ing had been their beloved country ; Pisa the slave of Florence 
 became hateful ; their former tvrants, however odious, were 
 their own ; their present mlers, however merciful, were their 
 most detested enemies, and worse ; their conquerors ! Even 
 the redeeming attribute of mercy did not long survive to 
 soften the horrors of subjection f, and numbers emigrated to 
 other climes or followed the career of arms, in which they 
 could still lift the sword and spear against their country's 
 
 * Gino Capponi, Commcntari, p. 26J), 
 &c., and jiif^^ffii' — Poggio Bracciolini, 
 Stor. Fior., Lib. iv., p. lOU, \( ^ — 
 S. Ammirato, Storia, Lib. xvii., p. 
 925, &c*. — Domen. Buoninsegni, Lib. 
 iv., p. 797. — Tronci, Annali Pisani, 
 vol. iv., which finishes his Annals. — 
 Gio. di Ser Piero, Capitolo vi. 
 f By a letter dated 14tli .Taniiary, 
 1431, from the Balia of the Ten of War 
 to Averardo do' Medici, then Floren- 
 tine commissary in Pisa, we learn the 
 spirit in which this poor city was treated 
 by Florence. — " Here it is held by all 
 that the principal and most active sys- 
 tem that can be reconmiended for tlie 
 security of that city (Pisa), would be 
 to empty it of citizens and other Pisan 
 
 inhabitants ; and we have so many 
 times written about this to the Captain 
 of tlie People there that we are tired. 
 His last reply to us was, that the men- 
 at-arms prevented him, for he was not 
 in favour with their captain. We will 
 tluit thou dost now support him and be- 
 come acquainted with everything ; and 
 let your means be by the use of every 
 harshness {asprezza) and every cruelty, 
 for we know that every other medicine 
 will come to little. They (the Floren- 
 tiiti cs) have confidence in and encourage 
 thee to be very quick in execution ; 
 for anything more grateful to this peo- 
 ])le could not be accomplished." — 
 (Fahroni, Mafpii Cosmi Medicei Vita, 
 vol. ii'\ p. 8, 4° Ed.) 
 
24 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 foes>:=. Thenceforth the name of Pisa, except for one short, 
 eventful and glorious moment, appears no more in Tuscan 
 history except as a subject province. 
 
 During the last centuiy Florence had generally fought for 
 freedom, independence, and the Inilance of Italian power; hut 
 since Gian-Galeazzo's death for aggrandisement alone : neither 
 the war of Lucca nor that in which Arezzo fell were begun for 
 the nobler ol>ject, and peace might have well been made at 
 Visconte's death. Great anxietv was now removed, and the 
 value of property and public credit were rapidly and wonder- 
 fullv aujnnented, accordinj^ to Dati, full one-fourth, bv the in- 
 creased facility of trade and general security : but further than 
 this it may be doubted whether any real permanent and 
 politiciU strength were gained by the annexation of a feverish 
 weak and uncongenial state which, like those birds that die 
 of vexation when encaged, never could adjust its shoulders 
 to the yoke and shook it off on the first favoural)le oppor- 
 tunity f. When Gherardo d'Appiano refusing all Floren- 
 tuae advances sold Pisa to the Duke of ]\Iilan in 1399 for 
 300,000 florins, the inhabitants rejoiced in the act through 
 sheer enmity to Florence which they fully expected would soon 
 fall under that princes dominion, and Lucca, Siena, and almost 
 all her Tuscan neighbours joined in this feeling against her 
 and of amity with Visconte ; some because they liked what 
 was supposed to be the winning side ; but most from jealousy 
 and hatred of Florentine wealth and ascendancy. How a few 
 fleeting years had changed everything but enmity ! Visconte 
 was no more ; his dominions were ruined, his people butchered, 
 his revenues plundered, his sons despoiled, his armies defeated, 
 his generals faithless, his friends fidse, and his cliildren's 
 inheritance, which cost so much blood and crime, clutched by 
 a set of powerful and remorseless rufifians ! Lucca was a 
 cypher ; Siena humbled ; and Pisa, the once mighty Pisa ! the 
 
 ■ Sismondi, vol. vi., cap. Ix. 
 
 f Goro Dati, Storia <li Fircnxe, p. 131. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 25 
 
 focus of hate and war ! was now the vanquished thrall of that 
 very people whose ruin she then so intensely coveted ! The 
 wheel of fortune had changed, and its downward turn had 
 brought adverse points into new and singular opposition. 
 
 Florence after this effort would willingly have reposed ; she 
 required leisure to consolidate her newly-acquired dominion 
 and lost no time in regulating the civil and military occupation 
 of the countiy, but long rest was denied her. Fifteen hun- 
 dred lances composed the garrison of Pisa ; troops were distri- 
 buted throughout tbe territory ; a l)oard of ten commissioners 
 was ordered to superintend the rebuilding of the ancient citadel 
 as well as all other fortifications necessarv throughout the 
 Pisan state. Governors were distributed over the land with 
 extensive and unusual authority and a Florentince prelate of 
 the Adimari family became archbishop of the conquered city. 
 Thus was completed the subjugation of this ancient and once 
 powerful commonwealth. l)y the valour of her arms she had 
 in early times conquered both Corsica and Sardinia from the 
 Saracens ; she had been long mistress of Elba and the Tuscan 
 Sea; had spread her commerce for and wide, and possessed 
 vast power and influence in the Levant especially at Acre, in 
 those days a city of great wealth and importance ; but, after 
 repeated victories over Genoa, fortune at length failed and the 
 fatal battle of Meloria ultimately crushed her as a nation. 
 
 Florence was soon engaged in fresh troubles, and during the 
 siege of Pisa had also tlie misfortune to lose one of her most 
 useful and distinguished ministers in the celebrated Coluccio 
 Salutati ; he died on the fourth of i\Iay and was interred with 
 great magnificence at the pubhc charge, but whether crowned 
 or not with the laurel wreath as intended is now uncertain. 
 As a powerful organ of the public voice he was invaluable and 
 his classic pen would have materidly assisted all subsequent 
 negotiations *. 
 
 Boninsegni, Historie Fiorent, Lib. iv., p. 798. 
 
26 
 
 FLORENTOsE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 A.D. 1407. 
 
 The schism, which commenced with Pope Urbau VI. in 1 Ji78, 
 still divided the church notwithstanding every effort to unite 
 antagonist interests : the death of Boniface IX. in 1 404 
 had abruptly broken off negotiations with Benedict 
 XIII. a cunning and ambitious churchman, who however found 
 his equals in most of the legitimate pontics. Various and succes- 
 sive attempts had long been making to reconcile the church Antli 
 itself both by kings and commonwealths ; and even some cardi- 
 nals of both courts exerted themselves to heal the wound, but all 
 in vain because the promises made in conclave were forgotten on 
 the throne and a popedom once grasped was not so easily relin- 
 quished. Innocent VII. succeeded Boniface IX. in 140 4 and for 
 a while remained quiet at Bome and \villing to continue so, 
 but showed no signs of exerting himself to heal the schism 
 much less of abdicating for a purjiose so holy ; he had mischiev- 
 ous relations too, and the Romans became impatient angry and 
 ready for sedition. They were encouraged by Giovanni Colonna 
 and King Ladislaus of Naples, a young imscmpulous and 
 ambitious monarch whose eye was fixed on Bome as a certain 
 conquest : tumults soon began ; treacher}-, murder, and pro- 
 miscuous slaughters as usual stained the scene, and Pope 
 Innocent ultimately fled for safety to Viterbo. Ladislaus made 
 an attempt on Rome and occupied the castle of Saint Angelo ; 
 Innocent soon after returned, made his peace with the king 
 and died on the sixth of November 1400. Gregoiy XI I. suc- 
 ceeded, with long promises and short performance as regarded 
 the schism, yet so animated a correspondence was maintained 
 between the rival priests that for some time the world began to 
 hope, and was deceived =5=. 
 
 Savona was named as a meeting-place but this was sulise- 
 quently changed ; Gregory proceeded to Siena, and 
 even to Lucca in 1408; Benedict to Savona, Spezia 
 and Protovenere ; both then halted : one would not stir from 
 
 A.D. 1408. 
 
 * Muratori, Annali, Anni 1405, 140G, 1407 
 
 CHAP. XXIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 27 
 
 dry land, the other would not quit the water, and neither 
 were sincere. Pietra Santa, Carrara, Lavenza, Motrone, Leg- 
 horn and Pisa were successively proposed for a conference ; 
 but the object of both pontiffs was deceit, not reconciliation ; 
 for this both must have abdicated, and neither was disposed 
 to such humility. Benedict was the more active : with the 
 help of Boucicault he despatched eleven galleys to surprise 
 Rome but Ladislaus had already occupied that city on the 
 sixteenth of April 1408 *. It was a decisive stroke and dealt, 
 as is supposed, with Gregoiy 's concurrence on purpose to 
 disturb the negotiations : besides which he wanted to make a 
 promotion of cardinals, against his promise, and this alarmed 
 the college as it proved his insincerity about resigning the 
 tiara, if required for the church's welfare. The measure was 
 strongly opposed ; seven cardinals disgusted with his conduct 
 withdrew from court and retired to Pisa ; they were coun- 
 tenanced by Florence and finally appealed to a futui-e pope and 
 a general council. This rendered Gregoiy uneasy at Lucca ; 
 he wrote to Ladislaus for an escort of Neapolitan troops and the 
 latter glad to prevent the council l)y gaining a militaiy footing 
 in Tuscany demanded safe conduct from Florence for seven 
 hundred lances and provision for himself and soldiers. The 
 Seignoiy was alarmed ; ambassadors were sent to Rome, and the 
 request was finally refused : Ladislaus gave them their choice, 
 either to comply, or manage so that the pope should withdraw 
 his requisition which he as a feudator}^ of the church was 
 bound to obey; or else expect two thousand hostile lances 
 and fifteen hundred inlantry before the gates of Florence. 
 He then departed for Naples while the Florentines made 
 an arrangement with Gregory wliich relieved them from 
 this dilemma: and the Pope quitted Lucca under their 
 escort on the fourteenth of July; on the seventeenth he 
 
 • Buoninscjrni, Stori.a, Lib. iv., p. xxiv., cap. vi., p. 322. — Scip. Ammi- 
 807. — Giannone, Storia Civile, Lib. rato, Lib. xvii., p. 941. 
 
28 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 reached Siena where thinking himself safe from the rebellious 
 cardinals the Florentine guard was dismissed and the court 
 established *. 
 
 Florence meanwhile allowed a conference to be held at Pisa 
 where several cardinals of both parties had ;d ready assembled, 
 and urged Gregory to fulfil the oath he had so solemnly taken 
 to reunite the church, by now attendinij the council at Pisa. 
 But the pontiff was intlexible and his antagonist equally angry, 
 for both now saw themselves forsaken by many cardinals who 
 wished to close the schism, wherefore both inmiediately filled 
 up the vacancies thus occasioned. 
 
 The Pisan council on the contrary wrote to every Christian 
 court complaining that the pontiffs wished to continue the 
 schism and simultaneously uri^ed both the latter to resign as 
 they had promised previous to their assumption f . 
 
 The two popes on the other hand wanicd all Christian 
 potentates against attending to the cardinals at Pisa, and Gre- 
 gory tired of these repeated exhortations removed to Rimini, 
 for Bologna had been wrested from him by Cardinal Cossa 
 who also offered aid to Florence against Ladislaus, to whom 
 the former had already sold the Romans \ 
 
 In this state of affairs each pontiff strove to justify his own 
 conduct and blame his rival : Gregory summoned a general 
 coimcil at Aquileja or at Rimini ; Benedict another near 
 Peq)ignan, and the discontented cardinals a third at Pisa. 
 To the latter King Ladislaus was by a joint embassy from 
 Florence and the cardinals urged to send the Neapolitan 
 prelates, but having already purchased Rome, Boloj^iui, I'aenza, 
 Forli, and Perugia as far as Pope Gregory s power over them 
 
 * Muratori, Annali 1408. — S. Amnii- 
 rato, Lib, xvii., p. 94.'i. — Giiseppe M. 
 MecattijStoria Cronologica di Fironzc, 
 vol. i., p. 350. — Poggio, Lib. iv., p. 
 119. 
 
 + Giannonc, Storia Civile di Napoli, 
 
 Lib. xxiv., cap. vi., j), .330. 
 
 X Muratori, An. 1408. — Poggio, Lib. 
 
 iv., p. 120. — Ammirato, Lib. xvii., p. 
 
 944. 
 
 tlUP. XXIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 29 
 
 extended, liis policy was to maintain that pontiffs authority at 
 all hazards, not only on this account but because he had a 
 formidable rival for the throne of Naples itself in young Louis 
 of Anjou whose father w^as the rightful heir of that monarchy 
 by Queen Giovanna s testament *. 
 
 The Florentines in concert with Boucicault governor of 
 Genoa had determined to withdraw their obedience 
 from Pope Gregoiy X\l. if he did not fulfil his ^^•^'- ^^^^• 
 inaugural engagement by tiying everything, even to abdication 
 for the purjwse of uniting the church: but as this was a 
 serious enterprise the Seignory assembled a pariiament and 
 receiving plenary power from the people to act according to 
 their discretion, proceeded with great solenniity. A meetmg 
 was summoned of all the doctors in civil and canon law ; all 
 the theologists, abl.ots, priors, and eveiy other learned civilian 
 of Florence to the number of one hundred and twenty, for the 
 due consideration of this question ; and after three days' dis- 
 cussion Gregory was pronounced heretical and schismatic; and 
 as an enemy and corrupter of the Chiistiaii faith well worthy 
 of being deposed. 
 
 Thus saucti(»ned the Seignoiy sent one more invitation to 
 implore his presence at the council of Pisa and on his refusal 
 formally withdrew their obedience and allowed the cardinals 
 to open that asseinbly on the ^!5th of Februaiy UOl) f. Tluis 
 also ended their friendship ^vith Ladislaus, but this had lon^^ 
 been waning, for his ambition was too dangerous, his objects 
 the conquest of Italy and the acquisition of the empire; he had 
 already taken " Aut desar aiit nihil " as his motto, with the 
 lofty-sounding title of King of Rome which neither Goth, 
 Loml>ard, nor Frank from fear or reverence of the Eastern 
 emperors had ever ventured to assume. His game was to 
 keep the church weak by discord and division while he made 
 
 * Giannonc, Lib. xxiv., cap. vi. — S. f S. Ammirato, Storia, Lib. xvii., p. 
 Ammirato, Lib. xvii., p. 94G. 945. 
 
30 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [hook I. 
 
 GrejTory a convenient instmment of ambition. Ambassadors 
 were sent to him by the Florentines to ascertain his wishes 
 which were briefly given ; that they shouhl join liim, drive 
 the cardinals from their territory and break up the council : 
 all these, being against their own interest and for the mani- 
 fest aggrandisement of Ladislaus, were promptly refused and 
 they were made more confident from an expectation that any 
 new pope would instantly attempt to recover the church pro- 
 perty which Gregoiy had so milawfully sold, and thus augment 
 their power of resistance *. 
 
 Ladislaus became enraged at this short and resolute answer 
 but was tirmlv withstood bv Bartolonnneo Valori who told him 
 that up to that time the Florentines had defended their liberty 
 against many emperors and tyrants who had done their utmost 
 to reduce them to slavery ; nor had they alone defended but 
 increased their dominion and power, wherefore they would in 
 the present instance follow that coui-se which was deemed most 
 useful and would defend themselves with at least as much 
 vigour as they were attacked ; perhaps a little more. On this 
 Ladislaus became more violent, and demanded, " With what 
 troops they could oppose him seeing that he had already en- 
 gaged most of the Italian generals ? " " With yours " rejoined 
 Valori boldly ; and by these words left a strong impression 
 of fear on tlie king's mind lest he should be deserted by liis 
 captains, which in fact was subsequently realised f . 
 
 This resolute aspect however indicated no diminished alarm 
 in Florence, which had but three hundred and ninety-six lances 
 m pay, half of whom were despatched to Siena and a close 
 alliance concluded with Cardinal Cossa legate of Bologna: 
 two ambassadors were sent to confirm Siena in her faith, and 
 with two more from that state repaired to the royal camp 
 
 * Muratori Annali, Anno 1409. — 
 Pietro Giannone, Istoria Civile di Na- 
 polij Lib. xxiv., cap. vi., p. 332. — Pog- 
 
 gio Brace! olini. Lib. iv., p. 12L — Sis- 
 
 mondi, vol. vi., cup. Ixi. 
 
 -f" Poggio Braccioliiii, Lib. iv., p. 120. 
 
 CHAI-. XXIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 31 
 
 near the river Paglia northward of Aquapendente. This of 
 coui-se was a vain effort to turn aside the storm nor did the 
 kings embassies to Siena and Florence produce more peaceful 
 consequences : the fomier was ravaged up to its very gates, but 
 held finn and thus saved Florence ; several towns were then 
 unsuccessfully attacked and a sudden attempt was finally made 
 on Arezzo ; yet all remained laithful although the king's army 
 amounted to between fourteen and eighteen thousand men 
 besides a strong squadron wliich alarmed the coast, and every 
 preparation was made for vigorous war. Malatesta of Pesaro 
 the Florentine general had arrived near Arezzo with a large 
 body of troops, and Ladislaus it does not appear why, moved 
 on towards Cortona ravaging the country without any serious 
 attempt, so that he was called in derision ''Be Guastagrano'' 
 or - Kwg Spoil the Com ;" but he finally got possession of 
 Cortona by treachery on the thirtieth of June*. Meanwhile 
 the Pisan council consisting of twenty-four cardinals, three 
 patriarchs, a hundred and eighty l)ishops and archbishops, 
 more than three hundred abbots, two hundred and eighty-two 
 masters in tlleolog)^ with a multitude of ambassadors from 
 various Christian states, condemned Gregory XII. and Bene- 
 dict XIII. to the llanies as schismatics and heretics, and on 
 the twenty-sixth of June proclaimed Piero di Candia as the 
 only true Vicar of Christ and Pontiff of God's Church under 
 the name of Alexander the Fifth. This gave great alarm to 
 Ladislaus who feared what afterwards occurred, a union of 
 the new pope and the Florenthies ; nor was his alarm diminished 
 by the intelligence of a fresh league between them, the legate 
 of Bologna, Siena, and his rival the young duke of Anjou, 
 whose ambassadors were then at Pisa, by which a large force was 
 to be moved both by land and sea against him. The two other 
 popes also held their councils and were each acknowledged by 
 many states of Christendom so that three adverse pontiffs all 
 
 ♦ Jacopo Salviati, Cronaca,pp. 313, 314, 315, &c*. 
 
32 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHIP. XXiX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 Vicars of Christ and all iufiillille, vet each denouncinf^ the 
 others as schismatic and heretical, shocked while they ruled 
 the Christian world-. 
 
 The Florentines having again failed in an attempted recon- 
 ciliation with Ladislaus through the mediation of Venice, 
 hurried on the Duke of Anjous prej^arations and soon saw 
 that prince arrive with five galleys and live or six hundred 
 lances at Pisa, where he was immediately acknowledged hy 
 the pope as Khig of Sicily and Jerusalem, and created Gonia- 
 lonier of the Church : the league Avith Cardinal Cossa was at 
 the same time confirmed by Alexander; and a confederate 
 army, the hulk of which was Florentine, of about thirteen 
 thousand men of all anns commanded by IMalateski di Pesaro, 
 Sforza, and Braccio da ^lontone, prepared to march against 
 Ptome in different directions f. Ladislaus after distributing 
 his troops throughout Tuscany, La Marca, and other places in 
 tlie ecclesiastical states, had returned home to make fresh pre- 
 pai^ations against this fomiidable array, mn- was he, though 
 scoffed for his Tuscan exploits, at all to be despised ; he had 
 the reputation of an able and experienced captain; brave, 
 fierce, and resolute; patient and vigilant; des|>ising fatigue 
 and danger, and deeply imbued with the love of military glorj\ 
 He had subdued his own rebellious barons and enlarged his 
 state, and checked at no means for this; whether bv the 
 sale of royal lands or offices, or titles of nobility; not excepting 
 that of knighthood which he contemned ; or of forced con- 
 tributions ; and even on the slightest suspicion, the seizure 
 of his subjects* property : and thus he accumulated money for 
 his enterprises : besides this he was faithless, irreligious, libidi- 
 nous, and barltarously cruel ; yet could repress eveiy j)assion at 
 the voice of pohcy. Tii'ed of his wife the beautiful and virtuous 
 
 • Muratori, Anno 1409.— Giannonc, f Jturopo Salviati, Crouaca, pp. 315, 
 Lib. xxiv., cap. vi. — S. Ammirato, 3*21. 
 Storia Fior., Lib. xvii., p. 949. 
 
 33 
 
 Constance of Chiaramonte he secretly procured a divorce from 
 Gregory XII. and harl the cruelty to cause the first intimation 
 of It to reach her from the pulj.it in face of an astonished and 
 mdignant congregation. He then approached the unhapin- 
 queen, publicly took the marriage ring from her finger, confined 
 her in a convent, and subsequently gave her in marriage to 
 Andrea di Capua son of the Count of Altavilla. She had borne 
 her misfortunes with exemplary dignity and virtue but never 
 would acknowledge tlie div(.rce, and when on horseback and 
 about to depart for Capua after the marriage ceremony she 
 turned to Andrea and in presenco of an immense multitude of 
 nobles and people assembled to do her honour, said aloud 
 " Amhra ch Capua, thnu >n<'yrst hnhUhy.elf the nw.t fortunate 
 - geutleuuui vf this khuvhnu siuce thou hast for th,/ ^concubine 
 *' the legitimate ui/e of Kiu,, Ladislaus thy hnir 
 
 Such was the enemy that Florentines had now to combat 
 Iheir anny soon assembled near .Monte Pulciano to the num- 
 ber of ab.,ut nine thousand horse, and on the eighteenth of 
 September were before ( )n ieto, Jacopo Salviate and Veri Gua- 
 dagni being the commissaries; for although the army ;vas 
 nommally confederate the givater part was paid bv Florence at 
 the rate of about •:>«>,(i(i(i florins a month ^. The Conte di Tro'ia 
 who commanded for Ladislaus seeing this formidable movement 
 assembled all his f-r.-es and maivhed to the defence of Rome 
 while the allies were detained before Orvieto negotiatin^r for 
 provisions, to procure which they were forced to engage Paulo 
 Orsini who commanded in Rome for Ladislaus, with six hun- 
 dred lances besides inf\intry, at fourteen florins and a third for 
 each lance monthly, and i>aying for sixty more than he was 
 obliged to supiJy, his own salary being 000 florins a month. 
 After this Urvieto submitted to the church ; Monte Fiascone 
 
 l^itr'T^'^r"''^ ^^' V?''^-'- ^- ^■'^''''''^ I'- '"^-^--S. Ammimto, Lib. 
 J51,&c.— I'letroGiannoncLib. xxiv., xviii., p. 953. 
 
 «ap. V. and viii., pp. 31 7-352.-— Jacopo 
 VOL. III. D 
 
34 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [buuk 1. 
 
 CHAP, XXIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 followed and Viterbo opened its gates ; at Rome Orsini joined 
 the allies and with Bmccio da Montone entered that city by 
 Borgo San Piero followed by all the amiy, but could not suc- 
 ceed in forcing the bridge of Saint Angelo which was strongly 
 fortified and gallantly defended. Ladislaus had more than 
 four thousand horse in Rome and the peo[de headed by Colonna 
 were against the allies from hatred to Paulo Orsini, so that 
 Malatesta after some delay and a slight Init unsuccessful change 
 in his opemtions put the troops uito winter quarters, and Louis 
 returning to France the campaign finished, but after an expense 
 to the republic of 400,000 florins in seven months besides the 
 capture of -200,000 florins' worth of Florentine merchandise 
 by the enemy's cruisers •-. -Malatesta however who remained 
 in the Campagna with the Florentines was far from idle either 
 as a general or negotiator and succeeded in bribing a Roman 
 citizen of some distinction, called Lello Xeru-io, to commence 
 a tumult at a time agreed upon when he would be supjwrted by 
 Paulo Orsini, who still held the Rorgo and castle of Stiint 
 Anf^elo, on one side; and bv the Florentine army on the other : 
 (jiano Colonna and the Conte di Troia became suspicious ol 
 the plot and Malatesta withdrew to lull them : the former 
 attacked Orsuii with all their force and were repulsed ; on which 
 Nello offered in the name of the people to deliver Rome into 
 the hands of the latter and so alarmed the Neapolitan that 
 both he and Colonna evacuated the city. The people then 
 unanimously declared for Pope Alexander, tore down the arms 
 of Gregoiy and Ladislaus, and retunied to tlieir allegiance on 
 tlie last day of December 1400. IMalatesta appeared on the 
 first of January and after some parl(\v was allowed to 
 enter with his whole army, and the Florentine lily for 
 the first time was seen triumphantly floating on the Forum ot 
 ancient Romef. 
 
 * Jacopo Salviii'.i, Cronaca,pp 317, 31 P>, &r.— S. Ammirato, Lib. xviii.,p. 954. 
 
 -j- Ammirato, Storia, Lib. xviii., p. 935. 
 
 35 
 
 A.D. 1410. 
 
 This caused as great rejoicing at Florence as grief to 
 Laiskus, for it was followed by the mpid submission of 
 Ostia, Tivoh, and the neighbouring towns as well as of all the 
 Roman barons except Colonna and his family. The kin-r sent 
 ambassadors to negotiate a peace but the Florentine conditions 
 were too hard : Alexander V. was now at Pistoia beset by the 
 Florentines on one side to move at once towards Home and 
 by Cossa on the other to repair to Bologna and first tranquiUise 
 Eomagna: the latter succeeded ; Alexander went to BoW„a 
 
 theXV f T'''"'l '"" ''"^""' "'" *^'^^" "'• -d died on 
 the t u d of May with srrong suspicions of having been poi- 
 
 soned by Cardma Cossa who succeeded him under the name 
 01 (jiovanni XXIII. *. 
 
 This pope being a bitter enemy of Ladislaus joined heartily 
 
 n. the war, and Lou.s of Anjou arruing soon after with a strong 
 
 quadron of galleys which acted against tlie now combined 
 
 ZT. 1 Tt ''"^J'f''' '''' -- -- renewed mher omi- 
 noush by a defeat of the Provencal squadron f. In a short 
 time money began to fail, Louis was forced to borrow from the 
 Fpeand l-lorence; Sfor^a became suspected, and the other 
 oaptams mactive for want of pay; so that Salviati and Buon- 
 accorso Put. were sent to arrange matters and finally succeeded 
 m enabling the Duke of Anjou to leave Siena and proceed to 
 Kome where he began his preparations for an invasion of 
 Aaples. 
 
 In the meantime Ladislaus became more alarmed and Flo- 
 rence less able to suppoit the war ; overtures of peace were 
 made by the former and accepted : the treaty was completed on 
 the seventh of January Mil, by which Ladislaus re- 
 nounced all interference with Rome or the states ^•^•^^"• 
 north of it except Perugia which he still held ; Cortona, Pierli 
 and Mercatale were to be sold to Florence for 60,000 florins' 
 
 * Muratori, Anno 1410. Platina calls xviii., p. 05G 
 
 him John XX1L~S. Ammirato, Lib. f Jacopo Sahiati, Cronaca, p. 339. 
 
36 
 
 FLOREN'nNE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 and her captured merchandise restored. These were the 
 principal conditions but they were still to remain inoperative 
 until the term of the Florenthie league with Louis of Anjou 
 had expired. The latter finding himself without money or 
 support had retired to Prato and though used as a tool by the 
 Florentines acquiesced with a good grace and made his mind 
 up to the consequence, after which he joined the pontiff at 
 
 Bologna--, 
 
 Drained and weakened by their long struggles, f<n' Florence 
 had ^rith but little intermission been almost one-and-twenty 
 vears at war, the Florentines determined to fetter their own 
 future movements as closely as human intercourse would per- 
 mit, and cause war to be at least slowly and cautiously under- 
 taken though it were ultimately inevitable. They had attempted 
 this before but present passions overcome past resolutions and 
 cases are ever occurring that apparently but delusively justify 
 a departure as well from the wisest and strictest laws as from 
 the most virtuous intentions. Under the i xisthig itrcssure a 
 decree passed all the councils that prohibited any hostilities 
 beyond the state, as well as any league or confederacy where 
 the public had no jurisdiction : also the receivnig of any state 
 or chieftain under their protection by what was called " Puicco- 
 mendazknie,'' which was in fact purchased by a species of 
 vassalage for stipulated periods ; also the acquisition of any 
 town or fortress by the community and the increase of the 
 standing army of mercenaries to more than five hundred lances 
 and fifteen hundred infantry between crossbnw-men im^Favesi 
 or heav\'-anned foot. These and many otlicr provisions already 
 made and as ofteu broken were again ((mfirraed and no 
 measure contrary to them could now be passed unless it were 
 first proposed and carried in a new council of two hundred citi- 
 zens and thence named the " Council of Tiro Ilumlred." To 
 form this council a puree was made up for each (juarter of the 
 
 * Poggio, Lil>. iv., p. 127. — S. Ammirato, Lib. xviii., p. 9G1. 
 
 37 
 
 ctty, m which was contained the names of all who had passed 
 the scrutmy or who liad been dmwn for the principal state dig- 
 nities, provided they were thirty years of age and that there 
 were not already tliree members elected of the same family * 
 
 The manner of selection was probably tliat established for 
 the pnors and Buonomini after the plague of 1348. Fifty 
 wa.xen balls were placed in the purse eacli containing a slip of 
 parcliment w.th the names of eight priors, six taken amongst 
 the unoccupied citizens and seven superior arts ; and two from 
 the fourteen inl.nior trades : besides this there was another 
 pui^e of 'S}.caola,i " or tlie loose names of those who had not 
 sufhcient votes for election to the above offices; and out of this 
 were supplied the names of any candidates that might be re- 
 quired to replace tliose that happened to have the Divieto. 
 The gonfaloniers of justice had a separate purse for each quar- 
 ter f. in this coun,il which was renewed half-yearly, only 
 those measures could be proposed that had already been dis- 
 cussed and passed by two-thirds of the SeignoiT: after havin-r 
 passed these two councils tliey were to go to the council of a 
 hundred and tl,irty-one, which was composed of the Seignon- 
 jmd colleges ; the captains of tlie Party Guelph ; the ten of 
 liberty; the six .omicillors of commerce ; the twenty-one con- 
 suls of the arts, and forty-eight other citizens. The ne.xt stage 
 was the council of the people, and finally that of the commmiity 
 before any measure relating to war became valid for execution ;. 
 Ihis law was deemcl wise : it received much praise and 
 asted a while, until again undermined and corrupted by the arts, 
 knavery, and ambition of asi)iriiig citizens. The rule of the Al- 
 bizzi faction though able and j.artially disguised, was absolute 
 to a degree quite inconsistent with liberty ; and whatever were 
 the faults of Cosimo de' ]\Iedici, in despotic acts there was little 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Storia, Lib. xriii., p. nonicnicoBoninscgni.dair Anno 1410 
 
 J. r>' ,. „ "I 14(>0. Lili, i", n. 2. — S Amminitn 
 
 t C,o„aca d, D„„.^t„ Velluti, p. 8.5. Storia, Lib. .xviii.,V %1 ^"'""'^'°' 
 + Mernone della Citta di Firenze da 
 
38 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXI\.] 
 
 FLORENTINE TITSTORY. 
 
 39 
 
 A.D. 1412. 
 
 to choose between them. In the gonfaloniership of Vannozzo 
 SeiTagli who entered on his office m November 1411, he and 
 his colleagues wishing to cai'ry a tax which both the council of 
 the people and that of the community had rejected, imprisoned 
 the members of both until through mere exhaustion they were 
 forced to pass the bill. This tax wa^s aftenvards called the 
 " Blspiacente" or the Displeasing, and SerragU's conduct as 
 Ammirato remarks was much blamed by; — '' thosir who had no 
 part in the f/ovfrnment:' At this time also either for a real 
 or supposed conspiracy the whole race of the Alberti were 
 banished and one of them decapitated as has been already 
 mentioned. Another conspiracy was also detected which cost 
 a few heads and the captivity of a priest with whose blood the 
 government was unwilling to stain its hands : a third 
 soon followed and more heads fell ; for Florence when 
 at peace without was never long quiet \nthin : but a dispute 
 with Genoa once more occupied the public attention *. The 
 discord of tliat turbulent commonwealth had driven it mider 
 French protection and Boucicault in the name of France mled 
 there for several years with a rod of iron : treating Genoa 
 almost as a conquered province until her citizens became im- 
 patient of the yoke. In 1400, this chief interfered with 
 Milanese politics and moved at the head of some soldiers 
 nominally to succour Gian-Maria Yisconte, but really to usuq) 
 the dukedom ; while thus employed Facino Cane and Theodore 
 Marquis of IMonferrato appeared bef«)re the gates of Genoa 
 from different directions, and l)Oth being at war with Boucicault 
 soon produced a revolt: the Lieutenant-* iovenior and French 
 garrison were massacred and the jMarquis of Monferrato made 
 captain of the Genoese republic with ducal power, on the sixth 
 of September 1409 f. 
 
 This led to a close alliance with Ladislaus and consequent 
 
 * Memoric dclla Citta di Fircnzc, dal f Muratori, Anno 1409. — Sismondi, 
 1410 al 14G0, Da Boninscgni, Lib. i", vol. vi., p. 130. 
 p. 4. 
 
 hostility to Ilorence and the Duke of Anjou, nor did peace 
 with the first reestablish tranquillity : much Florentine mer- 
 chandise had been captured; the Genoese were jealous of the 
 incipient maritime power of Florence ; Porto Venere, Lerici, 
 Porto Fino, and Sarezzanello had either revolted or been pur- 
 chased and in Mil placed themselves under Florentine pro- 
 tection; so that constant but petty warfare continued untH 
 April UV\, when by the pope's mediation tranquilhty was 
 restored *. While these disputes were warm from commercial 
 jealousy the unfortunate nation whose spoils had occasioned 
 them was fast melting away ; Pisa was already so de- 
 populated that in the beginning of 1413 an act ap- ^'^' "^^* 
 peared for encouraging strangers to settle there by several 
 exemptions and privileges, and other encouragements of a 
 smiilar nature were offered to attract agricultural labourers 
 back to the Florentine territory which still writhed under the 
 effects of war f . 
 
 Urged both by Anjuu and the Romans, Pope John XXIII. 
 and that prince repaired unwillingly to Rome in March 1411. 
 Louis had assembled a strong army of ill-paid and therefore 
 discontented veterans, but able for any enterprise ; and no time 
 was lost in leading them against LadisLms whom he attacked 
 and defeated witli great slaughter at Ponte Corvo. Had this 
 blow been ably followed up l)oth king and kingdom would have 
 fallen ; but the interest of Italian condottieri was not peace, 
 and if at any time they haply found tliemselves sui-prised into 
 a victoiy it was seldom made more use of than to ransom pri- 
 soners or let them go without, according to former intimacy or 
 rivdn- ; for to-day they miglit be lighting side by side, to- 
 niorrow in adverse ranks, and again be friends and comrades 
 without any consequent dishonour ; as they engaged for short 
 periods and had no party. Delays and excuses were now made 
 
 * D. Boninscgni, Mem. della Citta f S. Ammirato, Stor.. Lib. xnii d 
 ai Fircnzc, Lib. i", p. 6. 965.— Mecatti, vol. i., p. 356^ ' 
 
40 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 by Anjou's captains until Ladislaus having mnsomed most of 
 his troops appeared again in arms and saved his kingdom. 
 " The first day," said he, " l>oth life juul kingdom were in 
 "jeopardy; the second, only my kin_i:fdom, and the third 
 '* neither." Anjou thus baffled retired in disgust to Rome 
 whence in August 1411 he proceeded to Pisa and thence to 
 France, where he died in 1417 without again seeing Italy. 
 Meanwhile Bologna t(5ok advantage of the })o])('*s n])sence to 
 recover its libertv, which hv the mediation of Morence, without 
 entirelv renounciuj' everv allegiance to the church it for a while 
 presened ''-. 
 
 Difficulties now accumulated on the pontiff, who found him- 
 self alone with a fierce enemy in front, rebellion in his rear, 
 and all the apprehensions of a general council, which was a con- 
 dition of his election, hanging over his hoiul. Thus circum- 
 stanced and eager for revenge on IViulo Orsini whom he 
 considered as the real cause of his ill su* ..>> against Ladislaus, 
 he bought a peace and the expulsion of Pope Gregory with the 
 adhesion of the Neapolitan derg}' for 1(Mi.(M)0 florins, and dis- 
 missing Oi^sini to his estates hi La Marc a >ecretly gave notice 
 to Ladislaus that this man's removal would not be displeashig. 
 The treaty was signe«l in June 1 4 1 '-i, but did not last ; for Ladis- 
 laus feaiiiig the pope's intrigues to l)nng the emperor to Rome 
 for the purj^ose of crushing him, lost no time in sending Sforza 
 against Orsini, while he prepared to follow with an army ap- 
 parently to support the former, but turning suddenly on Rome 
 while his flotilla occupied the Tiber hi vested that city in May 
 1413. After a feeble resistiuice the town surrendered and 
 Pope Giovanni retired in alarm towards Florence f . 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Stor., Lib. xviii., p. 
 962. — Giannonc, Lib. xxiv., cap. vii. 
 — Sismondi, cap. Ixi., vol. vi., p. 1.32. 
 — Salviati, p. 357. — S. Ammirato, 
 Lib. x>-iii., p. 963. 
 
 f Giaiinone (Lib. xxiv., cap. viii.) says 
 that the pope left Rome before the 
 
 attack of liailislaiis but I have followed 
 all the otlicr autliors coteinjioi-arv and 
 subsequent. Amongst them Buon. 
 Pitti. Cronaca, p. 96. — Muraton, Anno 
 1412. — Sismondi, vol. vi., p. 136. — 
 Pofrpio, Lib. iv.. J). 129 — S. Ammi- 
 rato, Storia, Lib. .wiii., p. 967. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 41 
 
 Ladislaus had made peace but not friends with the Floren- 
 tines ; his object was to frighten them into a league with him, 
 wherefore one of his first acts was to seize all Florentine 
 property in Rome and promise the future plunder of tlieir city 
 itself to his soldiers. The Seignoiy on hearing this immediately 
 formed a new war council of Ten in which we see the names of 
 Giovanni de' Medici and Xicolo d' IV.zano, and reengaged 
 Malatesta of Pesaro, who had already proved himself so able a 
 captain, for their general. ]\Iany feudal barons alarmed at the 
 progress of Ladislaus claimed protection from Florence which 
 though prepared f(jr war endeavoured by a special embassy, by 
 refusing the pope an asylum within her walls, and in everj^ 
 other manner to i)revent it : the pontiff was lodged in one of the 
 episcopal villas, did not even enter the city for several months, 
 and departed in November for Bologna which another revolution 
 had again brought under his jurisdiction in September 14P^ *. 
 While these negotiations were in progress Ladislaus mastered 
 all the ecclesiastical cities and stretchfd his conquests along 
 tlie confines of Florence and Siena without however violating 
 their territory ; he nearly succeeded in securing the services 
 of Nicolas d"Este and made him his fronfalonier bevond the 
 Apennines but was batlied by I'lorence and the Emperor Sigis- 
 mond, whose joint remonstrance induced Nicolas to return the 
 royal gonfalon and join the church. Early in 1414 Ladislaus 
 assembled ;i large army by e^ ery sort of injustice and 
 persecution ; by sales of titles, oiiices, confiscation, and 
 all the various expedients of oppressive governments, and then 
 mtirched witli a threatening countenance towards Florence. 
 The Seignory nevertheless persisted in tlieir negotiations and 
 finally succeeded in concluding a peace at his camp near Assisi 
 on the twenty-second of June 1414, much to the popular 
 discontent, for suspicion and fear had full possession of the 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Storia, Lib. xviii., p. Muratori, Anno 1412 and 1413. — B. 
 968. — Sismondi, vol. vi., p. 138. — Pitti, Cronaca, p. 97. 
 
 A.D. 1414. 
 
43 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 public mind and although Ladislaus was not without his friends 
 the pope had a strong and influential party in the common- 
 wealth. An earthquake of some strength about this jjeriod 
 shook the city and with it the supei-stitious minds of tlie people, 
 who were foreboding nothing but misfortunes when intelligence 
 anived that Ladislaus had been taken ill at Perugia and was 
 carried back to Rome ; thence he proceeded by sea to Naples 
 and died in great agony on the sixth of August 1414*. 
 
 Giannone gives a different account of this tniiisaction and 
 asserts that Ladislaus being determined on the subjugation of 
 Florence pretended, in order to deceive that people, to tuni 
 his ai-ms in other directions and remained himself at Penigia 
 to conceal his intentions for a while and thus terrify the Tus- 
 can, Piomagnian, and Lombard towns so thoroughly as to levy 
 contributions from all. Ambassadors soon arrived from Flo- 
 rence, Siena, Bologna, and other places, and all were received 
 graciously, but the King's speech was ambi<,nious and a design 
 of passing into Lombardy was occasionally uianifested. From 
 the other cities he fimilly accepted prtscnts but continued 
 treating with Florence, and so impressed her ambassadors 
 with the notion of his hostile determination that it was said 
 they bribed a Perugian physician whose daughter was his 
 mistress to poison him through her means. The girl herself 
 was deceived by the supposition that she was communicatmg 
 a philter that would retain the King's .itlVotioiis and soon 
 expired of the same poison that destroyed Iter lover f. The 
 atrocity of a father in thus sacrificing his own daughter makes 
 us dismiss this storj- in disgust, but whether the Florentines 
 secretly caused Ladislaus to be poisoned remains in the same 
 state of uncertainty as their other alleged crimes of a similar 
 nature against the emperor Henry VI L and Gian-Galeazzo 
 
 • Muratore, Anno 1414. — Pogjrio, f Giannone, Stor. Civile di Napoli, 
 
 Lib. iv., p.^ 1 30— S. Ammirato, Lib. Lib. xxiv., raj), viii. — Angelo di Cos- 
 
 xviii., p. 971.— Sismondi, vol. vi., p. tanzo, Istoria di Napoli, vol. ii., Lib. 
 
 139. xii., p. 221. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 43 
 
 Visconte. We know that men even in the present day will 
 agree to perpetrate crimes in a body and at a distance, for 
 public pui-poses, that none of them would individually commit, 
 and how much more likely then wlien the commonwealth's 
 existence was at stake and assassination or the poisoned chalice 
 not in the worst repute. Be this as it may, these murders 
 have never been proved and the fears of Florence were now 
 ended ; but thus, says ^Lacchiavelli, and the remark is curious, 
 was death ever more favourable to her than any other of her 
 friends, and more powerfully conducive to her safety than any 
 virtue of her own -. 
 
 During this unhappy period Lombardy was a prey to every 
 species of villanv and Germany rivalled even Italy in troubles: 
 Winceslaus driven from the imperial throne still reigned in 
 Bohemia : Piobert his successor tried hard to reconcile con- 
 tending factions and almost fell a victim to the turbulence of 
 his vassal princes. Death relieved him from further vexation 
 in 1400, and his successor Sigismund warred against Venice 
 on account of Zara which that republic had bought from 
 Ladislaus ; but after vainly attempting to force a passage into 
 Italy made peace in April 141;3. He then passed quietly into 
 Lombardy during that time full of every horror ; the condot- 
 tieri unsatiated with their numerous and bloody usurpations 
 contended in arms against each other for the scraps and crumbs 
 that were still left to tlie Milanese princes ; town after town 
 was given up to plunder and suffered the most horrible tor- 
 ments from a savage and rapacious soldier}-; history, says 
 Sismondi, presents no period more calamitous than that which 
 followed the death of Giaii-Galeazzo: all that has been told 
 of the most barbarous nations is entirely surpassed in cruelty 
 by the soldiers of this period : not a spark of enthusiasm, not 
 a generous sentiment ever found access to their mind : they 
 felt no warlike passion but the desire of wealth and the licence 
 
 Maccbiavelli, Stor. Fiorcntine, Lib. iii. 
 
44 
 
 FLORENTINE IIISTORf. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 of blood. No patriotism, no party spirit, no religious zeal 
 had put anns in their hands, and no respect divine or human 
 could ever make them lay their weapons down : the people 
 exposed to their rapacity suffered so niucli the more because 
 they were more civilised ; strangers to danger, to piivation, 
 and to suffenng, people who lived in easr and train|uillity, 
 "who were acquainted with the arts and the charms of social 
 life, passed in a moment without provncatiun, without motive, 
 from opulence to the deepest poverty, li\»in a life of luxury 
 to a prison or the headsman's tixe. 
 
 Gian-Maria Visconte Duke of ]\Iilan cared only for that 
 power that indulged his taste for blood : full of the most infer- 
 nal propensities he became himself the public executioner and 
 in fiendish revelry hunted with hounds and tore to pieces the 
 criminals within his reach. His huntsman and chief favourite 
 " Squarvia G'namo" by name, trained the dogs and fed them 
 on human flesh expressly for this purpose, and when convicts 
 became scarce the Duke to supply more game declared that he 
 would revenge his mother's death to which he himself had 
 most contributed ; and exposed many susjiected nobles to the 
 fangs of liis blood-hounds. Amongst these victims was Giovanni 
 di Posterla whose son a boy of only twelve years old threw 
 himself on his knees in agony, imploring mercy of this human 
 monster; even the very dogs themsclv.s were sensiltle to pity 
 and after first smelling at him could wA Ik- brought to harm the 
 innocent child: not so their masters : Scjuarcia liy the Duke's 
 order cut his throat and exposed his en t mils, but these gene- 
 rous animals even then would neither lap his blood nor devour 
 his reeking flesh I Such are lordly reason and l)rutish instinct! 
 The names of these two noble creatures, the titrctst of the 
 pack, were "7/ Guerzo " and ''La Sibilliiut ;" and why should 
 they not be recorded ? It is not the first moral lesson that 
 man has received from dogs ! * 
 
 * D. Boninscgni, Memorio della Citta Corio, Historic Milanese, Parte iv«, p. 
 di Firenze, Lib. i", p. 6. — Bernardino 303. — Sismoudi, vol. vi., p. 146, &c. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 45 
 
 Facino Cani of Alexandria after seizing on the dominions of 
 Filipi)o Maria Visconte forced himself with mailed liand into 
 the Duke's councils and usui-ped the sovereignty, reduchig both 
 brothers to such poverty as even to be distressed for food and 
 clotlung. He was struck by a mortal sickness in 141-^, and 
 the Milanese dreading a renewal of visconte s tyranny murdered 
 the latter a few liours before Facino died. Filippo showed un- 
 expected energ^^ and althinigli only twenty years of age secm-ed 
 the mercenaries by taking them into hV pay and manning 
 their generals widow a woman of forty; he then revenged his 
 brother's death and firmly seated liimself on the throne of 
 Milan. Sigismund meanwliile took up his residence at Lodi, 
 where he was entirely oi-cupied in setthng ecclesiastical affiiirs,' 
 and in concert with Pope John s ambassadors, though against 
 the pontiff's wish, convoked a general council to meet at Con- 
 stance on the first of November 1414. It was opened on the 
 tifth of that month by (iiovanni XXII 1. in person. 
 
 CoTEMPORARv MoNARCHs.-Lngland : Henry IV. to 1413; Henry V. to 
 1422-Scotland: Kobcrt 111. to 1405; James I. 1406, (prisoner in Eng- 
 land.)— tninre : Charles VI. (the maniac and the beloved.)— Spain Castile 
 .ind Leon: Henry HI. to 140G; John H.— Aragon : Martin V. to 1410- 
 then Ferdmand of Castile (elected 1412 by nine arbitrators.)— Portn<ral ' 
 John I.— German Emperors: Robert (Count Palatine) to 1410 • then slffis- 
 mund of Luxemburg.— Naj.les : Ladi>luus to 1414; then Joanna II (his 
 sister.)- Sieily : Martin of Aragon, husbund of Maria, to 1409 ; when Sicily 
 becomes a province of Aragon.— Greek Emperors : Manuel II.— Turkish Em- 
 pire : Bajazet (Ilderim) to I WA ; then made prisoner by Timur • ten vc-irs' 
 anarchy; then Mohammedl. 141.3.— Popes : Boniface IX. to 1404 • Innocent 
 VH. to UOO"; Gregory Xli. to 140<); Alexander V. to 1410; Jolin XXIH 
 to 1415; deposed by the Council of Constance. The Council of Constance' 
 the second for Church Reformation lasted from 1414 to 1418, and passed its 
 famous decree which declared the superiority of councils over the papal chair 
 
46 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 CHArXER XXX. 
 
 FROM AJ). 1415 TO A.D. 1428. 
 
 A.D. 1415. 
 
 About the time tliat Ladislaus expired Florence was shaken 
 by an earthquake that in aJditiun to its natural terrors filled 
 the community with dread as the supposed foieininner 
 of greater calamities : certain intelligence of the 
 former event soon calmed their inquietude and unexpectedly 
 reUeved them from anxiety and danger, for his enmity had 
 once threatened their veiy existence, and their resoui'ces were 
 singly inadequate to maintain a long struggle against the power 
 of any absolute monarchy when \nelded by an able and unspar- 
 ing hand. By this event their incipient tranquillity was con- 
 firmed and lasted until the year 14'23, when a new war ^vith 
 Milan brought fresh troubles and hea\ier burdens on the 
 people*. The dominion of Florence now embraced half Tus- 
 cany and part of Romagna, and her influence spread over a 
 considerable portion of Italy, an inlluence more of necessity 
 than good-will, for in proportion as her powers unfolded so did 
 jealousy augment, and what her energy acquired awakened 
 only envy in her less enterprising neighbours. During this 
 quiet interval she applied herself to the revision of intenial 
 regulations : a board called the *' Ten of Peace'' with opposite 
 functions to the " Ten of War " was again voted as a sort of 
 counterpoise to the latter whenever a necessity occuri'ed for 
 
 • Poggio, Storiu, Lib. v., p. 132. — Boninscgni, Mcmorie, Lib. i., p. 7. 
 
 CHAP. x.\.\-.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 47 
 
 their reappointment ; but we hear nothing afterwards of its 
 operations or the precise nature of its duties. Additional reve- 
 rence was paid to religious houses by an exemption from military 
 billets and the prohibition of music, singing and gaming, in 
 their vicinity ; but during ^le vacancy occasioned by Pope 
 John's deposition at Constance in 1415 the administration of 
 unoccupied benetices was intrusted entirely to secular hands 
 and the superintending ofFicers of finance after supplying all 
 spiritual wants were ordered to invest any surplus ecclesiastical 
 revenue in public securities. To the Executor of the Ordinances 
 of Justice was consigned, along with the title of *' Conservator of 
 the Statutes and pnbUv Decenn/:' the su2)erhitendence of public 
 morals which had previously belonged to a special magistracy, 
 and a curious half-reasoning law was about tbe same time pro- 
 mulgated for better supplying the blorentine fish market. 
 By this regulation vendors were allowed to put any jirice they 
 pleased upon that commodity but without the power of sub- 
 sequent alteration either way, however scarce or plentiful the 
 fish might l»e : we are not informed ;ibout the periodical altera- 
 tion of this assize but the law continued in force, though not 
 unblamed, during the Medician dynasty-. 
 
 From 14l:J, a commission of five citizens along with Volpi 
 da Soncino and Paulo di Castro two eminent juris- 
 consults, had been occupied in forming a new code of 
 law which was now comjdeted and published under the title of 
 the ''Florentine Statute." It was first brought mto activity 
 about this period but though very minute and interesting like 
 other codes that exclude the priiuiide of arbitration, soon became 
 inapplicable to all the variety of human transactions. To remedy 
 this the custom of granting to eacli new magistracy a peculiai- 
 statute adapted to the special nature of its functions was after- 
 wards resorted to, or perhaps continued, and thus filled the 
 commonwealth with that vast entanglement of judicial opera- 
 
 * Ammiruto, Lib. xviii., p. 974. 
 
 AD. 1416. 
 
43 
 
 FLORENTINE IITSTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 CHAF, XXX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 49 
 
 A.D. 1417. 
 
 tions which cost Peter Leopold of Aiisiiia so much time and 
 labour to remove *. 
 
 A plague which lasted eight months, and incrta>ing with the 
 summer heats carried otf sixteen thousand souls and 
 caused accumulated miseiT amongst the poor ; for on 
 these all public burdens and calamities ultimately fall, and with 
 aceelemted force like heavy bodies to the centre of gravity. To 
 mitigate this the Seignory besides liberal grants of money food 
 and medicine, suspended all taxation for two years in the rural 
 districts, and it was during this mortality that, either by pesti- 
 lence or natm'e Maso degli Albizzi a man of great intellect and 
 vast influence over the destinies of his country, was relieved 
 from the pains of life. He had lived and laboured through a 
 stormy day ; had seen his race in high consideration ; rich, 
 fortunate, and powerful: he next l)eheUl their dwellings burned, 
 their fortunes ruhied, their chief beheaded, himself banished, 
 and his family divided even to the assumption of other arms 
 and surname. Times again changed ; the Ciompi and all 
 their leaders fell; Maso was recalled; he entered with more 
 vigour than justice, but according to the spirit of the age, into 
 party politics ; imd fiercely led a fiercer factiitn : revenging him- 
 self on the once towering Alberti and all otlier foes he absorbed 
 the supreme powder and after a long reign died in peace ojiulence 
 and public reputation. Maso left chiblren, and his son Kinaldo 
 endeavoured to replace him, but though an eloquent and able 
 man he was not equal to the task, perhaps was not so honest 
 as his father and finally sunk before the ascending star of 
 Cosimo de' Medici. 
 
 Niccolo d' Uzziuio, Bartolommeo Valori, Nerone Dietisalvi, 
 Neri and Gino Capponi and Lapo Niccolini still secretly 
 governed the state : not that they enjoyed any of the regular 
 
 * Foro Fiorcntino, da Tommaso Forti, Fiorentine, MS. in author's possession, 
 MS., Magliubcchiano, Library. — Pom- j>, 54. 
 pco Ncri, Relazion dcUc Magistraturc 
 
 official dignities out of their turn, but they influenced all that 
 were chosen and initiated every public measure in their private 
 chambers; on their speeches was formed the character „f the 
 debate and scarcely a Balia. or a Decemvirate of war, or any 
 extraordmao- council or important embassy, or superintendent 
 commissaries of the republican armies, or any public office of 
 high authority, was ever appointed without one or more of their 
 names being included. Nevertheless they had a powerful though 
 calm and gentle opponent in Giovanni di Bicci de' Me.bei 
 a man of great h.Huence and honesty who now began to take 
 a more active part in public affairs; and a far more litter 
 morse in his sou the celebrated Cosimo now also beginnina to 
 show iimselt i„ the higher circles of politics *. Bat as^he 
 civil domestic transactions will be explained in a sepa- 
 rate chapter we will now resume the narrative of ''•"■""'• 
 foreign affairs until permanent peace was restored by the treaty 
 
 tl !"■"" "; p'"'- ^^^^"'"S «'--"° <'«' l"'-tebracci da Mon- 
 tone to guard Romagna and Antonio bishop of Siena as legate 
 f Bologna, Pope John XXIII. proceeded to Const^ce in 
 4U and was there received by the emperor Sigismond. his 
 attendant prmces prelates and other followers, to the number of 
 thirty thousand people on hoi-seback. This council commenced 
 "•peace, yet was soon troubled by dissensions between the 
 spiritual and temporal monarehs, so that after four months' dis- 
 putation Pope Joli.i by the duke of Austria's advice sre-etk 
 withdrew from it but was afterwards arrested by that trea- 
 dierous potentate and brought back to Constance in 1415 
 llie pontiffs absence and misfortunes encouraged Bologna to 
 revolt and under the auspices of Battista da Cannelotti declare 
 lier ludepeiideiice. On this Braccio da Montone was sum 
 moned to the rescue ; he soon answered the call, but made 
 terms with the citizens and at once sacrificed legate church 
 and pope fur 100,000 florins which he received as°the' price of 
 * Gio. Civalcnti, Istoric Fiorenth.c, Lib. ii", cap. i", MS. also Ed. Fircnze, 1 83S. 
 
 » UL, III. pi 
 
 w^m 
 
50 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. X\X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 51 
 
 Bolo<tnese liberty. He then departed to conquer that of Pe- 
 ni<na"for himself an enterprise lung meditated and accomplished 
 in'july U16, but after a sanguinaiy contest of six hours with 
 Carlo Malatesta on the banks of the Tiber. Braccio extended 
 his conquests even to Rome itself and became w'hile he hv^ed 
 and imder Florentine protection, a most powerful tyrant ; for 
 these republicans were not always shocked at the subjection 
 of an independent neighbour, nor witli all their reverence for 
 the church, were they displeased to see Perugia and Bologna 
 completely beyond its control*. Pope John XXIII. was de- 
 posed in 1415. Gregory XII. resigned the following year, but 
 BenecUct XIII. would never relinquish his hold of the diadem. 
 In 1417 Oddo Colonna Wiis raised to the Popedom under the 
 name of Martin V. and early in 14 IS a Florentine embassy 
 was sent to offer anv part of their dominions as a residence 
 but recommending the deposed pontiff and their own favourite 
 Braccio da Montone to his protection. These w^re bold re- 
 quests because a deposed pope who hud not acknowledged Ins 
 successor was an object of extreme jealousy, and Braccio had 
 not only been false to the church in tlie affair of Bologna but 
 had actually usurped one of its most important and undisputed 
 iiefs, besides many other ecclesiastical possessions. Neverthe- 
 less shut out from Rome, which had been recovered by the 
 Neapolitan army; excluded from Bologna; which though 
 nominally free was ruled by Antonio lientivoglio ; deUuTcd 
 from Perugia and other ecclesiastical cities by Braccio da Mon- 
 tone, and almost every other place in confusion; :Murtin gladly 
 accepted this offer and entered FloieiKo on the tifteenth of 
 March 15101. 
 
 • Dom. Boninsegni, Lib.i., p. 1 1 , Mem. 
 — S. Ammirato, Lib. wiii., p. 976. — 
 Sismondi, vol vi., p. 179. 
 t Gio. Morelli says on '26 February 
 (" Ricordi," p. 43.) — Cumbi, ditto, 
 p. Ul, in whose hi>tor}-, vol. xx., Del. 
 
 Er. Tos., at p. 147 may be seen an 
 
 artoinit <.f Pope John's death and the 
 disj^sal of his fortune. So far from 
 the Mediri deriving any money from 
 this ])oiititf as they are accused of, there 
 is still extant a confession of his debt 
 
 A.D. 1419. 
 
 This was a crowning triumph to all her late success : after 
 withstanding the formidable Ladislaus, materially 
 promoting the assembly of both councils, renouncing 
 Pope Gregory XII. and making so long and strenuous exer- 
 tions to heal the schism ; now to iind herself chosen as the first 
 dwelling-place and asylum of a legitimate pope after so many 
 years of discord, was an honour duly appreciated by this devout 
 and zealous community -. 
 
 Extraordinary preparations were made for Martin's recep- 
 tion and he to reward this devotion elevated the see of Florence 
 to an archbishopric that it might at least equal that of the 
 conquered Pisa. The deposed iwntiff after escaping from a 
 German prison determined to avoid further persecution by 
 doing reverence to :\lartin at Florence and trusting entirely to 
 his magnanimity. He was not disappointed : an honourable 
 reception, a restoration to the cardinalato with preeminence 
 over all the sacred college, together with the sympathy of Flo- 
 rence soothed the remaining days of his existence for he died 
 in a few months after, leaving but little of worldly goods, and 
 appointing three Florentine citizens as his executors. The 
 names of Niccolo d' Uzzano, Valori, Guadagni, and Giovanni 
 de' Medici, at once repel the scandal of Cosimo de' Medici's 
 having secretly, and as Filelfe says infamously, derived the 
 great bulk of his riches from this unfortunate pontiff f. 
 
 The influence of Florence had not yet succeeded in fevour of 
 Braccio who had been already anathematised, but with so little 
 
 to Giovanni de' Medici (6 December, 
 1418,) of 38,500 florins paid to Duke 
 Lodovick of Austria for his liberation, 
 and other things connected with his 
 ransom. Also the order for payment 
 by the house of Giov. de' Medici at 
 Venice to that of Romel and Co. of 
 Noremberg, and an autograph letter 
 from the de[»osed pope to Giov. de' 
 Medici, (June 5th 1419,) all preserved 
 
 in the INIediccan Archives, and pub- 
 lishotl for the first time in Archivio 
 Storico Italiano (vol. iv., page 433, 
 Documenti, i., ii., and iii.,) in 1843. 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib, xviii., p. 951. 
 f Tenhoven, Memoire Genealogique 
 de la Maison de' Medici, Lib. iv., p. 
 30.— S. Ammirato, Lib. xviii., p. 985. 
 — Muratori Annali, An. 1419. — Gio. 
 Cambi, pp. 146, 147. 
 
 E 2 
 
52 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 A.D. 1420. 
 
 effect tliat he excommunicated the pope in return and retained 
 his cities ; peace was however ultimately estal)lished,and Braccio 
 invited to reverence ^lartin at Florence where he was enthu- 
 siastically received hy ever\^ class of the community. 
 Puhlic spectacles and entertainments were given in his 
 honoiu', poets chanted his praise, and nothing short of a Roman 
 triumph could have exceeded the magnificence of his reception. 
 
 This was sufficiently grating to a pontiff whose estates he 
 held and whose authority he had derided ; hut when the praises 
 of Braccio were mingled with jests and sarcasms on himself ; 
 when the children m the streets were encouraged to echo under 
 his windows the doggerels ^'^^ that those of higher station had 
 made on him ; and when he saw these insults unnoticed by the 
 puhlic authorities on pretence of their being nu iv childish 
 wantonness, Martin felt his dignity cont* inned as a man, a 
 prince, and a pontiff; and resented it accordingly. "' Dunque,^' 
 he was frequently overheard repeating to himself, *' Dunque,'' 
 *' Papa Martiuo non vale un lupino,'' and from tliat moment 
 he determined to abandon Florence and the Florentines. The 
 original cause of this unpopularity does not appear, but so great 
 was his mortitication that from the ninth to the fifteenth of 
 April 1 4-20 the city was laid under an interdict and ho quitted 
 it in the following September f . 
 
 The first war with Pisa began by a trifling quarrel about a 
 lap-dog, and a silly rhyme now threw Pope Martin into the 
 arms of the Ghibelines and brought lasting misfortunes on 
 Florence. Braccio nevertheless managed to make his peace, 
 was appointed ecclesiastical vicar in several towns which he 
 already possessed, sun-endered others of minor importance, 
 
 * ** Papa Martino, non vale un quat- thority of Fabroni who in liis notes to 
 
 triuo," or"unlupino" — Pope Martin t!ie Lifo of Cosinio ciict^ the Diary of 
 
 is not worth a farthing — was the most Ci-rctani in the Riccardianu Library, 
 
 offensive couplet. — Fabroni, Vita Mag. Cos. Med., vol. 
 
 ■f* Ammirato, Lib. xviii., p. 087, says ii", p. IG. 
 OTie day : but the above is on the au- 
 
 CHaP. XXX. J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 53 
 
 A.D. 1421. 
 
 undertook to reduce Bologna to obedience, and accomplished 
 all in a brief space as the declared champion of the church*. 
 
 During some negotiations with Genoa about the piratical 
 conduct of Giovanni Grimaldi Lord of Monaco, the cession of 
 Leghorn to Florence as a parcel of the Pisan territory was 
 concluded and thus a nest of pirates always dan- 
 gerous to Florentine commerce in its departure from 
 the port of Pisa, became on the contrary a secure harbour at 
 the price of KM), 000 florins and drew more attention to 
 naval affairs. A board called " The Six Consuls of the Sea " 
 was accordingly created, who residing at Pisa immediately 
 opened a direct trade with Alexandriji and constmcted two 
 large merchant and six war galleys for that i)urpose ; but the 
 Florentine genius although commercial was not maritime ; and 
 their navy, with all the physical means and more than the 
 power of Pisa, never rose to much importance even under the 
 care of the ^ledicean princes and kniglits of San Stefano ; for 
 in this art as in many of tbcir virtues, the Florentines were 
 rather speculative than i)ractical +. With the theor}^ of virtue 
 especially, they seem to have been more familiar than witli its 
 habits if we may judge of the subsoil by what is turned up 
 on the surface of historv : there as elsewhere both ffood and 
 evil deeds were often agreed to in public assemblies which by 
 the individuals that composed them would in private life have 
 been either loathed or neglected : in public assemblies each 
 member liears only a fraction of the crime on his own shoulders 
 and is rarely its immediate executor ; hence that public odium 
 which accumulates on the single head of the despot is, in 
 popular states, sprinkled over a thousand that scarcely feel or 
 know, and never acknowledge their iniquity. 
 
 About this period several wholesome laws were promulgated 
 
 * Giov. Morelli, Ricor., p. 51. — Gio. 
 Cambi, Stor., p. 1.51. — Doin. Bonin- 
 segni, Mem. di Firenzc, Lib. i.,|). 14. 
 — Ammirato, Lib. xviii., p. i>87. — 
 
 Muratori, Anno 1420. 
 
 f Dom. Boninscgni, Lib. i., p. 17.- 
 
 Giov. Cambi, Stor., p. 155. 
 
54 
 
 FLORENTCNE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 55 
 
 which show a stricter attention to private morality, population, 
 and public decency than became apparent in their effects; 
 and yet thev probably sprang from tlie quiet uiMorworking of 
 a mass of latent moral feeling and principle that held society 
 together more firmly than the writings of cotemporary authors 
 would lead us to suppose ; the sentiments of these writers are 
 generally wise gentle and humane ; occasionally bitter, Imt often 
 imbued with more of modera principle than ancient barbarity; 
 the universal approval of the law of retaliation, however cruelly 
 executed, being periiaps one of their greatest faults. For 
 instance Cavalcanti, a man apparently of honour and feeling, 
 tells us without any marks of disapprobation that Count Car- 
 magnola ordered a farrier of his army to be shoed like a horse, 
 only because he had raised the price of iron so much as to 
 prevent one of the troop-horses from being shod in time, by 
 which the services of a man-at arms were lost fur the day ! The 
 farrier of course died not lung after of this cruel operation ^'. 
 
 One of those measures above alluded to. arising from re- 
 laxation of conventual discipline, was the .rtation uf a board 
 of nine married citizens not under fifty years of age to super- 
 intend the female convents of Florence and the neighbourhood, 
 and about the same time a decree i)a>sr>d the cuuucils which 
 rendered all those citizens ineligible to public olhce who had 
 not paid up their portion of the taxes or loans f..r thirty years : 
 tliis shaft was probably directed against the artisms. who under 
 the favour of Giovanni de' 3Iedici were r.suiiiing strength in 
 the councils, and was aimed by the Popohiiu (irassi a powerful 
 class almost exempt from taxation, as we shall hereafter see. 
 But another and more curiuus bill was iutruduced and only 
 rejected in its last sUige, which excluded every man between 
 thirty and fifty yeai-s of age from publii- ufiice who was not or 
 had not been manied. As this embraced ;i great mass of 
 eligible citizens considerable agitation arose during its dis- 
 
 • Cavalcanti, Storia Fiorcnt., Lib. iv., cap. x. 
 
 cussion ; yet it nearly succeeded, and although ultimately lost, 
 is mentioned to show what earnest attention was paid to popula- 
 tion and morals for no doubt both were here contemplated ; 
 and moreover there is reason to suspect that the latter had 
 suffered in consequence of large marriage-portions a heavy tax 
 and doubtful gain in consequence of the necessity of repayment 
 under certain conditions : these, added to severe and unequal 
 taxation together with the subdivision of inheritances, had 
 reduced many fomilies to extreme poverty and therefore checked 
 
 man'iages*. 
 About this period also and for the first time, a regular 
 
 official salary was given to the priors and their notaiy: hitherto 
 • these situations had been filled without pay ; a custom more 
 honourable in appearance than practically beneficial, for there 
 were but few Florenthies who devoted themselves like Gino 
 Capponi to their country : abandoning not only every private 
 worldly benefit but even higher aspirations he left as a maxim 
 to his son Xeri, that even his own soul should be sacrificed to 
 the good of Florence f. 
 
 Gino died on the nineteenth of May 1421 and was honoured 
 with a public funeral. Bold, able, and determined ; not lettered, 
 but sagacious in government and well acquainted with the 
 worid, Gino lived for liis country and died without riches at a 
 time when peculation was the handmaiden of war and high 
 official dignity. Xeri succeeded to the ability and virtues of 
 his fiither and soon became a conspicuous actor in the ^^^^32. 
 political drama of Florence, and Gino's management 
 of the Pisan war renders his name memorable in Florentine 
 history as the conciueror of a powerful state whose fall first 
 opened the direct sea-trade of the Levant to native enterprise, 
 for whicli the first galley was about this time built and 
 launched ;. TrilUng as this circumstance now appears it was 
 
 * Cavalcanti, Stor.Fior.,Lil».i", cap. xi., X Gio. Cambi p. 153.--Amrniratn, 
 + S. Ammirato, Lib. x^-iii., p. im.- Lib. xvin., p. 99L-Cavalrant.. Lib. 
 Gio. Cambi, pp. 156, 157, &e». i., cap. x. 
 
56 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 then hailed as a great event in Florence, and puhlic rejoicings 
 and solemn religious processions ushered in the day ; a new 
 outlet for commercial industry was opened, a new naval power 
 had commenced, and the republican flag was thereafter to be its 
 own protector on the blue waters of the Mediterranean. 
 
 This Florentine Argo was manned with a crew of two hun- 
 •Ired and lifty souls including twelve young men of the highest 
 families, now sent to receive their first lesson in maritime 
 affliirs. iVIoreover, to facilitate trade, and knowing how difficult 
 it was to reconcile people with a strange coinage and reckoning, 
 more especially foreigners who had been used for ages to the 
 Venetian currency ; that species of florin called on diis occa- 
 sion the " Fiorhw lan/o di Galea " or Broad GulUij piece was 
 struck to the exact size and weight of the Venetian ducat. 
 Ambassadors were at the same time despatched to the Soldan 
 ^^ Egypt ; or Babylonia as he was then denominated ; witli full 
 powei-s to treat on commercial affiiii-s, while another embassy 
 opened the portals of trade in the Morca at the courts of 
 Antonio Acciaiuoli lord of Corinth, and the Duke of Cepha- 
 lonia: a third mission proceeded to Mnjona in order to 
 render the Florentine flag respected in that .piartc i\ and thus 
 was fairly commenced the naval power of republican Florence. 
 Her position in Italy now stood high, lier dominions were 
 wide, her friends and subjects numerous, and both Poggio and 
 Ammirato assure us; the latter more from tb.^ authority of 
 private records than public archives; that slie ncvtr was m so 
 flourishing a condition or so full of wealth as during tlic inter- 
 val between the death of Ladislaus and the ]\IilaiK>e war in 
 1420. In those streets alone which surround the ]\Iercato 
 Nuovo there were no less than seventy-two '' lUinchi di Tavo- 
 lello e Tappeto " or regular banking establishments ; and the 
 gold currency alone, as it would appear; but certaiidy the 
 metallic currency was estimated at ':^,000,000 florins, which at 
 the lowest computation woidd now equal more than that number 
 
 CHAP. XXX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 57 
 
 of pounds sterlmg -. The value of merchandise, of real and 
 moveable property and public stock is described as enomious, 
 but the necessity for so vast an amount of metallic currency 
 alone indicates the rapid exchange of commodities and conse- 
 quent prosperity ; yet we shall soon see how all this was dis- 
 sipated by war. 
 
 Meanwhile aits and sciences partook of the general vitality : 
 new manufiictures, and amongst them that of golden thread, 
 were introduced or invented ; the cloth of gold and silk trades 
 received a fresh imiadsc, tlie powers of architectural genius 
 were carried to an extraordinary height in the majestic cupola 
 of the Duoino which Brunelleseo raised without a centering in 
 the fiice of all the baflled arcliitccts of Europe : the arts of 
 sculpture and metal-casting then astonished the world in the 
 hands of Gliiberti, and still fiscinate all those who now gaze on 
 the l)eauty of his brazen portals. Neither did painthig tariy ; 
 for under the fostering hand of IMassolino, Massaccio's bolder 
 genius was fast approaching the higher regions of art. Leonardo 
 Bruni of Arezzo, l)etter known as Leonardo Aretino the his- 
 torian, had revived cbxpicnce and promoted the study of Greek 
 and Latin literature, and Florence was altogether full of saga- 
 cious citizens : many of the ancient nobility had gradually 
 become incoq)orated with the people and the whole community 
 enjoyed an unusual period of comfort and repose f. 
 
 Sucli were tlie fruits of peace and such the state of Florence 
 when the distant sounds of war again rolled amongst the Apen- 
 nines, and the Lombard i)lains scarce dry from native slaughter 
 prepared once more for foreign hostilities. 
 
 This new breach with Milan seems to have originated in the 
 ambition of Philip Visconte supported and encouraged by Pope 
 
 * (irain for grain it would equal only 22 carats. 
 
 1,200,000 sovereigns taking each of f Boninscgni, ATcnioric, Lib. i., pp. 16, 
 
 them roughly at 120 gniins of gold of 17. — Aniinirato, Lib. xviii., p. 9.07. — 
 
 24 carats, and the florin at 72 of the Poggio, Lib. v., p. 135. — Gio. Cambi, 
 
 same fineness; but the sovereign is p. 150. 
 
58 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [took I. 
 
 Martin's intense animosity against Florence which spurred him 
 on to exalt the Ghibeline and humble the Ouelphic 
 faction in Italy ; hut more especially was he bent on 
 chastising the Florenthies for those indignities wliich they 
 had encouraged or at least permitted to be practised against 
 him *. As this war was a powerful etfort of the republic 
 under discouraging circumstances, and comprised both naval 
 and military operations to as great an extent, if not greater 
 than in any former quarrel, some introductory notice becomes 
 necessary. 
 
 Philip Maria Visconte was a faint reflection of his father Gian- 
 Galeazzo in everxthing except cruelty, but still more waj'ward 
 and unsettled in his designs f. One of his first ruts of domestic 
 tyranny was to sacrifice his wife Beatrice, the first autlior of his 
 greatness, whose only fimlt seems to have been that of giving 
 her hand to so unworthy a man : Beatrice Tenda the widow 
 of Facino Cane had brought him a dower consisting of Tortona, 
 Novare, Alexandria, Vercelli, Como, and several other places, 
 together with 100,000 florins and a fhie army of veterans, 
 and is described as a noble-minded, gentle, patient, and generous 
 woman ; but all this was lost upon a man of opposite character 
 and twenty yeiu's younger than lierself *. When lirmly seated 
 therefore and independent of her aid, as most of his father's 
 dominions were recovered, Beatrice who probjibly never was 
 an object of affection ceased to be one of policy : she became 
 an obstacle that required displacement and was accused of 
 infidelity : her supposed admirer, tortured into the admission 
 of a crime as false as the charge, gave colour to tliis accusation : 
 she also was tormented, but in vain; she acknowledged no 
 guilt : both were condemned to the block, where some lingering 
 hope of ultimate pardon induced the feeble-minded Orombelli 
 to repeat his former avowal. He was rebuked by the noble 
 
 * Poggio, Lib. v., p. 141. — Gio. Mo- t Pogjzio, Lib. v., p. 14L 
 relli, Ricord., p. 5L t Corio, Parte i\% p. 306. 
 
 CHAP. XXX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 59 
 
 Beatrice. *' Are we then," exclaimed she disdainfully, " Are 
 " we then in a place where human fear is to overcome that of 
 " the living God? I also have suffered as you have, Michele 
 " Orombelli ; I have undergone the same torments that have 
 *' torn this shameful confession from your lips ; but all this 
 ." cruelty has not succeeded in making me calumniate myself ! 
 " An honourable pride would ever have preserved me chaste 
 " even had my own virtue not been sufficient to do so : never- 
 " theless whatever disUmce there is between us I do not yet 
 •* believe that you will be so base as to dishonour yourself at 
 " the only moment ofiered you wherein to acquire some glory. 
 " The world abandons me ; the sole witness of my innocence 
 " gives his testimony against me ; it is thee my God in whom 
 " I will put my trust ! Thou seest that I am without stain, 
 *' and to thv fjrace I am indebted for having alwavs been so : 
 " thou hast preserved my thoughts as thou hast my conduct 
 " from all impurity, but perhaps thou dost now punish me for 
 " violating by n second marriage the respect that was due to 
 " the ashes of my former husband, and I receive with submis- 
 " sion the reproof at thy hand ! I recommend to thy mercy 
 " him who owes his greatness to me ; and I expect from thy 
 " goodness ; as thou hast preserved my life innocent ; that 
 " thou wilt also preserve my memory unsullied in the eyes of 
 *' men." So savinj: she laid her neck meekly on the block 
 and with two of her female attendants and Orombelli w^as 
 immediatelv executed --. 
 
 By the great military talents of his General Francis Bussone, 
 suniamed Carmagnola from the place of his nativity, whose 
 early merits, although only a swine-herd's son, Philip had the 
 discernment to appreciate; he had recovered most of the 
 Milanese dominions and amongst them the walls and houses 
 of riacentia : the city had remained desolate a whole year ; 
 three inhabitiints alone were found in three different quarters 
 
 * Sismondi, vol. ri., p. 20G.— Corio, Parte iv", p. 315. 
 
60 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 of tiie luvvn ; grass waved knee-deep in the streets, and tall 
 plants of hemlock grew rankly in the doorways. Such peace 
 as this having heeu restored to Lomhardy Philips arms were 
 in 1418 turned un Genoa, then as ever distracted by the clash 
 of opposing factions -:'-. She had driven forth the French in 
 1411 and the JMarquis of Monferrato in 1II."> and was at 
 this time goveraed hy the new Doge Tonnnaso C ampo Fregoso 
 a man of considerable tiilent but unable to r. -train the wild 
 and stonny elements of a Genoese aristocracy. Apprehensive 
 of Florentine opposition Philip despatched aniltassadnrs to 
 secure neutrality by the formal ratification (»f a pe:ice that had 
 been tacitly maintained almost ever since his father's death 
 and the consequent distraction of Lomhardy. 3 Inch specious 
 reasonhig and peaceful language were used by both sid(\s, and 
 long discussions ensued in the Florentine councils. Nicholas 
 d'Uzzano, Gino Caj^poni, with other leading citizens were 
 opposed to a formal treaty which by binding tliciii would leave 
 him free to give full scope to his ambition and whicli they 
 firmly believed he only sought for that piiipMse. Florence 
 being once lulled, so great was his pertiily, an invasion of Tus- 
 cany might be expected on the hrst favourable occasion and it 
 was therefore proposed either to dismiss the enil.a>sy with an 
 equivocal answer or openly assist Genoa, but imt abandon her 
 for a hollow and deceitful peace: better tb. y >aid io do what 
 was really useful and safe even at the exi)* ii><- of cxistin*' 
 comforts than tnist to doubt suspicion and uncertainty. The 
 opposition, in which was the great mass of tlie poorer citizens, 
 declared that existing quiet was not to be lightly sa.riliced : that 
 Genoa would not be easily tjiken, and even wwo she to fall 
 Lomhardy itself was in no condition to undertake a new war 
 against those who had withstood the more able and powerful 
 Gian-Galeazzo when, besides his transaj win line states, he pos- 
 sessed half Tuscany. This opinion prevailed and a treaty of 
 
 * Sismondi, vol. vi., p. 20u. 
 
 CHAP. XXX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 61 
 
 peace was signed in January 1 IvJO, by which Philip engaged 
 not to send a soldier bevond the Magra towards Tuscany, or 
 across the Pnnaro towards P)ologna ; nor pass the Modenese 
 frontier, nor liold .any possessi(jns nor assist any state l)eyond 
 those limits : the liolognese, the Lord of Forli, and the Males- 
 pini of Lunigiana being included as allies of llorence in this 
 treaty. Leghorn as we have seen was purchased by the latter 
 in 14-21, and <ien.>a pressed by the united forces of Visconte 
 and Alfonso of Anigon soon after capitulated and became a 
 province of Milan. The Doge was deposed and received 
 Sarzana from Philip as a compensation, but as this town was 
 on the Tuscan side of the Magra he was cliarged with a viola- 
 tion of the treaty. ]\Iartin's enmity was kept warm not only 
 by the Florentines' continued support of Braccio, who was 
 again his enemy and asserted that before he finished the pope 
 should say :i hundred masses for a penny ; but because they 
 had repeatedly refused to join with him for his own political 
 purposes -'-. This feeling was still more emljittered by a recent 
 refusal to unite with Alphonso legate of Bologna against the 
 intrigues of Antonio Bentivoglio who was in the neighlxjur- 
 hood, and which threw Alphonso into the arms of Viseonte : 
 the latter inunediatelv sifjjned a treaty of alliance with 3Iartin 
 although Florence j^artly through fear of offending him and 
 partly througli fidelity to Braccio, who must have been aban- 
 doned, had refused. Visc(jnte"s conduct was deemed a second 
 and graver breach of the peace, and occasioned strong remon- 
 strances jind long discussions, until the death of Giorgio degli 
 Ordilaffi Lord of h\n'Vi brought the matter to a crisis. He left 
 his widow Lucrezia degli Alidosi of Imola and an infant son 
 Tedaldo under the guardianship of Visconte ; but she fearing 
 her husband s sister Caterina and the people, who were all 
 GhibeUnes, renewed the Florentine alliance while Caterinas 
 husband Bartuloiinneo da Campo Fregoso aspiring to the lord- 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xviii., p. 986.— Pcgtrio, Lib. v., p. 13o. 
 
62 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 63 
 
 ship of Forli embraced the :Milanese party. Philip who was 
 the lawful guardian and wanted possession of both the young 
 child and its inhentance, dexterously played one sister against 
 tlie other bv secret nowtiations with each, and putting doubt 
 and dissension between them ; while he, in conseipieMce of his 
 Bolomiese alliance, was enabled to throw several bodies of horse 
 into that territoiy but ready for action elsewhere. 
 
 These transactions, the most flagrant breach of the Floren- 
 tine treaty, ended in the exile of Lucrczia, and Caterina's 
 occupation of Forli with the aid of Mihuiese troops. All 
 Florence was now in connnotion, a detachment of soldiers was 
 sent to protect Lucrczia in Forlimpopoli ; letters and envoys 
 were despatched to Visconte and Martin, with no other residt 
 than the removal of Alphonso from Bologna and plausible words 
 from both-. Milanese ambassadors arrived at Florence to 
 justify their master who appealed to tlie lloman law, which 
 even bv the Florentine doctors was secret Iv owned to be in his 
 favour; but the Seignoiy laughed at law in opi)Osition to treaties, 
 describing it as soft leather capable of being stretched into any 
 form at the holder's will. A proposition in the councils sug- 
 gested the reference of this question to a select committee 
 when Piinaldo Albizzi rose and loudly asserted that it was the 
 business of the manv, not the few, and therefore needed the 
 counsel of many; adding, *' Let the case be (Ictcrmiiied by law 
 ** and if that sanction the duke s treaty let us be quiet and 
 ** contented : if not, and Philip still persist, tin n let the sword 
 " be drawn from the scabbard, let the purse strings be loosened, 
 " and let monev flow out in such a stream as to make the 
 " soldiers drunk with our riches "f. 
 
 The final result was that on the twenty-third of August 14'23 
 at four hours after simset ; this being the auspicious moment 
 
 ♦ S. Ammirato, Lib. xviii., p. 1000. iii. nml iv. 
 
 — Pojrgio, Lib. v., p. 1 ;i().— Cavalcanti, f Caval< anti, Storia Fior., Lib. i«, cap. 
 
 Lib. i", ^^'cw^/y/i. — Lib. ii*^, cap. i., ii., ix., p. IB. 
 
 indicated by public astrologers ; the truncheon of military com- 
 mand was formally presented to Pandolfo IMalatesta with orders 
 to invest Forli : but these sages miscalculated ; for he or his 
 lieutenant according to Andrea Bigli and the annals of Forli, 
 as quoted by Muratori, though omitted by Florentine writers, 
 was completely routed before that city on the sixth of Sep- 
 tember U-^>:3. Whether this defeat is the same with that re- 
 corded by Morelli as having taken i)lace just before the capture 
 of Imola by the Milanese; when Niccolo Tolentino was discom- 
 fited at Ponte-a-Pionco about two miles from Forli with the 
 loss of six hundred cavalry; is difficult to say, because the 
 date of the last is wanting. Cavalcantis silence, although he 
 seldom spares liis countiynicn, proves notliing, for he is also 
 silent on that of Faggiola although he mentions Anghiari which 
 occurred withhi the same district and nearly at the same time ; 
 and he tells us himself that he has not recorded all the events 
 of this war-. 
 
 Florence allowed no time to pass idly : Braccio was engaged 
 in case of need ; the Balias of war and peace were appointed ; 
 sj^ecial embassies excited tlie neighbouring Swiss and the Duke 
 of Savoy against Philip ; the malcontents both in and out of 
 Genoa were encouraged to revolt, and Alfonso of Aragon then 
 fightinj? for the crown of N aides was invited to assist in curb- 
 ing the ambition of Visconte. 
 
 Alfonso's connection with Naples arose from the troubles of 
 that kingdom after the death of Ladislaus : this last monarch's 
 sister (,>ueen (liovanna II. a woman as loose and licentious 
 as himself, was along with lier kingdom ruled l)y the favourite 
 of the day ; but feeling the necessity of a legitimate protector 
 against the house of Anjou, she in 1115 married James of 
 Bourbon Count de la ]\Iarclie who soon asserted his right and 
 more than his right to the sovereign power while he kept the 
 
 * Gio. Morelli, p. 5L— S. Ammirato, Lib. xviii., p. lOOG.— Muratori, Anno 
 1423. 
 
64 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book i. 
 
 CHAP. X.\X.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 65 
 
 queen in confinement. Reinstated in authority by a popular 
 tumult she resumed all her licentiousness, and Ser Giovanni 
 Carraccioli became the favourite : after much contention James 
 disgusted with his position returned to France and died a monk, 
 while Louis of Anjou still contested the Neapolitan monarchy. 
 Giovanna bemg hard pressed tinally resolved to adopt Alfonso 
 of Castille the youthful king of Aragon, Sardinia, and Sicily, 
 and accordingly implored his aid ; but the latter kingdom for 
 many years had scarcely a name in Italian story ; a succession 
 of feeble princes, minors or oafs, had annihilated all external 
 influence and engendered internal distraction. Frederic II., 
 the sixth Aragonese king, died in l:»r«^ leaving one child 
 Maria, wife of Martin Prince of Ara<]fon who dvinj:j in 14()1) botli 
 realms were united by the king his father and descended in 
 the following year to Ferdinand his sister's son l»y John of 
 Castille whose son Alfonso or according to Mariana Alonso V. 
 began to reign in 1410. 
 
 Young, warlike, and aml»itious he attempted to wrest Corsica 
 from the Genoese but being baffled by Tommaso da Campn 
 Fregoso at the siege of Bonifazio, he quitte<l that enterprise at 
 Giovanna's invitation and ordering his army to Naples in 14'20 
 followed in ])erson the succeeding year. By fomially adopting 
 him as her heir Giovanna reunited the two Sicilies and laid 
 the foundation of those strui^'des for Italian sovereimitv be- 
 tween France and Spain which closed in the monarchy of 
 Charles V. accompanied by the annihilation of all republican 
 liberty. The houses of Aragon and Anjou were now fiiirly at 
 issue but as yet contended principally with Italian troops, and 
 availim' themselves of Braccio and Sforza's rivaliy ^vere fob 
 lowed bv raanv of the native condottieri, Giovanna and her 
 adopted son soon disagreed ; she was tenacious, he ambitiou.> 
 of power; she would not yield and he formed the design of 
 carryhig her off to Spain ; this was discovered, she kept herself 
 safe at Capua and Aversa ; he imprisoned Carraccioli and open 
 
 A.D. 1424. 
 
 war commenced between them ; Alonso was disinherited and 
 Louis III. of Anjou adopted in his place*. 
 
 This divided the khigdom into two factions which soon 
 spread over Italy and embraced its conflicting interests : the 
 pope, Sforza, and Viseonte were for Louis, Braccio for Alonzo, 
 but still more busy for himself hi besieging Aquila with the 
 design of adding it to his own dominions. The Florentines 
 also looked to an alliance with Alonzo as more conducive to 
 their interests in consequence of his naval force and therefore 
 laid the foundation of a treaty with him at Leghorn on his 
 way to Cataloniji in Octol)cr 1 Iti.'Vf-. 
 
 As the :\Iilanese had already occupied Tmola, Forli, Lugo and 
 Forlimpopoli there was no time to lose, yet Florence 
 made a fruitless attempt to reconcile Bracri.. with Pope 
 Martin for the sake of placing him at th.' head of her array, but 
 this fiiilhig. Carlo Malatesta Lord of llimini was through his 
 brother Pandolfo^ means made captain of the republican forces, 
 having under liis connnand Lodovico degli ()l)izzi of Lucca, and 
 Niccolo da Tolentino who seems to have been one of the most 
 respected and sagacious of the Italian condottieri: besides 
 these we find the ntnnes of Binnuccio Farnese, Cristofano da 
 Lavello, and Orso degli Orsini of Monte Bitondo, all officers 
 of high distinction, with an army of >e\( n tliousand horse and 
 three thousand infantry encanq)ed under Forli. The citizens 
 thus pressed had recourse once more to Philip who instantly 
 despatched Agnolo della Pergola a leader of great reputation, 
 with four thousand cavalry into Bomagna, and the town of 
 Zagonara b<3loiiging to Count Albcrigo da Barbiano an ally of 
 Florence was innnediately invested. In tliis state of affairs, 
 with a strong war and a strong ^'cace party at Florence, the 
 whole community was terror-struck about the fall and fracture 
 
 * Si>moiuli, vol. vi., p. 201.— Amiiii- xi., and xiii.— Madrid, 1678. 
 rate, Lib. xviii., p. 1008.--Mariana, f S. Aniniirato, Stor., Lib. xviii., p. 
 llistoria de Kspana, Lib. xx., cap. vi., 1008.— Muratori, Anno 1423. 
 VOL. Ill, p 
 
66 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 of one of the poqiliyry columns at the Baptistiy gate, an event 
 deemed so portentous that great disasters were looked for and 
 the peace-party became more cUimorous m their denunciations-. 
 The war the Uxxes and the government were ahke condemned ; 
 the Popolani Grassi were accused and perhaps not unjustly, of 
 seeking fame and riches at the public cost, and the general 
 bui-st of discontent at so much new and increased taxation is 
 forcibly described by Cavalcanti. By these imposts he says 
 the citizens' property became unstiible; and as liigh winds blow 
 the sand from one place to another so liew the people s sub- 
 stance from the weak to the powerful under the guise of taxa- 
 tion, rendered necessaiy by the war. This change of property 
 he adds is further augmented by the marriage portions that 
 are given and not less by those that are returned, which bring 
 poverty and misery into families. As war was ma<le, taxes 
 became necessaiy, and they were placed, at the pleasure of the 
 rich and powerfid, on the shoulders of the poor and weak, who 
 without enjoying the himours were made to bear the burdens 
 of the state. " When the new scale of taxation was promul- 
 gated,'* continues this author, "weeping and wailing, wi'inging 
 of hands and l»eating of cheeks, were everywhere seen and 
 heard. ' O cui-sed comitry ' exclaimed one ' why art thou the 
 
 * nurse of such men ?' Another in naming liim who caused 
 his taxation cries, ' He knows too well that it is impossible for 
 ' me to pay this unreasonable taxi If he wanted my home why 
 ' did he not ask me to sell it? and for less tluui its value I 
 ' would have sun'endered all !' A third cries out ' Thty count 
 ' even my very mouthfuls, they will not leave me what is abso- 
 
 * lutely needful, but deny me the common necessaries of life 
 
 * only to drive my family to crime and dishonour ! God why 
 ' dost thou delay thy vengeance on these cursed people !' A 
 fourth uttered unprecations on the authors of the tax, declaring 
 it 'more tolerable to ily to the caves and the rocks where 
 
 *Gio. Cambi, p. 160. 
 
 CHAP. SXX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 67 
 
 ' Totila's cruelty had driven their ancestors than remain in 
 ' such a city.' " And thus throughout Florence the poor and 
 weak bewailed these searching imposts while the powerful and 
 their followei-s " adopted the maxim of Cecco d' Ascoli where 
 he says 'It is expedient to he silent on what lies ivithin: in the 
 'soul war, hut peace upon the tongue: Their soul was glad for 
 they saw the stream run smoothly to then- mill ; their gains 
 were certain and to their heart's content, and everything con- 
 spired to gratify their wishes "*. 
 
 Neither discontent nor superstition were lessened by the 
 intelligence of Braccio da Montone s defeat and death before 
 Aquila, a real calamity to Florence which deprived her of pro- 
 bably the ablest captain in Italy. This celebrated leader fell 
 in battle with the i)apal generals Jacopo Caldora and young 
 Francesco Sfurza, then about three-and-twenty, whose father 
 had been recently drowned while endeavouring to save his 
 attendant in crossing the river Pescara. 
 
 Meanwhile Count Alberigo da Barbiano closely pressed in 
 Zagonara by Guide Torelli ; one of the best, most loyal, and 
 noble-minded captains of the age ; and by Agnolo della Per- 
 gola ; called loudly on Florence for assistance before a certain 
 day, on which if not succoured he had agreed to capitulate. 
 Some thought his loyalty doubtful, but Malatesta was reenforced 
 and ordered to raise the siege : he was willing, nay eager to 
 obey but the condottieri were of a different opinion and Lodo- 
 vico degli Obizzi protested boldly and wisely against leaving 
 the greater for the lesser conquest, the main object of the 
 campaign for a secondary one and that doubtful from inclement 
 weather and an inundated country. The silence of his compa- 
 nions proved their absent, but Cario IMalatesta. perhaps irritated 
 at this general disapproval of his design rebuked Obizzo in a 
 taunting speech which as it inferred a want of kniglitly spirit 
 hi this leader, silenced his better reason so that he oniv mut- 
 
 Cavalcanti, Storia Fiorent., Lib. i., cap. xi., p. 24. 
 
 F 2 
 
68 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 tcreil, " If all do as I shall, few of us will escape, and still 
 " fewer of the enemy will ever return to Lombardy." 
 
 Thus determined the array began to move on a tempestuous 
 night when the sky was entirely clothed in heavy clouds from 
 which had fallen a steadv rain whicli so flooded the whole coun- 
 try that the horses were up to their knees in water: roads fields 
 and ditches were equally covered ; all indications of path or 
 danger were obliterated ; stragglers were numerous : everj- sol- 
 dier was wet wearied and dejected : horses could scarcely 
 r^tafjcfer under the wei«:fht of knidit and armour; the whole 
 anny was disorganised and in no condition to contend with a 
 fresh and vigorous foe. Nevertheless Malatesta persisted, and 
 on a powerful war-hoi'se with truncheon in hand marslialled his 
 soldiers, although from the depth of water no crossbows could 
 be .stnmg and were consequently useless in the fight : he then 
 atterapteJ to animate his men in an intlated speech that told 
 lightly on veterans who knew both their duty and danger but 
 llinched from neither-'-. Guido Torelli also addressed the 
 Milanese but in a graver style and with surer prospects : plac- 
 ma a reserve out of sidit on one flank under Agnolo della Per- 
 gola he steadily received the impetuous attack of Florence and 
 ordeiing his troops to yield ground without disorder he gra- 
 <lually drew the enemy on until the reserve was able to charge 
 their flank and real* ; but as the Florentines were superior in 
 number means of flight were studiously left open ; a common 
 practice in those days ; and tired dispirited and beaten they were 
 soon taken advantage of by the enemy. Tlie Florentine army 
 was finally dispersed, a great victory gained, three thousiuid two 
 
 * Cavalcanti licrc mentions a circum- 
 stance Vvliich he says is so marvellous 
 that to himself it even ajipears a fable 
 but because he hcanl it from men 
 worthy of credence he writes it, more 
 especially because he feels that nature 
 has reserved to herself so much power 
 that what &he wills, she does and can 
 
 do. Amongst the Florentine leaders 
 Mas Count Antonio da Pontadera who 
 had a horse U'ltlt horns, which was of a 
 high spirit and well formed, and he 
 belonged to the troop of IMesser Ba- 
 tista da Campo Fregosa. (Lib. ii", cap. 
 xviii.j p. GO.) 
 
 CHAP. XXX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 69 
 
 hmidred prisoners tiiken, but strange to say witli the loss of 
 only a few lives ! Lodovico dcgli Obizzi stung by Carlo's reproof 
 sprung foremost to the charge and died gallantly, figliting to 
 retrieve the error of the man who had insulted him. The oidy 
 other of note was Orso Orsini who fell from his horse and was 
 drowned; but the prisoners were sufficient both in number 
 and quality to render this battle famous over all Italy. 
 
 The Lombard writers, whom Muratori follows, say that 
 many lost their lives and it is hard to conceive such a defeat 
 without bloodshed : its cost in money the Florentines estimated 
 at 300,000 florins, erpial to movo \\ian that number of pounds 
 sterling: Carlo Malatcsta was made prisoner, Pandolfo with 
 twenty-five followers escaped to Cesiiia, Xiccolo Tolentino with 
 forty more to Orivolo, besides a few others in divers quarters ; 
 and thus was the month of July rendered lamentably notorious 
 in Florentine annals by the decisive Imt apparently blo(.)dless 
 battle of Zagonara. The day of its occurrence is doubtful, for 
 amongst eight diflerent writers six of whom are cotemporaries 
 some do not mention the date and the rest vaiy in tlieir 
 accounts from the twentv-first to the twentv-ninth of Julv ; 
 so difiicult is it to find the truth even about so simple and 
 notorious an event -•-. 
 
 Had (iuido instantly pushed into Tuscany Florence might 
 liave been reduced to extreme difficulty, but time was lost 
 in dividing the booty and })risoners, while she was preparing; 
 yet the shock was great and filled every body with ariger and 
 alarm. The great citizens who had counselled war felt the 
 inconvenience of defeat where victory alone could have silenced 
 their opponents, and puljlic clamour was consequently loud 
 against them: success would bave been shared by all, but 
 defeat was their own peculiar inheritance. Those who valued 
 
 * Gio. Morelli, Ricordi, p. G4. — Croiuua, p. 133. — Cavalcuntc, Storia, 
 
 Gio. Cambi, p. 160. — Poggio Braccio- Lib. ii., cap. xiv. &c. — Ammirato 
 
 lini, Lib. v., p. 144. — Boninsegiii, Lib. xviii., ]). 1012. — Muratori Ann ali, 
 
 Mem., Lib. i., p. *23. — Buon. Fitti, Anno 1424. 
 
70 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 (( 
 
 {( 
 
 the comforts of a ten years' peace and strove for its preserv^ation 
 now fjoaded bv new contributions and irritated by misfortune 
 were unmeasured in abuse of the government : shops, churches, 
 markets ; eveiy pubhc place rang with ^'itupe^ation, mockery, and 
 complaints of what were termed their proud and wicked rulers. 
 " Is this then," was asked, " is this the great and glorious 
 " victory which our ten wise men promised us over the duke of 
 " Milan? Is tliis the recover)- of Imola and Forli? Is this 
 '• the vaunted correction of Viscontes pride and power? To 
 " whom shall we now turn for assistance? Without soldiers, with- 
 " out genei*als, without money, and almost without allies ! To 
 queen Johanna ? she whom these same ^ise men deserted and 
 by so doing forced her into the power of Aragon which has dis- 
 *' tracted her kingdom with war and deluged it with blood ? To 
 " the pope ? They well know how he loves us for exalting Braccio 
 " da Montone to the skies, that man who in the very blaze of his 
 " glory was stricken as by a thunderbolt and miserably perished ! 
 '* To the Genoese? whom we might have succoured and sustained 
 " but whom we allowed to fall an easy prey to our most deadly 
 " enemy ! " Such exclamations were heard at everv turn accom- 
 panied by a degree of public excitement so great as to cause the 
 assembly of a general council where Rinaldo Gianllglazzi an 
 aged and respected knight of the ancient race in an encouraging 
 speech implored his countrj-men, whatever might have been 
 the errors of government or other sources of existing evil, not 
 to increase it by mere clamour when manly resolution and moral 
 dignity were only required to meet it and overcome. The 
 army he asserted was not destroyed, no blood had been shed ; 
 leaders were forthcoming, Florence had always stemmed by 
 her own steady resolution the tide of eveiy misfortune and 
 nothing was required but money. This, he contniued, could 
 be easily spared by those who had it without oppressing the 
 poor, if theV would only discard their avarice ; and it was but 
 reasonable that men who enjoyed public power and public 
 
 CHAP. XXX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 71 
 
 honours should defend the public, not those who were excluded 
 from both*. These words from a distinguished citizen of 
 ninety years old had some calming influence on the public 
 mind, and as the Milanese general delayed, more time was 
 gained for preparation in Tuscany wiiile the wvar was actively 
 progressuig in llomagna. A forced loan of 50,000 florins was 
 immediately raised and several condottieri engaged, amongst 
 whom were Oddo the natural son of Braccio da Montone, and 
 Niccolo Piccinini his most celebrated pupil, both saved with 
 four hundred lances from the battle of Aquila. Besides these, 
 all the disarmed and dismounted prisoners released from 
 bondage who had found their way into Tuscany were quickly 
 reequipped and remounted, so that a new force was soon 
 in the field, but not before all the Florentine possessions in 
 Romagna, except Castrocaro and Modigliana, had been cap- 
 tured, some by force but most by treacheiy; and so much 
 had discord and defeat lowered Florence in public opinion that 
 even women left their distatfs and took the field against her. 
 Gentile the mother of Guido Antonio lord of Faenza actually 
 summoned Modigliana at the head of her followers and attendant 
 damsels, but was defeated and some of the latter paid deai'ly 
 for their temerity f . 
 
 In the account of these transactions Macchiavelli, who follows 
 Cavalcanti and is copied by Ammirato, gives us two instances 
 worthy of record from their contrast ; one of low treacher}^ the 
 other of high-minded generous devotion, equal to any example 
 of antiquity. 
 
 * Jacopo Pitti, Deir Istoria Fiorcn- 
 tina. Lib. i., p. 14. — Cavalcanti, Lib. 
 ii., cap. xxiii. — Macchiavelli, Lib. iv. 
 — S. Ammirato, Lib. xix., p. 1015. — 
 Dom.Boninsegni, Mem,, Lib. i'\,p. 23. 
 This address is attributed by Mac- 
 chiavelli, and by Ammirato after him, 
 to Rinaldo depli Albizzi, but Caval- 
 canti a cotempoi-ary distinctly gives it 
 to Rinaldo Gianfiglazzi, and as the 
 
 others produce no authority we have a 
 right to follow him. Macchiavelli, 
 who evidently made great use of Ca- 
 valcanti's work must have mistaken 
 the words *' II Magiiifico Messer 
 Rinaldo chhcjyiii amore alia patria" 
 kc, as refening to Albizzi instead of 
 Gianfiglazzi. {Cavalcanti^ Storia, 
 Lib. ii", cap. xxii.) 
 f Gio. Cavalcanti, Lib. iii., cap. x. 
 
'2 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 Zanobi dal Pino podesta of Galeata surreiulered that fortress 
 to Agiiolo della Pergola, not only without resistance and trea- 
 cherously, but at the same time strongly urging an innnediate 
 invasion of Tuscany where as he asserted, war niiglit be waged 
 with less peril and more prolit than in llomagna. Agnolo 
 althougli belonging to a class whose good faith was n.ot prover- 
 bial, detesting such baseness, turned him over to his servants who 
 when weaiy of other mockeiy fed him on i)apcr paintod all over 
 with vipers, Visconte's cognizance, saying " Zauol>i, thou art an 
 arch-Guelph. but we will soon make thee an arch-Ciliibelhie :" 
 as he received no other nourishment a few days put an end to 
 his sutferings and in this cmel maniitr trcaclH ly was punished 
 by the man who scrupled not to accept the trcasun ! There is 
 some pleasm*e though a melancholy one, in tinning from this 
 mixture of crime and barbarity to the conduct of l)iagio del 
 Mehmo governor of ]\[onte Petroso, who al"t<'r a gallant defence 
 found himself cagod up in the citadel and so begirt with fire 
 and foes that eveiy hope of preserving it luul vaniNlicil. Making 
 up his mind he hastened to throw a quantity of straw and soft 
 (dothing from the only unfired portion of the battb-ments and 
 then taldng up his two children cast thtiii o\(M' on top of it 
 wliile he exclaimed : *' cmel and perveiso men take those 
 *' treasures that until this moment I ha\e cninved as mv own, 
 •' and for which, after you have taken them from me, I shall 
 " be doubly remunerated by the fame and iidelily with wliich I 
 " shall satisfy my republic! Certes, more than ileath I cannot 
 •' receive at your hands, wherefore this separation of tlie soul 
 '' and body which toothers is connnon niortalily to hk^ will be 
 ■' perpetual life. I shall be an example to the weak and give 
 •' boldness and comfort to the stront,' ; the former will be 
 '' taught, the latter rewarded with cvcila-vtiiig fame and glory." 
 And so he remained and perished ! Who }»erislied with him we 
 know not, they have received no meed of praise ; lait although 
 every entreaty and endeavour of his enemies to saM' liim proved 
 
 CHAP. XXX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 73 
 
 unavailing, all that could be saved of his property was restored 
 along with his children to tlieir friends, and the children them- 
 selves were ever after supported l)y Florentine gratitude '■-. 
 
 This state of affairs in Koniagna was impatiently borne at 
 Florence : twenty citizens were formed into a coiiimitteo of 
 taxation, and as the existing taxe> liad already crushed the less 
 opulent, and reduced many to ])«J^'erty who were excluded from 
 any share in tlie goverinnent, it was determined in accordance 
 with Gianfiglazzi"s advice to throw the principal burden on 
 those tliat shared the jiower and honours of tla^ state, and a 
 tax of twenty-live per cent, was imposed on their incomes. 
 The noble popolani of the Alltizzi or Fzzano faction and almost 
 all the powerful citizens were astounded at this resolution 
 which sprang from the iniluence of the minor trades and all 
 that new mass of citizens from coimtrv idaccs whicli before the 
 sedition of the Ciompi were gradually enriching themselves, 
 and with a steadily increasing iniluence were in constant oppo- 
 sition to the popolani. Tlie latter seehig themselves likely to 
 be reduced by this law to that comparative poverty into whicli 
 they had forced others by a long war and grinding taxation, 
 made strenuous elforts in the councils where the ]\Iedici fac- 
 tion were gahiing grovmd, to reverse the decree ; lait the 
 Seignory however willing were never able to carry it. lv\a<pe- 
 rated at being thus compelled to take their share of the public 
 burdens they opposed by every means tlie levying of their own 
 new contribution while tliev inusued with cruelty all those who 
 were still in debt for former taxes. Neither reason nor justice 
 nor equity stopped their hand, and iii^teail of sparing poverty 
 as Gianliglazzi recommended, the public collectors were now 
 armed, force was used, struggles <iisacd. wounds were given and 
 received, and many outrages committed by all parties, so that 
 the city was convulsed with the action of a tyrannical adminis- 
 
 * Cavalcanti, Lib. iii., cap. xxi. — Maccliiavelli, Lib. iv. — Ammirato, Lib. xix., 
 p. 1017. 
 
74 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 tration. Unable to gain their point and knowing that the 
 influence of the less opulent classes and artisans prevented it 
 they resolved to unite in a series of measures to preserve their 
 power for the future as they had done in j)ast times. Lorenzo 
 Ridolfi and Francesco Gianfiglazzi son of Kinaldo, both of their 
 faction, were then in power, and the former being Gonfalonier 
 their request for permission to call a meethig to consider the 
 state of the republic although quite irrcgidar was granted with 
 a promise to support whatever they detennhied. Seventy 
 principal citizens of Uzzano's party accordingly assembled in 
 the church of San Stefano al Ponte under the CMuduct of 
 Matteo Castellani, Xiccolo d' Uzzano, Vicri Guailagiii, who all 
 belonged to the Ten of War, and Kinaldo degli Albizzi. 
 Rinaldo being the greatest orator was commissioned to address 
 the assembly and as his speech is a curious and vivid sketch of 
 existing parties it will be considered in the fulknving chapter 
 where the domestic transactions of Florence are resumed*. 
 
 Meanwhile she again endeavoured to awaken a feeling of 
 sympathy, good policy, and real self-hiterest amongst the Italian 
 states and direct their ^'iews to ultimate consequences : to 
 Naples she could not apply; but Albizzi and Guadagni were 
 despatched to Kome, Palla Strozzi and Giovanni de' ]Medici to 
 Venice ; a third embassy repaired to the emperor, and with 
 liberal promises of support mvoked his presence in Italy to 
 assume the Caesarian crown ; but like the hare and many 
 friends Florence was forced to be contented \\ith false com- 
 miseration and empty excuses from all. The pope had not 
 yet recovered Perugia from the Fortebracci whom she still 
 favoured : the Venetians were at peace with Philip and had 
 no legitimate excuse for breaking it ; and Sigismund answered 
 in general and mimeaning terms. Nor was the being thus 
 neglected her only misfortune ; long peace had l)rought the 
 manufacturing and commercial city of Florence into a rich and 
 
 * Cavalcanti, Lib. iii., cap. i. 
 
 CHAP. XXX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 75 
 
 prosperous condition which war soon altered, but the contado 
 and district do not appear to have shared this benefit. 
 
 There is some difficulty of conceiving, unless coupled with 
 depopulation, how a rich and populous city placed in the centre 
 of a fertile district could have failed to communicate its pros- 
 perous influence to the surrounding lands although in itself 
 purely trading and commercial: but when we consider that 
 war in most countries and especially in those times, was accom- 
 panied by a grinding taxation within from domestic friends ; 
 and unmitigated de\ astation without from destructive enemies, 
 the two notions are not irreconcilable : when we also consider 
 that com though destroyed may be rapidly replaced, but that 
 vines and olives when once rooted up are long in gi'owing, 
 longer in reproducmg their fruits ; that Florence was supplied 
 by the rural districts with these necessaries, but depended 
 more on commerce for her wheat, in exchange for manufactures; 
 that these manufactures were principally of that costly descrip- 
 tion which found only a slender market in the state, and that 
 she was thus almost independent of native agriculture ; when 
 all this is considered we may imagine the unusual picture of a 
 flourishing capital with a distressed, impoverished, and almost 
 deserted territory'. Certain it is that through war pestilence 
 and taxation the rural districts still remained so depopulated 
 as again to engage public attention and a law was passed which 
 exonerated all agricultural labourers who should return to their 
 dwellings within two years, and who had been assessed for the 
 Esthno retrospectively from 1423, from any further taxation 
 for a period of flve-and-twenty years after the date of their 
 return. One soldo per lira or five per cent, per annum being 
 the only charge, and after the first five years if any public 
 debt were contracted they could not without their landlord's 
 concurrence be molested for it, either personally or in their 
 agricultural instruments * . 
 
 * S. Ammirato, Lib. xix., p. 1018.— Gio. Cambi, p. 163. 
 
76 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 The notice of this law hy Cambi and Amiviirato is somewhat 
 obscure and much too brief: but tlip (Ll.ts are evidently 
 public without any relation to private trMiisactiMiis e\<Ti)t be- 
 tween the " Oste' or landlord, and his lal>.iur<r, over whom he 
 had gi-eat power, and whom he for his uwii sake tocjk care 
 should not be crippled by the seizure of cattle [dough or 
 person. It is to be regretted that wading as lie d(»os through 
 every depth and shallow of Florentine trrntir^ : wliidi excepting 
 as regards their main course have now little or no interest 
 and even then vanished with tlie passing day; Aunnirato 
 scarcely and rarely touches on the more imponani and endur- 
 ing points of national prosperity as it atlectcd the peasantry 
 and city poor; nor does he often dwell on the reasons for 
 specific legislation ; therefore it is onlv liv <i<tarhed and scat- 
 tered notices culled from the private Journals of the day that 
 any conceptions, and those fiint and unsuti-lactoiy, can bo 
 formed of this interesting? subject. 
 
 The Decemvirate of War notwithstandijig tlnij- reicnt failure 
 still imagined, as Ammirato a--t'n>. ihaL they could 
 dictate the movements of a distant arniv from behind 
 their desks, and therefore issued orders to oddc, and Piccinino 
 to march at once into liomagna by the pass (.f Lanione. This 
 road led do\Mi on Faenza, which ( hiido :\lanfredi still held for 
 Philip, and they had ordei*s to invest that city ; yet as Caval- 
 canti who never spares his govenimont, niakrs no accusation 
 on this point but on the contrary attributes what happened to 
 the confidence and impetuosity of Piccinino, the former writer 
 may possildy err when he tells us tliat in des|)ite of every 
 remonstrance about the danger of threading uairow mountain 
 passes in iiice of a warlike enemy and a ]i..^tih' })o[)ulation 
 in the depth of winter; the generals were forced to march-. 
 Passing the river Laraone at Fagnano about two miles above 
 Brisighella before dawn of day Piccinino left a strong guard 
 
 * Amuiirato, Lib. xix., p. 1013.— Cavalcanti, Lil). iii.,cap. xi. 
 
 A.D. 1425. 
 
 CHAP. XXX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 77 
 
 at the bridge to secure his retreat and senduig on Antonello 
 da Siena's brigade of cavaliy followed by a corps of infantiy 
 to crown the heights, advanced through the pass, strictly en- 
 joining all parties to refrain from pillage until the way were 
 won. He was everywliere disobeyed ; plunder commenced, 
 the bridge guard, eager to share, ijuitted their post which 
 was instantly seized b}' the peasants and the bridge destroyed : 
 thus engnged the fight closed thick around, man and horse, 
 knight and armour, were pitched headlong from the rocks; 
 there was no resisting distant missiles, and the mountain 
 detachments on which their salvation depended instead of 
 clearing the heiglits were busily engaged in plundering. The 
 whole army with the exception of Antonellos corps was dis- 
 persed and almost annihilated ; young Oddo according to 
 Ammirato died fighting bravely; but according to Cavalcanti 
 while vainly supplicating for liis life: Piccinino with his son 
 Francesco were made prisoners and carried to ]\Ianfredi of 
 Faenza whose confidence he gained, and backed by the sub- 
 sequent advice of that chief's uncle Carlo ^Malatesta at Milan, 
 persuaded Inm to abandon the distant and mortal friendship of 
 a single potentate fur the permanent good-will of a near and 
 undying republic ■'-. 
 
 The conse(]uence of this advice was a treaty with Florence 
 which compensated in some measure for the recent disaster ; 
 but still fear and excitemi nt increased and money became more 
 than ever necessarv : two new stocks were created called the 
 " Montr (Jc Fdiiciulli " and the " Moiile delle Fanciulle "f in 
 which if a chikVs [)arents invested W^ florins it was entitled 
 
 * Poggio, Lib. v., p. 14G. — Ammi- " Ziw/av/'<t>;/'i?rt'," was practised by the 
 
 rate, Lib. xix., p. lOlf). — Cavalcanti, ancient Human children .^ A large heap 
 
 Lib. iii., cap. xii. and xvii. — Cajinola, or *' Mimtc " of bran is placed on 
 
 Storia di Milano, Lib. ii", p. 25. — the tabic, mixed up with which are the 
 
 Corio. Hist. Mil., Parte v% tblio .'i2.5. various pieces of money to be played 
 
 + Can this name for the public stocks for. This is divided into as many 
 
 (Monti) be derived from the Floren- smaller heaps (" Monticelli ") as there 
 
 tine children's game of " CruschtrclhC^ are jdayers, who leaving out the person 
 
 which some think, under the name of that distributed the heaps (because he 
 
78 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 either at the expiration of fifteen years or on marriage, if 
 beyond that time, to receive five times the amount and more 
 in proportion according to the exceeded period. This was fol- 
 lowed hy two more forced loans of 100,(H)0 llorins each with 
 severe penalties for non-payment inihiding the forfeiture of 
 the right to be heard in any court of justice *. 
 
 With these helps the war proceeded ; ji licet of twenty- three 
 Catalonian galleys arrived on the coast of Tuscany in April and 
 there embarking a strong Florentine force imd the deposed 
 Doge Tommaso da Campo Fregoso, appeared before Genoa but 
 could eftect nothing like a revolt ; so hated and distmsted were 
 the Catalonian name and banner. Several descent-> were how- 
 ever made on the Kiviera and diverb places surrendered, so 
 that with the exception of a very severe check at Rapallo the 
 war in that quarter was tolerably successful. An unexpected 
 attack by the ^lilanese in the squadron's absence nearly dis- 
 comfited the Florentines at Sestri, but scared by the sudden 
 shout of the troops; occasioned by their belief in the appearance 
 of a real or imagined reenforcement under Aluiso dal Fiesco 
 from Pontremoli ; the Milanese gave way and were completely 
 defeated with the then very unusual circumstance of seven 
 hundred being killed on the field of battle, and more than 
 twelve hundred made prisoners : had this victory the only 
 counterpoise to so many misfortunes, been skilfully improved, 
 Genoa might have been wrested from A^isconte ; but he soon 
 ensured its fidelity by exacting numerous hosUiges of high rank 
 and the fleet returned to Naples f . 
 
 is tlie last to choose) all draw lots for 
 the first choice and so on in succes- 
 sion. After all have chosen each 
 searches in his own heap for the money 
 that fortune has sent him. (Vide 
 ** Malmantile, Rcwquistato dl Ptr- 
 lone Zipoli ; betttr known as the 
 painter Lorenzo Lippi. Note Stanza 
 v., Canzare iii% p. 128.) The slings 
 of the Paris children gave their name 
 
 to a great political faction, that of 
 Monte might own as trifling a source. 
 * S. Ammiiato, Storia, Lib. xix., 
 p. 1020, &c. 
 
 t Paulo Interiano, Ristretto delle 
 Ilistorie Genovesi, Lib, vi,, p. 172. — 
 Giiistiniani, Annali di Genoa, Lib. v*', 
 p. 187. — Ammirato, Lib. xix. ,p. 1021. 
 — Corio., Parte v-*, folio '626. 
 
 CHAP. XXX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 79 
 
 In Romagna Piccinino on being liberated had resumed his 
 former command, a free passage was opened into Tuscany, and 
 Faenza now a friendly town became the bulwark and rallying 
 point of the republic in that quarter *. Opposed to Piccinino 
 was Francesco Sforza who now though scarcely four-and- 
 twenty yeai-s of age, began to make a conspicuous figure in 
 Italian warfare ; and the belligerent armies being nearly equal 
 little was performed for some time on either side until an 
 incursion by the Count of Anghiari on the territory of Borgo 
 San Sepolcro obliged that place to demand Milanese aid from 
 Romagna, and thus the war was gradually attracted to the 
 Aretine provinces. Into this district the IMilanese captain 
 Guide Torelli carried Visconte s good-fortune by gaining two 
 victories over Florence within the short space of nine days 
 during the month of October 1425 ; one at Anghiari the other at 
 Faggiola, making altogether since the commencement of hostili- 
 ties no less than six victories with the sole reverse of Sestri f. 
 
 The Ten of War l)eing somewhat doubtful of Guide Antonio 
 lord of Faenza, placed Piccinino with four hundred lances in 
 garrison there, two hundred under the nominal command of 
 Guide himself, who being young and inexperienced was per- 
 suaded by Florence that the former was only stationed there for 
 the sake of his great experience and counsel in war, therefore 
 entirely subordinate ; and the impatience of Piccinino at this 
 arrangement was soothed by an assurance of his being the only 
 safeguard of Faenza J. This was submitted to for a while; 
 but when his period of service with Florence had expired and 
 he found it not only unrenewed but himself undischarged, 
 therefore left without pay or emplo}inent, he somewhat sternly 
 demanded either instant dismissal or a fresh engagement. 
 Receiving equivocal answers accompanied even by a notification 
 of his being indebted to the state, he saw there was no time to 
 
 * Cavalcanti, Lib. iii., cap. xxiv. 
 
 f Ammirato, Lib. xix., p. 1018. — 
 
 G. Morelli, Recordi, p. 51, 68 — Ca- 
 
 valcanti, Lib. iii., cap. xxvi. 
 
 J Cuvakuuti, Lib. iii., cap. xxiv. 
 
8Q 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOEY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. xxx.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 81 
 
 lose, and opened immediate negotiations with Guido Torelli 
 the Duke of Milan's representative : the latter was too happy 
 to engage so famous a leader, and Florence now seeing her 
 error sent ambassadors to him with tlie most liberal offers. 
 His only answer was a loud laugh and the following fable. 
 " Seignors there was once a man who to quench his thirst 
 " under the heat of a burning sun plunged his face into a 
 " pool of water and in the eagerness of drinking inadvertently 
 ** swallowed a frog : feeling the heat of the human stomach the 
 '' frog began to croak and the di-inker made answer in his lan- 
 "guage-'-. ' Tardl cidutes.' * You sing too late my friend.' 
 " And that answer gentlemen you may cuiry back to your 
 " countiymen from me; for I am the swallow* r and they ai'e 
 " the swallowed. Renounce all hope of my ever returning to 
 " Florence ; Count George and Lodovico de' Manfredi's fate 
 "has taught me wisdom, who for their fiiithful service have 
 "been cast into prison "f. 
 
 After this conduct wliich from some not clearly explained 
 transaction was justified by many in Florence, Niccolu repaired 
 to Peinigia whence he continually harassed the Aretine territor}' 
 and then offered Guido Torelli to scour the whole country up 
 to the gates of the capital which he veiy nearly performed. 
 Guido would however follow him no furtlier than the Chiassa 
 toiTent and Piccinino continued his march ravaging all the 
 coimtr}' against the Arno's course up to San IMaina and even 
 to the Rassina, when feeling that a further advance unsup- 
 ported would be dangerous, he rejoined ( iuido at the Chiassa 
 and returned with him to Borgo San Sepolcro. 
 
 While Niccolo was absent Guido said to one of his officers 
 " Do not be sui'j)rised Fabricius at my remaining here, for it 
 " seems to me impossible tliat Niccolo in so short a time should 
 " have changed from a foe to a friend, and if his anger were 
 " really so great as to make such contrariety possible, even the 
 
 * The Proven9JiL -f* See next chapter, on the wax of Marradi, 
 
 " shortness of time would scarcely admit of this public expres- 
 " sion of hatred and inconstancy. I must keep this pass open 
 " by all means, for there are in these days many more traps 
 " set than mice to be caught in them : the sword no lonrrgr 
 " graces the hand of gentlemen who seek for fume ; low-bred 
 '• knaves, enemies to virtue, have now taken it ; men who call 
 " cruelty boldness ; treacliery superior knowledge ; brutality 
 " courage ; avarice gain ; and so forth. Wlierefore my Fabri- 
 " cius I will henceforth hold my own without loss or gain 
 " mther than subject myself to the chance of all those dangers 
 " that this base crowd is daily causing and practising " *. 
 
 The defection of Niccolo Piccinino was a severe blow which 
 together with repeated disasters aiul growing taxation strongly 
 affected the pubhc mind, but ruled as it was by a pow^erful fac- 
 tion of great resolution and ability there was no wealmess or 
 vacillation in their measures. liinaldo degli Albizzi was again 
 despatched to Rome but with even less than his former success, 
 for contempt and ridicule are not so easily forgiven as injuries, 
 and Pope Martin complaining of both, was still implacable. 
 Lorenzo Ridolfi had better fortune at Venice, but in the 
 interim Piccinino with five more deserters were painted on 
 the walls of the Bargello as traitors, each hanging by one leg 
 with liis name written beneath, and a price set upon the heads 
 of all. Misfortunes now fell thick and fast, taxes became more 
 intolerable, the repeated loans oppressive and t^Tannical, public 
 credit tottering, and when no more confidence existed several 
 mercantile houses were compelled to disburse their ready money 
 by the sole and absolute authority of government. The con- 
 sequence of this was a panic with the simultaneous failure of 
 Pallo Strozzi and eight other firms of high reputation : then 
 followed a general uproar and universal outcry which the Seig- 
 nory and Decemvirate with all their power found it difficult to 
 pacify. Nevertheless these exactions were not less rigorously 
 
 * Cavalcanti, Lib. iii., cap. xxvii. and x.xviii, 
 VOL. III. G 
 
82 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXX] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 83 
 
 enforced, while intelligence of Venice being about to join them 
 assisted in allaying the storm and threw a gleam of doubtful 
 comfort over the people --. 
 
 Lorenzo Ridolti made repeated attempts to gain over the 
 Venetians by representing them as the next moi-sel for the 
 Milanese snake after swallowing Florence; but finally disgusted 
 by their inditference he, in a conference with the Doge and 
 Senate thus abmptly addressed them. " Seignors ; Genoa 
 " because we refused to assist her against Duke Philip made 
 " him her lord ; we if not aided by yuu now in our present 
 '• necessity will make him a king : but you, when all the rest of 
 *' us are conquered and none even if inclined are able to assist 
 " you; you I say will make him an emperor." This plain truth 
 which he had otherwise frequently urged in vain, startled them 
 when thus shortly and distinctly announced ; and the anival 
 of Carmagnola full of enmity against Philip confirmed their 
 decision. Francesco Carmagnola was amongst the fii-st soldiers, 
 if not the tirst captain of Italy, and well acquainted with all 
 the troops plans secrets and resources of Visconte, for his 
 talents had recovered the duchy and he had long been that 
 prince's chief favourite and counsellor. Seeing Guide Torelli 
 and others preferred before him, his enemies more heeded, and 
 himself deprived of the Genoese government, he retired from 
 court, but having secret notice whether tme or false, that Philip 
 intended to poison him now fled to Venice and proved his sin- 
 cent v, of which that government doul)ted, by this explanation. 
 He also discovered many of Visconte's secrets and his designs 
 against Venice after the full of Florence, most of which seem 
 to have been corroborated by contidentiul letters of Visconte 
 unfairly made use of by the Florentine govenmient and sent to 
 Pddolfi for that purjx)se. 
 
 * Ammirato, I.il.. xix.. p. 1024.— Florence by attempting to seize Cor- 
 Corio, Parte v*. fol. 3-26, who asserts tona. It is not like him. 
 that Piccinino proved treacherous to 
 
 A gentleman named Perino Turlo who enjoyed the favour 
 and confidence of Philip was taken in an attack on Faenza and 
 being carried prisoner to Florence there received liis liberty 
 accompanied by great attentions and flattery and was finally dis- 
 missed (after declaring his belief that Phihp wished the friend- 
 ship of Florence) with an earnest entreaty to make peace between 
 them. This was a scheme to ascertain Visconte's real desifms 
 on Venice in order to facilitate the pending negotiations ^th 
 that state ; but Perino soon returned with various propositions 
 of peace which Philip he said most earnestly desired, and as a 
 proof of his sincerity produced a carte-hlanche besides several 
 letters which the Seignory instantly despatched to Venice be- 
 cause they contained matter of infinite danger to that republic. 
 Lorenzo Ptidolfi lost no time in showing them, and the ^Vene- 
 tians seeing the liberal ofl'ers therein made to Florence, the 
 bold confidence of the Florentine ambassador in urging the 
 league, the important communications and promises'^ of'' Car- 
 magnola, and the temptation of conquering Brescia which that 
 captain had promised, determined to accept the alliance, and 
 a treaty was completed early in 14--i0 -. 
 
 This league was to endure for ten years with conditions 
 extremely favom-able to Venice whose real sources of 
 strength still lay in commerce, and whose geographical ^'^' "^''' 
 position gave her considerable advantages in treating with Flo- 
 rence to whom her cooperation both in force and situation was 
 of the last import^mce in a Loml)ard war. The Venetian ter- 
 ritury in that province from its recent acquisition had not yet 
 become an integral portion of her national strength ; it was but 
 a lucky addition to an already consolidated power; a power still 
 nsn)g, absorptive, and hitherto unweakened by expansion, and 
 therefore might be again lost without much dismay, because no 
 national interests had as yet taken root or identified themselves 
 
 * Corio, Parte iv., p. 325.— Boninscgni, Lib. i., p. 26.— Cavalcanti, Lib iii 
 cap. XXV. ' ■' 
 
 Cr 2 
 
84 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXX ] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 85 
 
 in any way with those provinces. But for Florence war with 
 Milan was ever a matter of vitality, and especially after so 
 many disasters ; wherefore she eagerly consented to any con- 
 ihtions, and peace, truce, or war, were now equally suhnntted 
 to the hat of that cunning and unbending aristocracy. Venice 
 also made some jealous terms about the Abxandrian trade, was 
 moreover to have eveiy conquest that might be achieved in 
 Lombardv, and Florence all those in Romugna and Tuscany not 
 already belonging to the church. Sixteen thousand cavaliy and 
 eight thousand infontry were to constitute the minimum of the 
 combined force, and strong armaments of galleys on the Mam, 
 and flotillas on the Po, were to act vigorously against ( ; eiioa and 
 every other tangible point of Visconte s territory. Tope ^Martm 
 refused to join, but Siena followed Florence. Niccolo marquis 
 of Ferrara accepted the command of the Florentines, and united 
 with the league for the promised acquisition of Lugo and Parma 
 if conquered. Amadous duke of Savoy for liis own especial 
 objects, the lord of Mantua, and other Loml)ard seignors, all 
 signed their names to it, and Francis Count Carmagnola was 
 appointed Generalissimo ^^. The Venetians alone brought into 
 the field eight thousand eight hundred and thirty horse and 
 eight thousand foot, the Florentines six thousand one hmidred 
 and ten of the former and six thousand of the latter at an 
 expense of four, and three florins a month respectively, for every 
 soldier of each arm. To oppose thorn Philip had eight thousand 
 five hundred and fifty horse and eight thousand foot, his whole 
 revenue amounting to 5 1,000 florins monthly. Other authors 
 and among them Cagnola, make the allied annies amount to 
 much larger numbers and by the testimony of all there were 
 fuU seventy thousand of both hosts at Casa al Secco ; but 
 Cambi gives the name and following of each particular leader; 
 
 * Cavalcanti, Lib. iii., cap. xxix— scimi. Lib 5, P' 26.-Ca=:"!>^^' ^^;';. 
 Ammirato, Lib. xix., p. 1026.-rog- Milan., L, .. n", p. 36.-Cono, Uric 
 gio, Lib. Y., pp. 151 to 155.— Bouin- v% folio o-b. 
 
 those of Sforza, Piccinino, Pergola and Tolentino being by far 
 the most numerous of the private condottieri and equal to any 
 of the sovereign princes -'. 
 
 War then commenced and Philip mthdrew his troops from 
 Romagna : Carmagnola in performance of his promise marched 
 directly on Brescia : by means of a secret understanding with 
 the Avogadori f:imily and other Guelphs all inhabiting one 
 particular quarter of the city and all hating Visconte, he easily 
 excited a revolt, and on the seventeenth of March made such a 
 lodgment there, as immediately enabled him to lay close siege 
 to the rest of the town. Prcscia ; one of the chief cities and 
 most celebrated manufactory of arms in Italy was then divided 
 into three distinct fortified districts each commanded by its 
 citadel ; and besides them a strong elevated castle wliich over- 
 looked the whole f . 
 
 At first Carniiignola was only master of the ground he stood 
 on, but the battle soon began with all the fury of an assault 
 and all the bitterness of civil war until Francesco Sforza who 
 defended it was forced to yield and the allies completed their 
 lodgment. As this news spread to Milan and Florence the 
 whole force of war concentrated round Brescia; Arezzo and 
 Romagna were soon cleared of troops, and reenforcements poured 
 in from eveiy quarter ;. One continued scene of war and 
 blood; of fire, rape, and robbery, attracted the attention of all 
 Italy for eight successive months ; so that, to use the words 
 
 * Cf io. Cambi Istoria, p. 16!). — Caval- 
 canti, Lib. iv., cap. xvii. — Poggio, 
 Lib. v., p. 1G4. — Cagnola, Stor. tli 
 Milano, Lib. ii., p. 37. 
 f The celebrity of Brescia as a manu- 
 factory of arms was ])roverl)ial : when 
 a man was completely anneil it was 
 not unusual to say "i/f has all 
 Bnscia on his hack.'' " // tale ha 
 tutta Brescia adosso'' In Lorenzo 
 Lippi's poem of Matmantile Rarquis- 
 tato (Cantare primo, Stanza 30) we 
 
 have, " La dove Brescia romorcggia 
 c splendc" to signify a battle '^by 
 ])octically substituting the place itself 
 tor the weapons p.nd armour made 
 there. 
 
 Z Cavalcanti, Lib. iii., cap. xxxi. and 
 xxxii. — Poggio, Lib. v., p. 155 to 
 1.58. — Ammirfito, Lib. xix., p. 1032, 
 — Cagnola, Lib. ii", p. 36, who places 
 the revolt and attack of Brescia in 
 1427. 
 
80 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 87 
 
 of Cavalcanti, " never was any tavera so deluged with water 
 as this unfortunate city was with blood." A ditch encom- 
 passed it so closely without that no succours could enter 
 to mitigate the general suffering ; within, nothing was heard 
 but shrieks, weeping, and lamentation mingled with the shouts 
 of struggling warriors and the clang of arms : with a masterly 
 hand, almost incredible perseverance, and in face of the 
 whole Milanese army led by the greatest captains of the day, 
 did Carmagnola in a few months subdue the three citadels 
 successively, and finally, aided by the (jhibelines themselves, 
 in November 14Q6 that almost impregnable castle, the last 
 stronghold of Visconte, submitted to his arms. A well-directed 
 artillery which under the name of " Bnmbanle " was now 
 becoming common in sieges materially assisted him, and 
 the castle at the moment of its surrender is described as exhi- 
 biting the appearance of a porcupine from the innumerable 
 arrows that covered its walls, idl fixed in the seams of mortar ; 
 a fact that does more honour to the zeal than the tniining 
 of Italian archers and crossbow-men -. 
 
 Thus fell Brescia as much to the shame of the Milanese 
 commanders as to the gloiy of Carmagnola, for its capture was 
 admired as one of the greatest military exploits of that age and 
 added a noble territor}^ to the Venetian republic. 
 
 Pope Martin who in consequence of his alliance with Pliilip 
 had from that prince s necessities recovered not only the papal 
 cities m Romagna but others that never had legally belonged 
 to the church ; at last bethought himself of reconciling the 
 belligerent states and through his exertions and Philip s difii- 
 culties a general peace was signed at Venice on the thirtieth 
 of December 14-26, by which Savoy retained possession of all 
 her conquests on the Milanese state ; Brescia and its territor}' 
 
 • Corio,Stor. Mil., Parte v»,fol. 326. &c.— Cagnola, Lib. ii«, p. 37, who 
 —Cavalcanti, Lib. iv., cap. vii. and says with Corio that the citadel held 
 jiossim. — Poggio, Lib. v., p. 155, out for thirteen months. 
 
 AD. 1427. 
 
 remained to Venice ; all places captured from Florence were 
 restored and her merchants relieved by Philip, as lord of 
 Genoa, from the obligation hitherto imposed on them of em- 
 barking their English and French goods in Genoese bottoms. 
 Milan was once more bound not to intermeddle with the affairs 
 of Bologna, Romagna, Tuscany, or any state between that city 
 and Rome, while Florence subscribed to the same conditions 
 as regarded Bologna and that part of Romagna not subject to 
 her sway -:-. 
 
 To the great satisfiiction of Florence this treaty was pro- 
 claimed early in 14;i7. She had up to the ninth of 
 November with little or no advantage expended 
 2,500,000 florins and her ordinary war expenses were esti- 
 mated at about 70,000 a month f . Upon this Giovanni Morelli 
 a cotemporary historian, exclaims, " Make war, promote war, 
 ♦' nourish those ivho foment ivar ; Florence has never been free 
 ''from war, and never will until the heads of four leading citi- 
 " zens are annually chopped off upon the scaffold y So true 
 as it would appear if any credit may be given to cotem- 
 porarj^ writers though influenced by the prevalent spirit of 
 faction, that private gain was the great ahment of foreign and 
 domestic war in Florence. Many were doubtless excited by 
 this motive ; more there perhaps than elsewhere because those 
 who could most benefit by war were the same that directed or 
 at least materially influenced their country's councils and were 
 likely to be personally interested either commercially or officially, 
 and generally fraudulently, in the expenditure of public trea- 
 sure. But such facts must be cautiously received, we should not 
 be wholly, and we cannot always be justly swayed by them : 
 neither ought the evidence of any single testimony open to 
 and perhaps strongly imbued with the factious sympathies of 
 the time, completely command our belief although with an 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib.xix., p. 1032. f Amrairato, Lib.xix., p. 1033. 
 
 J G. Morelli, Ricord., p. 73. 
 
88 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 apparently honest indignation it condemns the drama and the 
 actors, or so much of either as was permitted to be pubhcly 
 shown. The historian must take higher ground; he must 
 look from the judgment-seat, contemphite the broad course 
 and current of the age, thence foi-m, and impai'tially pronounce 
 
 his opinion. 
 
 In this view it would appear ; although Morelli is not sin- 
 gular in his assertions ; that whatever might have been the 
 private views and motives of certiiin citizens the war itself 
 seems to have been justifiable as well for the especial safety of 
 Florence as the general independence of Italy. The power 
 talents and ambition of the Visconti were always formidable, 
 and to Florence alone was due the credit of bafHing both their 
 insidious and open advances to universal empire. The cause 
 was good ; the mode of conducting it essentially vicious ; inter- 
 nal corruption led to external disasters, and an able and faith- 
 less adversaiy rendered errors dangerous : taxation pressed 
 unequally and cruelly on the poor, until the new mode of con- 
 tribution by the Catasto descended like an April shower on a 
 parched and withering country. This law, described to Vis- 
 conte as being calculated to insure a constant supply of 
 money for the war, coupled with the loss of Brescia and 
 general success of the allies was what princi])ally induced him 
 to seek a momentaiy respite in the form of peace, but which 
 seems from the first to have been a mere stratagem to gain 
 time, dissolve the allied army and afterwards take his adversaries 
 unprepared. The Catasto worked for peace in another way, 
 inasmuch as it threw the great burden of expense on rich and 
 leading citizens who had almost escaped with impunity mider the 
 former method of taxation ; this also seems to have sharpened 
 their sagacity as to consequences, and made them consider that 
 if Philip fell, the Venetians with tlieir growing taste for con- 
 tinental power would be more dangerous as an unchanging 
 ambitious state with steady views and determined purpose, than 
 
 CHAP. XXX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 89 
 
 the fluctuating mortality of the Dukes of Milan. The Vene- 
 tians on the other hand although quite aware of the Florentine 
 policy were anxious to secure tlieir new Brescian territory, 
 therefore interposed no obstacle to the negotiations "•-. 
 
 Such were the various reasons that facilitated the treaty of 
 Venice ; but the ink was scarcely dry when Philip either re- 
 penting of what he had done or pursuing his secret intentions, 
 \\ith the certiiinty of for ever losing Brescia if he executed the 
 treaty, invited Carniagnula in person to take possession of 
 Cbiari a fortified town forming a strong outwork to that city on 
 the road to Milan. Niccolo Tolentino suspecting treachery 
 dissuaded his general from doing so notwithstanding ordei*s 
 from the Venetian Seiguoiy, and his counsel w^as soon justified 
 by information that the detachment sent on this duty was sur- 
 rounded and cut to pieces within the walls. Visconte followed 
 up this by the equipment of a large llotilla on the Po, the aug- 
 mentation of his army with disbanded soldiers from the allies, 
 and a sudden renewal of hostilities ■\. The astonished league 
 almost immediately touk the field with what troops remained, 
 the general having orders to make fierce war while a strong 
 armament was preparing to meet the enemy afloat and attack 
 all the vulnerable ])oints on the left bank of the Po. 
 
 The first encounter was at (lOttolengo: Carmagnola had 
 asseral)led his military cars, (wliicli in tliose days were an indis- 
 pensable portion of all armies for the rapid movements of in- 
 fantry) and filling them with crossbow-men attempted to sur- 
 prise the enemy. The Milanese however were too experi- 
 enced for this and mustering their Avhole force attacked him 
 unexpectedly wliile in some confusion on his march, and 
 nearly defeated the wdiole army : Carmagnola however rallied 
 his people and after restoring order, began an obstinate 
 contest. 
 
 * Cavaloanti, Lib. iv., cap. x. Cagnola nor Corio seem to think ne- 
 
 t So short was the peace that neither cessary even to mention it. 
 
90 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [l'OOK I. 
 
 The heat was excessive, the dust intolerable, the visors of 
 helmets, the eyes and nostrils of the combatants were all 
 choked up so that respiration became almost impossible. The 
 Milanese were supplied with wine and water by the female 
 peasantiy, but such was the dust and obscurity that friend and 
 foe seemed alike unknown and many of the allies received re- 
 freshment even from the hands of their enemies. Numbers fell 
 from their horses ovei-powered by heat and dust; the plain 
 was strewed with lances shields and wounded men ; horses were 
 galloping wildly about the field, some with saddles, some 
 without ; others had them turned under their belly, and many 
 men threw otTall their armour to escape sutVucation. Piccinino 
 was conspicuous beyond the rest in knightly daring, and his 
 lance's point was felt throughout the throng ; for this battle 
 excepting amongst the infantry seems to have been a confused 
 mass of single combats, more like the mrhe of a tournament 
 than a scientific tight of disciplined soldiers ; but the footmen 
 in firm well-ordered battalions with lowered spears charged 
 and withstood the charges of the men-at-arms killing both 
 them and their horses. 
 
 When the struggle had lasted some hours and the allies 
 were ready to give way, the Marquis of Mantua, hitherto 
 deceived by false reports from a cowardly fugitive, came sud- 
 denly up with his followers and dashing fcir^ard saved all 
 the cavalry and restored the day. The retreat was simulta- 
 neouslv sounded on both sides, each host had been three times 
 broken, all but the infantr}% who seem to have by their disci- 
 pline preserved the rest *. 
 
 The ducal forces throughout these two campaigns were 
 smaller in numbers than the allies, but better soldiers and with 
 a greater number of more able commanders ; yet tViey were un- 
 successful for want of a common chief, while Cannagnola was 
 implicitly obeyed, and all his advantages were gained by bring- 
 
 * Cavalcanti, Lib. iv., cap xii. 
 
 CHAP. XXX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 91 
 
 ing superior numbers against the weakest points of the enemy. 
 To remedy this Visconte appointed young Carlo de' Malatesti 
 of Pesaro as his captahi-general ; a youth of no experience but 
 whose higli rank and family reputation were likely to restrain 
 the continual bickering of the chiefs. 
 
 Meanw^iile Carmagnola angry at the somewhat disgraceful 
 affair of Gottolinga conceived the idea of surprising Cremona 
 a thoroughly (juelphic city and disaffected to every Ghibeline 
 authority : with this view he took up a strong position at Sommo 
 close to the town, intrenched and fortified his camp with a 
 thousand war-cars as was his custom, and trusted to those within 
 the city for ultimate success. Philip, for the above reasons, 
 became alarmed, wherefore assembling a large force and in- 
 stantly embarking on the Pu he at once occupied and saved 
 Cremona. A council of war was of opinion that the enemy 
 should be attacked because Cremona secured their own safety in 
 case of defeat and a victoiy w^ould almost insure the fall of 
 Mantua. To protect that place the army was encamped in an 
 open space about half a mile wide contained between the city 
 walls and the surrounding ditch, called '* Le Cerchie di Cre- 
 mona " the defence of which involved that of the city itself : 
 but as the circuit was large a continual stream of armed pea- 
 santry came pouring in at their prince's call, ranged imder 
 various flags and banners jind augmenting the aggregate of 
 both armies to full so vent v thousand combatants 'i^. The allies 
 were superior in the number of regular troops, the Milanese 
 in experience and discipline, and held themselves fully equal 
 to their antagonists independent of the peasantry : these 
 however in the unsettled state of that time and country knew 
 
 * Historians do not positively say that men of cavalry and infantry alone in 
 
 this enormous force included the armed tlie two armies ; Cagnola says posi- 
 
 peasantry but from their own state- tively that Visconte had thirty thou- 
 
 ments it can in no other way be ac- sand and Carmagnola forty thousand 
 
 counted for, yet easily by that ; be- men under condottieri. (Lib. ii**., 
 
 cause at the lowest estimate there p. 37.) 
 were upwards of forty- five thousand 
 
92 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 well how to handle their weapons though despised by the 
 condottieri, who represented them to Philip as useful to fill up 
 ditches and as convenient marks for exhausting the adverse 
 missiles and sparing the regular troops ; however their vast 
 nuuibei*s would it was said excite fear, " the true harbinger 
 of defeat." 
 
 Battle being resolved on, a corps of light-armed troops was 
 sent fonvard to begin, but these were quickly driven in on 
 the main body by Taliano Furlano one of the adverse chiefs 
 who seeing the ^Milanese cavaliy already formed and the 
 whole countr}" as far as the eye could reach covered with ban- 
 ners instantly turned to give the alarm. Carmagnola Avas soon 
 in his saddle and pei'sonally directing the defence of a narrow 
 pass protected by a broad and deep ditch which the enemy 
 would be compelled to win ere his main body could be attacked. 
 This was thicklv lined with veteran soldiers and the road 
 within it flanked by a body of eight thousand infantiy armed 
 with the spear and crossbow, and posted in an almost impe- 
 netrable thicket closely bordering on the pultlic way. This pass 
 was called " La Casa-al-Secco,'' and Agnolo delhi Pergola first 
 appeared before it with his followers, supi>orted by a crowd of 
 peasant ly ''•- : the ditch was deep broad and well defended, and 
 an increasing shower of arrows galled his people so sorely that 
 he at once resolved to use the rural bands as a means of lilliujr 
 it. Driving the peasant multitude forward he ordered the 
 regular troops to put every luckless clown to death who 
 turned Ids face from the enemy; so that these wretches 
 with the spear at their back and the crossbow in front fell 
 like grass under the scythe of the husbandman. But they 
 were more useful in death : by Agnolo's command both killed 
 and wounded, all who fell, were rolled promiscuously into 
 
 • Ammirato who copies Corio gives his manner of relating it would appear 
 the leadincr of this attack to Sforza. I to have been preseutatthe battle, which 
 have followed Cavalcanti who from happened on 12 July, 1427. 
 
 CHAP. XXX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 93 
 
 this universal grave, covered up with mould and buried alto- 
 gether. Here were to be seen distracted fa titers with un- 
 steady hand shovelling clods upon the bodies of dead and 
 wounded sons ; sons lie:i[>ing earth on their fathers' heads ; 
 brothers covering the bloody remains of l)rothers ; uncles ne- 
 phews' ; nephews uncles" ; all clotted in this horrid compost ! 
 If the wi'ctches turned, a friends lance or dart was instantly 
 through their body ; if they stood, an enemy's shaft or javelin 
 no less sljar[)ly pierced them ; alive they tilled the pit with 
 sons and brothers, dead or wounded with themselves ! They 
 worked and died l)y tliousands : even the very soldiers that 
 opposed them at last took pity and aimed tlieir weapons only 
 at armed men. " And as a reward for this,"' exclaims Caval- 
 canti, " God lent us strength and courage." Nevertheless so 
 many were thus cruelly sacrificed that the moat was soon tilled 
 to the utmost level of its banks with earth and flesh and human 
 blood, and then the knights givhig spurs to their steeds dashed 
 proudly over tliis hifernal causeway ! It was now that the light 
 commenced, fresh scpiadrons poured in on every side and all 
 rushed madly to the comltat, fur on this bloody spot the day 
 was to be decided. *' Here," says Cavalcanti, " began the 
 fierce and mortal struggle ; here every knight led up his fol- 
 lowers and did noble deeds of arms; here were the shivered 
 lances Hying to pieces in the air, cavaliers lifeless on the 
 ground and all the field bestrewed with dead and dying! 
 Here too was seen voun{]f Carlo ]\lalatesta, himself and courser 
 cased complete in maU, and a golden mantle streaming from 
 his shoulders ! Whoever has not seen him has not seen the 
 pride of armies ! * Here was store of blood, and lack of joy and 
 fear and doubt hung hard on every mhid I Nothing was heard 
 but the clang of arms, the shock of lances, the tempest of 
 
 * This is probably intended as a mere ainoncrst friends or enemies who both 
 
 sarcasm on Carl*. Malatesta's vanity blamed Phili]) for bis choice of n ^'c- 
 
 and imbecility, for he had neither ex- ncral. (See Corio, Parte v% p. 328.; 
 perience nor reputation in arms, either 
 
94 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 cavaby, and the gi'oans, and cries, and shouts of either host ! 
 The sun was flaming, the suffering dreadful, the thirst intole- 
 rable ; eveiything seemed to bui'u, all cons2)ired against the 
 "wish of men, but the Cremonese women brought refreshments 
 to our enemies." 
 
 The whole battle appears to have been concentrated ui this 
 pass so that numbers made but little difference on either side ; 
 nevertheless the Milanese chivaliT were severely handled bv the 
 veterans in the wood who kept up a continual discharge of arrows 
 on horse and man from the moment the ditch was passed, or else 
 ran in with their lances and speared them. As many died from 
 exhaustion and suffocation as from blows, for the battle was 
 fought early in July and lasted from two hours after sunrise 
 imtil evening; othei's it is said expired from the stench of 
 carnage rapidly corrupted by excessive heat : Carmagnola 
 forced by circumstances into the thickest tight was unhorsed 
 and a hard conflict between those who tried to save, and those 
 who wished to take him prisoner soon concentrated all the 
 knightly prowess of both iU'mies round his person : he was 
 remounted, and dust and confusion saved him more than once, 
 as they did Niccolo Piccinino, besides other leaders on both sides 
 from being recognised and captured. The stjuadrous charged 
 and recharged in dust and darkness; no standards could be 
 seen ; the voice alone revealed a friend ; and v^hen a retreat 
 was sounded whole troops of cavalry ranged themselves under 
 adverse banners in total ignorance of their o^vn position. One 
 attack was made by a strong detachment upon the baggage and 
 for a while placed the allies in great danger ; but being finally 
 repulsed with the loss of five hundred prisoners a general retreat 
 was sounded : the captives were equal, yet as the allies held 
 their ground and saved the camp the victor)^ of " Casa-al- 
 Secco " was fairly claimed by Cai-magnola*. 
 
 ♦ Gio. Cavalcanti, Lib. iv., cap. xiv. — S. Animirato, Lih. xix., p. 1037. — 
 — Poggio Bracciolini, Lib. vi., p. 166. Mui-atori, Annuli, Anno l4'J7. — Doui. 
 
 CHAP. XXX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 95 
 
 Philip previous to this battle had endeavoured to balance his 
 ill success by a naval victor}^ : the Venetian armament on the 
 Po had been extremely active, and to check it he placed a 
 strong squadron under the orders of Pacino Eustachio of Pavia 
 with instructions to lose no time in bringing the enemy to 
 action. The latter commanded by Francesco Bembo did not 
 shun the encounter, which took place near Brescello ; but losing 
 three galleons in the commencement, Bembo doubtful of con- 
 sequences, with that rapid and bold decision that marks a 
 superior mind suddenly discontinued the contest and with- 
 drawing all the crossbow-men from his remaining galleons 
 maimed them with the crews of others armed only with spears, 
 swords, spontoons, battle-axes, and short arms of eveiy descrip- 
 tion. These he placed in the van, while the galleons thus 
 emptied were manned with crossbow-men alone and stationed 
 close in the rear of his first line, with rigid orders under the 
 penalty of death, to Idll either himself or any other man that 
 should turn from the enemy. He then renewed the attack. 
 
 With the Milanese in front; in their rear the levelled cross- 
 bows ready to shoot into the first vessel that gave way and 
 themselves armed only with short weapons, the Venetian 
 sailors were compelled either to fight hand to hand with their 
 enemies or be transfixed without resistance by their own or 
 adverse missiles. The Lombards were thus rendered the 
 less formidable of the two, and the closer the fight the more 
 safety, because free from the arrows of either squadron : thus 
 excited tlie galleons were resolutely run along-side those of the 
 enemy and lashed there, and the battle became more fierce 
 and obstinate ; the Venetian mariners, chiefly Greeks and 
 Sclavouians, are described as displaying all the courage sagacity 
 and savage fury of those nations. 
 
 The scene was appalling ; no room for tactics, no hope in 
 
 Roninscjrni, Mem., Lib. i., p." 29.— Gio. Pietro Cagnola, Stor. Mil, Lib 
 Bernardino Corio, Parte v., p. 327.— ii°, p. 36. 
 
9j 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 CHAP. XXX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 97 
 
 flight ; man encountered man with the eye and hand of death ; 
 the struggle was personal, unrelenting, resolute ; a struggle 
 for existence, not for victor}- : the Venetians, pressed by a 
 double danger had no other hope ; the Greeks of Crete and 
 Negropont with the Sclavonian crews perf(tniied such deeds as 
 have been rarely equalled and never yet surpassed. Springing 
 with the force of tigers on their prey it many times happened 
 that when the Italian spear had pierced a Sclavonian body, 
 the wounded man would seize and draw liimself forward on 
 the slippery statf until he grappled his eiuiny and then both 
 rolled struggling into the stream below I Agjiin, two running 
 each other througli at the same moment and ^t^rnly follow- 
 ing up their thrust would close and wrestle as long as life 
 endured, or foil while yet writhing into the bloody Po : for 
 that great stream, full, and broad, and ample as it was, became 
 strongly crimsoned ! Pacino at last gave way, and with a few 
 as yet ungrappled galleys made good his iliglit, but left four- 
 teen captured vessels in the hands of Venice*. 
 
 After the battle of " Casa-al-Secco " Carmngnola, who a> 
 Cavalcanti asserts was now at the head of r)<i,(MiO lighting men. 
 laid siege to Casal Maggiore on the Po and recaptured Bina 
 which Sforza had suq)rised : he then reduced the former and 
 both armies cautiously mameuvred, narrowly watching each 
 other's motions mitil the beginning of October, when the allies 
 were besieging Pompeiano a town situated about six miles 
 from Brescia on the high road to Crema. AMiile Malatesta 
 was absent with Philip the Milanese captains had so placed 
 their army as to impede the enemy's progress witliout risking 
 a general engagement, but when Carlo returned he posted 
 himself between Macalo (now Maclodio) and the allies, with an 
 intention to succour the besieged. The two camps only four 
 
 * Po^crio, Ainiiiirato and Corio say v*, p. 327. — Aminirato, Lib. xix., 
 
 that the Duke lost but eight galleys p. 1034.— Cnvulcanti, Lib. iv., cap. 
 
 in this bloody encounter which oc- xv. — Pogiri<», Lib. v., p. IG3. — Mura- 
 
 curred on 2 1 May, 1 427.— Corio, Parte tori, An. 1 427. 
 
 miles asunder were separated by what then was an extensive 
 swamp, now a fertile plain ; what was then fetid black and 
 stagnant pools full of reeds and thonis, and swarming with 
 snakes and every loathsome reptile ; now abomiding in com 
 and vines and nuil berries. The high road from Orci Xovi on 
 the Oglio to Pompeiano and Brescia ran like a causeway 
 througli this waste and passed by a wooden bridge over a 
 channel of deep water tiiat connected the opposite marshes. 
 Adjonnng the swamp and bridge one side of the road was 
 flanked by an extensive wood, so thick and wild and full of 
 savage beasts, tliat both men and domestic cattle shunnea it. 
 Just at the bridge-head the road entered a sort of inclosed 
 space or bason of solid earth in the midst of the marshes; a 
 sort of trap from wliirh no army un.-e entered and cut off from 
 the bridge could hope to escape except by the destruction of a 
 superior enemy. 
 
 Niccelo Tolentino a leader of great influence having examined 
 this ground advise.l Carmagnola to occupy the position while 
 he and his friend Bernardino with a strong division of the army 
 concealed themsdves in tlie wood on the other side of the 
 bridge and awaited Carlo s advaiue who it wiis supposed would 
 run headlong into the trai*. This suggestion was followed ; 
 the ambuscade was posted in the wood that night, and the 
 other troops were under arms at daylight: Carlo Malatesta on 
 the other hand whether for the reasons mentioned by Corio* 
 
 * Scarcely two antliors agree in tlicir 
 accounts of this battle^ whii h w.ts 
 fought on the 11th Octohrr 1427. 
 Cagnola, whoui C'<trio cdpics, Corio 
 liimself, and Aniniirato mIio co])ics 
 liiui, say that Carlo was cntrapjx'd into 
 fighting it by his wish of being pioint 
 .It a single combat between two sol- 
 diers one from each army to which he 
 and his people went unarmed although 
 no truce existed. Sismondi quotint: 
 Andrea Bigla, Simonctta, Rcdusio and 
 VOL. III. 
 
 otiu rs (which are also Muratori's au- 
 tlunitic'^) gives a different account : 
 PogL'io and Canilcanti, (the latter 
 evi.Unily unknown both to Ammirato 
 and .Sisiufuuii) agree more nearly are 
 both coteniponiiy authors, and Caval- 
 canti a|)parcntly an actor in the scenes 
 he descrihis ; wherefore as being least 
 known and more minute, though some- 
 what poetical, 1 have principally fol- 
 lowed him. 
 
 li 
 
08 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. XXX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 99 
 
 or a wilful determination to fight, was on his march by dawn 
 of day : he soon crossed the bridge and entered the trap with 
 loud shouts of *' Viva il Diica " *' Viva il Jhiai." Carmagnola 
 had marshalled his army in the shape of a crescent and slowly 
 retired before him, but still deepening his centre as if fearful 
 of tlie encounter. When he heard that all had entered he 
 exclaimed, " T/iei/ are ca)((jht,'' and from a rising ground shortly 
 addressed his people before the battle. 
 
 The instant that the enemy's rear was well over the bridge 
 and engaged with their antagonists Bernardino darted like 
 lightnuig from the wood and seized it at tlie head of a thousand 
 horse : he was rapidly followed by Tolentino with a much larger 
 force, but leaving the latter to defend the briilge he snatched up a 
 heaNy and well-pointed lance and with two Imndred mcn-at-anns 
 dashed deep into the ^lilanese rear with loud cries and great 
 confusion. The two bonis of the crescent then rapidly closed in : 
 Cannagnola charged in front ; the crossbows jilayed unceasingly 
 from everv thicket; " Sau Marco,'' " Diicc," and " Marzocco " 'J' 
 resounded througli the field, " The shouts of men the neighing 
 of horses, the shock of lances, the tein[»rst of swords was so 
 great," says Cavalcanti, " that the loudest thunder might have 
 rolled above unheeded. The \vild beasts fled in terror through 
 the woods and in these infernal swamps many swarms of sei*pents 
 were seen iiistling through the reeds at the unwonted uproar ! " 
 *' O reader think how cruel nuist have been this conflict when 
 so many animals enemies to our nature lied in so wild affi'ight I 
 All was terror and distraction ; Niccol/* lield steadilv to tlie 
 bridge ; many were driven into the marslies or dragged by their 
 stirrups tlirougli them; the flights of arntws were sometimes 
 so dense as to obscure the sun. and this deadly archery did iuli- 
 nite mischief; the air itself seemed changed and terrified, and 
 this great multitude was full of groaning, blood, and death!" 
 Every hope of victory at length vanished and the Milanese 
 
 * " Mm-zocco " was the lion of Florence and ihc usual liUtlc-cry of her annic^. 
 
 broke, surrendere.], and fled in .all directions : Carlo Malateste 
 and eigbt thousand prisoners laid down their arms, but strange 
 to say, almost all were then or subsequently permitted to escape 
 by Carmagnola; and this first sowed the seeds of Venetian 
 jealousy -. 
 
 Guido Torelli, riccinino. and Frmicesco Sforza escaped, and 
 by the next morning all but four hundred prisone,-s had ob- 
 tamed then- uberty : this produced s.rong remonstrances from 
 the\enet.an commissaries, upon whi,h Carmagnola sent for 
 he remannng captives and said to them '■ Since my soldiers 
 _^ have given your conn-ades their liberty I w,ll not be behind 
 them m generosity : depart, you also are free." This battle 
 was the chmax of Camagnolas gloiy : whether he were unwill- 
 ing reduce Ins old patron too low, or was secretly influenced 
 by the desu-eo peace and the rccovcy ,.fhis wife and children 
 who were m \ .scontes hands, or by less honourable motives 
 seems uncertam ; but his subsequent efforts were insignificant. 
 There ,s no doubt says I'oggio that he could that day have 
 destroyed Phihp a he had retained the prisoners who were the 
 flower of that princes army; but according to the custom of 
 modern s„hhers they renudned as lookers-on, intent only on 
 dividmg the booty and lot the men-at-arms go free f 
 
 None of this was lost on the Venetians ; but not a reproach 
 was heard, not a sentence uttered, no sign of displeasure 
 reached h.s ear: he could still bo useful, was adding bit by bit 
 to then- conquests and as yet in too furmidable a position to be 
 struck : on the conti-ary, .s wa. tlinr usual custom when medi- 
 tatmg the sacrifice of a victim, more deference was shown him ■ 
 more respect paid him ; but Ik- was notforgotteu. 
 
 The liberated army of ililan was soon remounted equipped 
 and m the field ; for most of these battles involved the waste 
 
 » Cavalranti, Lib iv., ca|,. xvii. — Sismondi, vol. vi., p 257- 
 C„n„ Paru. v% p. Zn.-V.r^,„, Li,. s.or. Mil!, Lib, ii- p' 38 
 
 I 1041 m:,; T^'T' ^'h V^'^" + ''"S«'°' ^'■'- "'■' P- 16»- 
 p. HJ41. — Muraton, Anno 1427, 
 
 H 2 
 
 -Cagnola, 
 
100 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 of more money than Llood as dead men paid no ransoms, and 
 Visconte had ample resources. He nevertheless became 
 alarmed at his actual position and sought new strength by 
 rousing the emperor Sigismund against Venice, hy marrying his 
 daughter Maria to the Duke of Savoy, and hy stirring up the 
 poor remnants of the Carrara and La Scala families to agitate 
 Padua and Verona. He met these difficultits with an able head 
 and a bold countenance, hut was in fact a strange character and 
 differing according to cotemporaiy writers from all other men. 
 No stability, no confidence, no belief, no firmness of purpose ; 
 mutable as the wind, no regard to promises, unsteady in his 
 friendships, and prone to sudden antipathies against those who 
 were apparently his dearest fiiends : cunning, sagacious, vain 
 of his own judgment, despising that of others : whimsically 
 pacific and warlike by turns ; fond of a solitaiy life he was 
 rarely visible but governed through his ministei-s and tempo- 
 rar}^ favourites, and thence no doubt proceeded many of his 
 worst misfortunes*. 
 
 A slight check before Genoa, more important from the heroic- 
 death of Tommaso Frescobaldi than from any other 
 injmy, in some degree damped the joy of Florence for 
 this recent victor}'. Frescobaldi had distinguished himself as 
 Florentme commissaiy in the Aretine district by an able and 
 vigorous conduct under veiy tiying difficulties and a total neglect 
 of him by the government: nevertheless h<- perseveringly with- 
 stood the Milanese forces until the siege of Pnescia relieved him. 
 Indignant at tliis treatment he personally and boldly reproached 
 the Ten of War with their conduct, and in no measured terms: 
 Niccolo d'Uzzano tried to soothe him and was respectfully heard ; 
 but Vieri Guadagni so impatiently rated liim as to be told by 
 Tommaso that nothing but his high official dignity was a protec- 
 tion from personal chastisement. Xiccolo who fully appreciated 
 the worth of Frescobaldi reproved Vieri for his intemperance 
 
 * Poggio, Lib. v., p. 361. 
 
 CHAP. XXX.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 101 
 
 and that citizen was soon after sent as commissary to conduct the 
 war against Genoa where for a while his vigour and ability were 
 no less conspicuous than before. At last Fregoso and the Flo- 
 rentines were defeated in an attempt to enter Genoa and 
 Tommaso, who fought to the last, after all were routed was 
 wounded and made prisoner. The governor, a stern and cruel 
 man, promised him life liberty and reward if he would divulge 
 his government s secrets and say who within the city of Genoa 
 were in league with Caiiipo Fregoso ; but the alternative of 
 death and torture if he refused. To this Frescobaldi firmly 
 answered, "Obizzhio, if for my silence on the subject of state 
 " secrets thou wilt put me to death, abandon all hope of knomng 
 " those things that duty to my countr}^ and constancy of pur- 
 " pose, even did I know them, would prevent my revealing : 
 " and as I have no hope of mercy from thee so thou needest 
 ** not expect any disclosures from me, for even if I were informed 
 "I would not tell thee/' He was instantly put to the torture, 
 his wounds broke out afresh in the agony; but he died with' 
 out uttering a syllable. A noble example for his living 
 descendants I - 
 
 Florence now wished earnestly for peace because she could 
 no longer expect to gain anything by war and a continually 
 augmenting expense was exhausting her resources : the more 
 equal action of the Catasto promoted this wish because the rich 
 and great now bore the prim-ipid burden. They again argued, 
 and rightly too, that if war continued Philip must lose his state, 
 which Venice, not Florence, would gain by the very conditions 
 of the league, and thence with augmented power become more 
 formidable than Visconte himself, for there would then be none 
 but Florence to oppose her. Naples, ruled by a weak licentious 
 woman was distracted ; the pontiff would not move ; the emperor 
 would be shut out by Venice who held the keys of Italy, and 
 France was far too distant : better, it was once more repeated, 
 
 * CavalcaDti, Lib. iv°, cap. ii«, and iv^.— Aminirato, Lib. xix., p. 1043. 
 
102 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 to have an unenduriiig enemy than an everhisting and uvei- 
 powerful neighhour. Venice had nuw aeqiiirt^d a taste for 
 Italian conquest, and the petty acquisitions of ( .iniiagiuda were 
 still adding to her territory- ; hut her suspicions were awake and 
 she tinally consented to treat whik^ Visconte was really anxious 
 fur peace in consequence of his recent overthrow. Tlie snicerity 
 of all parties soon produced its effects and thr cardinal of Santa 
 Croce at last restored tranquillity hy accouipli>hing the signa- 
 ture uf a treaty at Ferrara ahout the middle of April 1 l-^s after 
 nearly five years of constant hostilities. The «'Ost of this long 
 and ruinous war according to Cavalcanti amounted to three 
 millions and a half of llurins, according to Ma.rhiavelli three 
 millions and fifty thousand -. 
 
 The Florentines gained nothing hy it hut a h.avy deht and 
 the institution of the Catasto ; the Voiutiaii- in adilition to 
 Brescia gained part of the Cremonese stato with Bergamo and 
 its teiTitoiT as far as the Adda which now ]»ecarae their western 
 boundary. Thus says Cavalcanti hy the Mp.nitinn ot wicked 
 citizens our people were loaded with poverty, tlie \'enetians 
 with riches and temtoiy : and pride and covetousness was the 
 cause of all f. 
 
 CoTFMPORARY MoNAKCHs.-EnjrlaT'.l t lUnrv V. nnn \42'2; then 1 cnr^ 
 
 TI._Scotlami : Janus I.- Franco : C'hark> VI. an<l \ 1 the aM n. Ul 
 
 CVtilc: John II.-Arau'on : Fenlinan.l of C'aMilc- to 1410, tlun Al onso or 
 Alonso v.— Portucal : John I.-Gcrman Kmi.cn.r : SiiriMnun. ..t Luxcui- 
 burg.-Greek Emperor: Manuel II. to 14-25; then John \ II -Ottoman 
 Emperor: Mohammed 1. to 14-21: then Mnrad or Amurath II.->aplcs : 
 Giovanna 11.— Si. ily : AlfonM. or Alon/o V. of Aragon.— Papal bee vacant from 
 1415 to 1417 : then Martin V. to 1431. 
 
 •Cavalcanti, Lih. iv., cap. xviii. - p. 30_>la.rhiavc;lh. Stor. Pu>ren^na. 
 
 Ammirato, Lib. xix., p. io43.-Pog- Li»;;----^»;'-^-; ;^;-;'^;- ;:;^*;^t;^'' 
 
 gio, Lib. vi„ p. 166 -Corio, Parte v., -Cagnola, St.... Mil., Lib. n , p. ,9 
 
 p. 3-2B.^Gio Morelli, p. 78.- Gio. f Cavakantu Lib. iv., cap. xix.-Mac- 
 
 Cambi, p. 173.— Dom". Boninsegni, chiavelh, Lib. iv. 
 Mem^ della Citta di Firenze, Lib. i., 
 
 CHAP. XXXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 103 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 FROM A.D. 14-26 TO A.D. J 43(1. 
 
 T.\XATroN is rerpiisite, hut all taxation is essentially unjust 
 because it can never he fairly distrilmted and strikes hardest 
 on those who are most helpless and iudij^cnt : hy 
 obliging all who enjoy more ilian the necr^^uries of ^■^' "-^■ 
 life to abridge then- superlluities, thus diminishing employ- 
 ment and with it the means of existence, taxation descends 
 with increasing force through the various classes of society 
 and falls with n criiNliing weiglit upon the poor. These pos- 
 sessing no superlluiti.s luive both their moral and physical suf- 
 ferings unduly augmented, and being deprived of a sufficiency 
 their lives aiv sliortened in the trial : for thoudi they seem to 
 wither by tlie hand of (iod man accelerates the blow. Yet 
 extreme evils generally, and often too roughly, work out their 
 own cure; the war just linished brought wars usual effects, 
 expense, debt, and unjust taxation: for that of Florence was 
 disgracefully abused and painfully unerpial in its distribution : 
 nevertheless this veiy excess of sutfering ended like the pains 
 of labour, in great consolation ; and the birth of a new mode 
 of taxation under the name of " Cata<<lo " spread a smile of 
 satisfaction over the whole commonwealth. 
 
 But l)efore we describe this celebrated act of national justice; 
 which was chietly due to the policy or patriotism of Giovanni 
 de' Medici; it will he expedient to offer a short recapitulation 
 
104 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 of some earlier events connected with that subject. The revo- 
 lutions of 1393 and 1394, the timidity or prudence of Vieii 
 de' Medici ; the banishment of Alberti, Donato Acciajuoli, Ale- 
 manno di Salvestro and others of the Medici family ; together 
 Tvith the failure of the Cavicciulli and Kieci conspiracy in 1300, 
 and that of Galeazzo Visconte in 1400, all combined to add 
 strength and firmness to Maso degli Albizzi's able but despotic 
 and imscnipulous sway. Not that he or any leaders of his party 
 usurped or held the regidar magistracies illegally, but they 
 managed to till the election purses with adherents' names, and not 
 onlv secured their own appointment to every Daliii but contrived 
 also to retain the power of proposing these dictatorships when- 
 ever it suited them. Their aim was to perpetrate despotism 
 by repressing the middle and lower classes of artisans and 
 subduing their leaders amongst the noble popolani, such for 
 instance as the Ricci, Alberti, and others ; but more especially 
 the Medici, who had acquired a dangerous distinction by the 
 reputation of Salvestro and Vieri, by popular attachment and by 
 the enmity of their political antagonists. This p(dicy was for 
 a while most rigidly pursued, but finally the confidence arising 
 from undisputed power, disagreements amongst themselves, 
 mutual jealousy, and above all the death of Maso degli Albizzi, 
 altogether slackened their vigilance, and the Medici, who had 
 been gradually increasing in opulence and public estimation, 
 became again politically conspicuous and were silently creeping 
 into the highest official dignities, when as it were to crown 
 their triumph Giovanni di Bicci appeared as gonfalonier of 
 justice in 14'21. His assumption of this high office had been 
 foreseen by means then Avell known in tlie political tactics of 
 Florence, and Niccolo da Uzzano strenuously endeavoured to 
 prevent it : but either from jealousy of his position as the most 
 powerful citizen, or confidence in the mild and upright charac- 
 ter of Giovanni, or an undue reliance on their own power, 
 Uzzano 's advice was unheeded and the appointment took place. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 105 
 
 Nor did any immediate consequences ensue; Giovanni was 
 neither revengeful nor, according to most accounts, ambitious ; 
 nor greedy of personal gain : he probably saw more evil in the 
 means of revolution than utility in its accomplishment by the 
 abasement of a political adversary ; the public good seems to 
 have been his great work aiul he accomplished it more quietly 
 and effectually by milder ways. Nevertheless this reopened 
 the door of public honours and employment to that ftmiily, and 
 his son Cosiuo who had previously conducted some diplomatic 
 missions became one of tlie Seiguory in 14*28 : but it ended as 
 Niccolo da Uzzano had foreseen in the Albizzi's destruction 
 and ultimate downfall of tlieir party -. 
 
 The exaltation of Giovanni inspired new hopes, not only in 
 the artisans, but amongst a large mass of superior citizens who 
 were tired of a proud and imperious oligarchy regardless of 
 public good and disdaining to conciliate the people by any boon 
 that might soften the recollection of all that excessive rigour 
 which was made use of in the establishment of their existing 
 authority. Neither were these oligarchs contented with nega- 
 tive evil nor tlie exclusion of a large mass of citizens from 
 every chance of oilicial enqtloyment, but even the latter's pos- 
 sessions were no longer safe from rapacity and extortion, from 
 undue and unjust taxation. In such a state of public feeling 
 Giovanni grew daily more popular, and as the acknowledged 
 centre of all men's hope became the confessed though involun- 
 tary head of discontented citizens. 
 
 The two wars, against Philip and Ladislaus, increased public 
 dissatisfaction, not however so much from aversion to hostilities 
 as arbitrary taxation ini[>osed by the sole will of the ruling 
 faction. The wealthy were spared and the poor oppressed; 
 war was said to be made not for public benefit or necessary de- 
 fence, but without any real occasion, to enrich rulers and abase 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xviii., p. 992. — Filippo di Ncrli Commentarj^ Lib. ii., 
 p. 35. 
 
106 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I, 
 
 CHAP. X-\M.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 107 
 
 PI 
 
 the people ; and this crv was loud deep and general *. The 
 effects of such policy on public opinion have already been 
 noticed! as well as the " Uzzaneschis " detennination to devise 
 some mode of retahiing that power and licence wliich they had 
 already enjoyed for two-and-thirty years;. Kinaldo Giantig- 
 lazzi had died in I4t>.">, but Niccolo da Uz/ano was still vigor- 
 ous and both able and willing to take a lead in that financial 
 agitation which in 1 i'2() convulsed all cla». >; the rich by the 
 last severe imposition of twenty-five per cent, on their incomes ; 
 the poor by positive suffering and inability to pay up their 
 arrears. The former were resolved if possible to preserve 
 their ancient exemptions and repel tlie audacious crowd ; men 
 who while daily gathering political strength liad by their hiflu- 
 ence in the councils not only nominated the committee of 
 finance which imposed the new tax, but defeated every attempt 
 at its abolition. 
 
 For this growing power of the plebeians the Uzzaneschi 
 blamed those in office, as bv a careless admission of eveiT new 
 upstart to civic honours they had tilled the palace with men of 
 yesterday who only looked for able leaders to effect an entire 
 revolution §. Thus determined they waited for a favourable 
 occasion and this came with the election of Lorenzo Ridolfi and 
 Francesco Gianfiglazzi respectively as prior and gon- 
 falonier of justice in July 14'^(j. Seventy principal 
 citizens of their party assembled by permission of this chief 
 magistrate in Saint Stephen's church, wIk^it Kinaldo degli 
 Albizzi in a long oration im[)lored them to sink all fonner 
 quarrels in oblivion and unite for the common good, because 
 said he disunion had given them such colleagiK s in political 
 power as their ancestors would hardly have accei)ted for domes- 
 tic sen-ants. " You," exclaimed Piinaldo^ " are the communitv ; 
 " you are the honour, you are the council of this city, therefore 
 
 • Nerli Commcntari de' Fatti Civili X Amtnirato, Lib. xix., p. 1026. 
 di Fireny.e, Lib. ii«, p. 36. § Ibid, p. 1027. 
 
 "t* Vide ch. xxx., p. 74. 
 
 A.D. 1426. 
 
 " your acts are those of the commonwealth. Through enmity 
 " to others you have injured yourselves ; you have made bad 
 " worse, heaped errors on errors, and filled the election purses 
 " with so many vulgar and mechanic names that their voices 
 " out-number all your sulfrages. Recollect that in every com- 
 " munity there is a never-ending hatred existing between the 
 " noble citizen and artisan ; not that we ourselves are strictly 
 " speaking noble ; but we are nol)le compared with those whom 
 '• we have made our fellows ; men from Empoli, the Mugello 
 " and elsewhere ; some even who came here as servants and 
 " are now our equals in the public government. Would that 
 " they were content with that ; but tbey want to be masters 
 " and to make us their ser\ ants I Why, they are not only eager 
 *' to favour every measure that may injure you and other citi- 
 " zens but are the first inventors and promoters of them. If 
 " there be a question of war they support it, and whisper 
 " amongst themselves, ' We cannot lose ; because if it succeed 
 " we shall be along with them in office and will fill the election 
 '■ jmrses with our own people — and if not, what is it to us ? 
 '* We run no risk ; our shops bring as much in as goes out ; 
 " we have neither lands nor funded pro2)erty, wherefore our 
 " taxes are small and war to us is more useful than injurious. 
 " Our hope of gain will be the hope of victory, because then we 
 •' shall share in the spoils ; and moreover the city during war 
 " is full of soldiers who come to equip themselves ; and money 
 "is plentiful, and profits good." Citizens,'' continued Pdualdo, 
 " consider that vour ruin is their '•lorv and exaltation ; the 
 " war of wolves is the peace of lambs (and they call themselves 
 " the lambs and us the wolves,) therefore they oppose all your 
 " measures and seek your ruin. They have no love for the 
 " republic, it costs them nothing ; they know not even whence 
 " they came : how can they love others who care not for their 
 " own ? I have seen a peasant from the contado come to visit 
 "his son in Florence and have heard the son thus welcome 
 
 tV'H 
 
108 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP, XXXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 109 
 
 (( 
 ft 
 li 
 ti 
 ti 
 i( 
 it 
 t( 
 (t 
 (. 
 (( 
 (. 
 a 
 
 n 
 it 
 
 
 him. *\Mien did you come? When will you go?' By 
 which he plainly showed that bis father's absence was by far 
 the most acceptable. Again I have seen others who forbad 
 their parents to acknowledge them, ashamed of being known 
 as the children of ploughmen and day-labourers ! Well then 
 what love can such as these bear to you or your republic 
 when thev have none for their own nearest kinsfolk ? CeHes 
 those who believe in a peasant's love are most lamentably 
 deceived. Between gentle and simpb' tliero is no difference 
 at birth or death, but in their intermediate life luul habits the 
 difference is immeasurable, and mostly in their affections; 
 the gentleman loves and the peasant fears, and between the 
 peasant and mechanic I say there is little dissimilarity, so 
 that you may see where your own dissensions have placed 
 vou. Your original territorv did not reach beyond Galuzzo 
 and Trespiano, and all since acquhed can scarcely be calkd 
 your dominion, but rather that of the people whose faithful 
 vassals these upstarts were before they removed to Florence; 
 wherefore tbeir affection is rather with our primitive enemiis 
 than in your republic and they naturally desire your ruin. 
 You must protect yourselves : do you not see that they have 
 imposed extravagant taxes on all tliat hold the reins of 
 crovemment? Do vou not see that these will not satisfy 
 them ? You have neither demanded new customs nor strange 
 laws, but ancient long-standing native usages ! In cases of 
 extreme taxation appeals have ever been received and listened 
 to, in order that unreasonable impositions might be corrected 
 and abated; yet these people will admit notbing, but want 
 rather to set aside our ancient habits of appeal. You arc 
 aware that long-established custom is identical with law and 
 whoso departs from law renounces life and civil liberty. They 
 onlv seek your ruin : do you believe that tbey forget the 
 brutality of their fathers ? that they know not liow their per- 
 fidy trampled down your progenitors ? Search your cloisters 
 
 and there you will fnid the festering bodies of your sires and 
 kinsmen I Look at the palace walls still stained with the 
 blood of so many and such citizens that by their hands all 
 Italy might have been bravely governed! AVhat place is 
 there that was not filled with the cries of widows and of 
 or})lians ? with mourning, with tearful eyes and dolorous 
 aspects ? Do ye not now hear the voices of wretched mothers 
 and orphans, and deserted children crying aloud unto you, 
 ^ Hart' no cowpanhniHli'q) iritJi tJiosc irJia hure niunfcrcd our 
 husbands and mir fatlurs the honour and ijlonj of this repuh- 
 lic.^ Do you not hear tlieni ? Where is the place that shows 
 not marks of their devastiitions and burnings ? Forty unhappy 
 months and m<n'e did they hold this people in servitude ! 
 How many exiles ? how many [lerpetual banisliments ? how 
 many noble citizens were falsely accused cuul fell by the axe, 
 the knife, or the poison ? and every foreign city was filled 
 with your unhappy forefathers I Wherefore I beseech you 
 not to persevere in yt»iu- dissensions lest they prove the match 
 to such another fire as Bardn ^Mnncini extinguished (in lo-s7). 
 Commit no more errors, have no fellowship witli those that 
 want to tram])le you under foot and already indicate vour 
 danger by their doings. You liave mingled the clods of Cer- 
 taldo Fijjfline and such towns with other useless races in vour 
 government and not even to your own peasiuitry have you 
 vouchsafed the honours of the ma<j;istracv ; but a barbarous 
 mixture of pedlars jmd hawkers with their shops on their 
 slioulders have carried y(tur standard of justice I To such as 
 these vou have added admonisht'd citizens and rank Gliibe- 
 lines who as you well know wei'c always enemies to ( iuelphic 
 rule ; and you have neglected your own nobles ! This you 
 will say \vas for the insntrcraide i)ride of their ancestors: 
 I do not deny that such pride was abominable and insutTer- 
 able, but the present vexation of vile plebeians is at least 
 equal to the past haughtiness of our ancient nobility. Shall 
 
 ii 
 I I 
 
 4 
 
110 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 Ill 
 
 " we now term it intolerable pride if one of the Burdi wishes 
 " to be greater than the grandson of Piero Raniini or the sou 
 " of Salvestro the baker? Is it not just tluit the Rossi should 
 *' precede the Stucchi rather than tlie Stucchi the llossi? or 
 '* that a dignity should not be denied to the Frescobaldi which 
 '* is granted to Stupi)ino ? '''' But our nobles do not contend 
 *' for this, they ask oidy equality, and I say that this is not 
 *' pride but merely natural rights commanded by the greatness 
 " and nobility of our repul>lic. And yet you have neglected 
 " the nobles, and of your enemies have you made companions ! 
 " I say that in order to preserve your own station and influence, 
 *' means must be found to clear the election pui'ses of the 
 '* low depravity of these evil men : you know that the city is 
 ** governed under the (luelphic name, and by your insensate 
 '•actions you have allowed a horde of barbarians to share the 
 *' government along with you. You know tliat the city is divided 
 '* into three conditions of men; namely, the ' Sc tope rati' \ the 
 " merchants and the artificers : you are likewise acquainted with 
 *• the laws of your ancestors which declare that in the number 
 " of priors there sliall be tw\) of the minor and the rest of the 
 *' major arts and scioperati, and the same in the colleges. But 
 *' in the council of the people where all votes centre and where 
 " all acts are terminated, there are out of twentv-one trades, 
 ** seven of the greater and fourteen of the lesser*. Now take 
 " notice that there, two parts out of tliree are of the inferior 
 *' arts, and the remaining third, only, of the sup«'rior; and 
 " thus the law is infringed. And so you will iind every publio 
 *' council in like manner corrupted, tlie law uidieeded, your 
 " measures unsuccessful, and the people hating you but with 
 
 • These were names of certain low- profession tnidc orofBciul employracnt 
 
 born citizens who were then making for a liveliho(»(l. 
 
 their way into the mairistracy. X The count ils, it will be remembered, 
 
 ■f* The Scioperati were those who lived were tliut of the two hundred; of the 
 
 on their rents or funded pro[>erty or fo;«««r wliich I have translated "Cowz- 
 
 other means, without exercising any 7/i(m 6Vitnci7;" and that of the people. 
 
 (i 
 
 u 
 
 '• a majority of the votes in their hands ; and thus do you peril 
 " your own power and the public liberty ! Tlie remedy now 
 '• sought for is, that these fourteen trades should be reduced 
 " to seven, and their place in the government be filled by the 
 '* Scioperati and greater arts, for thus we sliall exclude thein 
 " from the magistracy and none of your measures will be 
 " defeated-. You know how our fathers strengthened them- 
 selves by reducing the two additional arts (in V}S-2) let us 
 follow their example, and be ye sure that if the reduction of 
 •* two so helped them what m;iy we not expect from a diminu- 
 " tion of seven ? It will enable us to restore the old nobilitv, 
 " now no longer formidable, to their just place in the common- 
 ^* wealth and thus increase our own power of keeping down the 
 " people who can never stand against siudi union : and lastly 
 " it is the province of reason and prudence to make a various 
 " use of men in various times and circunistaiices ; to our an- 
 " cestors their abasement was expedient ; and so to us is their 
 '^ restoration }. .Ml this is easy to accomplish because the 
 " votes will be in your liivour ; for as inexperienced men they 
 " know not what they want except to accomplish your ruin. 
 " They will believe that with a diminished number of trades 
 " the amount of public power will not be lessened and if two 
 " arts be reduced to one that single one will enjoy two offices ; 
 •' wliich however may not lie ; nor will their expectations be 
 " reahsed ; for as the comments of him who made the text are 
 " with reason preferred to every ^ttlicr gloss, so shall our own 
 " will, and our own interpretation of the law, be directed to 
 " one and the same object. All this is reasonable. But as a 
 " proof of their ignorance take tlie mode in wliich they acted 
 "when Bardo Mancini was in office: they then had half of 
 " the public honoiu-s and often the Gonlalon of Justice;, and 
 
 * Cavalcanti, Lib. iii., cap. ii". 
 f Ammii-ato, Lib. xix., ]>. 1028. 
 
 13f>7, the minor arts hud already in 
 l'MV2 lost their privilege of enjoying 
 ^ This seems to be an error. AVhen half of the })ublic magistracies 'and 
 Bardo effected so many reforms in were reduced to one third. Bardo 
 
 '^^SP 
 
112 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 113 
 
 " yet they all voted like fools and lost that which the law had 
 " both promised and given to them ! Examine their works 
 ** and you will find that they are a hmtal ami a cruel race : in 
 '* 1:378 and 1380 they made a clear demonstration of them, 
 " for cmelty reigns in the minds of those who by nature are 
 *' base, bmtal, and cowardly ; wherefore you may be assured 
 " that fear combined with poverty of intelh^ct will lead them 
 " to vote blindly against their own interests. Knights and 
 '' illustrious citizens, if you imagine that past times are \\u 
 '' guarantee for the present because the people took their 
 " remedy when the office of gonfalonier and their own strong 
 ** position in the magistracy were taken fiom them, and that 
 " by such demonstration they showed themselves more intelli- 
 " crent than their predecessors ; wherefore you infer that this 
 '* frreat work for the restoration of our eitys honour will nut 
 *' succeed -•. Now I say that to new . ;i-. . new rules must be 
 *' applied, and difterent means and unwonted measures must 
 " be adopted : this emergency does not entirely resembl* 
 *^ those of old ; neither is there that force in the present 
 " people which so conspicuously moved their predecessors in 
 " past times: besides, all laws however just and elheient, are 
 " still subject to force, and the sword beeonu > the last and most 
 " competent arbitrator. Now, amongst j/ou this war has 
 •' placed the military force and govenmient, and wliere that is 
 " there will doubtless be found a rnii* dy for every danger. 
 " because the same citizens hold along with the oHence of the 
 '• enemy, the defence of the connnon wealth in their hands : 
 "what else then is necessaiy but to colleet tw(. or thret 
 *' thousand inlantr)', pretend to make a secret expedition, 
 " occupy the public place and all it> avenuts. cii tlie pretext of 
 " militar}- inspection ; and then let the Seignory rouse up tin 
 
 Mancini reanred tlK-m to one fourth, coiif^cquent tumult of" the Cionij*! oc- 
 
 (Vide Araminito, Lib. xiii.,p. 78.% ami currcd in the <.M.ntah.niershii.s of An- 
 
 Lib. xiv. p. 759.) ^oni" Busini and Kinildo (iiantigUiz/i 
 
 * This reduction of power and the in 1302. Sec vol. ii. 
 
 ' palace itself and demand all the votes under cover of the 
 ' sword ? In this way we shall come to the right conclusion. 
 ' You are certain that the palace is with you because this 
 ' meeting is not unknown to the Seignory : your gonfalonier 
 ' is the illustrious knight Lorenzo Kidolfi, and from him and 
 ' from Francesco Gianfiglazzi you have permission to hold 
 ' it. How then, can you doubt of what is necessary^ being 
 
 ■ done for you ? It only remains to settle the plan and follow 
 
 ■ orders iind choose our time. What honour could so worthy a 
 knight as Lorenzo acfpiire, if after thus favouiing us he did 
 not foll(»w up his work ? Who can suppose that what he has 
 already conceded has been done so in ignorance or without 
 deep consideration of all the ])erils of such an enteqjrise ? 
 Tliis is not to be believed nor apprehended; for by nature 
 he is sagacious, skilled in law and science, and most cele- 
 brated for his learning ; and where natural ability unites with 
 profound knowledgti and exjierience it may be supposed that 
 every provisii>n has been made from beghming to end, and 
 that the eml of such beginning will be admirable and fortu- 
 nate ; and thus you should have no doubt of every precaution 
 having been taken to conduct a great enterprise to its suc- 
 cessful coiulusion. Ihit what are you doing? What are 
 you thinking of? Why lose a moment in recovering jonr 
 liberty along with tlie assurance of enjoying your fortunes 
 (juietly with your tamilies? Of again taking pleasure in your 
 expenses and of being the real dispensers of your own pro- 
 perty ? Doubt not that if you continue negligent and trust 
 alone to vows and i)rayers like weak and foolish women, 
 you will fall from your high places and perish. * Ripe pears 
 do not fail into the mouths of lazy pi js,^-- and even irrational 
 creatures tell you what to do, for liow often do you see your 
 dogs in fierce battle under the dinner tables for tilings of no 
 
 * "^4 Porco pentoso nmi cade !a pera mezza in bocca.^'' 
 VOL. III. I 
 
114 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XX.Vl.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 115 
 
 " moment ? To you then, who are men in reason and intel- 
 " lect, the defence of honour, hberty, greatness, and even' 
 '' other enjoyment is not only expedient but necessary ; and if 
 '* need be we must not avoid but enforce our cause with arms. 
 " But to what will these vile leaders resort ? Why the bakers 
 - will arm themselves with their stakes and lament their injuries 
 
 • in comiumy >vith your slaves*; and so the rest will with 
 *' their customei-s ; they will complain and sorrow at your 
 *' glory; and this is the way they will oppose you. What then 
 *' are you about ? For Heaven s sake awake and no longer be 
 '* rruided by such gentry ! Fortune fiivours the bold and 
 ** shuns the timid ; but she rouses the sleeper with all the 
 " bitterness of wo. I have now touched on eight principd 
 " points each of which would alone form a grt-at portion of the 
 '* matter wherein you have acted so indiscreetly. Wishing to 
 ** reduce these disorders to their natural level and to ancient 
 ** practice I hrst insisted on public and private enmities being 
 *' buried in oblivion and on all being of one mind and one will. 
 " Secondly I asserted that with your ilisscn^ious and rivalr}', 
 *' each striving to become more fiivoured than his neighbour ni 
 *' the eyes of your common enemy, you have abandoned all 
 " well-considered order only to commit new errors ; so that 
 " their names fill the election lists imd tlu-y cordially unite in 
 " your destruction. You have been told wliy they thus hate 
 " Vou; you have heard of the mischief and cruelty of their 
 " fathers when the govemment fell into their liands ; and of 
 " the banished, and the e.\iled ; you have Inen told of the 
 " remedy that lies in your own power ; it has been made plain 
 - and manifest ; and"^ also how the public government will 
 '- remain completely on your side without future danger, and 
 •' against which they will be able to make no defence. The 
 
 • HcreanrlinBuonaccorsoPittrschro- fifteenth centuries, except as nien- 
 nicle are the only two direct manifcs- tioncd amongst other property in the 
 tations of the cxiistence of slavery in Catasto. 
 
 Florence during the fourteenth and 
 
 " power therefore is undoubtedly hi your own hands because 
 " amongst you are those that can do everything ^.'•. The last 
 " thing that has been shown you is how Fortune favours the 
 " adventurous and denies boldness to the timid and fearfid : 
 '' wherefore hi everything she prays you, and me along with 
 " you, to settle the mode by which worthy men may have 
 •' honourable places in the commonwealth ; and how these 
 - Iiawkers may be dismissed to their peddling, and gain a 
 " hv4iig for their ffimilies by a total exclusion from public 
 " honours as sowers of scandal and discord in the state. But 
 " if a more efficient remedy can be suggested let it be so ; the 
 *' sooner the better; and let the most useful be put into imme- 
 *' diate execution. By promptness, individual citizens from 
 " distant parts have often performed great deeds in their own 
 " country : let us to work then ; let what is uppermost in the 
 " mind be efficiently carried out so that liberty may yet remain 
 " U) the commonwealth and its citizens '" f . 
 
 After this exposition of the state of parties, which made con- 
 siderable impression on the assembly, all eyes were turned on 
 Niccolo da Uzzano whose age wisdom and experience stamped 
 him as their Nestor in times of difficulty. Uzzano proposed 
 the formation of a committee to carry out the project, but fore- 
 saw a great impediment in the oi^position of Giovanni de' 
 Medici the steady friend of the plebeians, the chief of his own 
 numerous and potent race, the sagacious counsellor of the arti- 
 sans and even of many rich and powerful merchants wlio consi- 
 dered him as a father not only of the minor trades, but also as 
 their own stay and champion. With his comitenance said 
 Uzzano their course would be smooth, otherwise doubtful and 
 almost hopeless: Niccolo therefore advised that an attempt 
 should be instantly made to gain over Giovanni, and Binaldo 
 degli Albizzi undertook this difficult task. He instantly rei)aired 
 
 * The "Died delta Ouerra'' or ten 
 
 ministers of war. 
 
 f Caviikanti, Lib. iii., cap. ii. — Mac- 
 
 chiavelli, Lib. iv». — Ammirato, Lib. 
 xix., p. 1028. 
 
 I2 
 
 t ^^W%\WISiM^&^ 
 
116 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 117 
 
 to the Medici's house and declared his mission: Giovanui 
 listened to him for some time with great equanimity and then 
 quietly demanded where he had found out that the tumults of a 
 discontented people would produce peace and tranquillity to tlio 
 commonwealth ? His father Maso never would have desired to 
 remove the people from their just position in the republic except 
 to relieve the more indigent from taxation and similar allevia- 
 tions, such as his diminution of the salt duty and the emanci- 
 pation of debtors from the power of creditors while publi( 
 councils were sitting, in order that they might freely exercise 
 their rights of citizenship ; the optional payment of tiixatiou 
 by all those who were rated at only one-third of a florin ; and 
 the exclusion of bankmpts from public office as men who were 
 no longer their own masters, who moved and acted at the will 
 of their creditors and were generally full of injustice and cruelty. 
 ** Many other public benefits,"' added Gi(»vanni, "were due to 
 Maso degli Albizzi and yet with such examples, his son want> 
 to destroy the good that such a father had accomplished : ' The 
 project was therefore condemned ; Kinabli) w:is warned by tlie 
 Medici of its evil conse<]uences to himself and othei-s ; he was 
 told that as unequal taxation was the cause, so a system of just 
 imposts would be the only cure for discontent ; that means must 
 be found to accomplish this ; that he himself would endeavour 
 to leave the power of the people as he had found it and advised 
 l^naldo to follow his example "'•'. 
 
 The meeting of Saint Stephen's had not been so secret as to 
 prevent a lumour of what had passed from spreading through 
 Florence, when immediately all the poorer citizens and artisans 
 surrounded Giovanni de' Medici imploring him to take the lead 
 at once and rule the commonwealth : but he steadfastly refused 
 all power, denounced faction, advised quiet and order; and 
 declared his determination to discountenance any citizen that 
 
 ♦ Cavaloanti, Lib. iii., cap. v.— Am- Pitti, Dell' Istoria Fiorentiua, Lib. i., 
 mirato, Lib. xix., p. 1030.— Jacopo p. 15. 
 
 endeavoured to create disturbances. When the result of his 
 interview with Rinaldo became known the Uzzano fection re- 
 solved if possible to humble him ; for although he himself was 
 peaceably inclined, his son Cosimo and still less his nephew 
 Averardo were little disposed to remain passive spectatoi-s of 
 public affairs, and both employed themselves most actively in 
 baffling the measures of their antagonists -. 
 
 Although the absorbing interest of the Catasto and the mili- 
 tary successes in Lombardy calmed down all other agitation for 
 the moment, live years of constant war had tired both weak 
 and powerful, rich and poor, and there was an universal ciy for 
 the cessation of taxes. All asserted they could pay no more ; 
 the poor with truth ; the wealtliy not only to destroy the former's 
 hope of having their burdens lightened by increased taxation on 
 themselves but also with the notion of exhibiting a false example 
 of patience under apparent hardship to those who were suffer- 
 ing in reality. The tyranny and insolence of official minions 
 in collecting taxes were excessive, but it was rather their ine- 
 quality than extreme and general weight that fretted the com- 
 munity ; this arose from their arbitrary distribution which now 
 becoming intolerable an universal outcry for more just imposi- 
 tions rang through the commonwealth. The Popolani Grassi 
 opposed this in vain : Giovanni de Medici who from his opulence 
 it was hoped w-ould denounce the measure stood alone amongst 
 them in its favour, and in June 14-27 the Catasto appeared 
 amidst the shouts of an exulting people f . 
 
 The Catasto was a property tax, measured by the income, at the 
 rate of half per cent, on capital : whoever possessed 100 
 florins of property above the cost oj Uvinfi, paid half a 
 florin, and whoever had 1000 paid five florins; seven florins of 
 
 A.D. 1427. 
 
 * Mac<hiavclli, Lib. iv. — Nerli Com- 
 ment'., Lib. ii., p. 37. — Cavaloanti, 
 Lib. iii., caps. v. and vi. — Ammirato, 
 Lib. xix., p. 1030. — Confesione di Nic- 
 rolo Tinnuci, MS. 
 
 f Dom. Boninsegni, Memorie della 
 Citta di Firenze, Lib. i., p. 28. — ■' 
 Cavalcanti, Lib. iv., cap. viii. — Brute, 
 Istor. Fioien., Lib. i., p. 25. 
 
 i 
 
us 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 declared income being settled as the representative of a hundred 
 of principal either in goods or money, and fourteen florins of 
 untaxed income were allowed as the estimated cu^t of mainte- 
 nance for each individual, hut suhject to some after moditication 
 according to age and circumstances *. 
 
 To give a clearer notion of this impost which was followed 
 by the revolt of Volterra and other important consequences, 
 and as far as our slender materials admit to otTcr a general 
 view of the form and nature of Florentine taxation requires a 
 short but distinct relation that will perhaps facilitate tlie under- 
 standing of subsequent financial measures necessary hereafter 
 to be noticed. 
 
 It may be seen by the balance-sheet of Florentine revenues 
 given in the last miscellaneous chapter that in the years F'jOO 
 and 1:338 they amounted to upwards of 30(»,(Hl(i florins, and 
 the ordinary expenses under 40,(MMI ; tliese revenues were 
 farmed out in 1337 but superintended by six citizens as guar- 
 dians against oppression: such a surplus more than covered 
 ever}' extraordinary and contingent expen>« >•• that until 1330 
 it rarely happened that any necessity arose either for loans or 
 new impositions f. This revenue was principally drawn from 
 the duty on contracts and that which under the general deuo- 
 
 * Cavalcanti, Stor. Fior., Lib. iv., cap. 
 viii. — 25,.500 florins were thus raised 
 in the city of Florence which at half 
 a florin for every hundred of principal 
 would make the aggnrcgate of capital 
 Wlonging to the citizens equal to 
 5,100,000 florins or between 5 and G 
 millions sterling exclusive of the 
 estimated cost of living at 14 florins 
 a head which on a population taxed 
 for the Catasto, of 37,225 citizens 
 would give 521,250 florins of income 
 more, representing (at 7 florins of 
 income for every 100 of capital) 
 7,446,400 florins additional capital. 
 So that the whole property of the 
 Florentine citizens may be estimated 
 
 at about 12,.54f»,400^ sterling. From 
 the first 25,500 florins must however 
 be dcjiucted the an)ount of a trifling 
 pole tax, levied on all between 18 and 
 60 years old, w hich would diminish the 
 14 florins a head for living income, 
 and hence that basis of calculation ; 
 but not a groat deal. The above 
 population nmst I tliink be taken ex- 
 clusive of ecclesiastics and untaxed 
 inhabitants, wiio though subjects were 
 not citizens, but mere Plehs. — (Vide 
 Patjnini, Delia Decima, Sezione ii., 
 cap. vi.) 
 
 -f- Ammirato, Lib. viii., p. 414. — 
 Ben. Varchi, Storia Fior., Lib. ix , 
 p. 260. 
 
 ClUP. XXXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 119 
 
 mination of Gahelle ; or tolls and customs paid at the city 
 gates ; was a tax upon trade, food, and agriculture. As comforts 
 and luxuries increased they also bore their burden, and much 
 pains were expended in securing a fair imposition and prudent 
 expenditure of public money. But as war, that destroyer of 
 virtue and happiness in national society, became more frequent 
 and costly, more debt accrued, and to pay it, all ordinary re- 
 venues were mortgaged : the contest with Mastino della Scala 
 in 1330, required larger supplies than before ; and a loan was 
 attempted, intrinsically light but grievously unpopular ; for the 
 peoj)le as if with an instinctive feeling of future wo, received 
 this unwonted visitor with murmurs of fear and dissatisfac- 
 tion. The year 1330 may therefore be considered memorable 
 in Florentine histoiy as the epoch of national debt and dis- 
 aster by the establishment of public funds under the name 
 
 The reason for resortuig to loans instead of direct taxation 
 was a desire not to increase the Gabelle at the expense of 
 general industry, wlierefore the government adopted a deceitful 
 system of borrowing at a certain annual interest, partly from 
 companies of Florentine merchants and partly from individual 
 citizens to whom the ordinary revenues were mortgaged ; but 
 these debts were gradually and punctually discharged in due 
 succession. That portion imposed by authority on individuals 
 was named '' Prestanza^' or '' Atcatto^^ or loan", and when 
 once estaldished continued from its nature to increase until 
 public credit became exhausted under the augmenting mass. 
 The distribution of these " Prestanze " rather confonned to 
 the nature of a poll-tax than to any clear estimate of income 
 or property ; and sometimes the whole transaction was under- 
 taken by a company of merchants with all the pubHc revenue 
 for their security. Thus in the war with Mastino those mer- 
 
 • From " Prcestaxfmm " a barbarous to the Glossaries signified a tribute or 
 Latin word of the time which according forced loan. 
 
120 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP, xxxi.l 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 121 
 
 111 
 
 chants who took the loan received fifteen per cent, from goveni- 
 ment, and borrowed on their o^vn responsibility for eirfht with 
 immediate payment ; and for Jive with engagements to pay up 
 at more distant periods as the money should be required ; 
 while those who without ready money, but having sufficient 
 credit to borrow it, received twenty per cent, per annum =-. In 
 geneml the Prestanza or Accatto was pulilished by proclama- 
 tion, its amount stilted, and the quota of each individual after- 
 wards specified and ordered to be paid at given periods into the 
 public treasury with an assurance of reimbursement from cer- 
 tain revenues as soon as all previous loans should be discharged 
 In these cases it does not clearly appear whether any hiterest 
 were paid before the principal was liijuidated, or whether both 
 principal and interest were paid together and thus became a 
 marketable commodity like our own exchequer bills. To faci- 
 litate these loans many expedients were adojited ; amongst 
 others a certain quantity of salt proportioned to the individual's 
 taxation was granted at a reduced price with a license to dis- 
 pose of it in Florence or the contado for its market value as a 
 government monopoly : this was no light favour if received and 
 sold at the state profits, which until ]Maso degli Albizzi reduced 
 them were above thirteen hundred per cent., that is a prime 
 cost of 1'2 soldi and a selling price of 100, fur each staio or 
 Florentine busheU. 
 
 The gross amount of a Prestanza was divided amongst the 
 sixteen gonfalons of companies, of which there were four in 
 each quarter of the city, in proportion to the number and riches 
 of the inhabitants, and this was again subdivided by the local 
 authorities amongst individual citizens. From some unfair 
 
 * See Antonio Pucci, '■*■ Centiloquio^^ Vcrrhio'" and ^^Capitolo Moi'ak'" arc 
 
 Canto xc, p. 169, vol. vi., Delizie 8ome inttrestiri'^r sketches of manners. 
 
 degli Eruditi Toscani. This poem is f Cavakanti, Stor. Fior., Appendice, 
 
 a versification of Giov. Villani's Chro- vol. ii", p. 4f).'5. The gain on prime 
 
 nicle and ends in 1373. Pucci is an cost by this royal monopoly in 1834 
 
 enthusiastic admirer of his country and was about 1 100 per cent. 
 Gio. Villani ; but in his " Mercato 
 
 proceedings in these distributions great complaints arose about 
 a loan of 25,000 florins made in 138'2, which on another being 
 exacted in MOO, produced an attempt to remove their cause. 
 For this purpose a committee was formed under each gonfalon 
 to point out where reductions ought in justice to have been 
 made in the former loan, in order to guide the forthcoming dis- 
 tribution. In F^OO therefore each gonfalon sent four deputies, 
 who, formhig altogether a board of sixty-four persons, investi- 
 gated the whole principle of distril)uti(»n and sent their report 
 to the government: this settled the grand division amongst the 
 sixteen gonfalonierships. The sub-division was first arranged 
 by seven local boards called the '' Sette Scttine'' or seven com- 
 mittees of seven members cacli, who separately formed seven 
 distinct distribution lists and sent tliem sealed up to the prioi-s. 
 The Seignory then consigned them to the monks of some spe- 
 cified convent, who after rejecting the two most severe and the 
 two most moderate lists struck an average of the remainder ; by 
 which the portion of each individual was determined ; and of 
 this distribution distinct registers for every quarter and gonfalon 
 were drawn up with great care by the above named ecclesiastics, 
 and deposited in the treasury for puldic use. 
 
 Taxation is never popular, and even the form of loans with 
 the promise of ultimate restitution worked no real cliange in its 
 character ; for being compulsory they checked trade, in which the 
 money could have been turned to greater advantage. Where- 
 fore to make the Prestanze more palatable as they increased in 
 number, premiums and benefits for punctual payers; pains and 
 penalties for sluggards, defaulters, and those who had only 
 partially acquitted themselves, were awarded. The benefits 
 consisted in being placed as state creditors on the books of the 
 public funds or ''Libri del Monte" \\\iic\i in 1345 were first 
 kept alphal)etically, and promised sure reimViursement of both 
 principal and interest within a specified period, but varying ac- 
 cording to the original promptness of payment; and the interest 
 
122 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [bo.jk 
 
 thus acknowledged ranged from eight to twenty per cent, per 
 annum. Secondly in complete eligibility to eveiy public 
 office and honour ; and this was probably the door by which so 
 many low and strange families entered the republic and influ- 
 enced all its councils, to the great mortitication of the Popolani 
 Grassi. 
 
 The penalties were of two kinds ; one incurred l)y those who 
 defen*ed their payments until the last moment and were there- 
 fore placed last on the public books ; the uther, against those 
 that exceeded the legal period without any |)ayment, consisted 
 of a more rigorous taxation and compulsory nlMMlieiice with a 
 total forfeiture of the loan ; the loss of their civic privileges ; 
 and an entire exclusion from the benefit of public justice in 
 courts of law besides the nullity of any sentence given in their 
 favour. Those who had paid up a tliird of their rate, if not 
 more than two golden floiins, were exempt from the last penalty 
 but incurred the others ; and thus many of the poorer citizens 
 were first ruined bv ai'bitrary taxation, then as defaulters, lost 
 their political privileges, and finally were oppressed or made 
 tools of by the rich, who either paid up their arrears or saved 
 them from ruin at the expense of conscience and liberty. Thus 
 it was that Cosimo de' Medici acquired umch of his influence, 
 and actually purchased the Florentine republic -. 
 
 A poorer class as we have seen were excused altogether from 
 payment, except at their own option by a law t)f Maso degli Al- 
 bizzi, and all defaulters' names were placed in a public register, 
 *' a specchio,'' as it was termed ; which forfeited their right to 
 office if elected ; and this was extended by the Albizzi faction 
 to those who had failed in payment at any time for thirty years 
 previous to 14-21. But a peculiar feature in this law was the 
 obligation, by which any purchaser of property became liable 
 for all the public debts of his predecessor due from it, although 
 the latter, as it would appear, might be actually sufiering in 
 
 * Delia Rcpublica Fiorentina diDonato Giannotti, Lib. i", cap. v., p. 7G. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 123 
 
 prison for them at the time. Accordmg to the above regula- 
 tions and under the various names of Prestanze, Prestanzone, 
 Accatto, Balzello, Lotto, Sega, Piacente, Dispiacente, Cinquina, 
 Settina, Nonhia, Decina and Ventina, all the loans between 
 1390 and 1427 were efl'ected. The appellations of Piacente 
 and Dispiacente seem to have been given in bitter mockery by 
 the people ; those of number proceeded in all probability from 
 that of the assessors, like the '' Sette Settine" of 1390, and 
 others called the " Xoriiw '" of 1400. 
 
 Pagnini in his researches on this subject could discover no 
 existing documents which describe with any perspicuity the 
 particular rule and measure that regulated the assignment of 
 each contingent, either to the gonfalon or the individual ; so 
 that there is ample grounds for belief, and the flict seems con- 
 firmed by Cavalcanti, that it depended on the conscience of 
 those who presided, and therefore in a community so distracted 
 by faction must have been continually and excessively abused. 
 No real justice could have been done by the most impartial 
 assessors without full inquisitori;i^l powers applicable to all sorts 
 of property, and in professional incomes this Avas in Florence 
 considered so objectionable that combined with other causes all 
 attempts of the government foiled for a long time to establish 
 it, until the gi'eater evil of unjust taxation overcame every other 
 consideration ; and whether from the opposition of rich and 
 powerful citizens or a prying injustice in its execution, this 
 method was rarely pursued, but on the contrary the old one 
 generally adopted. 
 
 It has been already mentioned that the first registration of 
 property for the purpose of taxation was proposed by Count 
 Guido Xovello in 1200, and proved the main cause of his 
 expulsion ; but the first real introduction of such a measure 
 occurred in 1288, another was ordered by the Duke of Calabria 
 in 1320, when a foreign judge presided in each quarter of 
 Florence with the power of examining seven citizens of the 
 
 1.1^. wii 
 
 ^fm 
 
124 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 vicinity on their knowledge of the state of each indix i(hiars in- 
 come and real property. For each of these a certain percent- 
 age was changed, and it hegan well ; hnt the judges soon Itecani. 
 corrupt and great hijustice followed. A fourth attempt (»t ihr 
 same nature w;ls unsuccessfully made in 1:»'>1. antl sulix;- 
 quently renewed uiulorthe name nf " /></ >V /// :" then followed 
 a hearth tax. which ceasing in l:i:»:» wa- MKvrcd.^.l hy a more 
 senous attempt at registratitm nmlcr >. \crc p. nahii s hoth in 
 the citv and contado : hut the rapid <h:nci<' and nn ulation ol 
 property alone hatlled all attempts at jm lirciimi ..r stability, 
 and after great expense and troulde it wa- ahandoned. a» liad 
 been foretold hy experienced citi/en> ; prohahly liccau^e the pres- 
 sure of extreme tjixation had not yet nacli' d ii> ht iijiit. Ilii^ 
 suems to have heen the ])rototype of tiie ( iia-ti ot 1 l\!7, and 
 is in fact thus named hy Homenico Bonin>egni when- he telK 
 US that there wits a discussion in the council> alM.ut the ^rr< at 
 heneth Floninv would derive from the " r..n-ini( ti>>n ut' a 
 table or ' Ottnstft' or register where all th* {M.^^es^ioji> and 
 moveable property of the city and contado. and ot tho^ uh' 
 resided therein shnuld be described: and it wa^ ..pposed by 
 manv ojil exjurienced men as an imj»o3silde thiiii and ihii- 
 it turned (»ut : for alter imieh writing an<l expense ii wi^ 
 abandoned *'*. 
 
 Some <•{■ ihr most sagaciou-^ and rea-onaldf demands ot lin 
 (iompi were that sueh a register or ** Es!nii»» should l»e niu<l«'; 
 that no forced lo.ms should i»e levied f r - \ months, and that 
 all people then taxed at and un<ler fnur tl(<rin- slimild br aband 
 tu..-thir'U. NM Nharply was taxation felt by ih-- 1mv\. r . la-^ "1 
 rui/.ciis Mi those davs ; but this was oidv tli. r.".t .f thai 
 rancer which spread afterwards s<» widt ly t'ni want «'i ^ .in. 
 such regulation. This necessity seenn always t.. liave Imcu 
 acknowletlgtMl in the councils when* th«' plebeian inlluence was 
 greatfbl. and an attempt was again mad.- m lU.Mi, with ii" 
 
 * Doiii. BotiiiiM-gni, Sloria I'ior., I-il'. n\., yy. 
 
 llf). 
 
 niAP. XXXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE IIISIORY. 
 
 125 
 
 better success than bef<»re ; but as the " Ksti}no" had lon^^ been 
 in actual ttperation throughout the c<.ntado it is probable that 
 besides the in<piisitorial power and its inevitable train (d'altuse, 
 the self-interested itpposition <d' tlie wialthy proved a main 
 obstacle to the introduction (d* the ( atasto in any f(trm until 
 furc«'d on them by joiblie indignation-:-, 'iduir exemptions 
 from taxation, the sun barges of the poor and middle (djisses, 
 and all the injustice tluit in ^pii.' of rvery precaution was -ure 
 to attend any system ol" lorced loans una«'companied bv a 
 general estimation of property, su(di as the ('ata>to contem- 
 plated, wen; ^('\erely fill in idon-nce: and all these were 
 aggravatral by tho inci-easing number of loans occasioned bv 
 the war with Thilip, whi(di literally lorced that important act 
 into a tardv e\i>it n.o '. 
 
 If the an>^wel• of (lioNanni de' Modi( i to liinaldo de-ili AI- 
 biz/i i^ genuine he would appear to havo be»-n the immediute 
 author as he certaiidy was tin; most poweilul »uj'pnrter of the 
 ( atilsto. " .'// ///'' ' I'lls i>f tjii- ri'jmhli<\" said he, " ruttif from 
 iHtsI HHil Jill St lit fii.ri .\ iiiitl if IS iitct ssiif'if In ihris'' siniir iiiniiis 
 firr ah^iltslini'i inifnsl (in>l miKftud tu.iiititn :" but the real 
 author \\a-> I ili[tp'i tli <iliiacceten, a man of subtle geniu» and 
 soiuiil n<'tion'>, who lir^t cunciis. ,1 and proptoNed it, and at the 
 same time pointed eut the manv i \iK ef ilic evi-iin-j >\-tem : 
 Mijiougst them \\iv fici of nnmer-an nel.lc familio being reduced 
 l(t absolute povejiy t \ e!) In \\\r tilliu'/of their owil lauils lor R 
 sustenance : ihelice arn^e the hatred of p(i\(|-l\ In ri(dies ; and 
 the wealthy wmdd reilr. -- nti wrifue le^t tin \ llanistdNes s}i,,uld 
 l>c invoKed in the gemial relMi-inalmn \ 
 
 Giovamii de Mediti had al\va\s hone-tly paid the full 
 ainoimt ef his jusi taxation, and to him Pagnini attributes the 
 glory «if bringing this b(dd antl ardtinit> enterprise to a >ucca->s- 
 
 ' .VmniinilM. Lilt. \i., p. aial. :^ Ainininito, Lib. xix., p. lO.'^O. — 
 
 + Varclii, Storia l*"inr.. Lil*. xiii. — ru\;il<unti, Sfcond. Storia, \til. ii., Ap 
 
 iVnini.DfUulKi iiiia, toiiioi .^ . :ic pciitlitL -!<>,['. luO. 
 I'riiuo, i»afiini. 
 
126 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CIUP. XXM.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 127 
 
 fill conclusion : what his real motives were we know not ; whe- 
 ther from genuine patriotism, or from a long-sighted project 
 for exalting his family hy enslaving Florence, as was afterwards 
 accomplished by Cosimo, is a matter of doubt with many : two 
 very different characters are given of him but even the least 
 favourable is full of good qualities. Therefore when enemies 
 can lind but little fault; when almost universal respect at- 
 tended his steps ; where a long life seems to have been little 
 troubled by ambition and was inistained by crime ; where peace 
 abroad and tranquillity at home were the constant objects of 
 his mind ; where continual beneficence marked his steps, and 
 where his last words to his sons were a strong exhortation to 
 shun faction and neither seek eagerly for, or avoid public em- 
 ployments ; we may fairly give Giovanni de' Medici credit for 
 honest motives hi his political conduct. He was heard to ex- 
 claim with a joyous aspect when this great measure had passed 
 the councils, " When the commonwealth is safe and the poiver- 
 ^"^ less content^ every honest citizen owjht to he satisfied ' '^'. 
 
 The Catasto, which derived its name from the word '' Area- 
 tastare " to heap up or gather together, was a book containing 
 the descriptions of all persons and property subject to taxation 
 in Florence. It was composed of four volumes arranged under 
 the heads of quarters and gonfalons, and divided amongst the 
 four quarters of San Giovanni, Santa Croce, Santa Maria Xo- 
 vella, and Sa)ito Spirito. Sixty citizens were chosen by lot, 
 out of which ten were selected as a committee of management. 
 In these books they were instinicted to enter the name of every 
 family liable to be taxed, \vith that of each individual belonging 
 to it ; their age, health, capacity, industry, trade profession or 
 employment : to describe their real and moveable property 
 within and without the citv, and even in foreij^jn countries ; 
 
 * Gattesclii, Translat". of Brnti Stor. Lib. i., p. 14. — Cavalcanti, Lib. iv., 
 Fiorent., Lib. i., p. 22, vol. i". — cap. ix. 
 Jacopo Pitti, Dcir Istoria Fiorentina, 
 
 including their ready money, credits, slaves, cattle, and mer- 
 chandise ; and the value of their business. In like manner 
 other Catasti were formed for the rural population, the various 
 societies of art and learning, the foreigners residing under Flo- 
 rentine jurisdiction, and finally a sweeping one for all other 
 persons not usually subject to taxation. In these registers 
 were noted the profits made by every species of property ; 
 that is to say, the quantity of food produced, with its average 
 value ; the rents of lands, dwelling-houses, and other build- 
 ings; and after a general estimate, seven florins of income 
 were settled as the index or representatives of 100 florins 
 of capitid, proportionate sums being placed against the name 
 of every party. From this valuation was deducted all neces- 
 sar}^ outgoings, such as rents, just debts, the hire of dwelling- 
 houses, shops where an establishment was maintained, the 
 value of horses and mules kept for private use, and 200 florins 
 of capital represented by 14 of income for eveiy mouth they 
 had to feed. 
 
 After all these deductions were made, half a florin of tax or 
 the tenth part of five per cent, on eveiy 100 florins of capital, 
 measured as above by the income, was imposed. Upon all the 
 mouths thus deducted who fell between the ages of eighteen 
 and sixty an arbitrary sum or poll-tax of small and limited 
 amount was levied, and varied according to the estimated 
 value of their services, considered as productive capital. After 
 these deductions, if no surplus remained for taxation, the as- 
 sessors wTre empowered to fix such a rate as should be agreed 
 upon between them and the tax-payer ; wherefore at this point 
 the imposition became unequal if not unjust ; because it in- 
 fringed on necessaries, whereas superfluities alone were touched 
 in all superior stations. To sthnulate the ^^eople to a fair and 
 honest exposition of their means any concealed property was 
 liable to confiscation ; and in all cases of dispute the commis- 
 sioners had a summary jurisdiction without any form of law. 
 
128 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 None of their assessments could be diminished by any appeal 
 unless sanctioned by the great council, until the regular trien- 
 nial period for renewing the Catasto had arrived, and this not- 
 withstandinjt any deterioration of the property ; but it might 
 be augmented without such authority ; and a final decree made 
 it illegal to levy any taxes not imposed according to the above 
 regulations. 
 
 The advantages of this Catasto were obvious and at once felt 
 by the sutfering people : it arrested all clamour and brought 
 taxation to a nearer degree of equality ; but like eveiT other 
 form of impost after a certiiin point, acted as a direct check on 
 industry- and by its frequent recurrence often deprived com- 
 mercial enteiinise of the veiy funds destined to its fan* and 
 honest action. According to Antonio Tucci the Prestanzf 
 sometimes came every month-, and in the war with Gian- 
 Galeazzo more than a hundred thousand llorins were paid over 
 and above the sum that each citizen was originally taxed with ! 
 As much as fifty per cent of each man's revenue had been paid 
 in eleven months, and seventy on the whole year s income ^. 
 This, even had it been impartially distributed, was almost 
 intolerable ; hence the suffering and lamentations of Florence : 
 hence the accumulated load of public debt ; and hence the 
 ultimate breaches of faith, and national bankruptcy. To save 
 itself, the Florentine nation destroyed public credit, and wa^ 
 forced to do so by the consequences of her own extravagance ; 
 an extravagance so great that with an ordinary revenue of little 
 more than three hundred thousand llorins there were spent in 
 war alone between UTT and 1400 no less than eleven milliou> 
 
 ♦ « E quasi d'ogni Mesc una Prcstanza 
 Abbiamo avuta, e ciascuna riscossa 
 Abilmente," &c\ CintiloquiOj Canto xci. 
 
 And well nigh cv'rj' month we had a loan 
 And each man ably paid his own. 
 
 t Jacopo Pitti, Storiu Fiorcntina, Lib. i", p. 15.— Dom". Boninscgni, 
 Lib. iv., p. 719. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 129 
 
 and a half independent of ordinary state expenses and the 
 enormous cost of public buildings and other embellishments, 
 which by some authors are estimated far above the prodigality 
 of war, and nearly all raised by these forced and repeated loans 
 on the citizens *. The Catasto therefore could not be expected 
 to restore national credit nor pay off any portion of the debt, 
 or even insure a punctual discharge of all the interest : it only 
 gave confidence for the future with present satisfaction and re- 
 lief by a more equal distribution ; but commerce always suffered 
 by these continual drains on its aliment ; drains which imparted 
 a distant and doubtful value to money that would have realised 
 far greater quicker and more assured profits in trade. This 
 was so well understood that the small merchants and artisans 
 who were not taxed at a higher rate than two florins of surplus 
 income, generally preferred paying the tliird part and losing it 
 while they employed the remainder in trade than becoming 
 public creditoi's with a promised interest for the whole. 
 
 Loans were first made in Florence to meet particular con- 
 junctures ; they were repaid at stipidated periods by appro- 
 priated branches of revenue and differed materially from the 
 rapid succession of *' Prestanze " that followed : they were all 
 extraordinai-y ; but when once this destructive system became 
 ordinary and peraianent its character changed into that of a 
 regular but severely impoverishing tax, a diniinisher of profits, 
 an unsafe investment, and a caterpillar of industry, uncertain in 
 amount and variable m its periods : for like our own poor's- 
 rate it was frequently repeated even to twelve and sometimes 
 double that number of times in a year f . 
 
 The nature of Florentine liberty has been made apparent 
 throughout this work ; but of the civic equality which accom- 
 
 * Varchi, Storia Fiorentina, Lib. ix., venue being about 140,175?. annually 
 p. 1 15. Forty-four and a half guineas or 8,700,000/. in the above period, 
 make 1 lb. Troy, so that 1 1 ,500,000 f Pagnini, Delia Decima, Sezione ii*, 
 florins are equal to 5,373,375/. of our passim. — Cavalcanti, ii* Storia, cap. 
 money in actual weight of metal, the re- xxviii, 
 VOL. in. K 
 
130 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 panied it, especially as affected by taxation, and of the Catasto's 
 vast importance ; a more distinct idea may be formed from the 
 smgle fact that Niccolo da Uzzano, the ablest and perhaps one 
 of the honestest of the Albizzi faction, whose share of taxatiou 
 had never previously exceeded sixteen florins, after the esta- 
 blishment of that system paid no less than '250, or between 
 fifteen and sixteen times the former amount ! And this exemp- 
 tion from public burdens was audaciously claimed by the noble 
 Popolani as a compensation for the necessar)^ pomp of those 
 public offices from which they so strenuously endeavoured to 
 exclude the poorer citizens and every other man that did not 
 belong to their party *. 
 
 This great financial revolution was followed ere long by the 
 death of its illustrious supporter Giovanni de' Medici, 
 A.D.1428. ^j^^ however has not escaped the charge advanced 
 agamst his family of fomenting war for private ends. For such 
 reasons, if we are to believe the somewhat doubtfid confession 
 of Niccolo Tinuccif, an expedition agamst Marradi was pro- 
 moted, and that fortress with Castiglione and all the estates of 
 Lodovico de' Manfredi were, with the exception of Gattaia, 
 unblusliingly annexed to the republic ; even that town was 
 ceded to the lord of Faenza who claimed it as a family inherit- 
 ance. Although a mere episode in Florentine history the 
 conquest of Marradi, inasmuch as it was disgraceful to national 
 honesty, merits some notice t- 
 
 * Cavalcanti, Storia Fiorent*., Lib. iv., of seekincr v\-«r and even the banish- 
 
 jjii mem of r//ano while the latter ex- 
 
 t As Niccolo Tinucciaformer adherent pressly praises him for loving ])cace 
 
 of the* Medici, made his "C(Wi/mio>i€0 and acquits him, as d«.es Cavalcanti, 
 
 t;era£'a;a»iJ »a'* in September 1 433, un- of seeking the downfall of anyone. 
 
 der the influence of a Seignory enemies Yet Bruto (Lib. i", p. '20,) repeats 
 
 to the exiled Cosimo and to procure this charge, on Tinucci's assertion, 
 
 his own discharge from prison where with great confi<lence and evident 
 
 he had been committed for high trea- satisfaction, although a few pages 
 
 son it may be reasonably supposed fiirther on he seems rather doubtful ot 
 
 that his evidence was suited to the this authority (p. 51). 
 
 taste of his examiners and as adverse X Cavalcanti, Storiu Fiorcntina., Lib. 
 
 as possible to those whose secrets he vii., cap. xxxviii.— MorcUi, Ricoidi, 
 
 was betraying. He accuses Giovanni p. 81. 
 
 Shortly before the battle of Zagonara Lodovico de' Manfredi 
 da Faenza son of Giovanni d'Alberghettino, offered his services 
 to the Florentmes but not being able to come to an agreement 
 returned to Marradi, a strong mountain fortress in the Val di 
 Lamone of Romagna. The subsequent disaster of Zagonara 
 made Florence more tractable ; Lodovico s aid was eagerly 
 sought and with liberal offers ; the lordship of Faenza if re- 
 duced, being especially promised as a place to wliich he had 
 some family claims, and with whose reigning chief no terms 
 unsanctioned by him were to be made. Notwithstanding 
 this the defeat of Niccolo Piccinino in the Val di Lamone 
 led, as already mentioned, to a treaty between the lord of 
 Faenza and Florence : indignant at this proceeding in which 
 he had no voice, Lodovico retired to Castiglione and brood- 
 ing over his grievances hesitated whether to remain steady 
 or^jorn her enemies, but finally and unwisely exhibited his ill- 
 humour by various petty annoyances to Florentine trade which 
 his position enabled him to offer. The Seignory became so 
 alai-med at the prospect of his admitting an enemy into the 
 Mugello that a resolution was passed to secure his person : 
 after vainly tempting him for some time to visit Florence, with 
 the most flattering promises and protestations of amity he, ni 
 an evil hour being over-persuaded by an old and confidential fol- 
 lower, repaired to that city and was instantly imprisoned. Such 
 a hostage secured the unwilling obedience of his clan imtil it 
 suited Cosimo and Averardo de^ Medici with their party, whc* 
 now seemed to govern Giovanni, to incorporate Lodovico s 
 states with the republic. It is asserted by Bruto that Giovanni 
 de' Medici loved war because it enabled him to bind Florence 
 by her pecuniaiy necessities ; he, according to this author, cal- 
 culated on the Seignory being forced to levy new taxes or bor- 
 row from opulent citizens, and either of these courses would 
 . favour his views : being the richest citizen Giovanni would 
 he first apphed to, and while gaining public applause for 
 
 K '2 
 
 ■IR^Pf^ 
 
FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 promptness in thus risking his fortune he would be really 
 reducing the country to a dependence on him for its military 
 success and thus acquire the power of prolonging hostilities 
 at his pleasure. If on the contrary new taxes were im- 
 posed he could then create a host of dependants by loans that 
 would enable them to pay their share of taxation. Thus either 
 by continual mortgages on the public revenue, which would be 
 a daily augmentation of riches power and reputation ; or by 
 private loans to necessitous individuals of rank and influence who 
 would become liis humble sonants ; he was sure to gain. He 
 had besides a number of enemies without the means of paying 
 up their share of taxation ; and as this incapacitated them for 
 public office he would thus possess the power of putting them 
 " a Specchio " which necessarily brought them amongst the 
 '' Stracciatiy'' and being in this way excluded from public ho 
 nours they remained powerless *. The " Specchio " or mirror, 
 was an invention of Benedetto degli Alberti for compelling 
 great citizens to pay their taxes ; as in his time their power 
 and insolence were at such a height tliat they either effec- 
 tually avoided or flatly refused to pay. Public discontent 
 rose in proportion to the wrong, which became an esta- 
 blished custom until Alberti in declaring that all the great 
 citizens paid when they pleased but that the greater the citi- 
 zen the more ought to be required of him, proposed a law for 
 the formation of a Specchio or book in which were recorded 
 quarter by quarter, and gonfalon by gonfalon, the names 
 of all those citizens who from not having paid up their taxes, 
 or from any other cause, were considered as public debtors; 
 and no one who was " a Specchio " or recorded as a debtor 
 in that book could accept or exercise any public office ; but 
 on a citizen s name being drawn for official situations, if 
 found in the above record it was instantly " Stracciato " 
 or torn up, and the office forfeited ; and this law good in 
 
 * Bruto, Storia Fiorentina, Lib. i., p. 29. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 133 
 
 theory was also effectual in practice until made an instrument 
 
 of faction *. . 
 
 All these charges were repeated with more truth agamst 
 Cosimo ; but a war on Marradi, whether by Medician influence 
 or not was decreed in the public councils ; Bernardino della 
 Carda being named captain and Averardo de' Medici commis- 
 sary • Marradi, and soon after Castiglione, with the rest of Lo- 
 dovico's estates capitulated in the autumn of 1428, but under 
 certam conditions, the principle of which was this chieftam s 
 restoration to liberty. As generalissimo Bernardino had autho- 
 rity to make any capitulation he pleased ; but he neverthe- 
 less strengthened himself with Averardo's approbation and 
 Lodovico's territory became a Florentine province. Although 
 willing to receive the spoil, the governing party was opposed 
 to the above condition and shamefully refused to set the pn- 
 soner free, wherefore Bernardino although domiciled in the 
 countrj' indignantly quitted their serxice f. 
 
 The principal official adherent of the Medici was Martmo 
 Martini notary or chancellor of the reformations ; but the 
 mass of Giovanni s strength lay in the middle and poorer 
 classes of citizens : these had neither forgotten the times of the 
 Ciompi nor their o^ti grievances ; for the former were compa- 
 ratively recent and the latter still unremoved. Incessant dis- 
 cord had given no breathing-time for society to resume its 
 tone, the people looked for a vindicator, and provided that he 
 only curbed the insolence of their enemies were ready to 
 sacrifice even their long dream of freedom to present revenge : 
 they now perceived that Liberty was only the rallymg c^ ot 
 personal ambition and themselves the mere instruments of its 
 accomplishment ; and this at the very moment that they were 
 
 • Varchi, Stor. Fiorentina, Lib. viii., -Ammirato Lib. xix., p. 1045.- 
 
 p. 278.-Cavalcanti, vol. ii'', Appen. Cavalcanti, f!r\^'^:Z\TL^^^^ 
 
 99 n MO and xviii. ; Lib. vu., cap. xxxvui.— 
 
 + cLessiine o Vera Examina di Ser Ncri Capponi, Commcntan Rer. Ital. 
 
 Niccoli) Tinucci, Notaio del X., MS. Scrip., torn, xvni., p. llt)5. 
 
134 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 flattered pitied and deluded by the craft of designing poli- 
 ticians. In such a state the despotism of one who would 
 punish their oppressors became preferable to continual suf- 
 fering, and Giovanni de' Medici who had every necessaiy 
 quality for such a conjuncture was welcomed as the people's 
 champion. 
 
 The custom of filling the election purses by secret scrutiny 
 with the names of those citizens who for a given number of 
 years were eligible to public office has been frequently men- 
 tioned : every Seignorj' lasted two months, and any man who 
 once sat in it became ineligible until the next scrutiny took 
 place. In order to keep unknown the names of those citizens 
 which still remained hi the purse after each succeeding elec- 
 tion, and thus prevent the previous briber}^ of the members of 
 government, the officers and assistants at these periodical 
 ceremonies were forbidden by law and by a sacmmental oath, 
 to divulge the names of the elected. For these once known, 
 and those of the bimensal Seignoiy, being successively with- 
 drawn from the original number, the chances could be cal- 
 culated (particularly towards the termination of the period 
 of scnitiny) of who were likely to be drawn: and as the 
 residue diminished, the facility of bribing increased, so that 
 when any revolution was contemplated it only became neces- 
 sary to wait for a favourable Seignory to insure its accomplish- 
 ment. This like many other regulations was theoretically 
 good but easily circumvented by the same ingenuity that con- 
 trived it and entirely rested on individual honesty, which 
 however will act conscientiously without the vain formality of 
 all those oaths and legal prohibitions that may uphold rights 
 but not teach duties. 
 
 Martino Martini therefore, according to the questionable con- 
 fession of Tinucci and the decided assertions of Bruto, being 
 imder great obhgations to Giovanni, revealed to him the names 
 of those who were in the election purses and indicated all that 
 
 m c,.>r..xx..l 
 
 FI.OBEKn>"E niSTORT. 
 
 135 
 
 he conceived would be most likely to govern under Medic.an 
 nfluence The scrutinies of 14-21 and 14-i6 were m this way 
 dt" led to Giovanni and of course enabled him to frame all 
 his poUtical and personal conduct with that profound dissimu- 
 lation which Bruto attributes to him, and which was absolutely 
 „eces.arv to work out his designs. Hence therefore his appa- 
 rent disregard of office, whicli he knew would be pressed upon 
 him- his absence from the palace, where he was sure tx. be 
 called ; his courtesy, liberality, and general forbearance : he 
 >vas powerful, and naturally benevolent; and could afford to 
 be liberal because it increased his strength : but nearty all 
 this might have also proceeded from innate mtegrity of 
 chai-acter combined wth the spirit of the time and the pobucal 
 customs of his country ; or it might be, as Bruto endeavours to 
 prove, a deep-laid scheme of usuiTation : the same symptoms 
 often attend the most opposite maladies *. 
 
 However this may be, Giovanni and Cosimo de Medici 
 moved onward with mcreasing power until 14-28 when the 
 health of the former began to decline, and accordmg to Bru^o 
 and Tinucci, his death was accelerated if not caused, b, 
 a strong apprehension of what might personally happen to 
 him by the sudden dismissal of Martino from office and lus 
 own exclusion from the public palace which had just been 
 decreed \. If he had ever been base enough to use Martmo s 
 treachery as the instrument of his own exaltation, tiie sudden 
 fall of this man gave sufficient cause for fear because the torture 
 which usually followed suspicion, woidd have elicited aiiy tale 
 the torturers required: but the testimony of Giovanni s great 
 antagonist Niccolo da Uzzano one of the best and ablest of the 
 Albizzi faction is far less questionable tl>an the prejudu-e of a 
 Venetian writer, or the mterested evidence of a discarded fnend 
 
 Tu -o TTlnrPtitine Lib. i., p. 31.— Tinucci, 
 . Bruto, Istor. Fiorentma, L.b. .», ^Xllone. - Ammirato, Lib. .i... 
 
 t Gio.Cambi, p. 133.-Bruto, Istorie p. 1047. 
 
 KW'SI^SPi^i 
 
136 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [cook 1. 
 
 and state prisoner, whose principal object was his own delivei*ance 
 from torture and incarceration*. 
 
 Feeling the approach of death Giovanni assembled bis 
 friends and kindred and thus addressed Cosimo and Lorenzo. 
 '• My beloved sons, neither I nor any other person that enters 
 " this world should grieve at the exchange of mun- 
 " daue anxieties for eternal repose. I feel that my 
 *' last hour draws nigh, and from what might alarm timid 
 " women and cowardly men, I draw comfort; because it comes 
 *' in the course of nature and not from my own imprudence. 
 " To this I owe my length of years, and I have more than 
 *' my share of fortune when I consider how joyfully, in the 
 *' triumph of peace and victory, my last movement is made 
 *' from mortal to immortal life. 1 leave you with the ample 
 " riches which God and my own exertions have given me 
 *' and which your excellent mother has so much assisted to 
 *' acquire and preserve. I leave you with the fairest prospects 
 " that ever Tuscan merchants had; with the favour and 
 " benevolence of every worthy citizen and the affection of a 
 
 people which has ever chosen our family as their polar star; 
 
 and if you forsake not the customs of our progenitors the 
 " people ^vill always favour you and confer their dignities 
 " upon you. In order to secure this be compassionate to the 
 " poor and assist them with your alms ; to the rich be gracious 
 " and obliging, especially if in honest adversity. Never give 
 " your counsel against the people's will, unless they are bent 
 " on ignoble or impolitic actions. I advise and I pray you not 
 " to frequent the public palace so as to make it appear like 
 " your shop, but rather wait until called upon by the palace 
 " itself, and then be zealous and obedient to the Seignory : let 
 " your counsel be friendly, not dictatorial; and be not rendered 
 " proud and arrogant by public honours or popular applause. 
 " Exert yourselves to keep the people at peace and the markets 
 
 (( 
 
 (( 
 
 * Confessione, &c*, di Niccolo Tinucci. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 137 
 
 u 
 
 (( 
 
 <i 
 
 abundant : avoid being seen in the law courts lest your pre- 
 sence should endanger justice ; for whoever proves an obstacle 
 to justice, by justice will ultimately perish. I leave you free 
 " from any moral stain because by me none has ever been 
 " acquired ; I leave you the heirs of glory, not of infamy. 
 "I leave you with cheerfulness; but I should be still more 
 " happy if'l did not see you mixed up with sects and factions. 
 " To your care I commend Nannina my wife and your mother; 
 " see that my death diminish not her accustomed honours and 
 " respect ; and when I am no more do you my children pray 
 " to God that he may be the salvation of my soul : and now 
 " take my paternal blessing ; and thou Cosimo be kind to 
 " Lorenzo ; and thou Lorenzo be obedient to Cosimo as if he 
 " were thy'father." Having concluded this discourse after a 
 
 few hours he died *. 
 
 Giovanni must be considered as the founder of Medician 
 greatness : before his time, although an illustrious influential 
 family and occasionally distinguished in national politics, they 
 were, with the exception of Salvestro and Vieri, historically 
 miim'portant. After Giovanni their stur shone with fitful but 
 enduring brightness ; veiled in clouds or obscured by storms 
 its light"" still streamed through the murky atmosphere of na- 
 tional politics until it finally settled into a steady but falla- 
 cious ray which rather dazzled than enlightened the worid. 
 Giovanni was a long-sighted and sagacious man who knew his 
 fellow-citizens and the way to lead them ; who saw then' errors 
 and had the prudence to avoid them by steering a steady but 
 
 * This report of Giovanni's last words 
 taken from an old MS. in the author's 
 possession agrees nearly word for word 
 with that given hy Cavalcanti and 
 nearly so with Ammirato's account : 
 Macchiavelli's though abridged is sub- 
 stantially the same ; and as Ammirato 
 says that he had seen it in MSS. older 
 than Macchiavelli's birth, it is evi- 
 
 dently no fanciful oration. (Vide 
 MS. ' Memorie di Oiovanni di Ave- 
 rardo detto Bicci de" Medici, aUa 
 viorte smt nelly 1428 {U2^).— Caval- 
 canti, Stoma Fiorentina, lAh. v., 
 cap. iii., ^<^. awrf since printed. — 
 Ammirato, Lib. xix.,p. \0A7.—Mac- 
 chiavelli, Storia Fiorentlna, Lib. iv"., 
 also Toscaria lllastrata. 
 
138 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 unusual course. He made his own fortune, knew the force of 
 gold, and whether artfully or undesignedly, worked it through 
 all the intricacies of Florentine character into a mightv and 
 extended web which ultimately enveloped the liberties of Flo- 
 rence. His nature was benevolent : and he soon perceived that 
 popularity would do more than pride, generosity than avaiice ; 
 beneficence than rapacity: and as he naturally leaned, even 
 by the admission of his enemies, towards these virtues, inclina- 
 tion and interest spontaneously imited for his advancement; 
 other men's misfortunes served but as a foil for his own virtues 
 and as such he may have used them. Apparently unsolicitous 
 and even unambitious of honours he yet enjoyed their sub- 
 stance, and sagaciously based the greatness of his family on 
 pubUc affection. His ambition was perhaps less personal than 
 prospective; less for himself than his posterity, for he well 
 knew the talents of Cosimo ; and while he steadily upheld the 
 people s rights and opposed the rich Popolani he appears to 
 have escaped the general hatred of the latter. His own interests 
 were apparently so identified with the public good that his mea- 
 sures were generally popular, and he thus laid deep foundations 
 for that edifice of family gi'eatness which Cosimo was destined 
 to erect and Lorenzo to finish. What Giovanni's secret motives 
 were ; whether for himself or his descendants ; or whether 
 they resulted from innate moral rectitude we know not, for few 
 have been so differently represented ; but they wore the garb 
 of virtue ; and the following character from Ids great and able 
 opponent Xiccolo da Uzzano, a man whom say Bruto and 
 Tinucci he attempted by every means to ruin and drive into 
 exile, may not be liditlv treated ; nor should the motives and 
 actions of his successors be suffered to cast retrospective oppro- 
 brium on his name*. 
 
 " This illustrious man," said Uzzano with tears in his eyes, 
 as we are told by Cavalcanti a cotemporary historian " this 
 
 • Tinucci, Confessione, &c. — Bruto, Storia Fior., Libro i**, p. 25. 
 
 CHAP, xxm] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 139 
 
 - illustrious man loved the good and pitied the bad, for he 
 
 - held that the latter were unfortunate, the fomer, nrtuous 
 " only by divine grace and their own exertions. This man 
 
 - never complained of other citizens, and no one had any com- 
 " plaint against him. He was ever compassionate to the poor 
 
 - and was the succour of the rich ; a striver against the ad- 
 " versity and a friend to the prosperity of men wherever shame 
 " did not thereby attach itself to the unfortunate person or the 
 " repubhc. His hands were always clear of bribes, and he 
 " chose rather to make others great than to be made so himself 
 " by any man. He never asked for preeminence in the state, 
 
 - but strenuously exerted himself for the exaltation of others. 
 " The less he demanded the more he received : he never went 
 « to the palace except when summoned : he ever deprecated 
 
 - war and favoured peace, to the best of his ability. Never 
 " did he ask any reward for the benefits that he had conferred 
 " on the community, and they were great and many; wherefore 
 " let none of you his kinsfolk weep, or lament his loss ; because 
 
 - a man so just leaves you rich in glory, and you are made 
 
 - more illustrious by the death than by the life of so good a 
 
 - pei-son ; it is after death that works are made manifest. But 
 " thou, city weep ! thou hast cause to weep, and to clothe 
 " thyself in sorrow and vexation ; for even as thy walls encircle 
 " thy people, so did the virtues of this man adorn thy citizens. 
 " This city, deprived of his light remains in darkness ; but 
 " those remedies that the Almighty God and good men have 
 " conceded to us, to them we must have recourse and implore 
 - the most high and immortal Creator that as he vouchsafed 
 " the grace of giving us so just a man, he may now please to 
 " crown him with divine and everlasting glory"*. 
 
 Such is the praise of a political enemy addressed to the two 
 sons of the deceased at a time when death exile and rum were 
 generally the consequences of political defeat ; and if msmcere, 
 
 * Cavakanti, Storia Fioreiitina,Iib.v.,cap. iv. 
 
140 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [boor I. 
 
 ■which Uzzano s character forbids, it was a mockery too cruel 
 and insulting to be addressed with impunity in the first moments 
 of affliction, even by that powerful chief, to such a man as Cosimo 
 de' Medici. 
 
 Giovanni was tall and well knit, with a long face and dark 
 complexion but not much colour. He had more humour than 
 was promised by a melancholy countenance, and was gracious 
 when in office; not eloquent, because unendowed by nature 
 with lingual fluency, but a clear arguer and sagacious counsellor 
 on public measures. He received general praise, and, says 
 Cavalcanti, if his rival lauded him so eloquently what must 
 have been the eulogiums of his friends ! Yet it must not be sup- 
 posed that the rest of Uzzano s faction had their leader's mag- 
 nanimity ; as an individual he was generally regretted, but he 
 had been an impediment and a formidable rival, sins not easily 
 forgiven, and his memory suffered accordingly. Giovanni is 
 praised by his friends for never having sought the downfall of 
 any man but only his owti legitimate exaltation, and that by 
 simple gentleness of conduct which according to its real 
 motive might be either pure Christian virtue or a deep and 
 artful policy*. 
 
 The latter part of IA'2^ and the commencement of the pre- 
 sent year were also distinguished by some liberal commercial 
 advantages granted to Siena, less from any good-will or broad 
 views of trade than with the object of securing her friendship 
 through fear of Visconte, and perhaps with some relation to 
 their own design of punishing Lucca for her treacherous conduct 
 in the late war. These were followed l^y a modification of the 
 duties on the produce of Ilomania and the rest of Greece, in 
 order to attract the commerce of those countries to Pisa, wliich 
 however did not flourish under Florentine dominion. A law 
 against buying and selling by any but Florentine weights and 
 measures also distinguishes this period as well as the creation 
 
 * Cavalcanti, Storia, Lib. v., cap. v. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 141 
 
 of an office called " The Conservators of the Laws " composed of 
 ten citizens and rendered necessary by the neglect, oppres- 
 sions, and general maladministration of public offices. Like 
 most Florentine reforms it worked well for some years by 
 creating a strong and wholesome fear of its authority ; but a 
 good spirit is more easily invoked than permanently maintained, 
 and reforms only last until Imman ingenuity has had time to cir- 
 cumvent them : this was remarkably the case in Florence, and is 
 perhaps what impressed Macchiavelli so strongly with the ne- 
 cessity of periodically reducing institutions to first principles*. 
 Some severe enactments were also about this period renewed 
 which excluded illegitimate children from all public honours 
 and offices, laws essentially unjust without the advantage of 
 efficiency ; but a milder spirit shone forth perhaps from the 
 ascending influence of the Medici, in the restoration of the 
 long-persecuted Alberti to their native city ; and an attempt to 
 recover that city and contado from the injuries of war by allow- 
 ing all foreigners who settled there to hold real property, shows 
 that the country suflered in its population more severely than 
 appears on the surface of historical records ; but this law ceased 
 in 1454 f. 
 
 The Catasto was too searching a medicine for opulent citi- 
 zens to swallow in peace, and Giovanni's death became a signal 
 for fresh discussions ; but even before this they had used eveiy 
 art to make it hateful and while enforced with unusual severity 
 at home they insisted that the whole territory beyond the con- 
 tado should be made sul)ject to its action ; this was ostensibly 
 to reach a mass of property said to be held by Florentine citi- 
 zens under other names, but really, as was believed, to make 
 the measure still more unpopular: nor is this unlikely, for 
 Niccolo da Uzzano, no friend of the Catasto, directly supported 
 the proposal, while Giovanni and Cosimo de' Medici were 
 
 • Boninscgni, Istor. Mcmorie della f Confessione, &c*, di Tinucci, MS. 
 Citta di Fircnze, Lib. i", p. 31.— — S. Ammirato, Lib. xix., p. 1046. 
 Ammirato, Lib. xix., p. 1046*. 
 
 i^ms 
 
142 
 
 FLORENTTNE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 strong in opposition. The poorer classes of Volterra were 
 generally favoumble to this system, but the richer citizens as- 
 serted their national equality with Florence ; declared them- 
 selves allies under her protection, not subjects; and stoutly 
 refused to suffer any breach of the international convention 
 which guaranteed an independent self-government. The ques- 
 tion ; probably tlirough the influence of Giovanni de' MecUci; 
 was at first decided in their favour, but ultimately against 
 them; and after much discussion eighteen of the principal 
 citizens who had been sent to plead the cause of Volterra were 
 imprisoned for refusing to abide by the decree : their incarcer- 
 ation lasted six months until wearied out with sutfering they 
 bv the advice of Cosimo de' Medici, yielded to the obnoxious 
 demand*. 
 
 The deputies' return did not calm Volterra but on the con- 
 trary increased the agitation ; they were at once accused of 
 sacrificing their countrj-'s cause to personal inconvenience and 
 the people called loudly on Giovanni Contugi, a citizen of some 
 note to head an insurrection. Contugi pmdently declined, 
 yet proposed Giusto Liuidini, a yoimg and pojudar citizen of 
 humble origin but unquiet and aspiring character, in his place : 
 he had little difficulty with Giusto who havhig bein one of the 
 imprisoned deputies burned to revenge liis inihvidual wrong 
 and was nobly ahve to all the glor>^ of emancipating and mling 
 his native country. The revolt soon becaine general ; Giusto 
 assumed the government ; the Anziani acquiesced fur the mo- 
 ment ; and the cry of liberty and inde[»endence was echoed 
 from the ancient battlements of Volterra: this news flew 
 rapidly to Florence ; a commission of ten was immediately 
 nommated to quell the revolt ; but the country was at peace, 
 and the people were not alarmed. ^ 
 
 • Neri Capponi, Commontarj Rer. Stor\ flclla Tosrana, Lib.iv., rap. ix.— 
 
 Ital. Scrip, torn, xviii., p. llGt).— Gio. Cavalcanti. I/ih.^v,, cap. vi.— Cauihi, 
 
 Morelli, Ricordi, p. 82.— Ammirato, 1st. Fior., p. 177. 
 Lib. xix., pp. 1048, 1049.— Pignutti, 
 
 CHAP. XXXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 143 
 
 Amongst the ten of war were Niccolo da Uzzano, Pdnaldo 
 de^li Albizzi, Palla Strozzi, and Puccio Pucci the friend and 
 able adviser of Cosimo : Palla Strozzi and Rinaldo were made 
 commissaries ; and Nicolas Fortebraccio called Niccolo della 
 Stella who then happened to be at Fuceccliio with his followei-s, 
 was appointed general of the Florentines. They soon laid 
 sie^e to Volterra and had Pomerancia and all other dependen- 
 cies in their favour, but a general amnesty was offered on con- 
 dition of surrender ; Giusto confident in the strength of liis 
 position and the public union resolved on defence but demanded 
 assistance from Lucca and Siena ; the latter refused as an ally 
 of Florence ; and Paulo Guiuigi of Lucca still dreading her 
 resentment for his treachery in the Milanese war, not only fol- 
 lowed this example but made a merit of revealing to Florence 
 what she was already acquainted with*. 
 
 Clamours against the Catasto and its unjust extension to 
 Volterra were loudly and industriously echoed by its more opu- 
 lent enemies at Florence in order to increase their own ranks 
 and destroy this saluUiry act ; but the poorer people of Volterra 
 who saw its justice and required its protection, declared their 
 (tood-will. They were informed that Florence did not wish to 
 Ux their property but only that of Florentine citizens fraudu- 
 lently concealed under Volterranian names ; that native rights 
 would not be disturbed, and that truth alone was sought for, 
 without which justice became impossible f. Meanwhile the 
 aspect of affairs began to alter in Volterra : Ercolano, the bro- 
 ther or kinsman of Contugi, seeing no prospect of success deter- 
 mined to propitiate Florence by the murder of Giusto and the 
 consequent temiination of hostilities : wherefore on the seventh 
 of November 1421f at the head of a band of citizens he sought 
 an interview with this chief who being a man of frank and 
 feariess character and heedless of danger, especially from Con- 
 
 * Orl°. Malavolti, Stor. di Siena, f Cavalcanti, Storia Fiorent., Lib. v„ 
 Parte iii% Lib. ii". — S. AmniinUo, cap. viii. 
 Storia, Lib. xix., p. 1031. 
 
144 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 tugi s brother, was walking half-armed in the apartments of the 
 palace : Ercolano led him in earnest conversation amongst the 
 conspirators by whom he was almost instantly despatched, but 
 not before several had fallen under his determmed hand. The 
 corpse wrapped in a mantle was cast from the palace wnidows 
 and his followers token l»y sui-prise and terror-struck gradually 
 disappeared; Volterra was offered conditionally to the Florentme 
 commissaries and everything fell back, not to its former state 
 of freedom, but with an additional fortress, the uievitable 
 Catasto, a diminished territory', and lost independence --. 
 
 At Giovamii's death Cosimo became at once the leadmg 
 citizen of Florence : Uzzano was verging towards the grave ; 
 Rinaldo degli Albizzi with great talents and all the influence 
 of his fathers name was intellectually inferior to Cosimo; 
 prouder ; perhaps more honest ; but infinitely less opulent ; 
 Neri Capponi deservedly enjoyed a great reputation and had 
 strong personal influence both from his own and his fathers 
 virtues but was comparatively poor; his power therefore was 
 less anrl had it been more he might have been too honest to 
 use it with the unscnipulousness of Cosimo. The latter was 
 invariably supported by his cousin Averardo and Puccio Pucci 
 a citizen of low rank ; both men of talent, but the last preemi- 
 nent and the first compensating in boldness and energ}^ for 
 what he lacked of superior genius. AVithout the advice of these 
 two says Bruto, " Cosimo never moved a leaf." At his acces- 
 sion to power Cosimo found the city distracted by political fac- 
 tions and had himself been no idle spectator : he at once 
 aspired to lead the people and govern the commonwealth 
 ac^ainst all the opposition of the great and he possessed the 
 requisite qualities; youth, sense, genius, a powerful eloquence, 
 becoming gravity, constancy of purpose, gentle manners, end- 
 less riches, Uberality, splendour, and a solid magnificence m his 
 
 * Oio. Morelli, Ricordi, p. 82.-Ca- p. 178.-Neri Capponi, Cpn^n^ejijarj, 
 valcanti, Lib. v., cap. xiv.-Macchia- Rer. Ital. Scnp., torn, xvm., p. 1100. 
 velli, Lib. iv.— Gia. Canibi, Istone, 
 
 CHAP. XXXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 145 
 
 establishment; all these caught the favour of the multitude, 
 and the more so because he was considered as their own. His 
 ambition too was veiled under an unassuming courtesy of de- 
 meanour which in so distinguished a person won every heart 
 but did not blind the eyes of his enemies, for his power over 
 the lower classes whenever it suited him to agitate shook the 
 magisterial authority to its centre. Tlius the union of princely 
 riches and more than princely talent ; the memory of paternal 
 fame ; his frank and social bearing which put no distance be- 
 tween him and his fellow-citizens ; his extensive charities and 
 general beneticence as well as the peculiar times hi wliich he 
 lived, when the whole nation was ready to be bought ; all con- 
 spired to lay the foundation of that great power wliicli mider- 
 mhied republican liberty and in his cliildren's hands completed 
 the su1)jugation of their countr}'. Yet says Bruto ; and his 
 favourable testimony to a Medici is important ; " All the au- 
 thors of those times agi'ee that no man in any city into whose 
 hands public liberty ever fell was able by arms and violence to 
 acquire that authority to which Cosimo in a free city and in a 
 cause hateful to all (wliicli greatly increased his difficulty) 
 achieved by public favour and esteem "="'^. Nor was it easy 
 even for those who had succeeded in penetrating his intentions 
 and discovering his real o])jects to rebuke or repress them : 
 they were checked by a certain air of blended gravity and 
 moderation that never outstepped the bounds of civic equality 
 and either deceived or disarmed the greater part of his coun- 
 trymen. 
 
 No sooner was Niccolo Fortebraccio again left free by the 
 submission of Volterra than he retired to his old quarters 
 about Fuceccliio and recruitnig his army with half the ruffians 
 of Tuscany whom he allured to his standard, prepared in the 
 month of November to ravage Lucca. To this he was probably 
 encouraged by the known anger of Florence against that state 
 
 Bruto, delle Istorie Fiorciitine, Lib. i ', p. 33. 
 
 VOL. in. 
 
146 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAF. 
 
 xxxr.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 147 
 
 and the prospect of being adopted as her general ; but h.s 
 ostensible reason ; for even these lawless miscreants alleged 
 reasons for their deeds ; ^as to recover some arrears o money 
 due since U18 to his uncle Bracoio da Montone ot whom he 
 was the heir*. Ta.do Guiuigi from whom tins money had 
 been simikrly extorted by Bracoio, despatched Jacopo \ iviaui, 
 ,a man ^vhose life he had formerly spared lor a conspuacy to 
 murder him) with complaints against ForteUacr.o s conduct : 
 the ambassiidor delivered his remonstrance m pubhc, but pri- 
 vately excited all Florence to hostility. T.^ >b>eUl hnnsell Irom 
 Panl'os resentment he procured from tlie Seignmy an order to 
 prohibit his retm-n ; and thus did he betray a master who had 
 mercifully spared Ids life when he n.ight lu.ve legally and con- 
 scientiously taken it, so sure is it that a man rarely lorg.ves 
 the pei-son whom he has deeply nijured. 
 
 The eager and exciting representations of Vivani backed by 
 encouraging accounts from Fortebraccio of bis own rafwl po- 
 gress and tie disposition of the people ; and sull urther curro- 
 Lrated by the various Florentine agents n> the Lucches^ 
 state, inflamed the public ndnd so as to engender an umve«ul 
 desire of making the war its own. Ileseutnient of f«mer m- 
 juries and the ambition of conquering a weaker stale that bor^ 
 dered their «hole frontier and was con.uUred both n>.,rally and 
 geographically as the portal of their enemies, excited such a 
 spirit in Florence that nothing could stand against it f _ It « 
 said that Xeri Capix„ii encouraged Furtebracco seciet.y to be 
 enterprise; but as ^I-^^avelli, Nerli Fuggio, Malayolt nd 
 AmnTirato principally inculpate Uinaldu degli Alb.zzi, the t^ 
 latter giving his speech ; while Bn.to evidently following U- 
 nuccis Confession, entirely exonerates bin,, and even ass r^» 
 that he was an active advocate for peace, it is diflicult now to 
 name all who urged on this wr, and still more so to discover 
 
 ♦ Neri Cannoni, Comment. Rcr. ml. t ^m ^JP1">'"» ... ^ 
 
 a tnm XV n lien.-Poirgo Hal. Scrip., tumo xvm.. p. Ub^. 
 
 Strip., torn. XJX-, V' A*""- „.-*' 
 Bracciolini, Stoiia, Lib. vi., p. U 1. 
 
 what party incited Forteliraccio to commence it ; for Neri Cap- 
 poni tells us that some person did do so, and his manner of 
 relating it leads to the belief that it might have been himself. 
 It is improbable that this general would have ventured on so 
 bold a step unless well assured of Florentine approbation if not 
 support, and because various personal and party views induced 
 the leading factions to plunge Florence into hostilities, it may 
 be believed that all except Uzzano and a veiy small minority, 
 as will be seen by the votes, joined in this warlike agitation *. 
 Nevertheless as these intrigues, if they existed, were secretly 
 conducted unknown and unsanctioned by the state, the Seignory 
 asserted in answer to Paulo that Fortebraccio was no longer in 
 their pay and therefore acting without their orders on his own 
 responsibility : yet says Giov. ^lorelli, a cotemporary, *' all was 
 done in order to bring the people under the yoke " f. 
 
 Cosimo and his faction were not indifterent spectators of 
 these things and their intrigues if we credit Tinucci may be 
 thus shortlv narrated. Cosimo and Averardo de' Medici being 
 determined to ruin Uzzano whom Niccolo Soderini one of their 
 own faction had unknown to them designed to assassinate ; 
 after promising him protection when discovered, took the 
 opportunity of another partisan, Nastagio Guiducci s election 
 to the priorship and made him promise to arrest and accom- 
 plish the ruin of Uzzano, for which he received a present 
 bribe and the promise of what more might be wanted. This, 
 had Nastagi been able to accomplish it, would have at once 
 cleared the w\ay for Cosimo ; but the scheme failed and he re- 
 sorted to v;ar as a secure road to political supremacy because 
 the " Spccvlilo " and his ample resources enabled him either to 
 win over or neutralise the opposition of a majority in the public 
 councils but more especially in the Seignory. The Medici 
 
 * Docnmcnti, Cavalcanti, vol. ii. — iii*,Lib.ii'',p.l9. — NerH,Com. Lib. ii°. 
 
 Neri Capponi, Comnicntarj Rcnim. — Poggio, Lib. vi., p. 172. 
 
 Ital. Script., torn, xviii., p. IKUJ. — f Ammirato, Lib. xix.,p. 1053. — Ri- 
 
 Oil". Malavolti, Storia di Siena, Parte cordi di Giovan. Morelli, p. 87. 
 
 l2 
 
FXORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI ] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 149 
 
 14S 
 
 therefore rejoiced when Niccolo Tinucci first told them of For. 
 tebmccio s aggi'ession, and immediately tried to secure the co- 
 operation of Tommaso Barbadori the gonfalonier of justice in 
 their prosecution of a war against Lucca. B^irbadon ^^.ls un- 
 willing to act openly as chief instigator; wherefore ^^astagi 
 Guiducci and Tommaso Franceschi were by means ol Nic- 
 colo Soderini and Puccio Pucci established as the movers of 
 
 this question *. , , x^, .• m 
 
 Fortebraccio s rapid progress excited the Florentines witli 
 the prospect of new conquests although still faint from the late 
 wars exhaustion and the recent expeditions against ^Vlarratli 
 and Volterra; wherefore a miited assembly of the three 
 councils was by the exertion of Nastagi summoned to discuss 
 the subject. The first meeting was curly in November, at which 
 a hoarv citizen named Lorenzo Bosso seems to have had mucli 
 influence in promoting war while many inilu.ntial member^ 
 were bribed bv the war party to stay away: tlu- s-vMnd ^vas 
 summoned for the fourth or ninth of De.ember: but the day 
 previous, Xastagi, Soderini, and Ser Martino Mastini bad a 
 secret consnltation with the Medici. Avorardo advised an 
 energetic adherence to their actual plan, and C osimo oflered all 
 his dd to cany it out: the three former endeavoured to bnng 
 Fanaldo degli Albizzi into their opinion, but ho was advei-se 
 to their mode of acting though not to the enterprise, aiul 
 beincr told that the Medici advised it said he objected because 
 he thought it should at first be more carefully pondered: 
 but adding, - Do what vou think good, for you of the Selgnor^• 
 should no't be opposed; yet I do not approve of it " The 
 Comicils of the People, the Community, and the Two Hundred : 
 in all four hundred and ninety-eight members : assembled 
 the next morning, and after much discussion war was tormailN 
 voted with only ninety-nine dissentients, and even these wheu 
 they rose to speak were insidted, spat at, and their words 
 
 • Tinucci, Coufefebione.— S. Ammirato, Stor., Lib. xix., p. 1053. 
 
 rendered inaudible by long-continued knocking and coughing-. 
 Ashamed of this disorder the Seignory imposed silence, and 
 Amiolo Pandollini a citizen of exalted cnaracter and influence, 
 rising; first demolished the warlike arguments of Rinaldo degli 
 Albizzi, then demonstrated the impolicy of war, and if made, 
 asserted that domestic factions would render it ruinous to 
 Florence, because eveiy individual was resolved to adhere ob- 
 stinately to his own opinion. "It is enough for me" said 
 Pandollini " that I have striven to preserve the honour and 
 prosperity of my native city : I know that all is useless, yet the 
 authors of this enterprise will be the first to repent of it," Nor 
 was there one who had the boldness to speak so wannly against 
 the war as Aguolo Pandollini did for the public good, which he 
 put before all other considerations f. 
 
 It was marvellous, says Ammirato, to see those who had 
 hitherto opposed war, now ardently promoting it, and on the 
 contrary it was loudly Idamed by those who before had been 
 its warmest supporters ! which perhaps, adds the historian, 
 '• arises from the greater desire that men have to seize the 
 property of others than to take care of their own ; because the 
 hope of gain is always greater than the fear of loss." But the 
 more equal distribution of taxation caused by the Catasto, ren- 
 dered this burden generally lighter and the great mass of 
 citizens more willing to bear it for so alluring an object as the 
 conquest of Lucca : and moreover the Medician or war faction, 
 was the most powerful and energetic, and the multitude of 
 both factions who shouted along with them enormous. In this 
 conjuncture Niccolo da Uzzano rose and spoke strongly against 
 it as impolitic, unwarrantable, and difficult to accomplish. It 
 was unwarrantable because the only shadow of an excuse for 
 
 * " Anchiennes Croniqucs de Pise en 1456, Rer. Ital. Scriptorcs, vol. xviii., 
 
 Ytalie,"from MS. No. p. 377, Roval p. 1162, &c. Giov. Morejli, Ricordi, 
 
 Lib., Paris. — Cavalcanti, Lib. vii., p. 87.— Giov. Cambi, p. 1/9. 
 
 cap. viii.— Neri Capponi, Comment", t Vide note 2, Cavalcanti, Stona, 
 
 di Cose scguite in Italia del 1419 al Lib. vi., cap. vii., p. 306. 
 
150 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 hostilities was the treachery of Paulo in the Milanese war, an 
 act not unprovoketl, and which had been completely cancelled 
 by admitting him into the late treaty with that state as a 
 friend and adherent of Florence; but, said his enemies, expressly 
 to deprive him of Philip s protection and give Florence the 
 opportunity of revenge without offending the Duke of ]Milan*. 
 It was difficult said Uzzano, because our enemies will instantly 
 support Lucca, and above all Duke Philip will and can easily 
 assist that state without any hostile dcniunstratiou. Venue 
 he said was verj^ little to be trusted, Siena doubtful, and on 
 seeing Pisa conquered and Lucca about to fall would provide 
 for her o\mi safety. He finally urged the Florentines to be 
 satisfied with their actual dominion and give up conquest : but 
 was answered that if this reasoning were always good Flo- 
 rence would then have been only a petty conununity comprised 
 within her original boundaries instead of a powerful republic K 
 Wai* and the siege of Lucca liaving been determined, appa- 
 rently with the intervention and consent of subordinate cities, 
 and a Balia of Ten nominated, two commissaries repaired to 
 the anny and found Xiccolo Fortebraccio l>efore Vilhi l^asiliea 
 where he was instantly proclaimed General of the Floren- 
 tmes. The town soon surrendered, the captured places were 
 delivered up to Florence and the army soon after marched to 
 
 Collodi. 
 
 Thenceforward the war began to languish; not from any 
 want of force talent or military skill, or any peculiar virtue of 
 the enemy ; but entirely from the interested selfish ambition 
 of individuals and the clash of opposing factions. Those of 
 Uzzano and the Medici were now at their full height ; and the 
 former, because it was entirely opposed to hostilities wished 
 for their failure even to the dishonour of Florence, rather than 
 
 * Neri Capponi, Commentarj Rer. held out to the \ii&i.—(Vide Bocu- 
 
 Ital. Scrip., torn, xviii., p. ll(J6-7.— menti, vol. ii., Sforiadi Cavakanti.) 
 
 This seems doubtful: the Florentine + Animirato, Lib. xix., p. 105o. 
 
 ambaswdors were strong against it and Cavalcanti, Storia, Lib, vi., cap. vi. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 151 
 
 success with the glory of their political antagonists and against 
 their own recorded opinions. 
 
 The I^Iedici on the other hand seeing many of their rivals 
 employed in directing the war, became jealous of such exalta- 
 tion and therefore exaggerated their failures and disparaged 
 their success ; yet both chiefs were able and prudent men, both 
 competent to conduct the state ; the one waxhig, the other 
 waning ; but each struggling to acquire or preseiTe the ascend- 
 ant, and perhaps both turned somewhat from their natural 
 course by the intemperance of their followers-. The result 
 was a fierce encounter of f:ictions ; the object, exaltation of party ; 
 the victim public good : national energy was distorted to party 
 pui-poses, national rulers were paralysed even when honest, for 
 they were forced to employ the partisan, not the individual. 
 The country suffered, the war was cruel beyond the age, pro- 
 crastinated,' and proportionably feeble ; an imp of faction fos- 
 tered by treachery and hate. 
 
 Amongst the " Ten of War," who were elected on 15th De- 
 cember, we find Giovanni Pucci, Martino Martini, Giovanni 
 della Stufa, and Xeri Capponi ; a majority of them being either 
 direct partisans or under the influence of Cosimo. His brother 
 Lorenzo was immediately appointed ambassador to Milan and 
 Venice where he had opportmiities of protracting the war at 
 the pleasure of Cosimo by a secret understanding with both 
 governments. But ere all this happened Fortebraccio had 
 made terrible progress : his soldiers swarmed over the whole 
 couutiy like pismires hurrying to and fro and loaded with 
 prey : throughout all the valleys of Lucca, says Cavalcanti, 
 nothing was heard but the tocsin's sound, the shouts of men 
 the screams of women and the cries of children ; even the 
 very beasts of the field added to the fearful scene by their low- 
 ing and bellowing : the whole country was driven to ruin ; 
 
 * Anchiennes Croniques de Pise en Ytalie.— Cavalcanti, Storia, Lib. vii., cap. 
 viii,,p. 387. 
 
152 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 *» for in tlu3 perverse man " says the same author, " not only 
 was there no pity but he gave not the slightest pause or respite 
 to his cruelty." Town after town fell beneath him and was 
 crushed : Pontetetto first yielded ; then San (,)uirieo, Lucchio. 
 Castellare, Monte Fcgatese, Ghivizzano, Casole, llocca dal 
 Borgo, Lughano, Cotrone, and several others, were all suc- 
 cessively taken and ravaged even before the Florentine standard 
 was unfurled in the vales of Lucca*. 
 
 Rinaldo degli Albizzi was made commissar}-, and his suc- 
 cesses would quickly have l)rought the war to a iiisis had he 
 not on that very account been removed through Medician influ- 
 ence : this removal was some time after followed by defeat. 
 and Averardo apprehensive of its iutluence on the pvildic mind 
 hurried from the :\Iugello to the capital, and amidst a round 
 of private entertainments given for this sole object, succeeded 
 in persuading the citizens that if a new Balia were appointed 
 Lucca would soon be conquered : the suggestion was taken : a 
 fresh Balia named ; and Cosimo and Puccio Pucci were of the 
 number^. This gave the Medici complete conmiand of the 
 war ; new measures were adopted ; Xiccolo Tolentino and Mi- 
 chellotto were engaged with their respective followers : the 
 military expenses of course increased and so heavy and conti- 
 nued a dmin of taxation was established that but few unas- 
 sisted by Cosimo, could pay up in time, wheref(»re numbers 
 were placed " Alio Specchio " according to the wishes of the 
 Medici. Averardo kept constantly with Michellotto secretly 
 directing his movements, and after an abortive attempt to con- 
 demn Giovanni Guicciardini for supposed peculation wliile 
 with the army, because he obstructed their projects and was 
 likely to expose them, the Medici created an " Office of Rebel 
 lion' to intimidate and persecute their opponents under legal 
 forms which searched out those who had been sentenced but had 
 
 * Cavalcanti, Lib. vi., cap. iv. 
 t Ammirato, Lib. xxix., p. 1070.— Tinucci, Coiifessione. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 153 
 
 escaped punishment, in order to carr>^ all the rigour of the law 
 into action against them ; and because Tinucci, as he asserts, 
 refused to be instrumenUil in injuring a certain Piero del Caro 
 and was moreover the means of his learning their adverse in- 
 tentions, he was never more trusted by the Medici 'i^. Cosimo, 
 Averardo, Puccio Pucci, Piero Ginori, Lorenzo Verezzano, 
 Mccolo Bussini, Giovanni de' Pucci and Tinucci usually met 
 at the houses of these two Medici to settle the proceedings of 
 Ihe " Ten of War " and other magistracies, Averardo being 
 always described as chief actor in all these intrigues. Nor 
 were they idle abroad ; for while Lorenzo de' Medici was at 
 UWm he kept up a close intercourse and friendship with the 
 Duke and had frequent nightly interviews with him and his 
 secretaiT, the account of which he used to wi'ite with his own 
 hand in cvpher to Cosimo ; so that his private secretar}^ who 
 was Tinucci's informant remained entirely ignorant of what had 
 
 Astorri Gianni the other commissary, who wished to finish 
 the war, intended to possess himself of all the passes through 
 which succom-s might arrive for Lucca and therefore nivested 
 Pietrasanta the capture of which would have given him Mog- 
 gano and so closed up that entrance against any foreign aid ; 
 but Averardo remonstrated through ^Martini with the Balia, 
 alleging that they could only gain Pietrasanta with the loss 
 of Pisa wliich was daily threatened by the enemy. Gianni 
 was immediately ordered to desist and reprimanded for hesi- 
 tating to obey this treacherous mandate ; wherefore the road 
 remained open to Francis Sforza, and then followed a defeat and 
 subsequent disasters. But Avemrdo would allow of no success 
 m the army : Rinaldo at his instaaice was recalled from the 
 Val di Luni where conquest attended him : Neri Cappom who 
 
 * Brute, Stor.Fiorent.,Lib.i. p. 74-5. aggcrates f ^'^ f ^^; ^^f f j/^^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 t Brino not satisfied even uith this ing it with that ^f^*^^^ "f^^^/^^^^ .^^ 
 
 and other parts of Tinucci's evidence be observed towards a man in such cir- 
 
 against the Medici, amplifies and ex- cumstances. 
 
 wmm 
 
154 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book r. 
 
 followed in his steps also felt the influence of Averardo's 
 jealousy, and Alemanno Salviati the man he most wanted was 
 finally put in their place. The war then languished according 
 to the intention of Cosimo, but the expense increased and 
 Medician power along with it : Salviati became rich, but 
 Rinaldo wlio was still ser\ing and still successful in other 
 quarters, was finally through Averardo's inlluence removed 
 altogether ; the same jealousy kept Xcri ('nppuni unemployed 
 for Cosimo feared his abilities and dreaded the power and 
 popularity which success would give liim with the people. 
 
 The next expressly created obstacle to a termination of the 
 war was the vain attempt through Brunelleschi to swamp 
 Lucca bv turning the river Serchio ajrainst its walls : it is 
 improbable that so able an engineer should have expected this 
 to be successful, but he was perhaps a partisan and probably 
 influenced by Cosimo, though Neri Capponi strongly objected 
 to and laughed at the undertaking*. 
 
 Cosimo left no stone unturned to support his own greatness. 
 and used to say to his confidants, tliat a drain of the money 
 market and a loan of the produce to goveniment on good 
 security was the wav to effect this, because he gained much bv 
 it and at the same time secured the people's admiration of his 
 patriotism for thus risking fortune in tlie public service f . 
 
 No sooner had war begun than an embassy was despatched 
 from Siena to remonstrate against it ; but the Florentines 
 declared tliat their hostility was directed against the tyrant 
 alone not the people of Lucca; that on his abdication peace 
 would be instantly restored, and if he refused the Sencse 
 were free to demand any other security they deemed necessar}* 
 for their own safety which would be instantly given by the 
 Florentmes. This quieted Siena for the moment, and Flo- 
 rence having sent ambassadoi*s to justify her own conduct at 
 
 * Commentario di Ncri di Gino Capponi. ( Vide Rcrum. Ital. Scriptorcs, 
 torn, xviij., p. 1166. "t Coiifessione di Tinucci. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 155 
 
 ]\Iilan Venice and Rome, as well as to the other potentates of 
 Italy, all of whom except Visconti returned doubtful answers, 
 commenced the year 14:30, by the continuance of a war which, 
 begun in injustice, produced nothing but misfortune *. 
 
 This sketch of Medician intrigue as given by Tinucci will 
 throw some light on the subsequent history of the war, and is 
 so far unobjectionable as it agrees in its outline with other nar- 
 ratives : nor is there anything in the more minute details to 
 induce a suspicion of its general authenticity as in the case 
 of Giovanni: Cosimo's conduct bears Tinucci out; Giovannis 
 did not : the latter was universally liked and respected ; and 
 those who rejoiced in liis death as a political adversary, mourned 
 Mm as a man, and soon found themselves in a worse condition 
 than before. '* For Cosimo," says Nerli, " knowing the reputa- 
 tion that Giovanni had bequeathed to him and his house 
 amongst the citizens, the people, and minor artisans ; and 
 aware of the gi'eat nund)er of his friends and partisans in many 
 families of noble popolani ; began to attend with greater eager- 
 ness to state affairs and take a livelier interest in them than 
 his father had done, wherefore the number of his adherents 
 became more manifest and to the heads of the government it 
 plainly appeared that he was advancing without impediment 
 direct to the sovereignty " f. 
 
 This was Cosimo 's grand political movement, and Tinucci's 
 Confession casts some light on the springs that worked it : he 
 is evidentlv Brute's great authority ; but Bruto himself, bom 
 about fifteen years before the fall of the republic, and associatmg 
 with the bitterest enemies of the Medici especially at Lyon 
 (where he first published his work in 1573) seems to have im- 
 bibed much of that party spirit which so disfigures almost every 
 pacre of Florentine histoiy. He was a Venetian, and the Doge 
 IVtoo Foscarini thus writes of him. " To render this work 
 
 ♦ PocrgioBracciolini,Lib.vi.,pp.l72 t Comraentarj del Nerli, Lib. ii", 
 — 18(C P-^^- 
 
156 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 CHAP. XXXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOKY. 
 
 157 
 
 I 
 
 one of the most complete amongst the number that have ap- 
 peared since the restoration of literature, Bruto perhaps wants 
 that single condition which he wished for in others ; namely, a 
 soul unintlucnoed hy passion ; for he never ceases hiting at the 
 house of jVIedici, and moreover adopts a style in writing of them 
 that discovers his adverse spirit more than is becoming to a wise 
 and considerate author. It is credible that such a party spirit 
 may have gradually possessed Giovanni ]\Iichele Bruto in con- 
 sequence of his intimacy at Lyon with several Florentine refu- 
 gees enemies to the Medician sovereignty. " His history there- 
 fore, now our principal guide mitil the deatli of Lorenzo, must 
 in all that is adverse to the Medici, be received with that in- 
 stinctive caution which usually spiings up in the unbiassed mind 
 as a natund protection against the higli-wrought vehemence 
 of party men. Like Gibbon with priests and Hume \rith 
 Stuarts is Michael Bruto with the Medici *. 
 
 CoTEMPORARY MoNARCHs. — No change. 
 
 * Vita e Operc di Giov. Michcle Bruto, p. 25. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIL 
 
 FROM A.D. 1430 TO A.I). 143a. 
 
 The ultimate destination of jdl the so-called Italian republics 
 was a real monarchy under democratic forms which blinded the 
 people's eves to the veritable nature uf their govern- ^ ,,„^ 
 ment and so far answered the purpose oi lilierty by 
 a persuasion that they were incontestably free. Lucca was 
 not an exception to this rule : the family of Guinigi was one of 
 the tirst in that republic, and its chief Francesco had taken a 
 conspicuous part in the restoration of his country's indepen- 
 dence. After his death their power alamied the jealousy of 
 otliei-s; manv ambitious citizens united to diminish it and 
 were for a while successful, until Lazzaro his son recovered the 
 ascendant : still a fierce enmity existed between the Guinigi on 
 one side, and the Fortiguerri and Uapondi on the other, which 
 in 139*2 burst into open war and ended by the death of Forte- 
 guerri and the exaltation uf Lazzaro to the chief place in the 
 commonwealth. He governed Lucca with great prudence for 
 many years but at last fell by the hand of his own brother in 
 the following maimer : having a ward of eight years old, the 
 only remaining descendant of the famous Castmccian race, she 
 became the object of his brother Antonio's aspirations, but 
 whether from her extreme youth or other cause Lazzaro refused 
 his consent to the marriage and promised her to his younger 
 brother Paulo. Fmious at this rcbuil and encouraged by their 
 
158 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXMI.l 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 159 
 
 common brother-in-law Xiccolao SLarra, he conspired with the 
 latter and murdered Lazzaro while writing in his cabinet; but so 
 far from bein^ seconded when they called on the people to rise, 
 they were on the contrary delivered over to the tribunals, con- 
 demned, and beheaded. ' Paulo succeeded to all his brother s 
 authoritv. and aided by the Duke of IMilan became captain and 
 lord of the Lucchese republic which he nded with mildness if 
 not wisdom for thirty years, until ruined by this dispute with 
 the Florentines. Paulo Guinigi never was a frien<l to Florence, 
 and if conjecture may be substituted for historical facts when 
 the latter are unexplained, the real causes of this war seem to 
 have been the public antipathy to h'nn ; a strong desire for con- 
 quest; individual ambition ; intrigue, agitation ; and tempting 
 opportunity. Fortebraccio made his incursions with the true 
 spirit of a condottiere and as regarded Florence with the saga- 
 city of a statesman, relying on national hatred f(.r impunity 
 and on national ambition for ultimate support. The gi'eat ma- 
 jority of Florentines, dazzled by the success of a handful of 
 brigands and urged by Lorenzo Rosso, panted for conquest ; 
 tlie Medici whose game was war worked every engine to stimu- 
 late the prevailing humour; but their object was prolonged 
 hostilities, while the mass of citizens was for a rapid and bril- 
 liant conquest, with perhaps ulterior views. Hence alternate 
 success, failure, accusations, removals, and indecisive events, 
 until time was given for other actors to enter on the scene of 
 
 this disgraceful drama. 
 
 Amongst those who were onginally oppo'^ed to hostilities 
 may cerUiinly be placed Xeri di Gino CapiM.ni; before Forte- 
 braccio's inroad he had in consequence of tlie long and recent 
 war advised peace and an entu-e forgiveness of former injuries : 
 when or why he changed is now unknown ; perhaps tempted 
 like many others by Fortebraccio s victories ; ami Cavakanti 
 not only repeats the very credible rumour that the latter acted 
 under the auspices of Neri, but expressly names him as one ot 
 
 (( 
 
 (( 
 
 the four audacious citizens who impatiently rose and offered to 
 take the consequences of the war upon themselves ='•- : Averardo, 
 Ilinaldo, and Martini were the others. "What," said they, 
 "are you about? Why is time lost? Everything may be 
 " recovered l)ut loss of time. Heed not those citizens who 
 
 come here well stutied with Paulo's gifts. Let not that which 
 " belongs to all be denied by a few, neither allow horses and 
 " lich velvets to be the defensive armour of your enemy. 
 ♦' Be ye assured that he will get no foreign aid, for the ink is 
 
 hardly dry that signed the peace of Milan, and Philip has not 
 "yet ceased trembling at the dangers of that war. What 
 "then are you thinking of? Why delay so glorious an en- 
 
 " terprise?" 
 
 Such was their language as given by a cotemporaiy ; and yet 
 Bruto, without ever having seen Cavalcanti's history, rates 
 Macchiavelli who drew Lirgely from it, for making Rinaldo the 
 warm advocate of war ; in which the latter is also borne out by 
 Poggio IJracciolini another cotemporaiy historian. Cavalcanti 
 himself decidedly condemns the war as unjust, rapacious, and 
 impolitic ; and he, though a state prisoner at the time, was a 
 diligent inquirer, and could scarcely have Iteen in error as to 
 the persons or language of four such citizens in a public assem- 
 bly whose proceedings were no secret ; wherefore his testimony 
 may be fairly received as true f. 
 
 The forces immediately asseml)led for this war were im- 
 mense : besides Niccolo Fortebraccio and Guido Antonio Lord 
 of Faenza, there were no less than ten condottieri of the first 
 rank and many inferior leaders engaged in the Florentine 
 service. This military aristocracy was however anything but 
 united or obedient, and a family feud between Bernardino 
 della Carda of the Ubaldiui, and Fortebraccio, increased the 
 
 • Neri Capponi, Commentarj Rerum. p. 295 ; cap. vi., p. 305. 
 
 Ital Scrip, torn, xviii., p. IIGG.- f Cavakanti, Stona, Lib. vi cap. xv., 
 
 Cavalcanti, Sto a Lib. vi., cap. ii., and Lib. vu., c^p. vui., p. ^»5. 
 
160 
 
 FLOREN'HNE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 disorder so much that Astorre Gianni was ordered to take tlie 
 supreme command of these arrogant leaders in the name of 
 the Florentine people. Gianni from his rapacity cruelty and 
 corrupt inclinations, was called the " UcccUaccw' or bird of 
 evil, and his gratuitous barbarity at Serravezza more than 
 justified the appellation. 
 
 The thoroughly Guelphic inhabitants of that valley hating 
 a Ghibeline ruler were desirous of withdrawing from Paulo 
 Guinigi's authority and placing themselves under Florentine 
 protection : they accordingly named one 13arzo, a man of rough 
 eloquence and some distinction in the community, to offer the 
 sovereitnitv of their vallev to the commissarv Astorre Gianni. 
 then investing Pietrasanta, for the Florentine republic. J3arzo 
 was instructed to inform liim that the to^^^l could hardly be 
 taken without their assistance and vet was altsolutdv necessarv 
 
 ft % % 
 
 to any successful attack on Lucca ; for no aid coidd reach that 
 city from the Pisan frontier, and the valley of Seravezza gar- 
 risoned bv Florentines could exclude all succours from Lorn- 
 hardy ; so that Lucca and Pietrasanta were equally dependent 
 on Seravezza which was in fact their citadel. The territory 
 of Seravezza is entered and defended by a naiTow pass which 
 gradually expands into a broad and spacious valley encom- 
 passed by lofty mountains, and through this ran the road from 
 Lombardv to Pietrasanta and Lucca. Barzo in an animated 
 speech offered this important position with the lieails and 
 hands of its people to Florence, at the same time telling 
 Astorri that no imworthy fears had moved them to the step, for 
 they could easily defend themselves agahist every attack, even 
 though his army were far more numerous ; l)ut they thus acted 
 because the anger of fortime was fierce against Lucca and 
 they had no means of turning it but by endeavouring to save all 
 the country in their power from devastation. If therefore 
 their offer were accepted Lucca and all its territory would 
 quietly fldl into the hands of Florence and the country remain 
 
 CllAF. XXVII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 161 
 
 uninjured ; and the sooner done the less the evil, and the 
 more beneficial to Florence. " For when was it ever before 
 " known," exclaimed Barzo with energ}% "when was it ever 
 " known that a defensible country was reduced to submission 
 '• without a frightful slaughter of the human race ? It is 
 " reserved for thee general of the Florentines, to accomphsh 
 " this ; wherefore lose not thy time but tiike the offered good." 
 
 The gift was accepted and the valley occupied; but how? 
 Not by friends and allies as was expected, but by a jealous 
 suspicious soldier}% who after garrisoning every post to the ex- 
 clusion of all natives summoned them to the church, where 
 they were to hear the commands of the Florentine people 
 and formally confirm their allegiance. The order was strictly 
 obeyed, but no sooner were the inhabitants assembled in and 
 about the sacred edifice than they were startled by a sudden 
 gleam of arms, with loud shouts and shrill cries of death to 
 the Seravezzans ringing through the aisle : those who resisted 
 fell, the men were made prisoners, the women shamefully dis- 
 honoured, the dwellings plundered, and the valley devastated ! 
 No cause seems to have been assigned for the peiT;)etration of 
 this atrocious deed, and we should with Bruto be inclined to 
 reject the tale were it not minutely related by a cotemporar}- 
 author w^hom Bruto never saw, followed by Macchiavelli, con- 
 firmed by Ammirato, and, as to the main fiict, by Tinucci 
 also and the public displeasure of Florence. Unscrupulous as 
 they generally were when successful, the Florentines expressed 
 great indignation at this treachery and loudly demanded As- 
 torre s punishment! it was granted, and the decemWrate of 
 war despatched the following characteristic letter as recorded by 
 Cavalcanti. 
 
 " To Thee.— Unbeloved of thy Countr}\" 
 
 " The numerous acts of infamy that are attributed to thee by 
 '* loj^al citizens have for many days past been stunning our 
 " ears; wherefore we enjoin and expressly command, that 
 
 VOL. III. M 
 
162 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 " after having seen our letters no interval of time shall be con- 
 " ceded to thee for thy appearance at our residence. And if 
 " thou dost not obey, thou wilt fiill and deservedly, under our 
 " displeasure, which will not pass away without thy most 
 '* grievous punishment/' Astorre Gianni returned, was con- 
 demned, and admonished, by which he became ineligible to 
 public office, and was moreover compelled to restore some 
 plunder to the Seravezzans who were otherwise indemnilied 
 as circumstances allowed, but nothing could compensate the 
 tarnished honour of their wives and daughtei*s ^'. Rinaldo 
 degli Albizzi a bold and able man, succeeded Gianni : he was 
 proud, unpopular, and deemed by the vulgar avaricious, for he 
 despised luxury and sensuality : but he infused a lietter spirit 
 into the army, invested Lucca, and reduced it to such straits 
 as alarmed the jealousy of his rivals who accused him of trad- 
 ing with the soldiers for their plunder. This made him re- 
 turn without peiTuissitm to Florence and indignantly throw up 
 his appointment: Giovanni Guicciardini succeeded, followed 
 up Piinaldo's success, and was forced to return by a similar 
 process, perhaps in this case with more reason ; but he was 
 absolved in defiance of the Medici by Uz/imo's inlluence*. 
 These accusations, civil broils, and military failures augmented 
 the general disorder and so ecpial were parties that every 
 election was minutely analysed and the relative nutnbers com- 
 pared, with all the eagerness of individual interest ; so that by 
 
 * As an illustration of the mililary 
 licence of that age take the following 
 anecdote from Michele Bruto's History, 
 Lib. i., p. 6.5 ( Volganzzate da Stanid- 
 lao Gatteschi). " Ed io Stcsso {do e 
 ^ru<o) trattenutonii un tempo in Lucca 
 rurioso di saper le cose dell' eta pas- 
 sata, udii raccontarmi da alcuni, come 
 giovanetti saputo avevan dai padii 
 loro, che i soldati eran usi riuiandare 
 ai parenti le bennati donne, avanzo di 
 lor libidine, dope averc a quelle scor- 
 
 ciato fin dove men ronveniva, la gonna ; 
 perche cosi, in aumonto degli altri 
 guai, le pungcssepiii vivauicnte V onta 
 del violato piidore." 
 
 Orlan. Malavolti, Storia di Siciiu, 
 Lib.iii., Parte ii% p. 19.— Macchiavelli, 
 Stor. V'lOT., Lib. iv.--Cavalcauti,Storia 
 di Firenze, Lib. \i.,cap. ix., x., xi., xii. 
 — Ammirato, Lib. xix., p. 1058. 
 + Nerli Commcntarj, Lib. ii., p. 39. 
 Fol. Ed.— Cavalcauti, Storia Fiorent., 
 Lib. vi., cap. xv., xvi. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 163 
 
 disunion and other obstacles the stream of public business 
 became impeded disordered and overswollen, and a crisis was 
 evidently at hand. 
 
 It has been already mentioned that the Medician party in 
 concert with the great architect Brunelleschi conceived the bar- 
 barous idea of overwhelming Lucca by turning the river Ser- 
 chio against her walls, and Tinucci asserts that it was pro- 
 posed, not witli any idea of succeeding but expressly to prolong 
 the war : success indeed could scarcely have been expected ; 
 mihtary men were silently opposed to it ; Xeri Capponi openly 
 ridiculed it, withstood it in council for two days, and predicted 
 its failure : he insisted that Paulo would at any moment be 
 able to destroy the works jind send the water back to the Ser- 
 chio. Brunelleschi at his desire was despatclied to examine 
 the ground, and was t(X) powerfully supported to receive much 
 opposition from the army. The architect of the gi-eat dome of 
 Florence was no light authority and he reported the feasibility 
 of this scheme ; the thoughtless multitude shouted gallantly 
 for the swamping of Lucca btrause tlie pl:ni was novel and 
 destmctive as well as plausible ; and the ten thus urged com- 
 manded its immediate execution =!-. Some plausibility was in- 
 deed attached to the notion tliat no common ramparts could 
 withstand the mighty pressure of the Serchio's waters, and a sort 
 of barbaric grandeur to the idea of washing a whole city away 
 in its wave ; but the result belied it and the Lucchese destroved 
 these works as often as they pleased. Their mode of stopping 
 the enemy's labour was ingenious : Guinigi ordered a great 
 number of pits to be dug during the niglit near an unlhiished 
 part of the dike each deep enough to cover a man to the eye- 
 brow and long enough for two crossbow-men to stand and ply 
 their weapons. JMorning brought the Florentines in dense 
 masses to labour at the works but they were received with 
 showers of arrows by the half-buried invisible enemy and felt 
 
 • Neri Capponi, Comm. Rer. Ital. Scr., torn, xviii., p. 1170. 
 
 'WPPSP^SOPffW 
 
164 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 the shaft even before they heard the twaug of the crossbow ; 
 they looked fearfully around but no foe was visible yet arrows 
 flew thick and fast, striking upwards as if from the infenial 
 regions, and a superstitious fear came over all the host. Thus 
 stupefied they knew not whether going or staying would most 
 favour the enchantment, but the longer tliey remained the 
 sharper the shower and the quicker they fell imder this invisi- 
 ble archerv, until at last all fled in terror from their work : the 
 idarai soon became general, for unable to discover the source 
 of so inevitable a death they believed it pure devilry and would 
 in nowise face it. The dikes were eventually broken, the ene- 
 my's camp swamped, the army compelled to dislodge, and Bru- 
 nelleschi retired with shame and mortification to Florence, 
 where the inconstant stream of popularity which before had 
 Lome him up as a god, now rushed over him and the ver}^boys 
 in the streets sang sconiful ballads in ridicule of his failure-. 
 This as may be supposed hurt him deeply, nevertheless thert; 
 was no diminution of the excitement and sanguine expecta- 
 tions of Florence. The conquest of Lucca was not only consi- 
 dered certain but bore puldic ambition onward to more distant 
 objects, and even the future acquisition of Siena floated in vision- 
 ary splendour before the people : the reduction of that state was 
 now so familiarly discussed, that the ver}^ children chanted pro- 
 phetic distichs on the subject f. As smoke warns us of fire, said 
 the Senese, so do these trifles indicate evil, wherefore let us suc- 
 cour the seimiior of Lucca, render tliis chanting harmless, and 
 revenge all the injuries we have received from the Florentines. 
 Such ebullitions of public feeling were prudently repressed by 
 the government, and Antonio Petmcci was despatched as a 
 mediator between the belligerent states. Antonio on his 
 arrival demanded an audience, but was repeatedly rebufted by 
 
 * Coment. di Neri Capponi, Rcr. Ital. f Such as : — 
 
 Scrip., torn, xviii., p. 1 169. — Tinucci, " Ave Maria grazia picna 
 
 Confessione, MS. — Ammirato, Storia, Aviitu Lucca avremo Siena." and 
 
 Lib. XX., pp 1061,1 062.— Cavalcauti, " G uarii (iruardati) Siena 
 
 Lib. vi., cap. xvii. Chti Lucca trieiua." 
 
 CHAP. XSXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 165 
 
 frivolous excuses and recommendations to return at a more 
 convenient season. This mockery of the war party was ren- 
 dered more pungent by their adversaries, who told him that he 
 was designedly scorned and insulted ; whereupon after many 
 days of vain expectation Antonio indignantly quitted the town, 
 repeathig a common proverb-. "You have reckoned without 
 your host," said he to those that accompanied him to the gate, 
 " and I say so that you may repeat it from me to your Seignory 
 '' as most suitable to their proud demeanour. Tell them how 
 " Antonio Petrucci demanded peace for Lucca, and now from 
 " the Senese he flings you menaces of war." He then quitted 
 the city. The Senese were furious at this treatment and An- 
 tonio tried to stir up their passions to immediate hostilities 
 but the govennnent still prevailed : burning with anger he 
 raised a considerable force for Guiuigi, but Florence remon- 
 strated and fearing the result he mustered them on the eccle- 
 siastical frontier, passed the Pisan territory' unchecked, entered 
 the Lucchese state, and aided by a company of Genoese cross- 
 bows broke though the Florentme legions, their bastions and 
 their dikes and entered Lucca in triumph. This was the 
 first fruit of his indignation, nor did it end there ; on the 
 coutraiy he so worried the besiegers by his activity that Flo- 
 rence despatched another embassy to insist on his recal : the 
 request was complied with, but Antonio refused obedience as 
 inconsistent with the honour of a condottiere engaged in his 
 lords service ; he then left Lucca well supplied and repaired 
 to Milan with the Lucchese envoys for the pui'pose of engag- 
 ing Philip Visconte in defence of that state. Petrucci was 
 further exasperated because the Florentines had prevented his 
 being Podesta of Lucca therefore had double cause to act 
 against them and all the vigour of Guinigi s defence was in 
 fact the result of his spirit, for though nearly every fortified 
 
 * " Una cosa pensa il ghiotto 
 E<1 un' altra il tavernajo 
 E altra colui chc spende il mal denajo." 
 
166 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 town in the provinces of Lunigiana, Garftignana, Valeriana and 
 other places was captured Lucca still stood, undaunted un- 
 injured and alone*. 
 
 A new Baliii was appointed by Florence in June and ambas- 
 sadors despatched to Milan and Venice to reexplain her con- 
 duct and justify the war ; the latter was friendly, and from the 
 former came assurances of approval and oiTers of assistance which, 
 though duly appreciated, prevented the ambassador's recal. 
 
 The troubles of war were now feaifully augmented by pes- 
 tilence ; the Florentine poor suffered miserably, and in conse- 
 (juence of the great drain of money to support this contest no 
 aid could be administered to them nor any funds procured. The 
 interest of money was in fact so enormous that to alleviate 
 public distress a decree issued for the admission of Jews to a 
 permanent domicile in Florence and the privilege of lending 
 money at an interest not exceeding four denari for each lira 
 per month, or from twenty to nearly twenty-two per cent, per 
 annum, according to lunar or solar reckoning |. 
 
 At Lucca Paulo Guinigi, persuaded against his own opinion 
 by his son Ladislaus and some principal counsellors, espe- 
 cially Piero Cenami and Giovanni da Ghivezzano, sent Lo- 
 renzo Bonvisi and Salvestro Trento to Milan for the purpose 
 of soliciting aid against Florence ; but they were secretly 
 instructed by some distinguished citizens to offer the sove- 
 reignty of Lucca to Visconte and to deliver Paulo into his 
 hands, under the belief that he was secretly negotiating for 
 their sale to Florence;. This suspicion was artfully niised by 
 a stratagem of the ten, who addressed two apparently respon- 
 sive letters to Paulo Guhiigi, and to the principal citizens of 
 Lucca. The first lauded Paulo's imi>licit faith in the Floren- 
 tines and large offers were added if, according to the hopes he 
 had already given, Lucca should be surrendered : the last was 
 
 • Cavalcanti, Stor. Fior., Lib. vi., cap. folio xix. 
 
 from xix. to xx.— Orlando Malavolti, + Ainmirato, Lib. xx., p. lUo^. 
 
 Stor. di Siena, Lib. ii., Parte iii% t Cavalcanti, Lib. vi., cap. xx., xxi. 
 
 tH\P. XWlI.j 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 16: 
 
 in praise of a resolution supposed to have been taken by the 
 citizens to kill or expel their tyrant, which it was affirmed 
 would at once terminate the war because Florence fought 
 only against Paulo, not against the Lucchese nation. These 
 despatches were sent with wrong directions, the last reaching 
 Paulo, the first fiilling into the hands of the citizens. By this 
 unworthy trick one of two results was expected; either Guinigi, 
 from not knowing whom to trust, would come to terms with 
 them ; or the citizens by violently getting rid of him would 
 fall into dissension and be more easily mastered *. 
 
 According to their open instructions the Lucchese ambas- 
 sadors first demanded in Paulo's name a sufficient force to repel 
 the Florentines : in that of the people — nothing. But instead 
 thereof was proffered the state's sovereignty which from Paulo's 
 treachery they declared their right to dispose of, as the sale 
 of themsehi'S and countiT was the return he had made for 
 thirty years' obedience after placing the sceptre in his hands. 
 They further pledged themselves to deliver Paulo and all his 
 family in chains to Visconte, and Visconte accepted the offer 
 but without rejecting Paulo's demand, which he thought would 
 facilitate its accomplishment f . 
 
 The result of this interview was immediately communicated 
 to Xiccolo Piccinino then in Visconte's service who was com- 
 manded to march and achieve so glorious an enterprise. " Be- 
 " lieve me O Niccolo," said Philip, " events proceed conjointly 
 " from the gods and the working of sagacious men ; for by 
 " the latter are known both the disposition of the heavens 
 •' and the powers of the human mind : assemble thy soldiers ; 
 " give thy victorious banners to be sported with by jEoIus 
 " the god of winds ; seek the frontiers of Tuscany ; refresh 
 '' thyself in the Hmpid waters of the Magra ; pass the full stream 
 
 * Anchiennes Croniqucs de Pise en f Cavalcanti, Stor. Fiorcn., Lib. vi. 
 Ytalie. — Mazzarosa, Storia di Lucca, cap. xxii., xxiii. 
 torn, i", pp. 27a, 279. 
 
168 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 '* of the Sercliio ; and thrust thy lances into the livers and 
 •* bowels of our cowardly enemies ! Go, and reside where the 
 '* chief citizens call thee : enter the city ; from Paulo thou 
 *' will have the reward of thy labour ; they will deliver him 
 '' into thy hands ; and then brmg him and every other that 
 • they give thee, under a powerful escort to Milan I Xiccolo 
 " thv jjloiT NNill transform thee from mortal to immortal, and 
 •• thv fame shall endure for ever I " This address wa» strongly 
 seiisoned with promises and flattery, for in both Visconte ex- 
 celled ; but Piccinino was of too rough a stamp to ghde easily 
 into such treacheiy. *' The brighter my fame," said he, " the 
 '• more palpable will be the slightest stain ; and hitlierto it 
 " has been unsullied with anything but what falsehood has 
 " uttered against me : by the senseless multitude I have been 
 *' calumniated, but that I consider as praise ; and my fame 
 '' would be so much the more tiiniished by tliis enterprise as 
 '* I am more clear in fidelity and loyalty. Wherefore I pray 
 " thee O prince to excuse my not moving hi this matter. I 
 " will renimd thee of a saving rife in Tuscany on the subject 
 •• of national character. They are wont to exclaim, * Tosco 
 '* rosso, Lomhardo nero, e Roma ff nolo iVotjni pelo.' 1 am a 
 •' Tuscan from the veiy lap of the Tuscans ; but my colour is 
 " written Bruno ; wherefore I am not a reputed master of 
 " such mattei^s ; but search Komagna which according to the 
 '* proverb is fruitful in them ; or you may haply find amongst 
 •* your own followers those who are admirably adapted to such 
 " service and will feel proud in doing that which to me is replete 
 " with sin and infamy. I believe that the gods have given me 
 '' so many victories only for my zeal fidelity and frankness : 
 *' perhaps I have not more of these than others and if l)etter 
 *' men exist would to God I were equal to them ! When the 
 '• Florentines see Paulo and Ladislaus led away captives their 
 '* forces and efforts will be redoubled, and then it will be my 
 • ' dutv to march because all will be open war ; and it will 
 
 CHAP. XXXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 169 
 
 *' moreover be just and merciful, to succour the distressed and 
 " protect the women and children"*. 
 
 As the embassy of Petrucci and liis coadjutors was secret it 
 is uncertain whether the fact l)ecame known at Florence or not, 
 but it was about this time that Lorenzo de' Medici arrived as 
 ambassador at Milan ; and whether his conduct were honest 
 but imbecile, or that he merely played Cosimo's game as 
 Tinucci asserts, is difficult to prove ; if the latter his supine- 
 ness is simply explahied ; and as no effectual step seems to 
 have been taken by him to check Visconte there is strong 
 reason to believe in that intrigue, fur he is described by Caval- 
 canti as a sharp investigator who was proof against all the 
 Duke of ^lilan's tlattery and deception f. 
 
 On Picchiinos refusal Philip despatched Trenta and Bonvisi 
 to Francesco Sforza at Tortona with their origmal instructions 
 strengthened by his own approbation, and simultaneously 
 released that general from the ^Milanese service on pretence of 
 his engagement being expired, with permission to look after 
 Ills own interests in the kingdom of Naples for which a mili- 
 taiy force was requisite. Sforza, then generally called the 
 ''Contecino,'' was not troubled with Piccininos scruples there- 
 fore engaged himself nominally in Paulo's service while really 
 acting for Visconte . t This intrigue became known to the ten 
 who being principally of the Uzzaneschi faction immediately 
 sent Boccacini Alamanni, an old friend of the elder Sforza and 
 therefore su}>posed acceptable to the younger, with ample fmids 
 to tuni his march from Lucca. Sforza looked only to his own 
 interests and avoided committing himself but managed to create 
 a favourable, or at least uncertain Ijelief of his friendly inten- 
 tions in the envoy s mind until all was ready and Ids movement 
 cautiously begun §. He was on one side incited to a shameful 
 
 * Cavalcanti, Lib. vi., cap. xxvi. xx., p. 1063.— Poggio, Istoria Fior., 
 
 t Ibid. Lib. vi., p. 183. 
 
 t Cavalcanti, Storia, Lib. vi., cap. § Cavalcanti, Lib. vi., cap. xxviii. 
 
 xx\-ii. — Ammirato, Stor. Fior., Lib. 
 
iro 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1. 
 
 act of treachery by Philip and the Lucchese commissioners : 
 and on tlie other to refuse his aid and become the friend of 
 Florence : bribery' was rife on both ; but as he pursued the 
 enterprise it is probable that the Florentine offers were inferior 
 to those of Visconte, for to Francesco Sforza says Cayalcanti, 
 infamy or good repute, faith or perjury, were of equal value 
 provided that his own affairs prospered ^=. Wherefore, con- 
 tinues tills author, " Let all believe that as by men, men 
 are generated, so does their condition proceed from soil and 
 climate, their inclinations from heaven, their customs from 
 the community, and their social laws from the wise ; all these 
 are more or less according to the liberty of our will, and men 
 and provinces not ordy produce divers characters in their rational 
 inhabitants but even in irrational creatures and the whole inani- 
 mate world ; all are affected by the nature of their countr}\ 
 The falcons of Calabria, the horses of Puglia, the mules of 
 Spain, the wines of Crete, the wheat of Loro, the oil of Signa, 
 the saffron of Val-d'Elsa are all remarkable; and thus it is 
 with men.f In Ilomagna there ever was a dearth of sincerity 
 and faith : amongst Lombards an abmidance of cruelty, and in 
 Tuscany cheating and an inordinate love of gain " *. 
 
 Francesco Sforza's arrival without opposition on the banks 
 of the Serchio where he defeated Fortebraccio was, as before 
 noticed, the result of abandoning the siege of Pietrasanta ; the 
 sieges of Lucca and Monte Carlo were instantly raised, the 
 Florentme army retired to Librafatta, or Pdpafratta, on the 
 Pisan road; and in July 1480 Sforza entered Lucca more as 
 the master and conqueror of Paulo than his retainer and friend. 
 Without showing any respect to the unlucky seignior he sternly 
 
 * Cavalcanti, Lib. vi., cap. xxix. 
 + Loro, in the upper Val d'Amo, was 
 famous for wheat : Signa, near Flo- 
 rence, was as it appears, then celebrated 
 for its oil ; and saffron was anciently 
 grown iu Val d'Elsa. These reflec- 
 tions are inserted because they exhibit 
 
 the writer*8 train of thought, and as a 
 record of celebrated natural produc- 
 tions of the time, as well as of native 
 character. 
 
 X Cavalcanti, Storia, Lib. vi., cap. xxix. 
 and xxxiii. This is probably meant by 
 Piccinino'a "Tosco Rosso" 
 
 CIUP. XXXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 171 
 
 ordered him to disburse certain moneys because as he truly 
 said, where that failed there was much misery ; and "do it 
 quickly," added Sforza, "for time flies faster than arrows 
 and its speed makes it all the more precious." Large sums 
 were immediately collected and Ladislaus marched cheerfully 
 \nt]i him to recapture the Florentine conquests; but after 
 a successful campaign they were repulsed in an attack on 
 Pescia by the bravery of Giovanni Malavolti who successfully 
 defended it when abandoned in the most shameful manner by 
 his commander Ghiacceto *. 
 
 Genoa, who owned Visconte s rule but claimed the right of 
 Independence, at his secret instigation now acted as a free state 
 and sent ambassadors to remonstrate mth Florence against 
 the war, but being taunted with their subjection they left that 
 city in wrath, united with Lucca, lent her 15,000 ducats, and 
 received Pietrasanta and IVlotrone as security f . This new ally 
 with Sforza's aid, changed the aspect of the war which now 
 menaced Florence in her o\\ti territory ; the Venetians were 
 therefore urged to attack Philip for a breach of the treaty of 
 Ferrara, while Guido di Montefeltro Count of Urbino, was in 
 consequence of the quarrels between Fortebraccio and Bernar- 
 dino, made generalissimo of the Florentine forces. Philip sent 
 an embassy to explain and excuse his conduct; but neither 
 Florence nor Venice were deceived and preparations were made 
 for hostilities in Lombardy l Meanwhile Sforza returned to 
 Lucca with further demands ; but Paulo's coffers were empty 
 and seeing no hopes of safety he began or was believed to have 
 begim a negotiation with the Florentines. Whether true or 
 false it served as a pretext for Antonio Pucci, Cenami, Che- 
 
 • Poggio, Lib. vi., p. 184.— Caval- f Intenano, Istorie Genovisi, Lib. vi., 
 
 canti, "storia, Lib. vi., cap. xxix.— p. 174.— Poggio, Lib. vi., p. 186.— 
 
 Orlan. Malavolti, Stor. di Siena, Lib. Gio. Morelli Ricordi, p. 92 — Giusti- 
 
 ii", Parte iii% folio 19. — Amniirato, niani, Annali di Genoa, Lib. v", carta 
 
 Lib. XX., p. 1064. — Giov. Cagnola, clxxxix. 
 
 Storia di Milano, Lib. iil«, p. 39. X Ammirato, Lib. xx., p. 1065. 
 
172 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 173 
 
 i| 
 
 1 
 
 vezzano to conspire with Sforza and about forty other citizens, 
 who availing themselves of Paulo's confidence arrested him and 
 all his family and sent them in chains to Milan, where Ladislaus 
 and this mild hut mifortunate prince soon after expired. 
 
 Sforza finding liimself unable to remain longer in Lucca 
 began negotiating with the Florentines on pretence of an old 
 and probably fictitious debt due by them to his father: he 
 made a truce with their general, received 50,000 florins and 
 left the city, now weakened by plague and famine, to the 
 enemy's mercy, with a promise to return in the spring *. 
 
 Philip being still pressed by the Lucchese and his own de- 
 sires, secretly ordered Niccolo Piccinino, then nominally in the 
 Genoese service, to march with a large force on Lucca towai'ds 
 which he instantly pushed forward with a chosen body of cavalry. 
 Fortebraccio advised the government not to give battle but 
 rather adopt his plan of defence ; he was unheeded, but 
 Urbino had ordei-s not to risk the safety of the army. Picci- 
 nino meanwhile appeai'ed on the Serchio, assembled all his 
 troops and forcing a passage across that river carried joy and 
 abundance into Lucca. 
 
 During his march the whole army was struck with wonder at 
 a marvellous occurrence which they witnessed while crossing 
 the plain of Sarzana. Daylight suddenly became obscured by 
 the movement of what seemed a wide-spreading cloud which 
 on nearer approach proved to be one vast tlock of crows who 
 coming up in the army's rear shaded all the heavens and by 
 the simultaneous vibration of their innumerable wings agitated 
 every terrestrial object even more than a common zephyr. 
 The broad shadow of this air)' multitude for a while completely 
 veiled the sunlight and the troops halted in doubt and super- 
 stitious terror, tliinking that as a single crow was deemed a 
 messenger of evil, such multitudes might be expected to bring 
 
 • Neri Capponi, Com. Rer. Ital. Scrip., — Cavalcanti, Lib. vi., cap. xxx., 
 torn, xviii., p. 1170. — Poggio, Lib. vi., xxxiii. 
 p. 185. — Ammirato, Lib. xx., p. 1065. 
 
 infinite mischief. While gazing stedfastly on this object they 
 beheld hi the opposite direction of Piombino a greater mass of 
 these ill-omened birds who were rapidly winging their way to 
 meet it and when immediately above the troops both the fea- 
 thered hosts met in fierce and mortal combat : their shock was 
 so strange and terrible, says Cavalcanti, that vast quantities of 
 each dropped dead upon the ground with broken legs and whigs ; 
 some with wounds so large that the bowels were trailing from 
 their mangled bodies, and they fell in such numbers that many 
 sacks might have been filled with the slaui. The cavalry 
 dismounted merely to handle them and be able to sav that thev 
 not only saw this wonder but touched the actors in it with 
 their own hands. After several horn's of obstinate contest the 
 Lombard flight bore down their enemies, spread triumphantly 
 over all the heavens, and flying towards the shores of Piom- 
 bino finally disappeared. 
 
 Piccinhio instantly availed himself of this phenomenon to 
 reassure his soldiers, and infused new spirit into the most timid 
 by crying out : " Thus the divine intelligence promises success I 
 " Away ! Let us march to victory ! Even as you beheld the 
 " long line of aerial warriors that just now followed us clear 
 " the wide heavens and disappear in the quarter of our ene- 
 " mies, so will we trample on the wicked ones." Thus savin j; 
 lie bade the trumpets sound to horse and resumed his march 
 towards Lucca*. 
 
 When he arrived on the deep and swollen Serchio the whole 
 country resounded with the din of armies, now only divided 
 by its stream. " The neighing of horses," says Cavalcanti, 
 '* the clang of arms, the beat of drums, the shouts of soldiers, 
 the noise of instruments, and the braying of trumpets was so 
 great as to fill everything with wonder to the very depths of 
 earth. The ground seemed to move, the fowls of the air 
 
 • Cavalcanti, Lib. vii., cap. iv. 
 
174 
 
 FLORENllNE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. X.XXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 175 
 
 abandoned their element, but more from the recent battle 
 above than the tumult of men below, Withm the city women 
 and children were seen moving barefooted in solemn march to 
 the temples and holy places, mingled with priests and monks, 
 chanting their hymns, and offering supplications for their own 
 safety and our destmctiou ; all the citizens were in arms and 
 ready to join that battle preparing without the walls." Niccolo 
 Piccinmo was seen riding to and fro on the river s bank pro- 
 mising rewards and distinctions, and infushig a bold and cheer- 
 ful spirit into his foUowei-s, while the housetops of Lucca 
 were covered with females and aged men praying in teai-s for 
 
 victor}'. 
 
 In this state of suspense a Florentine knight with his fol- 
 lowers dashed suddenly mto the stream and charged bravely 
 on the enemy ; he was' rudely handled and lost three horses, 
 but what was worse, tliis rash act discovered the ford to Niccolo 
 about which he had previously been in some anxiety *. Fear- 
 ing that Urbino would allow of his entrance into Lucca without 
 resistance and thus shut him up in a place that must have 
 soon been in further want of provisions, he across the water 
 verbally demanded this permission on puqwse to insure the 
 enemy's refusal and at the same time give notice of his inten- 
 tion to the besieged. The Florentines he thought would thus 
 believe him apprehensive and therefore become more eager fur 
 battle, which was precisely what he wanted, because without de- 
 feating them he could not effectually raise the siege. Urbino 
 for the same reasons would have allowed him a free passage 
 sooner than risk a general engagement with somewhat inferior 
 force but was overruled, and Niccolo after an animated address 
 to his men in which he made good use of the late aerial battle 
 to inspire a superstitious confidence, gave the word to begin. 
 
 ♦ Cavdcanti, Lib. vii., cap. ix.— Neri, Comment., Rcr. Ital. Scrip., torn- 
 xviii., pp. 1171-2. 
 
 Three squadrons of men-at-arms lowering their lances instantly 
 dashed into the stream and pushing gallantly across were 
 charged with equal spirit ; they were repulsed but not pursued, 
 and Piccinino seeing the enemy in a disorderly cluster crossed 
 the river with his whole force. The conflict now became fierce 
 and obstinate ; many feats of personal prowess adorned the 
 annals of that day ; the Florentines fought hard and well, but 
 with little concert in consequence of personal quarrels ; the 
 besieged made a bold sally, aided by a detachment which 
 Piccinino had previously thromi into Lucca, and fully occupied 
 the lord of Faenza with all his followers ; but the battle though 
 brave was short and Florence was defeated ''^. 
 
 The destruction of fifteen hundred of her best cavalr}', a 
 rapid and disorderly retreat on Pisa, and the entire loss of 
 Lucca were its results. In that city prayers and teai-s were 
 turned to smiles and joy; the conqueror was welcomed in 
 triumph ; tables of refreshments were spread at the city gates ; 
 rich wines and cool drinks were now produced notwithstanding 
 the general distress, and gracefully offered to the soldiers by 
 groups of young women who danced round the victorious libe- 
 rator chanting their orisons, while the bells rang loud and mer- 
 rily, and priests sang hymns and psalms ; and all was pleasure 
 joy and festivity. Artists were immediately engaged to paint 
 the victors portrait, " and thus says Cavalcanti keep him per- 
 petually before mortal eyes and to the future, present " f . 
 
 Part of the vanquished saved themselves at Ripafratta, 
 part took refuge in Pisa; Florence itself was agitated fear- 
 ing the loss of that city ; and the reproaches of faction, and 
 general disunion were fearfully augmented: Niccolo was in 
 fact urged by the malcontents to advance instantly on Pisa 
 which it is said he might have taken in the general alarm ; but 
 
 * Neri Capponi, Comment., Rer. Ital. mirato, Lib. xx., p. 1068. — Bonin- 
 
 Scrip,, torn, xviii., pp. 1171-*2. — Ca- scgni, Lib. i., p. 34. 
 
 valcanti, Sloria, Lib. vii., cap. xii. and f Cavalcanti, Storia, Lib. vii., cap. xv. 
 xiv.— Poggio, Lib. v", p. 187.— Am- 
 
176 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP, xxxn.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 177 
 
 his first object was to clear the lines of communication with 
 Lombardy and Genoa and perhaps not to commit Visconte by 
 doing more at that moment than relieve the city of Lucca. 
 Afterwards nearly all the contado of Pisa fell before him includ- 
 ing Montemajnio and Pontetetto the great military magazines of 
 Florence. Many other places surrendered by means of Antonio 
 Count of Pontedera a Pisan exile, and this occasion was not lost 
 by his comitrymen to strike a blow in the cause of liberty, for the 
 Pisans though vanquished were unsubdued by four-and-tweuty 
 years of tyranny ; their spirit still stood high and was ever in- 
 dignant at the rough and detested government of Florence *. 
 
 The Count of Urbino had orders to defend Pisa; Forte- 
 l>raccio marched to liis old station at Fucecchio ; Neri Capponi 
 and Lorenzo da Pisa were to place Pescia in a stiite of de- 
 fence ; Bernardo di Gualdo was recalled from Pontremoli and 
 sent to guard the Valdinievole ; and on the eighth of Decem- 
 ber, six days after the battle, Francesco Toniabuoni repaired 
 to Venice with news of the defeat and urged an immediate 
 irniption into Lombardy : for this the lord of Faenza was pro- 
 mised with all liis followers and two thousand men besides ; or 
 if too late in the season there, they were urged to send a re- 
 enforcement without delay to Florence wliich was now reduced 
 to purely defensive warfare. It must have been at this crisis 
 that Averardo de' Medici hurried up from ]\Iugello to the 
 metropolis and, as Tinucci asserts, feasted the citizens into 
 electing a new Balia with Cosimo and Puccio Pucci amongst 
 its membei's. 
 
 Public affairs had now become so unpromising, the city so 
 divided, and Niccolo's progress so rapid, that iill the 
 enemies of Florence were watching their advantage and 
 the principal citizens of Pisa held secret consultations about the 
 successful issue of revolt : they were all people of distinction led 
 
 * Poffffio, Lit), vi., p. 188. — Cavalcauti, Lib. vii.. cap. xx.— S. Ammirato, 
 Storia Fior., Lib. xx., p. 1069. 
 
 A.D. 1431. 
 
 on by the Lanfranchi, Gualandi, Sismondi and about six more 
 of the most ancient name and reputation. Meeting continually 
 they excited each other by enumerating all the wrongs of Pisa 
 and the insolence of Florence : how '* their dignities were tram- 
 pled on, their honours torn from them ; the Pandects, those wise 
 and reverenced laws that illuminated the human mind, and with 
 admirable measure meted out impartial justice, harmonising 
 the weak with the strong, the greater witli the less ; those 
 honom'ed relics tlie Florentines had canied off in triumph to 
 adorn the musty shelves of their national lil)raries. How they, 
 the Pisans, had been compelled to pledge the sacred girdle, and 
 in spite of themselves had then lost it for ever : how their 
 unhappy countrymen had been dispersed like the Jews of old 
 through every nation : how their women, wlio before had been 
 accounted the most chaste, were now corrupted ; and their city 
 degraded from the noblest to the vilest in tlie world. The 
 honourable buildings, the regal palaces, the towers that seemed 
 once to touch the clouds, were now razed to the very surface 
 of the earth, and Pisa had become a den of thieves, a sink of 
 infamy, and a receptacle for ever}^ vagabond." Thus mutually 
 encouraged they agreed on augmenting their numbers, and 
 finally assembled to arrange every detail in tlie chapel of the 
 Gambacorti. Giovanni Gualandi, the most eloquent and one 
 of the noblest citizens, addressed the assembly, and after having 
 proved, according to the style of those ages, by the example of 
 almost every species of animal, that liberty was natural to man, 
 he declared that the hour was come for his compatriots to doff 
 their servile robes and boldlv free themselves from Florentine 
 oppression. Antonio of Pontedera their friend and countiyman 
 was abroad and active, the worthv comrade of Piccinino, whose 
 assistance would thus be secured : the Lucchese would also aid 
 them : the power of Visconte ; the wrongs of Lucca ; the time ; 
 the circumstances ; all cried aloud for liberty and vengeance. 
 Arms, adherents, and secrecy were then recommended; any 
 
 VOL. III. N 
 
178 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book !■ 
 
 waste of time above all things deprecated, for time was ever 
 lost when not followed by adequate results ; but beyond all 
 else, he conjured his fellow-citizens to die free rather than live 
 in servitude. The last hour of our existence, added Gualandi. 
 is not death ; but that life which is tamely dragged along in 
 unjust and tyrannical servitude is real death to a generous and 
 independent mind. As Christ's birth into this sinful world was 
 his tme death, his veritable crucifixion ; and liis death only a 
 return to everlasting gloiy, so shall the last day of oiu" life be 
 the first of perpetual repose. Your enemies the Gambacorti 
 with their Bergolini faction sold Ixnli themselves and you to 
 the Florentines; now let your deeds rcst.ac the Kaspanti k. 
 their high station and along with them the liberties of your 
 country r and if you fail, why then you become compulsory 
 servants, but not sold and abject slaves. Servants at least are 
 contented with the fair price of their labour, but slaves are ever 
 the receptacle of others' passions and injuries, and thus become 
 the prop and nourishment of their most heinous sins. Do nut 
 believe that long continuance in this servitude will render such 
 masters compassionate; compassion reigns in the breast of the 
 magnanimous, cruelty in that of the peivn^r. How can they 
 pity you who liave no pity on themselves '.' Look at then' city 1 
 You will find none there who have arrived at the third genera- 
 tion, that still enjoy the riches their grandfathers bequeathed: 
 Banish all hope then : for hope is vain ; expect nothing from 
 the Florentines. Remember their ancient and glorious fomilies 
 and to what they have reduced them ! Poverty and misery, in 
 public and in private, have taken hold of them; they are scat- 
 tered through the country and herd with the sheep and thr 
 s\\ine ; certes they now can tame young bulls and comb the 
 yielding earth with plough and harrow : thry do it witli tli^r 
 own hands : they dig the vines and prune their useless shoots 
 and touch not them that bear ; they have l)een taught that of 
 which they had before been ignorant or unaccustomed to. And 
 
 CHAP. XXXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 179 
 
 why is this if not because the Florentine community is poisoned 
 by the infusion of a base crowd of the vilest and lowest caste : 
 there are now so many " Stucchi," and so many "Truffi," and 
 " Nini " and " Tiiii "' and " Kencini '' that I scarcely believe so 
 motley a collection of animals could be found in the Libyan 
 deserts, wherefore expect no compassion from a people so wicked 
 and insatiable ; neither look for, I will not say liberty, but even 
 the most trifling kindness. Be quick tlien valiant citizens ; 
 arm ; haste to the market-place ; drive fear and pity from your 
 breasts, and slay your exerral'le tyrants : seize the nearest gate, 
 call on Count Antonio for assistance, on Piccinino for present 
 favour, and on the friendly exertions of Lucca. Tell that peo- 
 ple that your freedom is their safety, and bid them remember 
 how your forefathers ffiive them liberty when Florence received 
 them fettered from ^Mastino della Scala. Public injuries should 
 be avenged by a temperate chastisement; public benefits re- 
 warded by public justice : and justice is only the rendering of 
 what was his own to each individual : the pride of Florence 
 will thus be humbled and our iniuries revenged. Look at your 
 city ; — ^j'our fallen palaces, your polluted beds, your dishonoured 
 virmns, your violated widows : remember all this, be bold and 
 fear not! None will si)eak for tJwni, none against you ; all will 
 deem your risinj^ just and reasonable : your towns are in Picci- 
 nine's hands: your enemy "s force depressed in spirit, scattered, 
 and comparatively trilling: the victory of Lucca has tamed 
 their pride ; but you still liave strength and daring, and these 
 have ever subdued the timed, ^^'ill vou who are citizens fear 
 
 I. 
 
 to attempt what your very peasants have already accomplished? 
 Only follow my counsel and you will ac(]uire eternal glory great 
 benefits and inestimable joy. Your fame will be the messenger 
 to recall that multitude of expatriated citizens who disdained 
 the gallhig fetters of another's will : Sicily and every Christian 
 land are full of them, but all will return at the sound of your 
 glorious achievements, and will sing of you as saints and demi- 
 
 N 'Z 
 
150 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 gods, while your exploits will be incomparable to anything but 
 the vast and boundless ocean*. 
 
 When all was settled the conspirators dispersed ; but uulor- 
 tunatelv for them, a woman who was at her devotions in a 
 neighbouring chapel overheard all and immediately revealed 
 the'plot to Pacei Archbishop of Pisa, a stem prelate who lost 
 no time in taking effectual measures against them : he rode 
 oompletelv armed througli the streets, more like a paladin than 
 a priest; Veenforced every guard, supplied the fortress, and m 
 concert with the captain had eveiything in readmess ; but ah 
 passed off quietly : great severity was afterwards used ; many 
 of the conspirators were exiled ; and from this period perhaps 
 may be dated the malignant and destructive policy of Horence 
 towards the unfortunate and devoted Pisa \. 
 
 Amongst Picciuino's numerous conquests was a place called 
 La Pietra then existing in the Val d" Evola. besides several 
 other towns, all gained through the treachery of F.-sso de 
 Rossi a Florentine officer of authority hi that district. It was 
 doubtless excessively galling to the government in addition U> 
 all their other ills to see the country betrayed by its o«ti 
 citizens ; but their mode of admmistering law in this matter 
 ,^-ill crive' a fair notion of what the justice of a republican goveni- 
 ment^and the ties of kindred were, at that epoch, in Florence. 
 
 * This is the substance of Gualandi's prot,ably tbe o^cprcs.ion of popular 
 
 lonV oration, as pven without a date feeling amongst the "PP^f ^^ > "' 
 
 hv CaX'tU (l-ib. vii., cap. xxi.), this too by an enemy a noble Horen- 
 
 aL?t r^eri^ conspiracy nol noticed tine, one of those v.ct.ms of popular 
 
 bv and "pTbablT no. kno»-n to. other oppression who were reduced by ex- 
 
 ^te^ uSss the M.lanese historian, cessive t.v.a.ion, first to a pnson and 
 
 SraUude- to it. (Rer. Ital. Script., .hen to till .he sod w.h Ins "wt. '.and*, 
 
 fomo kt p 14«). The speech given These co.cmporary orafons, .f .hey d 
 
 bv CavS^anti (here much abridsed) nothing else, at least c.nhody the 
 
 ^L p^baUv the substance of what popular feeling of the day, and a 
 
 Z uC4d,-but arranged in the his- consequently in.eresl.ng and ;,nstru>- 
 
 torian s o\vn manner, and is now given tivc. 
 
 nie, whether spoken by Gualandi + A^"'r"% S" 
 
 or not, it is a cotemporary's exposition \ talie, from Tans MS5. 
 of the evils of Florentine rule, and 
 
 CH.4P. XXXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 181 
 
 The Seiguory sent for Rosso's nearest relations and thus 
 addressed them. " What is the reason of your kinsmans 
 "enmity? If his disgraceful conduct did him any service 
 '' there would be less to blame ; but he robs himself and 
 " enriches our enemies. What would ye say if upon your 
 " heads were to fall that vengeance that is due to his treachen ? 
 '• Who is there that would blame us except our enemies ? And 
 " be ye certain that we know so well how to do it that the 
 " punishment may be felt ere the crime be completed." The 
 Rossi comprehending the full force of this address implored for 
 mercy and a short respite, and in the space of a few days Rosso 
 del Bonica de" Rossi fell by his own nephews' hands ; wliile his 
 two sons, said to be no less culpable than he, and an innocent 
 daughter with an infant at tlie breast were placed in the hands 
 of government. Cosimo de' Medici touched with pity for the 
 mother and child humbly im[>lored the Seignory not to allow 
 such cruelty to be intlicted at their hands and offered himself 
 as security for both, promising to produce them whenever 
 required. " Guide'-, says Cavalcanti, " being one of the priors 
 answered this good man in a loud voice and with all his father s 
 " fury. ' Cosimo, understand clearly, that while we hold this 
 " station the commencement and termination of every- proposal 
 " and opinion shall rest with ourselves, and neither thou nor 
 " any other individual citizen shall oppose us ; for we are the 
 " law, and we are the judge. Depart in peace and attempt not 
 " to become the steward and manager of the commonwealth.' 
 " At these insulting words the patient Cosimo retired giving no 
 " sign of any feeling but humility. Now I know not which was 
 " greatest Cosimo s humility or Guides haughtiness "f. 
 
 • This transaction probably ocnirred 
 in March or April, 1431, as the only 
 prior of that name given by two an- 
 cient MS. " Priorute^'' in my pos- 
 session, or by Morelli, in his jjrinted 
 Priorista, from May 1 430 to May 1 433, 
 ia Gaido di Beso Magalotti, although 
 
 there appears to have been a gon- 
 falonier of justice, called Guido di 
 Tommaso Deti, in March and April, 
 1433. AVc are not told what was the 
 fate of the lady and her child, 
 f Cavalcanti, Lib. vii., cap. xxiv. 
 
182 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII.] 
 
 FLOIIENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 183 
 
 Nomthtsanding ibis example no less than fourteen towns 
 revolted in favour of Piccinino during one night, all sendnig 
 their keys, and generally imprisoning the Florentine autho- 
 rities , yet amidst the sharp oppression and barbarity of the 
 time it is refreshing to tind that some of the hitter were spared 
 in consequence of their just government ; and with their 
 iamdies carried safe across the frontier by the revolted people; 
 but such exceptions only prove the general rigour of Hurentine 
 
 swav 
 
 In this state of tilings Miclieletto Aten,lol;i of Cutigiiolo a 
 
 nephew of Sforza «ns made captitin of the Florentine army, to 
 whirh some spirit wi« soon after restored by an advantage 
 oained at Colle against Count Alberigo da Barh.ano I'leci- 
 ninos successor by Bernardino degli Ibaldini and also by the 
 .rallant behaviour of Ramondo Mannelli and Papi ledaUU, 
 ^■hich cast still greater credit on the Florcntme nnn>. btung 
 with a late defeat on the Vo where they were completely 
 routed by a Genoese admiral the Venetians sent a scpiadron 
 to the Tuscan coast and lliviera of Genoa to revenge this 
 iniurv' ■ they however seem to have been shy of coming to a 
 general engagement until the Florentines tired of such hnra.- 
 sin" inactivity fitted out two galleys under the above offic-ers 
 and either forced or shamed them into an attack on the Ge- 
 noese squadron, rriiicipally by their own daring counige. the 
 latter were completely beaten near Portofino and their admiml 
 Francesco Spinola and eight galleys captured . lUit long ere this 
 Niocolo Piccinino had ridden triumphant over most of the Flo- 
 rentine territorj-, capturing or destroj-ing town after tovv-n from 
 Poutremoli to the gates of Arezzo which would also have fallen 
 had he not unaccomitably stopped to besiege the litde fortress 
 of Gargonza on his march. Tliis unchecked career of victoiy 
 
 . Cayalranti, Lib. vi., cap. xxix., To«:ani vol.^.-Poggio Lib. vi., p. 
 „x.-Ammirat«, Mb. xx.. p. 1076. 194.-G.ov. Morclh, p. 10/. 
 — Raicolla d'Elogi d'Uomini lUiistn 
 
 rivetted his favour with Philip Visconte while it raised the 
 jealousy of Niccolo Tolentino who was fed l)y that prince on 
 promises alone, wherefore the latter quitted Milan in dis- 
 gust and engaged with the Florentines who lent him to the 
 pontiif with two thousand followers, and the consequence of 
 this defection was Piccinino s recall to defend Lombardy now 
 threatened by the league. Pope Martin the Fifth's decease 
 in February 1 ):^1 brought joy to Florence which during all his 
 rei"n he had never ceased to hate, and the election of Gabriel 
 Condelmerio cardinal of Siena and a Venetian who assumed 
 the pontificate as Eugenius IV. was scarcely less satisfactory. 
 His first measure was an attempt to restore tranquillity ; but 
 tliis was done with so decided a leaning towards Florence as 
 to disgust the Senese, Visconte, and all her numerous enemies*. 
 War therefore became certain, and the league between Florence 
 and Venice was more closely rivetted; but Siena in concert 
 with Genoa, l)ot]i of whom had long been favouring Lucca 
 and were encouraged by Piccinino, soon broke into open war ; 
 she commenced hostilities under Visconte s general Alberigo, 
 and by means of Genoa seduced the seignior of Piombino a 
 recent ward of the Florentines, to take up arms against them f . 
 The incursions of these neighbours in Val d' Ambra in- 
 creased Florentuie ditTiculties and an attempt was m^de to 
 engage Francesco Sforza ; but true to his own interest he was 
 bought oiY by the promise of Visconte's infant daughter Bianca 
 in marriage J. 
 
 To cope with him and Piccinino, Carmagnola, notwithstand- 
 ing his strange conduct in the late war, was again placed at the 
 head of the Venetian armies and he advanced into the Cremonese 
 state but was defeated with great loss by Sforza on the sixth 
 of June. 1431. 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xx., p. 1071. 
 
 Oiov. Canibi, p. 182. 
 
 t Ammirato, Lib. xx., p. 1072. 
 
 Po2gio, Lib. vi., p. 191. 
 
 :*: Ammirato, Lib. xx., p. 1070. 
 
 ^m 
 
1 
 
 184 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 185 
 
 A (lotilla consisting of one hundred vessels of all descriptions 
 was equipped on the Po and under Niccolo Trevigiano moved 
 straight on Cremona; Visconte had also prepared his squadron 
 under the command of the Genoese admiral Grimaldi, or as 
 some say, Pacino Eustachio of Pavia who had formerly suffered 
 a defeat, probably both were employed : but Venice was too 
 quick, and excelled the Milanese fleet in numbers, size, and 
 equipment so that for some time they had command of the 
 river. The hostile armaments ultimately met at Bina near 
 Cremona and fought until night parted them, with the loss of 
 seven Milanese galleys. Sforza and Piccinino who had manned 
 the squadron from their troops and feared an attack from 
 Carmagnola during the next day's fight, deceived the Vene- 
 tian general by means of some pretended deserters who re- 
 ported that they were preparing to attack liim in the heat of 
 the naval battle. Whether Carmagnola were really deceived, 
 or, as the Venetians thought, had come unwillingly to war is 
 still unsettled ; but he acted as if he were, and not only re- 
 mained under arms all day but refused any succour to the 
 admmil. Sforza and Piccinino on the contrary reinforced the 
 fleet with almost all their troops and next day, towards the end 
 of June, the most obstinate naval battle then on record was 
 the consequence. 
 
 The Venetian galleys took a position with their bows to the 
 stream and all chained together the better to resist it: the 
 Milanese less in number but crowded with men bore gallantly 
 down on their antagonists ; both fleets were ghttering with steel 
 and rough with pikes and lances. The adverse admirals had 
 a national hatred then far from extinct ; the two Milanese gene- 
 rals 8er\'ed pei*sonally on board inspiriting their troops as if on 
 the field of battle : the defect of a weaker line of vessels was 
 compensated by a stronger personal force on the side of Milan, 
 while on that of Venice the last day's success animated every 
 breast to new and more daring courage. 
 
 Thus prepared the fight began, and the struggle was long 
 and fierce ; but Grimaldi observed that the Po had risen during 
 the night and at that season was unlikely to remahi so : ho 
 therefore watched its fcdl, and cheering his men to a little 
 longer stniggle seconded by the efforts of both generals, looked 
 anxiously for the grounding of the large Venetian galleys while 
 his own lighter craft would still be afloat and able to attack 
 them. All turned out fortunate; the stream began to fall, 
 the water shoaled rapidly ; the Venetians felt their galleys take 
 the ground and turning all their attention to this accident 
 exposed themselves to the whole fury of Grimaldi who renewed 
 the assault with double vigour : Sforza and Piccinino fought 
 like private men; the latter was severely wounded in the 
 neck and lamed for life, Init all dashed boldly on to victory 
 while the Venetians struggled for existence : their admiral's 
 galley at last struck, he himself escaping ; but this was a signal 
 of defeat and Grimaldi remained the conqueror. About twenty- 
 nine galleons and eight thousand prisoners were captured ; the 
 number of dead must have been immense but is not recorded, 
 and Venice was furious : yet the government looked in pro- 
 found silence on Carmagnola with all the mystery of its nature ; 
 no reproach, not an outward sign was suffered to awaken his 
 apprehensions ; but a squadron immediately sailed to vindicate 
 national honour on the Tuscan and Genoese coasts the result 
 of which has been alieadv narrated *. On some erroneous sus- 
 picion of the Senese, Count Alberigo was arrested and sent 
 prisoner to ^lilan where the Duke absolved him ; but Beraardino 
 who had quitted the Florentines succeeded and waged destruc- 
 tive war against them while Micheletto remained so idle and 
 indifferent, particularly in purposely neglecting a fiiir occasion of 
 sui-prising Lucca, that Niccolo Tolentino was ordered to super- 
 
 • Corio, Storie Milanese, Parte v«, fol. Stor. Milan., Lib. i", p. 40, who does 
 329.— Bonin8egni,Lib.i.,p.40.— Am- not mention Grimaldi. 
 mirato, Lib. xx., p. 1074. — Cagnola, 
 
 '"wmwmmf^mwf 
 
186 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 sede him. This general had some immediate success, but 
 receiving undue praise was imprudently tempted to attack 
 Bernardino at a place called the Capanne in Val d* Elsa where 
 at the moment of defeat Micheletto came generously up to his 
 rescue and routed the enemy with great slaughter •-. 
 
 This raised the public spirits; but meanwhile the whole rural 
 population of Pisa revolted and elected ten persons uf a superior 
 class with authority to govern and tax them f(ir all the puqwses 
 of war, resolving to strike for Visconte while his forces were 
 engaged in regular hostilities : besides which a strong body of 
 rustic youth were completely armed and fought under their 
 countrvman Count Antonio da Pontedera the most active of 
 Visconte's partisans. Thus in addition to foreign war an exten- 
 sively organised rebellion penaded the whole Pisan state, and 
 these untrained cloTsiis battled with suili valour and bitterness 
 as shows the excessive and universal detestation of Florentine 
 rule, for no justly governed although conquered people would 
 have fought so rancorously. " Like mad dogs, their bite is 
 mortal," said the men-at-arms: "we have not to grapple with vil- 
 lage clowns but with demons of hell." Wherefore none of them 
 were bold enough to meet this furious peasantiy on equal terais : 
 "unless," says Cavalcanti, "it were those who rather loved the 
 requiem of death than the jdeasures of this world f. 
 
 Giovanni Fiesco lord of Pontremoli feeling the awkward 
 position of his states which were alternately the ])rey of both 
 parties, now sold that town to Visconte ; the war then became 
 universal, malignant, destructive and attended with far more 
 than common horrors ; there was no present mercy and a dismal 
 prospect for the future : famine stdked with withering footsteps 
 over all the land ; fear and suspicion lurked in every eye ; and 
 town and country, hamlet and village, castle and cottage, were 
 promiscuously ovenvhelmed in one vast flood of unutterable woe, 
 
 • Cavalcanti. Lib. vii., cap. xl.,xli. xliii , xlv. 
 + Cavalcanti, Lib. vii., cap. xlv. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 187 
 
 The condition of Pisa was lamentable: Giuliano di Guccio was 
 the Florentine captain or governor; Giuliano de' Ricci the arch- 
 bishop; both of them men of stern, determined, and implacable 
 natures, and the city was pining from want. In tins state, and 
 probably fearful of a siege, Guccio issued a hard command 
 "which' for him," says the historian, "was extreme cruelty and 
 
 for others tears." 
 
 All the women, and their young and innocent children with- 
 out distinction, were sternly driven from the town and their own 
 homes ! " This unjust conunaud was obeyed by the wretched 
 victims, whose bitter cries drew tears of pity even from the 
 depths of the earth ! Alas what a sight to behold these poor 
 defenceless women and tlieir nurslings thus cast forth : some 
 with an infont on each arm and on the back behind ; other 
 little creatures clinging to their mothers' skirts, naked and 
 barefoot ; and thus they hastened along tripping and weeping 
 with the pain of their tender feet, and crying out with streaming 
 eyes and uplifted faces, 'Where are we going to mother?' and 
 making all beholders weep to hear their sobbing voice and in- 
 fantile questions, wliile the wretched women answered, 'We 
 are going where our own evil fortune and the cmelty of per- 
 verse men are sending us. O earth! Why art thou so hard- 
 hearted as to sustain a life which conqiared to death is sharp- 
 ness ? profound abyss send forth thy messengers and let 
 them drag us to thy dark recesses, for thy bowels are sweeter 
 than honey when placed beside the l)itterness of man! From 
 some of us they have torn our husljands, from some their 
 brothers, from others fathers ; and now they cast us out deso- 
 late among strange contending people, and we know not 
 where to go ! God provide for thy creatures and punish 
 us according to our sins, proportion the punishment to the 
 crime, and vouchsafe that support which will give us patience 
 to bear this unmitigated woe.' " Uttering such lamentations 
 they wandered towards Genoa but finally spread in all direc- 
 
1S8 
 
 FLORENTINE HI3T0RT. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 189 
 
 tions, and settled particularly about Porto Venere and Pon- 
 tremoli*. 
 
 The archbishop also had his share of tliis and other cruelties 
 of a similar natui*e : the times made people liard, but it becomes 
 a priest s duty to try and soften them rather than ride by night, 
 as this prelate is described in the memoirs of his own family, 
 on a powei-fid war-horse armed cap-a-pie, patrolling the streets 
 to watch over the public tranquillity : and if any wretch came 
 under his suspicion in these nocturnal rounds a waxen taper was 
 instantly lighted and death and confiscation of property, or else 
 exile, submitted to his choice before it had finished burning f. 
 
 But the soldiers outdid even the priests. Baldaccio d' An- 
 shiari was one of those f^ivourite j^enerals of the Florentines 
 that rendered war more terrible l)y his natural or acquired 
 ferocity. " He called homicide boldness and resolution : the 
 want of audacity he described as fearfulness at alarming and 
 doubtful things : fidelity was in his mind to be always subser- 
 vient to the cause he advocated ; and sheer brutality was desig- 
 nated as virtuous audacity. By such maxims he was led, and 
 led others after liim with wonderful fortune to the most perilous 
 achievements, and he often put to death the enemies of Flo- 
 rence with his own hand, leaving others to linger away a life 
 which he had made worse than death itself." This man, thus 
 described by a cotemporary, took CoUegioli and in a sally that 
 he made from that place captured amongst a crowd of prisoners, 
 one named Guasparri da Lucignano who in person exactly 
 resembled himself ; it gave rise to a strange notion which he 
 hastened to realise thus. Next morning Guiisparri was attired 
 in Baldaccio s garments while his men were ordered to give the 
 Mdanese wjir cry '' Duca,'' *' Duca ;" as if in open mutiny, 
 and follow it up by murdering the prisoner whose bloody and 
 disfigured corpse was thrown from a tower into the ditch below. 
 
 * Cavalcanti, Lib. vii., cap. xlvii. 
 t Rimtlanze di Casa Ricci, p. 229, torn, xiv., Deliwe degli Eruditi Toseani. 
 
 The remaining prisoners were then set free and the body shown 
 to them as Baldaccio 's against whom the troops affected to have 
 mutinied: they were ordered to disperse without delay and 
 spread the news of this wicked man's death through the country 
 teUin^T how the mutineers held the castle in the duke s name 
 and waited for assistance. The story soon got abroad and the 
 Pisans in multitudes, armed and unarmed, crowded to see the 
 joyful spectacle, when suddenly the true Baldaccio appeai'ed 
 with his troops, surrounded them and sent them all prisoners 
 to Florence *. Such atrocities committed, not only without 
 remorse, or necessity, but as it would seem for mere militar}^ 
 pastime gave the wars of this epoch a character of barbarous 
 vindictiveness and horror that was calculated to lay a heavy load 
 on the consciences of their authors ; and if Cosimo de' Medici 
 were really the fomenter of the Lucchese war, all his good acts 
 and f^ood qualities were but a sony exchange for the mass of 
 human suffering that his ambition inflicted and entailed upon 
 bis country. That he could have prevented it there is no doubt 
 had he only seconded Xiccolo da Fzzano ; that he on the con- 
 traiT strongly advocated and supported it is equally certain ; 
 and'that it was unjust and void of political necessity can scarcely 
 be questioned. Wherefore, putting aside all minor accusations, 
 he must stand convicted of advociiting and fostering an unjust 
 und unnecessary war, waged with unusual horror, atrocious in 
 its chiiracter, and destructive in its consequences. 
 
 The Venetians from their incipient discontent at Carmagnola s 
 conduct after the victory of Maccalao, had become 
 deeply suspicious of his fidelity since the naval action 
 near Cremona, and this was further strengthened by his conduct 
 at Cremona itself. His own troops had scaled the walls and 
 taken a gate of that city, where they defended themselves 
 for two whole days, vainly expecting assistance from Carmagnola 
 who was near^it hand; at length exliausted with fatigue 
 
 ♦ Cavalcanti, Lib. vii., cap. xlviii. 
 
 A.D. 1432. 
 
190 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 ruAp. xxxii.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 191 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
 they could hold out no longer and were all cut to pieces ! 
 He afterwards allowed Piccinino to capture two fortitied towns 
 suct^essivelv, under his very eyes and without an effort to save 
 them ; so that whether treacherous or not Venice had good 
 cause' for doubt and dissatisfiiction -:=. Cannagnolas military 
 movements are said to have been always slow and wrll con- 
 sidered ; nor was he in the habit of ponnilting inclination to 
 overcome reason; but the Venetian comiinssaries attached to 
 his army never ceased to urge him on with all the coiitidcnce of 
 ignonmce : he, who was beyond measure [.roud and never re- 
 strained his tongue, answered them in the manner of llawkwoed 
 to Andrea Vetturi. '' (io and prepare your br.xid cloths and 
 " leave me to comman.l the army." " l^-li>li pecple." sai.l 
 Carmagnola, "are you going to teach one that was born m battles 
 
 - and nourished in blood ? Go, momit your senseless horses 
 
 - and visit the Caspian, then talk to mc of its wonders, and in 
 
 - such things I will place implicit foith; but be now content to 
 " trust my e^erience, for 1 am not less expert on land than you 
 ** are at sea. You Venetians are rich in enterprise and i»ros- 
 
 - perity, and if you deem me faithless, why then deprive me of 
 •' office and I will seek my onmi fortune." The Venetians were 
 both nettled and alarmed at this reproof, particularly at the hint 
 of seeking his own fortune which indicated an intention ot 
 retuniing^to the duke, or what would ha v.- b.-.n equally bad. 
 attaching himself to the emperor who was ahvady in Italy. 
 
 At what time they first began to entertain tlir id.-a of puttm- 
 him to death does not appear, but Cavalcanti asserts that it was 
 continuallv in debate and the secret closely kept for eight months 
 by an assemblv of two hundred senators without a suspicion 
 getting abroad, or a word being divulged on the subject, b in|dly 
 his fate was decreed and in a manner congenial to the tunc 
 and coimtry : for having been summoned to Venice on pretext 
 of giving liis opinion about negotiating a peace, and receiving 
 
 * Poggio, Lib. vi., p. 1D5. 
 
 marked honours at eveiy stage of his journey, he finally 
 an-ived to end it in prison, torture, and in death. Carmag- 
 nola was decapitated before the palace of Saint Mark on the 
 eleventh of :\lay U:V2, and his mouth being gagged at the time, 
 a very natural suspicion arose that he could and would have told 
 more than those dark rulers wished the world to hear. The 
 Venetians as we have said had much to complain of, and as they 
 could make but little of him themselves, were resolved that no 
 enemy should have the benefit of his talents ; but some strong 
 proofs of his inlidelity must have influenced that wan^ govern- 
 ment (and their proofs it is said were sufficient) before they took 
 the res.dution of depriving themselves at so critical a moment of 
 one of the ablest generals of the age if they had the slightest 
 doubt of his guilt ; and he certainly seems to have acted in so 
 equivocal a manner as would have made him amenable to any 
 modern court-martial with little chance of absolution*. 
 
 Carmagnola s death was satisfactory to Philip: it relieved him 
 at once from a skilful enemy and an injured friend ; from that 
 moment he would listen to no overtures of peace and broke off 
 the negotiations then proceeding at Ferrara. The emperor 
 Sigismund who for a long time had been exclusively occupied m 
 quelhng the Hussites of Bohemia and had succeeded in restor- 
 ing a semblance of peace to that country, resolved to seize this 
 opportunity lor assuming the imperial crown. In the autumn 
 of 14:31, he had already arrived and was crowned at Milan as 
 king of Ttalv but without seeing Philip who hi fear of the plague 
 had'retire.rto Bigrasso. While at Lucca in the spring of U:]-2, 
 he vdnly tried to estaldish peace l)etween that city and Florence 
 and a correspondence by his desire was begun but ended m 
 nothing, the best comment on it being an incursion of the 
 FloreiUines up to the very walls of Lucca, unmindful of Uie 
 imperial presence; also the occupation of Ponsacco on the Cas- 
 
 * Ammirato, Stor. Fior., Lib. xx., p. 19G, 197 -Muratori, Annali, Anno 
 10»0._Poggio, Lib. vi., pp. 192, 195, Ulii.-CavalcauU, L,b. vu., cap. xlix. 
 
192 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 193 
 
 cilia river in Val d' Elsa, lo stop his further progress towards 
 Siena or Rome. While Micheletto was before Lucca in this 
 incursion, a young Hungarian knight issued from the tovMi on 
 pretence of speaking to him, hut with the foithlessness then 
 attributed to that nation attempted the Italian's life and was in- 
 stantly laid dead by his sword*. This augmented Sigismund's 
 anger' but his force was too small to cope with Florence who kept 
 him confined to Lucca mitil it suited the ascendant IViction to re- 
 lease him. Both Venetians and Florentines now wanted peace : 
 negotiations were talked of, and the latter in expectation of its 
 speedv accomplishment determined to employ the interval in 
 punishing Siena for her hostility. That devoted state was 
 accordinj^lv ravaj^ed with a cmelty so great that even the wild 
 leaders of the Florentine army, touched with unwonterl pity, at 
 last restniined their followers ! " Better,* exclaims Cavalcanti, 
 " to be silent than write do^\^l such things as were never before 
 
 seen in common usage. 
 
 n 
 
 Hitherto Sigismund had been arrested in his journey, l>ut it 
 it was now deemed expedient to give the pope his bhare of the 
 imperial presence, in revenge as some say, for his refusmg under 
 an exorbitant price to prevent that monarch's passage into Tus- 
 cany. But according to Tinucci both this act tuid the ravaging 
 of Siena were done by Cosimo's influence at the instigation of 
 Averardo de' Medici, because Pope Ilugenius was a personal 
 enemy of the former ; and thus the unutterable devastation of 
 Siena, if Tinucci can be tiiisted, may by Averardo's own acknow- 
 ledgment to him be brought home to his and Cusimo's hands K 
 
 While Sigismund remained at Siena his Hungarians joined 
 in the Senese inroads with congenial barbarity : a prisoner was 
 taken by them and sent back with both lian.ls chopped off to 
 the Florentine camp ; Arrigo Squarcialupi determining to re- 
 venge this ; began a negotiation to surrender tln^ important 
 
 • Cavalcanti, Lib. viii., cap. ii. V. Rer. Ital. J'.cr. p. 1 1 78.-Confes- 
 
 t Neri Capponi, Comment., torn. X viii., sionc di Ser Nicolo linucci, JMfc». 
 
 fortress of La Castellina in the province of Cliianti, and 
 a day was fixed for the event. The Hungarians being punc- 
 tual, fomid the gate open, and were allowed to enter in what 
 was deemed sufficient numbers: Arrigo then dropped the 
 portculhs and with Baldaccio s aid killed all that resisted and 
 made the remainder prisoners : the gate was now reopened 
 and a bench being placed outside, every man was compelled to 
 lay his arm upon it and thus each hand was cut off in succes- 
 sion, the Hungarians being tauntingly ordered to carry the 
 severed members back to their comrades and share" them out 
 by number and lot to show how the riches of Italy were mea- 
 sured. For this Squarcialupo, who was a noble, received the 
 high reward of being allowed to enter the ranks of the people 
 without changing name or arms *. 
 
 The emperor remained several months at Siena and, ap- 
 parently with augmented force, waged war against the Flo- 
 rentines : the latter now saw their error in allowing him 
 to cross the Ciiscina ; they had thus reenforced Siena and 
 were themselves deficient in disposable troops to cope single- 
 handed with both. By Neri Capponi's advice a conjunction 
 with the papal army under Fortebraccio was resolved upon and 
 he was charged to effect it : but Micheletto, with his term of 
 service nearly expired, remained still unpaid and the other 
 commanders would not move until he was satisfied ; it w^as a 
 common cause ; nor did its settlement much hasten opera- 
 tions, yet a time and place of rendezvous with the pope's forces 
 were named but similar difficulties occurred there: Forte- 
 braccio also demanded his arrears which not being forthcoming 
 he was conciliated with the high and important office of gon- 
 falonier of the church : in such delays the season wasted and the 
 troops retired to winter quarters ; the Venetians too had been 
 totally defeated by Piccinino in the Valteline with inimense 
 
 ♦ Cavalcanti, Lib. viii., cap. v.— Ammirato, Lib. xx.,p. 1086. 
 VOL. III. O 
 
 ^^^l^^^lKi?/''^W 
 
194 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CIUP. XXXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 195 
 
 A.D. 1433. 
 
 loss and were thus beaten into a similar disposition for the 
 termination of hostilities *. 
 
 Success and failure were nearly balanced and much nego- 
 tiation went on, fruitlessly with Siena and the emperor, but 
 with better prospects in Lombardy where after long dis- 
 cussions Fen-ara once more became the scene of general paci- 
 fication. 
 
 Tlii'ough the efforts of Niccolo Manjuis of Este and Lotlo- 
 vico of Salluzzo, a treaty was signed in April 14.;:; 
 between the league and Milan in which it was stipu- 
 lated that a general restitution of conquests should take plac* 
 and everj^thing revert to its stiite before the war : Venice alone, 
 as was her wont, contrived to benefit herself ; and while Vis 
 conte restored all his acquisitions from her, she was allowed tu 
 retain all that she had conquered from him f . 
 
 A gi'owing desire for peace had been for some time prevalent 
 in Florence : the national force was diminished, the citizens 
 purses emptied, no solid good had accrued, and considerable 
 reputation was lost ; Lucca, instead of subjection, had recovered 
 her liberty, and much of the Florentine donnnion had been 
 ^Tested from the commonwealth ; commerce had been checked, 
 agriculture injured, and general suffering inflicted on the people. 
 The popular rage for war therefore began to lull and with 
 it the mfluence of Cosimo s faction. Niccolo da Uzzano seiz- 
 ing this crisis, vehemently urged the necessity of peace and 
 exerted all his influence to obtain it : this was his last act, and 
 he died in the autumn of 143t2. The Medician party appre- 
 hensive of public inconstancy and the virulence of an adverse 
 faction unchained by Uzzano 's death and now in the ascendant, 
 determined not to risk their popularity by still upholding war, 
 therefore joined ^^•ith the Uzzaneschi in concluding a treaty to 
 
 * Neri Capponi, Conimcntarj, Rcr. Lib. vii., p. 202. 
 
 Scri. lUl., torn, xviii , p. 1178. — f Ammirato, Lib. xx , p. 1006. 
 
 Ammirato, Lib. xx.,p. 1084. — Poggio, 
 
 which Siena soon after became a party and the road to Rome 
 was thus opened for Sigismund. 
 
 He had been about a twelvemonth in Siena to the infinite 
 damage and discomfort of the people, during which time being 
 assisted by that republic he smoothed all difficulties with Pope 
 Eugenius about his coronation and at the peace proceeded to 
 Rome where it took place on the thirty-first of May 1438, after 
 his having exercised all the imperial functions as king of the 
 Romans for one-and-twenty years -. Sigismund soon returned 
 by way of Romagna first to the council at Basle and then into 
 Oermany, as well satisfied to escape from the fierce broils and 
 cunning intrigues of the Italians as tliey were to get rid of the 
 imperial presence, ever a fertile source of trouble in Italy f . 
 
 The Florentines immediately nominated a board of five 
 citizens to re-arrange the affairs of Pisa and investigate the 
 cause of the late disorders ; who finding that the towns of Cap- 
 rona, Calci, Maiti, liasignano, Orciatico, and Donoratico, had 
 wantonly revolted, and not through any apprehensions of the 
 enemy dismantled them with several others in Val d' Anibra 
 and the territory of Arezzo t- Thus after three destructive 
 years of uicessant war, commenced in injustice through the 
 ambition of faction; after a fearful diminution of human life 
 and joy and comfort ; after a painful augmentation of miseiy and 
 calamity; of wretchedness, poverty, and want; of national 
 weakness and public debt ; of civil discord, ambition, and new 
 inroads on private and native liberty ; was this vain and unjust 
 contest terminated, without an approach to its original ostensible 
 object, the subjugation of Lucca §. 
 
 * Malavolti, Stor. di Siena, liib, ii*». 
 Parte iii%from folio 24 to 27. — Bruto, 
 Storia di Fircn., Lib. i., p. 75. — Mura- 
 tori Annali, Anno 1433. — Corio, 
 Parte v% folio 330. — Cavalcanti, Lib. 
 viii , cap. vi. — Ammirato, Lib. xx., 
 p. 1086. 
 t Neri Capponi, torn, xviii., p. 1170. 
 
 u '-i 
 
 — Corio, Parte v*, folio 330. 
 
 X Neri Capponi, Commentar., Rer. 
 
 Sirip. Ital., torn, xviii., p. 1180. — 
 
 Ammirato, Lib. xx.,p. 1057. 
 
 § So determined were the Luccliese, 
 
 that in tlieir scarcity of everything, 
 
 but especially of wood, they drew lots 
 
 to see whose houses should be pulled 
 
 ) 
 
19*5 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 foOOK I. 
 
 tllAP. XXXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 197 
 
 True to their inherent character, or perhaps to the nature of 
 those mstitutious that formed it, the Florentines were im 
 sooner free from extenial war than internal commutiun gathered 
 douhle force ; ami now relieved from the pressure of UzzanoV 
 sagacit}' it flared up in all the fury of its ancient democratii 
 character. 
 
 That sage and moderate statesman had forocen and foiv 
 told the exaltation of the Medici : he ]>erceive(l its lieginning 
 in Giovanni, and its more dangerous |n<»grc>^ in l'(»>im(», Lo- 
 renzo, and Averardo ; and he felt tliat after half a century's 
 duration the niiu of AUdzzi's faction w;is at hand. Never 
 theless, between the cares of war, the danger and uncertainty 
 of revolution, and the bad opinion and wiuit uf nailidcnce, 
 dashed perhaps with some jealousy of Rinaldo he never would 
 consent to proceed against Cosimo by any extraordinary nuaiis. 
 and during his life no such measure was attempted. When 
 his friend Niccolo Barbadoro one day cjune to urge his check- 
 ing the rapid progress of Cosimo, this venerable statesman 
 was sitting thoughtfully in his study, his ( heek resting on his 
 hand, and Barbadori thus addressed him. " 1 know that thou 
 " art full of the very matter that brings me here : now leave 
 '* all else and advise the remedy for that ( vil which is day hy 
 " day announced to thee lest it should ultimately fall upon thine 
 '* own head. Unless thou persuade^t me otbenvise I will 
 *' wait until I am drawn for gonfalonier of juNticp which now 
 " cannot be long ; I will then call a parlianji iit and remove 
 *' from the people this man who sits amongst them as though 
 " he were one of the immortal gods amongst the (icntih >. 1 
 " mean Cosimo. Remove him, the others will soon follow, luid 
 " we shall stand secure in their absence ; we shall remain as 
 *' we ever have been wont at the head of the government and 
 " still be the dispensers of its dignities. What I have now said 
 
 do-WTi to supply it, and this was cheer- was furnished daily. — (\"n\c ^ p nit o, 
 fully acciuicsced in. Thus a sufiicicncy Storia di FireTue^ Lib. i., p. 75.) 
 
 u 
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 u 
 
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 to thee I have said to none, nor will I mention it except by 
 thy dictation ; for surely thou art ever of that mind which 
 most conduces to the public good." 
 
 "Niccolo, Niccolo Ikrbadoro," exclaimed Uzzano, "would 
 to God that thou might be reasonably named Niccolo ' Barha, 
 arqenta,' because it w^ouhl indicate an old experienced man 
 in whom might be found a sound judgment and excelling 
 prudence ; for with this pmdence, O Niccolo ! we forget not 
 past times, ai'e acquainted with the present, and provide for 
 the future. If thou hadst known these things thou wouldst 
 not have uttered what thou hast ; but as thou dost not know 
 thyself it is reasonable that tliou knowest not others : in this 
 however there is no marvel, for self-knowledge is not amongst 
 the least of heaven's gifts. Now understand, Niccolo; that 
 I have at divers times debated this matter with myself, and 
 replied for our antagonists, and then rejoindered for our- 
 selves: and tinallv concluded that it is better to be still 
 than to stir up so perilous a contention for the commonwealth 
 as thy parliament would produce. None of us agree toge- 
 ther in wishes or intentions ; nay, we are opposed to each 
 other in evervthinf' and more from nature than accident : 
 knowest thou not that there never yet was any exliibition of 
 friendship without concealed danger between the popular- 
 ised nobles and the ropolani (irassi? Messer Maso degli 
 Albizzi especially was .ner an obstacle: consider that in 
 1 11 I, ordy to drive us from power and destroy our popularity 
 he made peace with Khig Ladislaus, and dost thou imagine 
 the son to be different from the father ? In nothing does he 
 vaiy except in being more morose and proud ; he is incon- 
 stant where his father was constant and friendly to those 
 who sought his friendship : but this man has no more affec- 
 tion for friend than foe ; he wears the same countenance for 
 both and despises all. Dost thou believe that when he 
 seized his father's mules it was from motives of impartial 
 
198 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 tlUP. XXXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 199 
 
 
 (1 
 
 11 
 
 t( 
 
 44 
 (4 
 
 (4 
 4t 
 
 44 
 44 
 44 
 
 44 
 it 
 
 justice or the vain-glorious pomp of pride ?* Believe me it 
 was only some smoke from the fire of hypocrisy and pride, 
 and not justice that made him do it. Thou mayc st judge of 
 his mutability and inconsistency by his public conduct. Thou 
 sawest him one of our princii)al leaders in San Stefano, and 
 in a moment after he joined Averardo in being one of the 
 most active promoters of the Tucchese war ! And merely tf. 
 become one of the ten, did he not directly oppose us ami 
 throw himself on the side of the Medici? ^Vhy we can 
 expect no more firmness or constancy from him than from 
 a swallow in the air. Think not O Xiccolo, that Rinaldo 
 seeks these changes in the state so much for the downfall of 
 Cosimo as our ruin and his own exaltation, which exaltation 
 cannot be achieved but by our fall. He disdiiins to concur 
 in opinion with any citizen, but expects that every citizen 
 will bow to him. He wants his will to be received as law by 
 the people, and that of others to be written in aslies for cour- 
 tesy, and then exposed to the winds. AVhiit hope can we 
 have in a man who seeks the min of those that extdted him. 
 and tliat only to make his way to political power ? He either 
 wants to deceive us or is a thankless ingrate to his party. 
 Beheve it Xiccolo he shall not deceive me ; nor do thou 
 either, suffer thyself to be deceived : the man who seeks to 
 provoke so dangerous a change in the state will be abandoned 
 by all, and all will seek his ruin ; and if thou livest remem- 
 ber me as a true prophet. I well believe; such is mans 
 inconstancy, and so powerful Rinaldo's eloquence and impor- 
 
 * "NVhen Podcsta of Prato lie had ex- 
 qfficio arrested a carrier for money due 
 to a citizen of Florence wlio had sohl 
 him two mules, and on questioning 
 the man while in prison, was answered : 
 that if his own creditors paid him he 
 rould pay all, but he never expected 
 justice. Rinaldo said he should have 
 justice, though it might be from his 
 
 (Kinaldn's) own father. The man re- 
 plied, '• Your father then docs owe mc 
 for two mules, the very sum for whif b I 
 am now in prison." On which Rinaldo 
 saiil to his officers " Go, and seize my 
 father's mules." The order was obeyed, 
 the mules seized and sold, the dc\>t 
 paid, and the carrier li berated.— (Vide 
 Cavalcanti, vol. ii., Appendice, § 7'J.) 
 
 u 
 (i 
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 C( 
 
 tunity ; that some one will be found to carry out his intent ; 
 which in a brief period will recoil on himself, disturb the 
 citizens, and ruin the republic. Cosimo is too useful to the 
 people, especially in the expenses of war ; and what crime or 
 what cause can be alleged against this man to keep the peo- 
 ple quiet when he falls ? Certes he hath no fault that needs 
 so perilous a step. Be thou assured, Niccolo, that this is 
 a game of hazard stirred up by evil-minded men ; I mean 
 Cosimo's exile ; which 1 see will soon take place : he will 
 leave you, a good and well-disposed citizen, and will return 
 the contrary ; for he will be forced by circumstances and by 
 the hiiquity of his exile to change his habits and his nature, 
 
 ■ and he will outstep every honest mode of political life. And 
 
 ■ this not so much from himself as from the prompting of bad 
 ' men • for he will go into exile free and unshackled, and come 
 ' back under a burden of obligations to each of his rabid fac- 
 ' tion : in return for the benefit of his restoration he will be 
 ' compelled by necessity to promise or act so as to carry their 
 ' iniquitous projects into execution. And for no other reason 
 ' did Messer Maso promulgate the law that excluded bank- 
 '' rupts from public employment but because they were not 
 " free agents, but the very slaves of their creditors. Thus 
 " will the commonwealth remain in the hands of the wicked . 
 
 Believe me Messer Niccolo, that were it not for the prompt- 
 incT of Averardo, this man would sooner be accepted by us 
 than loved by them ; because we must believe that he retains 
 the customs of his father which thou knowest to have been, 
 more than any other citizens immaculate. But my advice 
 and opinion is that thou and our other friends remam qmet 
 spectators and we shall have both sides of the game : above 
 all let us not be less observant of our partisans' domgs than 
 of those that consider us their enemies ; and let who will, 
 gain, we shall from the mere balance of parties resume our 
 
 (( 
 
 a 
 <( 
 (( 
 (( 
 
 ii 
 (( 
 
 4( 
 
200 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP, xxxii.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY, 
 
 201 
 
 " power ; but whoever first begins will cause his own and his 
 •* country's ruin "*. 
 
 This discourse stopped all violence while Uzzano lived ; but 
 no sooner was he gone than Piinaldo occupied his place, rallied 
 his adherents under the name oi Rinahhschi, and detenniued 
 on Cosimo s destruction : he compared past with existing times : 
 in those he saw Piero his gi'eat uncle overborne by a Medici 
 and ultimately beheaded. In these he saw another and a 
 stronger Medici, more powerful in wealtli and intellect, rising 
 like a monster on the broad wave of popularity and advancing 
 to devoiu' him, and he knew not how to defend himself. 
 He saw him supported by the unscmpulous audacity of Ave- 
 rardo and the deep sagacity of Pucci. The latter was a plebeian 
 of the minor arts, but so wise in comisel and prudent in action, 
 and so necessaiy to Cosimo that partly for this, and partly as 
 a mockery of that faction by their antaj^onists on account of 
 his low origin, they were insultingly called ''Puccini " and not 
 " Cosimeschi.'' Averardo, bold, confident, overbearing, and 
 prompt of tongue and hand, carried great authority, and Piinaldo 
 left no means mitried to alarm the minds of the citizens and 
 prejudice them against the man whom he insisted was aiming 
 at the destruction of public liberty f . 
 
 The first election of magistrates threw all Florence into 
 agitation ; votes were eagerly counted and extreme excitement 
 prevailed : fear, hope, doubt, and suspicion were strongly 
 marked on the public mind and each new drawing renewed 
 the scene. So high was the excitement that a bevy of 
 young men had actually plotted together to seize the election 
 purses, in their periodical passage from Santa Croce to the 
 Palace, and give them all to the flames, and this was only 
 avoided by a change m the hour, and persons who carried 
 them. Parties were still vibrating, and the measures of 
 
 * Cavakanti, Storia, Lib. vii., cap. viii.,ix. f Amrairato. Lib. xx., p. lOuil. 
 
 one were negatived by the other as a matter of course from 
 mere spirit of faction, for they would rather have seen the 
 country fall than saved by their antagonists : nothing that came 
 before any magistracy from the Seignory downwards, just or 
 unjust, useful or injurious, but was made a subject of rivalry 
 and party strife ; and as even the very lowest magistracies, all 
 being judicial courts, were drawn by lot from the grand purse 
 of the " Sqiiittiiior faction penetrated everywhere and in its 
 most malignant form ; and thus was the republic governed! 
 
 Ftinaldo although one of the most able and eloquent of the 
 citizens was so unsteady and disdainful that neither party could 
 divine his real objects or say to which of them he belonged : 
 now acting with the Medici, now with the Uzzaneschi, then 
 back again to the former, he was in a constant state of alteniacy; 
 and as time, says ('a\alcanti. is measured by points and hours, 
 so were the turns and doubles of llinaldo degli xVlbizzi. Many 
 asserted that he himself knew not his own sentiments, but the 
 more sagacious averred that this strange instability was pro- 
 duced by his ambition to be the sole party leader and chief of 
 the Florentines : he wanted a gi'eat following ; was too proud 
 to follow, and his lather's reputation made him arrogant and 
 ambitious, but not wise. Wrapped in that statesman's mantle 
 llinaldo vainly imagined he could bear the weight and move as 
 he cUd, but was soon smothered hi its folds ; for Maso if his 
 eulogists speak truth was no common man ; he is said to have 
 possessed above all others the power of making his enemies 
 acknowledge their eiTors ; he excelled in the art of government, 
 and with far less pecuniary means tluui either Giovanni or 
 Cosimo, preserved the friendship of the nobles while he acquired 
 the affection of the people. But Finaldo could not or would 
 not understand these things ; nor was he capable of compre- 
 hending how much a popular and conciliatory maimer creates 
 personal attachment, promotes good government and even recon- 
 ciles many a disconte?ited mind to bad-. 
 
 * Ammirato, Storia, Lib. xx., p. 1088.— Cavalcanti, Lib. ix., cap. ii. 
 
I 
 
 2U2 
 
 FLORENTINE IIISTORT. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CUAP. XXMI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE IITSTOIIY. 
 
 203 
 
 During these disjointed times ancient regulations were so 
 neglected that the names of all forthcoming magistrates were 
 previously known, even from year to yeai- ; all were predicted 
 by a cevt:iiii sightless man cdled Benedetto Ceco who by some 
 party-juggling became the prophetic instninient of political 
 intrigue and was believed, not because things were so ma- 
 naged in secret, but superstitiously, and liccause " the hliml 
 vioH said so ! " Nor was Rinaldo, as far as his economy would 
 allow, a bit more scrupulous than the Medici in clearing off 
 arreai-s of taxation amongst his supporters, or making new 
 friends of ancient enemies to strengthen his political inlhi- 
 ence. Amongst the latter was Bernardo (iuadagni grandson 
 to that Migliore who, once an enemy of the AlUizzi, had sud- 
 denly changed to their side, and hated the IMedici faction because 
 his grandfather's house was burned by the Ciompi in 1378'^-. 
 On this foundation Rinaldo built, and knowing tliat Bernardo 
 would be gonfalonier of justice at the next drawing if he were 
 not "a speech 10," soon removed that obstacle by paying bis 
 arrears and had no difficulty hi pei-suading him to aid in 
 Cosimo's downfiUl. His mind was excited by a vivid picture 
 of Cosimo's insidious course towards supreme power and the 
 percolation of his riches through every channel and crevice that 
 led to it, from the humblest citizen to the conductors of armies, 
 and even the republic itself; all were indebted to his bounty 
 and his will was law in Florence : the generals of her forces 
 were appointed or dismissed at his command ; Xiccolo Tolen- 
 tino wished for his discharge and tlu-ough Cosimo it was granted : 
 he ultimately engaged with Visconte and again at Cosimo's nod 
 returned to Florence: Micheletto was by him or through bis 
 influence elected ; all bowed to his pleasure : he in fact held 
 
 • Migliore Guadagni's house, thoiifrh was one of the Captains of Party, ami 
 
 burned by the populace in Salvestro thence he was supj»osed by the Cavoni 
 
 de' Medici's riots, was supposed to have to haveconsented to it ; the actual inccn- 
 
 been destroyed by one of his own diary being his own son-iii law! — (Vide 
 
 kinsmen, of the Cavoni Axmily which Ammirato, Lib. xiv., p. 719.) 
 had been admonished while Migliore 
 
 the Florentine sceptre, as yet concealed by his civic mantle, but 
 liad only to uncover it for the accomplishment of liis will. 
 
 " Seize then the standard of justice," exclaimed Rinaldo 
 to Guadigni, " for whosoever upholds that the gods give strength 
 to " The answer was short, prompt, and decided. " Where 
 
 - action is necessary few words are best : it is enough for thee 
 "0 Rinaldo, that 1 will do my utmost for the commonwealth: 
 "be thou prepared with armed adherents uithmt ; and I will 
 
 - brin^ my colleagues to the point within:' He assumed office 
 on the"^ first of September 14:33, and amongst the eight prioi-s 
 onlv Bartolomeo Spini and Jacopo Berlingheri were in Co- 
 simos hiterest. Rinaldo made every military preparation with- 
 out alarming the citizens, while Guadngni sounded those in the 
 palace and initiated all whom he could trust, wherefore sure of 
 an internal majority as well as external aid, he on the seventh 
 dav of his office cited Cosimo before the Seignory and committed 
 
 him to prison =5'. , ,, 
 
 In a small room called the " Alherffhettino " or " harharia 
 the highest in the palace tower, was this powerful citizen sud- 
 denly immured without any pointed charge or form of accusa- 
 tion bv the power of the Seignory alone, and not in the naked 
 strength and majesty of law, but under the disguise of armed 
 conspiracy which trembled as it worked ! 
 
 " I was written to in Mugello " says Cosimo, " where I had 
 been staving for several months to escape from party contests, 
 that I should return ; and accordhigly on the fourth I did 
 return ; on the fifth a council of eight citizens was ordered, 
 the Seignory declaring that they wished to discuss every mea- 
 sure with their advice, and they were Messer Giovanm Gmc- 
 ciardini, Sec, Messer Rinaldo degli Albizzi, and I Cosimo. 
 And though a report spread through the city that some change 
 was preparing, still having from them what I had, and deemmg 
 
 * Neri di Gino Capponi, Com. Rer. Cambi, Stor p. IS^.-Ammimto 
 Scrip. Ital., torn, xviii., p. 1180.- Lib. xx., p. 1088.-Cavalcanti,Stona, 
 Gio. Monaldi, Ricord., p. 112.— Gio. Lib. ix., capi. iv., v., vi. 
 
204 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 them to be friends, I did not believe the rumour. It fol- 
 lowed that on the morning of the seventh of September un- 
 der coloiu- of holding the said council thev s.nt for me, and 
 when I arrived at the palace I found there the greater part of 
 my colleagues ; after a considerable time and while standing 
 in conversation I was connnanded on the Seignory s part to 
 proceed up stairs and by the captain of the guard was placed 
 m a room called the ''Barbarta,'' and was locked in tliere ; but 
 the whole town on hearing it rose in tumult"-. 
 
 Much unusual parade and public notice were adopted on this 
 occasion in sending for Cosimo, managed as was supposed by his 
 friends in order to warn and give him time for bis escape ; and 
 either Piero Ginori or Piero Guicciardini implored him witli 
 strong remonstrances not to tinist himself at the palace for 
 he wiis going to his destniction f. All were anxious they 
 said, even from self-interest to save him, for the safety of manv 
 depended on his : Cosimo changed colour, but replied : " Piero. 
 " Piero, thy intentions are surely good, but I feel too jealous 
 " of the republic's greatness to cUsobey ; besides I do not see 
 " that I have anything to apprehend, not having committed 
 "any crime: I have also written to Giovaimi di Matteo (dello 
 " Sceho) and he has bidden me tmst to him and fear no- 
 " thing." Thus saying he proceeded. The news of his arrest 
 ran wildly through Florence ; the astonisbed citizens were un- 
 able to move; Rmaldo appeared in arms witli liis followei-s 
 advancing towards the palace and seconded by the Peruzzi, 
 Gianfiglazzi, and all the Uzzaneschi faction : two days passed 
 before Guadagni and the priors ordered that the great bell 
 should be tolled for a general piu-liament ; tliis drew the whole 
 lX)pulation round the palace ; its gates were tlirown open ; 
 the Seignor}^ and Colleges with the standard and Gonfalonier 
 of Justice occupied the Ringhiera to tlie sound of silver 
 
 • Ricordi di Cosimo, Vide Fabroni, Life of Coaimo, Appendix. 
 f Cavalcanti, Lib. ix., cap. vii. 
 
 CHAP, xxxii.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 205 
 
 trumpets and other instruments. Silence was commanded. 
 Ser Filippo Peruzzi Secretary of the lleformations then came 
 forward and with sonorous voice demanded, " people of 
 " Florence, believe ye that in this assembly there are now 
 "present two-thirds of your civic population?" " Yea certes 
 " we are two-thirds and more," was the reply. He then asked, 
 " Are ye willing that a Balia should be nominated for the pre- 
 " sent reformation of your community and for the public good?" 
 At tliis the voices rose so loud and high and long that the air 
 trembled and no demand was made to which the people did 
 not answer " Yea." Then Ser Filippo unfolded a roll of parch- 
 ment on which the names of the proposed members of the Balia 
 were inscribed, and read them consecutively to the number of 
 two hundred, all of whom were adopted by the public voice. 
 After this the Seignory and Colleges reentered the palace with 
 the same state and order as before"-. 
 
 Such was the formality of assembling a Florentine parliament 
 for conferring extraordinary jiowers by the sovereign people to 
 be used without any control; it was doubtless an act of pure 
 and legitimate sovereignty by a general assembly of the nation; 
 but the nut was large and the kernel small, and a packed mi- 
 nority at the foot of the Pdnghiera generally disposed of the 
 commonwealth, while tlie distant masses shouted at every 
 word and then imagined themselves as free as water over a 
 precipice ! 
 
 Like all Bali as this had supreme, irresponsible, dictatorial 
 power while it lasted : save any meddling with the catasto or 
 destroying of the election purses ; but its authority must not be 
 confounded with that of the ten, which though unlimited in its 
 functions as regarded war, had no other rulef. This Balia was 
 ordered to assemble on the following moniing, and thus the 
 scene closed immediately round and within the palace, but not 
 
 * Xeii Capponi, torn, xviii., p. 1180. — Cavalcanti, Lib. ix., cap. viii. — Am- 
 mirato, Lib. xx.,p. 1089. t Ibid. 
 
206 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 ill Florence and still less so in the suburl)S wbere the poor 
 resided: there as we are told, like Dante's ''Sei/rete Cose," 
 cries lamentations, beating of hands and l)reasts, prayers and 
 vows, were heard on eveiy side for Cosinio's liberty, and his 
 escape from the violent death that all believed now tln-eatened 
 liim^'. Nor was it in Florence alone that such feelings showed 
 themselves: amongst the ^lugello hills and in its remotest vak^ 
 a powerful commotion was manifested, which even extended h< 
 Venice and Ferrara, and the captiun-general Xiccolu Tuleii- 
 tino advanced as far as Lastra to succour his friend witli the 
 whole militaiy force of the republic, but was unwisely persuaded 
 to retu'e by the prisoner's kinsmen lest Cosimo s safety should 
 be jeopardied; "A thing well meant," obsrrvos the sagacious 
 31edici himself; " but it was not good c(.un^« 1 : tor if he hud 
 " advanced I was free and those who had caused this, ruined " f . 
 Venice sent her ambassadoi-s, whose influence did much, to saw 
 him ; and Nicholas of Este ordered the Captain of the Pcupl.- 
 who was his subject to deliver him if possible. Tlic alTection for 
 this man amongst the lower classes, whatever might have been 
 its source or means of acquirement, was strong, universal, and 
 
 * '* Quivi sospiri, pianti,ed alti guai 
 
 Risonavan \wr Tuer senza stcUc, 
 
 Perch'io ntl cominciar nc lagrimai. 
 Diverse lin<ruc, orribili favcllc. 
 
 Parole <li dolore, arcenti d' ira, 
 
 Voci altc e fiochc, c suon tli man con elle, 
 Facevano un tunmlt«>, il qual s' aggira 
 
 Semprcin queir aria j^enza tempo tinta, 
 
 Come la rcna, quando'l turbo spira/"— (/>'/eniO, C-mto iii.) 
 
 Sobs, lamentations, and loud-sounding tries 
 Resounded tbrough that murky starless air, 
 So that at first in pity I did weep. 
 
 Tongues of all nations, horrible discourse, 
 Wailings of torture, accents of deep ire, 
 Shrieks, hoarse, and shrill, and beat of hands withal, 
 
 Made one wild tumult, which for ever sweeps 
 Through that eternallvthick-tintcd air, 
 Like eddying sand-drifts when the whirlwind blows. 
 
 f Ricordi di Cosimo, Vide Fabroni, Appendix. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 207 
 
 the chief cause of his persecution : the higher classes of liis 
 party saw their personal safety endangered by his fall ; the 
 lower classes had no such fear ; but they would miss his private 
 bounty and lose their champion in the public councils. While 
 Cosimo trembled in the palace-tower above, his fate was the sub- 
 ject of dark and earnest discussion in the palace-hall below ; 
 not whether he should live or- die, for the latter without spe- 
 cific charge or form of trial seems to have been settled from 
 the first ; but only the time and manner of his death. Fre- 
 deric Malavolti the grandson of Orlando an illustrious Guelphic 
 exile from Siena, had him in custody, and behig questioned by 
 Mariotto Baldovinetti as to how Cosimo was employed and 
 what he thought of his predicament: replied, "He is full of 
 " anxiety and" refuses food ; saying, ' It is not his usual hour," 
 " 'He is not hungiy,' and so forth." Upon which ^Mariotto 
 replied, " Or rather he fears being jxiisoned, the miscreant !" 
 At this moment Giovanni dello Scelto, the man on whose 
 friendship Cosimo most rehed, entered and said, '^ It is for him 
 " to consider whether he will eat or no, for it is he that finds 
 " the meat and we the broth"-. Mariotto then addressing 
 Malavolti said " O Fedcrigo, as I want thee to be the man 
 '' that will terminate our danger an.l his suspicions, thou art 
 " now informed that the whole government will adore thee with 
 " clasped hands, and none of thy wishes shall pass ungratified 
 - if thou wilt only administer to Cosimo a poisoned beverage 
 '- and thus relieve us iVom danger and him from any further 
 " apprehension." To this atrocious proposition ]\Ialavolti in- 
 dignantly answered, " Siguier— No difference exists between 
 " the gentleman and the peasant at their birth or their death ; 
 " but oidy in the conduct of their life : the gentleman abhors 
 " shame, which the peasant cannot do because he is unconscious 
 " of the feeling : the virtues of my forefathers, of whom I 
 
 « ik 
 
 FMi mettcra la carne, e noi il finds the meat, not for them who only 
 Brodo!" A proverbial oxprcsion, to find the water, which costs nothing, 
 signify that the cost will be his who 
 
208 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 •' inherit, give me gentility and forbid my undertaking so 
 " wicked, so shameful a work ; and in order to preseiTe an 
 *' inheritance so ancient I will not be the instrument of this 
 " most unjust proceeding ; but I ^\ill for the sake of yom* 
 " houour keep so shameful a demand a profound secret." Two 
 of the seignors then said. " Federigo we eu'ymi thee to be 
 " silent about our intentions antl blind to our actions ; but let 
 " us enter Cosimo s chamber by night when lie sh?ei)s, and there 
 *' we will stnumle him ; we wdl then throw his bodv from the 
 '• tower, and tying a broken rope to the balcony make the people 
 •* believe that he fell in the act of escaping, and thus we shall 
 " remain in safety." This too was sternlv refused by Malavolti, 
 who immediately retuniiufj to Cosimo said in a cheerful voice, 
 " O Cosimo, how is it that during all the time thou hast been 
 *' here thou never hast demanded food? Ccvtes I feai* that 
 *' thou believest I may be thy executioner and givo thee poison ; 
 " wherefore I must tell thee that I am of the ^lalnvohi, and iov 
 *• no sum were it ever so great, would I lose tliat gentle name ; 
 " nor could I lose it except by consenting to treacliery aiul other 
 *' such abominations, of which none would bp h.df so infjimous ;i> 
 " allowing thee to be poisoned whde under my protection. Thou 
 *' shalt eat, and trust to me; for as the son of a true knight, and 
 ** grandson of Orlando Malavolti, I promise that thy only food 
 ** shall be what mine own hands have prepared." Cosimo re- 
 sumed courage, gazed a while in Malavoltis face, then burst- 
 ing hito tears embraced and kissed him, exclaimuig " May God 
 ** give you grace for me "*. A few days after this, some friends 
 
 * If Pignotti had seen all Cavakanti's 
 history, instead of chap, xi., lib. ix., 
 aloue (which was copied into various 
 MS. collections as an insulatetl fnig- 
 ment of anonymous biography), he 
 would hardly have cast a doubt on the 
 little story of poisoning it contains. 
 Cavalcanti is evidently not a party 
 writer, and Cosimo's own feara showed 
 
 the prohahility of the act, for Cosimo 
 must have known his men. It is 
 strange that a cotcniporary MS. history 
 of so interesting a period, of which 
 many copies are no doubt in the public 
 and private libraries <if Florence, and 
 one of which the author bought at a 
 common book-stall, in 1835, should 
 have escaped the researcbea of Pignotti 
 
 CHAP. XXXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 209 
 
 brought Malavolti a present of game half of which he presented 
 to the Seignory remarking that he kept the remainder for tlie 
 miest they had given him. There happened to be then present 
 a certain boon companion of Guadagni's called Ferganaccio, who 
 with tlie liberty of a buffoon invited himself to partake the 
 banquet and being of a witty agreeable turn was welcomed by 
 Malavolti. At dessert Cosimo signilicantly touched the hitter's 
 foot who immediately retired on pretence of business and the 
 prisoner took this opportunity to send a message and a thousand 
 florins by Ferganaccio to Bernardo Guadagni with the request 
 of an interview ; or according to others the money went next 
 morning, but the interview took place and Cosimo's intended 
 death was changed for exile. Such is Cavalcanti's story and 
 it differs from others only in detail, the main fact remains ; 
 that Cosimo in conjunction with Venetian influence secured his 
 life by bribing the chief magistrate of Florence ; and this and 
 more is confirmed by his own words. " Bernardo was oflered 
 money by two persons, that is the Captain of the Forces 500 
 florins, and the Director of the Hospital of Santa Maria Novella 
 500, whicli he had paid down ; and Mariotto Baldovinetti, by 
 Baccio, soo. I was taken from the palace on the night of the 
 third of October and conducted out of the town through Porta 
 San Gallo : they had little spirit ; for if they had insisted on 
 more money they might have had 10,000 florins and upwards 
 to deliver me from danger "-■-. 
 
 Although rage and consteniation pervaded Florence not a 
 whisper broke forth from the citizens in outward demonstra- 
 tion ; on the contrary a mournful silence reigned throughout : 
 a few threatening voices might here and there be heard but 
 
 and Sismondi, and even the giant Mu- four hundred years, until published 
 
 ratori himself seems to have ovcrlookcil by the public-spirited, and deserving 
 
 it. That Macchiavelli, however, drew editors of tlio *' Documcntl di Stoiia 
 
 largely from it is very evident, though It alt ana,"'' in \lVMi and 1839. 
 
 he never mentions his authorities. * Ricordi di Cosimo. ( Vide Appen- 
 
 Thus has this valuable and often elo- dlx to Koscot's Life of Lorenzo.) 
 quent writer remained dormant for 
 VOL. III. P 
 
210 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 nothing general, for tbe alarm was deep not loud, and silence 
 only broken by one individual wbo like the frantic prophet 
 of Jerusalem traversed the streets crying out " Wo 1 ^vo ! " 
 This man was Piero di Francesco di Ser Gino, who unappalled 
 by the fierce bearing of the Rinaldeschi ran shouting through- 
 Florence; "We are approaching our ruin! We are chaiin- 
 " in<^ joy for sorrow ! We are near the acknowledgment ot 
 *' ou'r sins ! AMiat justice is this? what promise of social in- 
 '* tercourse when good citizens are expelled, and the succour 
 " of the humble is banished ? AVhen the nourishment of the 
 " merchant, the milk of the poor, the shield of the nobles' 
 - labour, is exiled as a guilty man for things he never thought 
 *' of: and by those too, whose abounding wickedness has never 
 •• failed!" Thus he continued rating the Uzzanesclii yet no 
 man dared even to reprove him, much less to punish his audacity. 
 At the first meeting of the Balia the means of establishing 
 a new order of public affairs was discussed and Cosimo's exile 
 prolonged for ten years at Padua ; Averardo was condemned 
 to ten years' banishment at Naples without regret from any ; 
 his son Guiliano to Rome ; and all the house of Medici, the 
 descendants of Vieri excepted, were placed amongst the great 
 and exiled; or excluded from public employment for tea 
 years *. In the second sitting, the " Otto della Giutrdia," a 
 board of eight citizens, was created for six months and their 
 election given to the Seignory, but with autliority so great 
 and inquisitorial to defend the government from plots, tliat a 
 violent opposition to the decree was made by Cosimo's friends, 
 even in the Balia itself, until through sheer weariness and late 
 at night it was ultimately allowed to passf. In the third ses- 
 sion the ancient custom, of two-thirds of the whole Balia being 
 necessary to the passing of a bill, was annulled and a like por- 
 tion of those actually present substituted. This probably arose 
 
 * Ricordi di Cosimo. — Cavalcariti, Lib. ix., cap. xiii. 
 f Ibid., cap. xiv. 
 
 CHAP. ZXXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 211 
 
 from the obstinate discussion of the former assembly when the 
 Cosimeschi were found much stronger than was convenient and 
 excluded the prospect of carrjing any stringent measures against 
 them ; whereas in the smaller number lay greater safety, for 
 more influence was expected. 
 
 Yet it was soon discovered that force alone could preserve 
 the present faction, so strong was public feeling in behalf of 
 Cosimo ; wherefore, in the fourth meeting of the Balia, extra- 
 ordinarj^ and dicUitorial power was conferred on the Captain of 
 the People for three months. This was a decisive stroke, for 
 that officer was always formidable ; he was a stranger and almost 
 necessarily devoted to the existing government of whatever 
 faction, wherefore the Cosimeschi and poorer classes were 
 terror-struck and "cowered like doves under the eagles' claws:" 
 none dared to murmur against this ; it was too late ; the power 
 was in actual existence that stopped all murmurs : but saith 
 Cavalcanti, '* Men shrngged their shoulders, covered with their 
 hands the bathed eye and arched eyebrow, and showed their 
 grief at Cosimo's banishment." Some indeed supposed that 
 Averardo's exile rendered Cosimo's bearable and prevented 
 tumult, and that his wickedness almost necessitated it because 
 relationship included botli guilty and innocent; and that as 
 property was inherited by Idnsmen of all characters so did tlie 
 just inherit the punishment of the unjust : wherefore as good 
 and e\'il are commonly balanced, so the joy at Averardo's mis- 
 fortune partially neutralised the sorrow for Cosimo's." As a 
 necessaiy precaution however, a guard of two hundred men 
 was embodied for the palace and Xiccolo Tolentino was com- 
 manded to retire from Lastra, an order that would have been 
 unheeded had his march not been already arrested by the 
 advice of the Medici *. 
 
 While Cosimo remained a close prisoner in the tower where 
 he probably received much intelligence of what was passing, 
 
 * Cavalcanti, Lib. ix., cap. xvii. 
 P 2 
 
212 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXX U.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY 
 
 213 
 
 the reiloubtea Capitauo del Popolo despatched au officer to 
 hi. cell ; the liai'bh noise of the bolts as one by one they ^vel•e 
 removed stmck terror to the prisoner s soul, for so many days 
 liad elapsed since Guadagni s visit that he knew not uhat tu 
 thmk • his heart now sunk ^vithin him, nor was the messenger s 
 ruthless countenance any relief to his feelings. Convmced that 
 he was ^'oing to instant execution, the great the i)Owerful high- 
 reaching Cosimo ; the popular idol, the bold sagacious and 
 ambitious leader of faction ; the millinching advocate of war, 
 and the feared of his opponents ; this same Cosimo fainted 
 ..uddenlv awav ; we must not say like a woman, tor they are 
 ctenenUlV examples of noble fortitude in the last moments of 
 existence : but as a craven of the basest caste ; and fell as it be 
 were dead, upon the pavement I Even the stem messenger of 
 justice was touched with pity and condescended to cheer Inm. 
 *His life was declared to be safe, but exile certain. Thus reas- 
 sured Cosimo broke forth into strong and grateful expressions 
 of feeling to the officer, promising not to forget either him or 
 the Captain of the People should his fortune change. 
 
 Cosimo, who according to Varchi, [md he wrote for the first 
 grand duke of that name) " with open and numifest virtues, and 
 ^vith .ecret and hidden vices, made himself the chief, and little 
 less than prince of a repubUc, rather not subject, than /m', 
 was here at least no hvpocrite either in fear or gratitude, bat 
 surelv somewhat less than maiv^-. And if he belies ed it tnie. 
 that (iod and he were ever striving which could do each other 
 most service, as was once most impiously remarked, he might m 
 this trial either have put more trust in that protecting hand, or at 
 least have borne with greater fortitude the prospect of appearing 
 before so bountiful a master f- In the evening of the third ot 
 October after six-and-twenty days of contniement Cosimo de iMe- 
 dici was brought before the Seignor)- they had kept him so long 
 
 * Iknca. Vanln, Delia Storia Fiorcntina, Lib. i", p. 5. 
 t Cavukauti, Storia, Lib. ix., cai>. xix. 
 
 imprisoned ; first, to command a majority in the Balia with 
 menaces of death if thwarted by his friends there ; and secondly 
 to cause a bankruptcy by neglect of his business ; but against 
 this he was amply protected by foreign lords and mercliauts 
 who sent large sums to Venice on his account-'-. Being before 
 his judges he was sternly commanded to begone to Padua and 
 there remain for his full period of exile; but no specitic charge 
 seems to have been even tlioii formally and publicly advanced 
 against him, and he certainly had no trial. The Luccliese wai-. 
 ^^'llich he advocated and fostered, was the most tangible crime ; 
 but it was that of the whole nation as well as Cosimo's. Brut(j 
 asserts that amongst the " other <(crusati<>ns'' the blame of that 
 war singularly attached itself to Cosimo who was its principal 
 instigator ; but these other accusations are not on record, ex- 
 cept in the complaints and general assertions of the opposite 
 faction ; wherefore Cosimo's banishment seems to have been 
 decidedly cruel and unjust ; against the will of the majority : 
 and worse than useless as a measure of public safety f. 
 
 It is said that he delivered a valedictory address to the Seig- 
 nory in which amongst other grateful expressions for the lenity 
 of his sentence, he otrered both purse ami person to assist 
 his country in any part of the world ; he enumerated his ser- 
 vices, asserted that he had never wronged any one, nor by his 
 conduct caused a single place to revolt ; that lie had sustained 
 the country's credit and even paid the army with his own pri- 
 vate resources, and finally entreated for a guard to protect him 
 from those who were waiting outside to murder him: this being 
 granted he quietly retired to his own house, supped with his 
 friends, and then rode fi)rth an exile. Cosimo was escorted to 
 the frontier by Francesco Soderini and Niccolo del Chiaro, 
 members of the new magistracy of Eight, and proceeding hy 
 way of Pistoia and the :\Iodenesc Apcniunes, his whole journey 
 is described more as that of a triumphant than a banished 
 
 * Ricordi di Cosimo de' Medici. 
 
 t Briito, 1st. Fior, Lib. i., p. 7->. 
 
 -wmmw- 
 
214 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 man *. The road was thronged, the people poured down in 
 streams from the hills to behold the illustrious exile and offer 
 him their sympathy and assistance if he would only turn back 
 and manfully dispute his sentence. " Aid thyself Cosimo," 
 was the cry. " Aid thyself and God will aid thee ; and we 
 " too will assist thee ; we will pull thy enemies to pieces as a 
 " good housewife does the flax on her distaff, strive for thyself, 
 *' for though ease is at first soft as feathers its effects are like 
 " the quills of the porcupine." During this time thousands of 
 rough hands were thrust forward to convince him of their sin- 
 cerity. Cosimo gently refused their proffered service and con- 
 tinued his journey to Ferrara, where the Marquis of Este 
 received him with princely honours, and on the eleventh of 
 October he was safely lodged at Venice f . Here he tells us 
 that he was welcomed by many noble gentlemen, and enter- 
 tained less as an exile than ambassador: on the thirteenth he 
 arrived at Padua and in the house of Jacopo Donate waited for 
 more fortunate times and circumstances *. The expulsion 
 of Cosimo was treated by the ascendant faction as a national 
 triumph, the removal of a great public calamity, a service that 
 required honours and rewards to those who achieved it ; where- 
 fore governments and privileges were showered on the victorious 
 Seignory §. Rinaldo alone wjis sad ; he wanted death, and 
 Cosimo 's escape was to him destruction ; for a powerful foe 
 wounded but not killed was implacable, and no vengeance so 
 deadly as that of a restored exile. 
 
 It might have been deemed that the decided means taken 
 to strengthen the new government would have sufficed to its 
 end. The " Otto della Guardia," (though not described by 
 Forti, if they be the same as the " Otto " noticed by Giannotti) 
 could dispose of the life and property of any citizen by six 
 
 • Cavalcanti, Lib. ix., cap. xxi., xxii. 
 — Ammirato, Lib. xx., p. 1090. 
 f Cavalcanti, Lib. ix., cap. xxii. 
 
 X Ricordi di Cosimo. — Caval. Stor., 
 
 Lib. ix., p. 544, Note 1. 
 
 § Ammirato, Lib. xx., p. 1090. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 215 
 
 votes. The Capitano del Popolo was made fearfully powerful ; 
 ten citizens called " Accopplatori,'' in conjunction with the 
 Balia, were given the power of choosing any man from the 
 purses as gonfalonier of justice, of depositing what names they 
 pleased in the " Borsellino " as priors, and of causing a new- 
 scrutiny under their own influence ; besides other strong mea- 
 sures of self-preservation but destmctive of public liberty*. 
 
 The worst of such laws was that no political opponent 
 attempted to aboUsh them on accession to power ; they were 
 generally useful to any ascendant faction and that was the only 
 real liberty of the great citizens ; for the public, as a public, was 
 never considered, independent of party. But all this did not 
 satisfy Ptinaldo ; he assembled his partisans and demonstrated 
 to them that no security existed while Cosimo lived, especially 
 as Puccio Pucci was still free ; whereupon the latter was exiled 
 for ten years to Aquila. The very means they had adopted to 
 strengthen themselves he declared would in the hands of a 
 Seignory favourable to Cosimo insure liis return and bring 
 destruction on their authors ; wherefore he should either have 
 been mitouched or destroyed: *' Believe me, believe me," ex- 
 exclaimed Albizzi, "he will remember the debt and repay 
 you cent, per cent, in torture and bitter exile f But there 
 is one means of safety, an alliance with the nobles, who are 
 still the most valorous of men." They had in fact been ene- 
 mies of the Medici ever since Salvestro's day when he maimed 
 their power and the Guelphic party together, and caused the 
 subsequent fines and commotions by which they suffered so 
 severely. 
 
 There were many irresolute spirits too amongst his own 
 party to whom Pdnaldo or Cosimo were in reality indifferent ; 
 these required gentle management, and as they still remained 
 in the election purses it would have been dangerous to meddle 
 
 * Tommaso Forti, " Foro Fiorentino,^* — Ammirato, Lib. xx., p. 1090. 
 MS. Magliabecbiana Library. — Donato f Ibid., p. 1091, 
 Giannoit, Repub*. Fiorentina, cap. vi. 
 
216 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXXH.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 217 
 
 with them ; hut still all this was to he compensated hy restoring 
 the nohles to their place in the commonwealth'''. Mariotto 
 JJaklovinetti however proved hy a nnming commentary on their 
 liistor}' the imprudence of such a measure, and finished hy ad- 
 vising Ilinaldo to follow the counsel of the Count of Montefeltro 
 to Boniface VII I.f Hold them in expectiition of relief hy gentle 
 language hut in deeds he more stringent than 1m fore. "For," 
 said Mariotto, "he who forgets injuries idunidons justice and 
 '' despises himself; and we have no right from reason, law, or 
 '• g»tod custom, to forget the evils those nuhles have caused tu 
 *' the commonwealth. Let the conflagrations of Xeri Ahati, 
 *' the hat ties of the Bardi and Frescohaldi with the citizens, 
 " tilt tvrannv ((f the Duke of Athens: let all these crv loudlv 
 " against so monstrous a proposition," Kinaldo though politi- 
 cally right in his suggestion failed in getting it adopted, hut 
 gave a hitter reply to Mariotto whom lie taunted, ami justly, 
 with heing purchased hy Cosimo's gold. 
 
 Meanwhile that exile fared sumptuously at Padua : honours 
 were showered on him hy the Venetians, and 15(1,(100 florins 
 offered him on loan to maint;iin his mercantile credit : his 
 residence was a sort of shrine to which people of fill ranks 
 resorted in pilgrimage : at the express desire of the senate his 
 place of exile was extended to Venice and all the Venetian 
 territorv not within a hundred and seventy miles of Florence: 
 they presented him with one of their superh palac^es for a 
 dwelling, and requested through their amhassador that in im- 
 posing the Catasto his property should he considered as though 
 
 * Cavaloanti, Lib. ix., cap. xxiii. 
 
 + " E dissi : Padre, da rlie tvi mi lavi 
 Di quel pecrato, ove nio rader decgio, 
 Liintro proniessa iolT attcner c^rto 
 Ti fari trionfar ncir alto segjfio." — Infer., Can. xxvii. 
 
 Father said I, since thou can'st wash ine rlean 
 From j.in, in uhich I 'm now ahout to fall, 
 
 Large promise ever, with perfonnante scant, 
 Will make thee triumph in the lofty tjcat. 
 
 he were a Venetian citizen. No douht this crafty government 
 foresaw that Cosimo would return with augmented power and 
 the complete discomfiture of his foes, and they like the unjust 
 steward, propitiated or endeavoured to propitiate the mammon 
 of unrighteousness, the future lord of Florence. 
 
 The covmcil of I Jasle ; the third for church reformation ; 
 which had met in 1481 under the sanction of Eugenius IV. 
 was not long in following the usual course of puhlic assemhlies, 
 and hegan to assert its own real or imagined rights at the 
 expense of the pontitF while the latter could only regret having 
 allowed it to he held so for from his own jurisdiction. His 
 repentance came too late to prevent a contest of right and pre- 
 rogative with the united episcopacy of Christendom : this was 
 in truth a vexatious commencement of his pontificate hut he 
 felt still more sensibly the temporal enmity of ]\Iilan. Duke 
 Philip, annoyed hy Eugenio's alliance with Florence during 
 the late war, reconciled himself with h'rancis Sforza whom he 
 had just attempted to poison, and sent him, under pretence of 
 defending his own proi)crty in the kingdom of Xaj^les, to attack 
 the ecclesiastical states. Sforza soon reduced Ancona and 
 then all La Marca to obedience : seeing this, and stimulated 
 as they said by the council of Basle; perhaps too in concert 
 with Visconte ; various condottieri such as Taliano Furlano, 
 Antonella da Siena and some others, entered the duchy of 
 Spoleto and ravaged all tliat country ; even Niccolo Forte- 
 hraccio the pope's own general revolted, took possession of 
 Tivoli and invested Rome-. Sforza with forces increased hy 
 his recent conquests passed into Unibria, reduced Todi, Ame- 
 lia, ToscaneUi, Otricoli, Mogliano, Sonano, and other places. 
 The pope astounded at this storm promptly resolved ^ ^ ^^^^ 
 to sanctify the aggressions of Sforza with the eccle- 
 siastical standard, and in March 1 4 :U, advanced him to the high 
 dignity of gonfalonier, with the possession of La Marca as 
 
 * Muratori Annali, Anno 1433. 
 
 'W^Vf^W^i^?^^9I^SW^ 
 
2i3 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE filSTORY. 
 
 219 
 
 papal vicar during his lifetime. Sforza instantly marched 
 against Fortebraccio, attacked and beat him at Tivoli, and laid 
 siege to Montefiascone : this town would soon have fallen if 
 Visconte, angr}^ at Sforza's serving Eugenio against his ^vishes, 
 had not thrown a large force under Piccinino into Pemgia to 
 arrest his progress. That city had become alarmed, but its 
 illustrious citizen soon quieted all fear, saved Montefiascone 
 and opened communications with Fortebraccio, while the latter 
 awakened such a sedition in Piome that on the tenth of Mav 
 Eugenio fled in a low disguise, hunted Hke a dog, and closely 
 piu-sued to Ostia where he embiirked in a small Neapolitan 
 vessel and made his escape by way of Leghorn to Florence on 
 the twenty- third of June -. 
 
 Rome remained in possession of Fortebraccio, but so tor- 
 mented by various armies and the sallies from Saint An- 
 gelo that a truce followed and the bishops of Kecanati and 
 Turpia with general consent reestablished the popes authority. 
 By Visconte s means a truce was then signed between Sforza 
 and Fortebmccio, and Piccinino engaged not to meddle in the 
 affairs of Piome. The people of Imola had also revolted from 
 the pope and attached themselves to Visconte, upon which the 
 lord of Faenza attacked them, and both Florence and Venice 
 cried aloud that Philip had broken the peace. From Bologna too 
 the papal governor had been expelled and IMilanese troops were 
 demanded : wherefore Venice ; and Florence at the request of 
 Venice and the pope ; despatched Niccolo Tolcntino with his 
 army to preserve the peace while Visconte brought up Piccinino 
 to oppose them. The latter threw himself into Imola, but 
 being short of pro\isions enticed the allies to a battle and de- 
 feated them on the twenty-eighth of August at Castello San 
 Piero or Santermo near Castelbolognese. Tolentino and four 
 thousand five huncbed men were taken prisoners, but only four 
 were killed and thirty slightly wounded ! This as regards the 
 
 • NeriCapponijCom., tom.xviii.,p.ll81.— Muratori Annali, Anno 1434. 
 
 men-at-arms who were sealed up in the finest armour ever 
 made, can be comprehended ; but with the light-armed troops 
 seems marvellous, and totally different from the naval actions, 
 where the slaughter was sickening. Piccinino gained this vic- 
 tory with inferior forces by skilful generalship against a com- 
 bined army whose chiefs were at variance : yet no fault was 
 attributed to Niccolo Tolentino, who died, or was murdered 
 some months after to the great regret of Florence*. 
 
 The friends of Cosimo were not idle ; Agnolo Acciajuoli, a 
 young man of talent and heart whom Piiualdo attempted to 
 browbeat in council, withstood him to his face and showed that 
 his extreme youth did not prevent him from speaking and acting 
 for the public good. This was not lost upon Pdnaldo who early 
 in the year managed to secure a letter which Agnolo had written 
 to Cosimo urging immediate action or the renmiciation of all 
 expectation to return, and advising liim also to secure Neri 
 Capponi's support, who had been for a while banished by the 
 Piinaldeschi and was therefore their enemy. Capponi's influence 
 was great in Florence, where Cosimo's adherents were also 
 increasing in number and discontent. *' My dear friend, " 
 writes Acciajuoh, "thy exile is placed by Heaven in thine own 
 " hands ; for if thou wilt once rouse thee to work and not for- 
 " get thyself amidst the down of ease, the pleasures of the 
 "table, and the delights of lasciviousness (for Sardanapalus 
 " from l>eing a great monarch became the author of his own 
 " death by such pleasures) it will be brief; — but if thou wouldst 
 " expect favours from the merits of fasting, and votive offerings, 
 " and holy pilgrimages, thy exile will be so long that it may be 
 " called perpetual, because it will have had a beginning but no 
 " end"t. Acciajuoli then professes his behef that unless de- 
 
 * Muratori Annali, Anno 14.^4. — forty-five years of age, does not give a 
 Ammirato, Storia, Lib. xx., p. 1 092, 3, higher notion of Cosimo's moral quali- 
 8, 9. — Neri Capponi, Commen. Rer. ties than his interview with the Cap- 
 ital. Scrip., torn, xviii., p. 1181,2. tain of the People's officer does of his 
 t Such advice and exhortation from a personal courage, 
 very young man to one who was nearly 
 
220 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 generated from ancient usage the present rulers would not be 
 long before some quarrel with their neighbours brought on 
 another war, in which case his return would be sure ; be- 
 cause the mere want of money must render him necessai'}' ; 
 for there was not a single citizen that could supply the govern- 
 ment with a pistacio nut. Torture and ten years' exile to 
 Cephalonia was the consequence of this epistle ■•. 
 
 September had now arrived and nearlv a ve.ir of Cosimo's 
 Itanishment was gone, when a new Seignoiy came into office 
 with Xiccolo di Cocco di Donate as gonfalonier of justice. The 
 two priors for the minor arts were Piero di i)ino and Fabiano 
 Martini : the six others were Simone Guiducci, Neri Bartolini, 
 Baldassero de' Santi, Giovanni Capponi, Luc:i di Buonaccorso 
 Pitti f, and Tommaso Kedditi ; all staunch friends of Cosimo, 
 wherefore the hopes and fears of antagonist factions were highly 
 excited. 
 
 Rinaldo, who instantly comprehended the result, summoned 
 his party to a secret meeting where it was proposed that in the 
 usual interval of three days which elapsed between the election 
 and installation to office, the late Gonfalonier Donate Velluti 
 should sunnnon a parliament, create a Balia, annul by popular 
 authority the new Seignoiy, destroy the election purses after 
 having chosen a favourable government, and prepare more 
 stringent measures to secure the existmg powers. This bold 
 project was generally approved, and dangerous as it was, would 
 probably have been attempted had not Antonio della Cava, a 
 presumptuous citizen of indifferent reputation, declared the 
 counsel good if Velluti had been a fit man to conduct such an 
 enterprise, but as he was utterly insufficient success was im- 
 possible. The assembly remained silent ; some because there 
 was truth in the objection, others from fear, jealousy of Rinaldo, 
 
 * Cavalcanti, Storia, Lib. ix., cap. the " Cf'ovka''' so frequently quoted 
 xxviii. — Piguotti, Lib. iv., cap. ix. in this book ; and Luca the man who 
 
 "j* Buonaccorso Pitti was the author of built the Pitti Puhice. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 221 
 
 or promises from the antagonist party ; so the new Seignory 
 were quietly initiated on the first of September 1434. 
 
 The gonfalonier s first act was to commit his predecessor to 
 prison for public peculation and this confirmed all Rinaldo s 
 apprehensions, wherefore assembling his party in the vestry of 
 San Piero ]\laggiore he proposed an instantaneous attack on the 
 palace as the only resource to secure their own safety and pre- 
 serve their power^:^ But Palla Strozzi a refined and gentle 
 person, more adapted to the delicacies of the table and the plea- 
 sures of study and the drawing-room than to lead armed men 
 and bridle a tumultuous people, directly opposed Rinaldo because 
 it was unlikely as he thought that with a beaten army and the 
 vicinity of such a victor as Piccinino, the Seignoiy would plunge 
 into domestic conllict at the first moments of their government. 
 Niccolo Bari)adoros avarice it is said worked against his more 
 wariike nature, and fears for his property made him eschew 
 aggression : he deemed it better to wait for the attack than thus 
 commit themselves : Rhialdo seeing that he was not supported, 
 abruptly dismissed the assembly with an engagement to meet 
 liirn in ai-ms accompanied by all their followers on the place of 
 Sant' Apollii.are at the least movement of the Seignory f . Xic- 
 colo Donate lost no time in sounding his colleagues, and wrote 
 the favourable result to Cosimo who was warned to be in readi- 
 ness, as were also his friends in Florence : this was so promptly 
 answered bv the latter that the Seignory gained confidence 
 enough to summon Rinaldo, Peruzzi, and Barbadoro before 
 theuL It was answered by an armed assemblage of the Rinal- 
 desclii ; at which, besides the above, the Guasconi, Rafficani, 
 and Arriguci assisted, along with some of the Bardi, Serragli, 
 Gianfiglazzi and Castcllani besides many more great families 
 and a multitude of clients. Giovanni Guicciardini and Palla 
 Strozzi were looked for ; the former sent a frivolous excuse, the 
 
 * Cavalcanti, Storia, Lib. x., cap. iii. Conini. Rer. Ital. Scrip., torn, xviii., p. 
 —Hid., Lib. x.,cap. iv.— Ncri Capponi, 1 1 »2. t Cavalcanti, Lib. x., cap. vi. 
 
222 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book r. 
 
 latter appeared with two unarmed attendants, and many more 
 followed these examples ; so that not above six, or according to 
 Cambi eight hundred armed men mustered on the twenty-sLxth 
 of September at the place of rendezvous. To oppose them on 
 behalf of the Seignorywere Rinaldo's brother Luca degli Albizzi, 
 Kiccolo Valori, Martelli Ginori, Neroni Dietosalvi, the Cappoiii, 
 Pitti, Corbinelli, Minerbetti and Alessandri: besides these there 
 were Paulo Kucellai, Bernardo Guigni and Niccolo Serragli who 
 acted as mediators =5=. 
 
 The followers of Fiinaldo were numerous and their fierceness 
 superior to their force : bold as he was, their leader was taunted 
 with slo^^^less ; many came for plunder many for blood and the 
 slakinjT of lonj^-delaved revenj^e. " Let us scour the city " cried 
 Simone de' Bardi, " let us till it with widows' teai-s, and the 
 *' streets with blood and carcases ! " Others shouted aloud, 
 and especially a certain Piero Arrigo, "Let us run to the 
 "dwellings of the Seignory and plunder their goods; and 
 " seize their mothers, and their wives, and their sons, and 
 ** their daughtei-s, and their brothers ; and all their nearest 
 " and dearest relations, and bind them to our shields and 
 " targets, and carry them before us as we march to attack 
 *' the palace, so that the enemy's weapons shall only re;ich us 
 *' through the most precious objects of their love." ''Conic c 
 fuoco,'' " Flesh and fire," was their savage war-ciy ! And all 
 this was the result of party spirit carried to its extremes ; those 
 dark and misty bounds that loom so distant and are yet so near; 
 which passion never sees, and reason seldom contemplates ! 
 
 Successive reports of all this were carried to the Seignory 
 who were for a season intimidated ; they hurried from chamber 
 to chamber, from hall to hall in utter confusion, unable to de- 
 cide on any plan until the leading citizens poured in to animate 
 them : by their advice all the provision shops and markets were 
 
 • Cavalcanti, Lib. x., cap. vii. — Am- ment. Rcr. Ital. Scrip., torn, xviii., 
 mirato,Lib.xx..p.llOO.— Gio.Cambi, p. 1182. 
 Stor., p. 1D4.— Neri Capponi, Com- 
 
 CHAP. IXXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 223 
 
 suddenly and secretly emptied and the palace victualled for a 
 siege ; a more manly spirit now excited the government and every- 
 thing was prepared for civil war *. Nevertheless the media- 
 tors, amongst whom was Pope Eugenius andOiovanni Vitelleschi 
 bishop of Ricanati, endeavoured to bring the insurgents to reason 
 and prevent mischief, for the whole town was full of peasantry 
 and armed followers, all ravenous for plunder and thirsty for 
 blood, but unconcerned about the justice or injustice of their 
 cause or whom they massacred, and provided booty was to be 
 had their conscience was proof against any crime however ex- 
 ecrable : "No misdeed,'' says Cavalcanti, "could be so great as 
 not to seem little to their desires ; ' and this infamous crowd 
 struck such terror into the artificers and tradesmen that their 
 shops were shut and they remained quiet, anxious, and discon- 
 tented!, for the whole city was in despair J. Negotiations 
 and discussions continued for some time until a final meeting 
 took place at the papal residence : llidolfo Peruzzi and Barba- 
 doro submitted on understanding that the recall of Cosimo had 
 not been brought into discussion by the Seiguoiy; Rinaldo 
 on the contraiy, though shaken by the coolness and defection of 
 his principal supporters, remained still obstinate. That night 
 passed quietly, and next morning the two former citizens were 
 pardoned ; but Albizzi had at the pope's request repaired in 
 sullen and lonely grandeur to his palace, as unbending as ever : 
 he was received with soft words ; and as Cavalcanti avers, cro- 
 codiles' tears : between persuasion and artifice his followers 
 were dismissed, and with a promise of disarming even he him- 
 self consented to remain a prisoner under papal protection §. 
 This and the insurgents' dispersion doubled the confidence of 
 
 * Neri Capponi, Com. Rcr. Ital. 
 Scrip., tom. xviii., p. 1182. — Caval- 
 canti, Storia, Lib. x., capi. vii., viii. 
 t Gio. Cambi, p. 104. — Cavalcanti, 
 Lib. X., cap. x. 
 
 t " L-ike an a.fs in a hail-storm,'" is Cambi, p. 1 95. 
 our author's elegant simile. "Gli 
 
 artefici stavano clieti e malcontenti, 
 
 non altrimenti che sta V asino alia 
 
 gragnuola." 
 
 § Memorie della Citta di Firenze da 
 
 Boninsegni, Lib. ii"., p. 53, &c. — Gio. 
 
224 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book I. 
 
 government and troops of their rural followers came pouring into 
 Florence under Papi de' Medici, Baitolommeo Orlandini and 
 other popular chiefs, so that eveiy entrance to the public squaie 
 was strongly occupied and all the city teemed with armed men. 
 The return of Cosimo hitherto unmentioned,was now generally 
 discussed ; and thus supported, the Seignory on the twenty-eighth 
 of September ordered the great bell to sound for a parliament. 
 At its deep and well-known tones the whole republic rushed in 
 arms to the palace : the Seignoiy accompanied by the episcopal 
 mediators descended to the Ringhiera whence tlie usual ques- 
 tions were put, and answered in the affirmative by about three 
 hundred and tifty voices immediately round the llingliiera; 
 nevertheless the most numerous Baha ever made in Florence, 
 consisting of tlu'ee hundred and fifty-nine members, was ap- 
 pointed *. This was a strong representation of the people 
 and in this instance probably a fair one for tlie immediate ob- 
 ject proposed; but foul or fair, whenever a parliament was 
 called in Florence to create a Balia the appellants always took 
 care to occupy eveiy avenue to the hustings and all the space 
 about them with their own staunch adherents, armed or un- 
 armed as the case might be. In this Balia, united with the 
 colleges, Cosimo's recall was voted almost by acclamation on the 
 twenty-ninth of September 14:34, one bold and elo(iuent young 
 man named Bartolommeo di Cresci alone declaiming witli 
 daring energy against it, and audaciously offering, if any would 
 join him, to pitch the gonfcdonier and eight priors from the 
 palace windows : several secret negatives appeared, but weie 
 smothered amomrst the multitude of black l»eans which carried 
 the all-absorbing question f. By the same act that created the 
 present Balia all former ones from B]1K^ downwards were 
 revoked; but though at the pope's intercession indemnity had 
 been promised to the msurgents, neither the government nor 
 
 * Gio. Cambi, Storia, p. 1 94.— Caval- t Oiov. Canibi., p. 1 90.— Gio. Morelli 
 cauti, Lib. x., cayn. xiii., xix. — Gio. Ricor. p. 122. — Cavalcanti, Lib. x., 
 Morelli, Rcc, p. 122. cap. xv. 
 
 CHAP, xxxii] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 225 
 
 the people were inclined to pass things off so smoothly ; and the 
 Cosimeschi in the teeth of this solemn promise which probably 
 saved their party, and certainly the city from ruin, exikni without 
 scruple Rinaldo, Strozzi, Peruzzi, part of the Guicciardiui and 
 Guadagni, some of the Uzzani, Barbadoro, Gianni, and many 
 others ; and these proscriptions were renewed from time to time 
 after the month of November, when Cosimo was already re- 
 tm-ned and a new Seignory drawn, or ratlier selected by his partv 
 for their rabid persecuting violence and vindictive character*. 
 The members were Lando di Biliotti, Piero del Benino, An- 
 drea di Nardi, Leonardo da Verazzano, Brunetto di Domenico 
 Bechaio, Antonio d' Agnolo, Antonio di Masi, Ugolino di Mar- 
 telU, with Giovanni Mhierbetti for their gonfalonier, a man 
 described by Cavalcanti, as more bold than rational, and who 
 loved discord better than his country s good f. Near eighty 
 citizens were thus banished, fined, imprisoned, tortured, or 
 otherwise punished by the vindictiveness of faction. The 
 scrutiny purses were diligently weeded of all enemies, and " Ac- 
 coppiatori " nominated, by whom the above Seignor}^ had been 
 studiouslv selected !• 
 
 When Ilmaldo heard his sentence, from which all the feigned 
 or real remonstrances of Eugenius were unable to shield either 
 him or his companions : he is said to have exclaimed with a bitter 
 smile, " Did I then ever hope that I should be allowed to remain 
 ** in my country by one who had Ijeen driven from his oami ? " 
 The notice of his exile, sent as a matter of form to the pontiff 
 called forth some common-place condolence and advice, to which 
 Rinaldo contemptuously answered: "O Eugenius, Holy Father! 
 " I marvel not at my own ruui; but T do blame myself 
 " for tmsting to the promises of one who being unable 
 " to aid himself could never vindicate the rights of others. I 
 
 A.D. 1433. 
 
 * Nardi, delle Istorie di Firenze, Lib. Lib. x., cap. xx. 
 
 »•» p. 15. ^ X Ibid., Lib. x., cap. xvi. — Ammirato, 
 
 + Gio. Cambi, p. 199. — Cavalcanti, Lib. xx., p. 1102. 
 
 VOL. III. Q 
 
226 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [UOOK 
 
 •' ought to have kno^vll that the fluent tongue of your messenger 
 ' • Vitelleschi was only used to entice me to disarm. I did Iviiow 
 ' • it. But love of my country prevailed ! Let none believe that 
 • 1 had not ample means of resistance with the Guelphic aid. 
 •' But because I would not bathe the streets in blood, fdl the city 
 " with corpses and her dwellings with tears, I resigned myself 
 '• into your hands ; yet be ye assured that I had my remedy. 
 '^ Niccolo I'iccinino is at hand with ample forces not only to pro- 
 " tect me, but to expel all my enemies, as they now expel me 
 " from the city: and to pay for this I had only to league with 
 *' Philip :\laria Visconte and thus after so many wars have 
 *' secured a permanent peace. You know well Eugcnius that I 
 '* behove this to be a freak of fortune augmented by wicked men, 
 •' and that times may change however unpromishig, and liow I 
 " or others will be better taught by this example ; and you know 
 *' also that as the injur}^ is more bitter, so nuich sharper should 
 '* be the revenge. Behold the heavens ! A long rain makes a 
 " long drought, a hot summer a cold winter. But let us quit 
 " this triflhig, for I long to be gone from so bad a race and labour 
 " for my return ^^ith a leafy cro^^•n as the conqueror of afiiction 
 " so hateful. And to this chy I say (for the shame of thy citi- 
 " zens) that I quit thee \nth glory and praise: because in the 
 " many dignities thou hast given to me I never pronounced 
 " judgment against reason, nor ever wronged an individual, 
 •' nor ever denied a debt, nor prolonged a suit : but always to 
 *' poor and rich, even before the legal period, 1 gtive my judg- 
 " ment. And for thee O Florence I bore all the weight of la- 
 " hour that the cares of such a city impose ; and as my reward, 
 " under thy favour. — I am expelled ! Certes lie Avho confides 
 " in a priest's word, is hke a blind man without a guide." He 
 then departed -. 
 
 The wheel of fortune had turned, and Rinaldo's great rival 
 
 * Cav;ilcanti, Lil». x., cap. xix. 
 
 CHAP, XXXII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 227 
 
 when fully certified of his recal came back like a Roman con- 
 queror! From Venice to Florence was a chain of 
 flowers ; honours and festivities met his homeward ' ' ^*^^' 
 steps, and joy and gladness accompanied him to his native city : 
 Cosimo arrived on the sixth of October, dismounted at the pub- 
 lic palace, supped and slept in the same place, next morning he 
 visited the pope and then quietly resumed his former position 
 in the commonwealth. 
 
 Then came all the mischiefs of a restoration ; and fines, exile, 
 imprisonment, torture, and death ministered to the evil passions 
 of an angry faction: Averardo (hd not long enjoy this triumph; 
 he died unregretted on the fifth of December, but liis spirit re- 
 mained in full vigour ; and with the exception of engaf^iDcr his 
 friend Francesco Sforza as captain of the Florentine aimies, 
 Cosimo finished the year 1434 in an uninterrupted course of 
 political vengeance *. 
 
 CoTEMPORARY MoNARCHs.—Eiitrland, Scotland, France, Castile and Aragon. 
 No change since 1428. (Chapterxxx.)— Portugal: John I. to 1433, thcnEd ward 
 I. — The German, Greek, and Ottoman Emperors, as in 14'20. — Popes, Martin, 
 V. to 1431, then Eugcnius IV.— The Council of Buble, the third Great Council 
 for Church Reformation lasted from 1431 to 1438. It abolished Annates and 
 Reservations, and made other retorms. 
 
 * Ricordi di Cosimo de' Medici.— Gio. Camhi, p. 204.— Ammirato,Stor., LiL 
 XX., p. 1102-3. 
 
 Q '2 
 
228 
 
 flore:<ti>*e history 
 
 [hook II 
 
 BOOK THE SECOND. 
 
 CnAPTER 1. 
 
 FRO-M A.I>. 1435 TO A.D. 1451. 
 
 A.D. 1435. 
 
 rOSIMO'S restoration is perhaps the most important event of 
 Florentine histoiy, inasmuch as it curbed tlie turbulence of 
 faction undermined what liberty existed, and gained a power 
 for his fimiily that was never permanently lost. All 
 previous revolutions were either traii>it(>iy ur only mo- 
 difications of a state of things already existing, the mere phases 
 of the politick planet with more or less of illumination ; but 
 from this point the star of IVIedici burned witli a clear and 
 steady though deceitful light wliich no subsequent tempest 
 could totally obscure. All after-events were only consequences 
 or ramifications of this deep root, luid eveiT pretension to real 
 liberty withered in their shade ; it left the outward form of a 
 republic impregnated with the steady and permanent character 
 of absolute monarchy. 
 
 But ere we proceed it may be convenient to review the Flo- 
 rentine institutions in order to judge more impartially of what 
 Cosimo accomplished; what liberties he nndermhied, what 
 powers he destroyed; what good, or what evil were the imme- 
 diate consequences of his successful ambition ; for under him 
 the future principality may be said to have been conceived and 
 formed and in progress of nativity. 
 
 cH.iP. r.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 22f^ 
 
 In contemplating the story of Florence our eyes are natur- 
 ally attracted towards the institutions of that republic with 
 which she w^as so often and so intimately connected ; the dark, 
 enduring, and mysterious Venice. Venice from a pure demo- 
 cracy became by a singular combination of circumstances one 
 of the most exclusive aristocracies in the world ; and became 
 so, broadly speaking, without any usurpation of the rights of 
 others. The fii*st Venetian refugees had equal privileges ; but 
 when time and successful industry had bettered their condition, 
 the stream of emigration which had been constantly flowing 
 towards the Lagoons was gradually augmented and as the 
 community enlarged a change in their civic regulations was 
 deemed expedient. Hitherto all settlers had entered into 
 coequal rights and duties as they successively established their 
 domicile amidst the free waters of the Adriatic : but at a cer- 
 tahi period of tlieii' liistoiy the Venetians refused any longer 
 to continue this or give such strangers as might thereafter 
 arrive any political privileges beyond what were due to them as 
 subjects ; namely, the protection of person and propeit}-, and 
 perfect freedom of action in all but state affairs : to these they 
 were no longer admitted and thenceforth became subjects, 
 not citizens. A rapid increase of population, the commerce, 
 riches, power, and growing influence of this community, gave 
 great value to the original democracy which gradually became a 
 privileged and powerful class : primitively large, and identic 
 with the old population; afterwards small, from the growth 
 and pressure of the new ; but condensed by that very pressure 
 into a more strongly knit and compact body the concentra- 
 tion of ancient power, which assumed a general empire. In 
 this there was no infringement of others' claims; no usurpation 
 of illegitimate authority ; no encroachment on public liberty ; 
 the aristocracy reserved their pristine rights, but did no more ; 
 they made and enforced certain laws applicable to all who 
 sought the advantages of their government ; and if strangers 
 
230 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 CHAP. I.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 231 
 
 found this convenient it was with a clear understanding that 
 they were not citizens ; they might demand protection, but 
 could hardly comjdain of injustice. 
 
 Such is the broad principle upon which I'ose the aristocracy 
 of Venice : its details, policy, secret history, and early stiiig- 
 gles for power, are all foreign to this work except as they 
 occasionally bear on the affairs of Florence. But there was a 
 remarkable difference between these two states : under their 
 DOGE, their ten, their senate, their great council and other 
 auxiliaries the Venetians worked sdently mysteriously and un- 
 changeably : all was veiled : decrees went forth of the sanctuary' 
 but they issued from an ideal being : they were not the work 
 of any single citizen: none proposed, none seconded, none 
 opposed them : to the public eye they were the fiat of some 
 invisible everlasting power without feelings, passions, or any 
 touch of humanity : awful, severe, all-seeing, all-powerful, but 
 not all-just. The exhibition of jiolitical talent, eloquence, 
 passion, virtue, vice, or patriotism ; whatever it might have 
 been ivithin the ix)htical cloisters ; was never, in matters of 
 domestic government, breathed beyond them. The people 
 knew neither friend nor foe, for all varieties of opinion were 
 fused into one homogeneous whole which alone went forth as 
 a decree of the Venetian republic : i)opularity was there un- 
 known to statesmen : no eye was on them, no ear heard them, 
 no shout greeted them, the voice of public opinion was 
 smothered in the Lag(juns : and except as warriors, praise or 
 blame from their fellow-citizens never inffuenced a single 
 action of Venetian statesmen after the ffnal settlement of their 
 government. Hence the stem, searching, relentless character 
 of all their acts ; and the immolation of honom*, virtue, religion, 
 moral dignity, and eveiy gentler feeling to the murky idol of 
 their state. But in suppressing faction it secured strength, 
 union, decisiveness, and domestic peace ; and enabled the 
 republic to maintain a steady oneness of policy, which gene- 
 
 ■ 
 
 rating uniform movement and lastingness, preserved it until 
 the whole body becoming effete expired of mere imbecility. 
 
 Florence on the contraiy was all openness, fiiction, turbu- 
 lence, disunion, and mutability; the faults and virtues of her 
 sons were palpable ; there was no national, no constitutional 
 secrecy ; but there was civil war, massacre, conflagration, ruin 
 of families, exile, and depopulation ; which the Venetians had 
 not. On the other hand; in Florence men looked to personal 
 fame, reputation, popularity, and puldic opinion for advance- 
 ment and support (although this last w^as generally sectarian) 
 and the whole body of citizens had, or believed they had, a part 
 in the commonwealth. They did in fact share in the appoint- 
 ment of their magistrates ; that is they had the privilege of 
 electing them. But what were those magistrates ? Not the 
 strong self-acting movement of Venetian power that owned no 
 master and made each its slave ; but the flexile talons of 
 ill-omened faction. There was in foct no government in Flo- 
 rence : there was a rattling mass of powerful machinery, ready 
 for any impulse and ntver without one ; good if honestly 
 managed, but harsh and dangerous in self-interested or un- 
 skilful hands. The national spirit was called up to give force 
 to the commonwealth and it did so ; but the commonwealth 
 had neither the power nor the inclination to secure civil 
 liberty as we know it, from the vindictive fuiy of party or 
 the tp-anny of potent citizens. There was no balancing 
 power; the people were satisfled witli that of decting their 
 magistrates and clotliing them in popular authority without any 
 stipulation for their manner of using it. 
 
 When Baldaccio d'An^hiari was treacherously murdered and 
 thrown from the palace window, his corpse lay for nearly a 
 whole day in the public place where it fell, and although he 
 was a friend of Xeri Capponi, the most influential man after 
 Cosimo in Florence, and an old and valued general of the 
 republic, few thought it strange : enough that the Seignory 
 
J 
 
 232 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 had done it, some secret necessity was supposed, fear acted its 
 usual pai't with friends and none else ever troubled themselves. 
 
 Yet, with a mutability beyond example in domestic affiiirs, 
 the foreign policy of Florence was as constant and i)rudent as 
 that of Venice in regard to the balance of power and general 
 condition of Italy : true, the fear of Milanese dominion as it 
 more nearly affected themselves was the moving spring, and 
 when then- own ambition held the scale the balance often 
 wavered. But to judge better of these institutions it may be 
 useful to examine their powers, as well at least as our scattered 
 and uncertain records will permit, for many things are alluded 
 to by Florentme writers as then of common notoriety which are 
 now incomprehensible. 
 
 The extreme jealousy amongst both Venetians and Floren- 
 tines of their so much boasted liberty would naturally lead us 
 to the modem notion of that word, even now in many countries 
 but ill understood and therefore not duly appreciated; but 
 where thought even was almost fettered, as at Venice, could 
 there have been any real liberty ? Neither thought nor tongue 
 were shackled at Florence, and so far they were free ; but no 
 individual or his property were safe from the vengeance of a 
 powerful enemy ; a poor Florentine s house was not his castle, 
 his possessions were not his own, nor was even his life, though 
 harmless, always to be counted on when fiiction needed its 
 sacrifice : witness Baldaccio's fate which as will hereafter be 
 seen mainly originated in the private malice of an Orlandiui. 
 The Florentine magistrates could oppress the weak but were 
 beai'ded by the strong ; they could assist one faction to crush 
 another ; but could hai'dly prevent it if they would, for they 
 themselves were always partisans and often tools in the hands 
 of others. AVe have seen that besides heavy and unequal taxes, 
 an early source of Florentine discord was the ambition of rich 
 men to govern as a body and the higher wish of some amongst 
 them to mle alone and individually. In opposition to this was 
 
 CHAP. I.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 233 
 
 the desire of the lower classes to prevent such usuqmtion and 
 acquire for themselves a degree of civil liberty free from pri- 
 vate oppression which would relieve them from illegal masters ; 
 while that of the middle classes when they existed was in addi- 
 tion to enjoy those legitimate honours and employments to 
 which their position entitled them. The great object of good 
 trovemment is to gratify these natural desires and many 
 others, without public injury, collision of classes, or undue pre- 
 ponderance in any order of the state ; but this was not achieved 
 by Florence. 
 
 Frederic II. upheld the Ghibeline aristocracy ; but at his 
 death the Florentines asserted and established their liberty 
 under new forms of popular government, yet so awkwardly 
 that it begat infinite discontent directed as it was against the 
 nobles especially the Ghibelines who had previously been 
 omnipotent in Florence. They naturally watched their opportu- 
 nity and mider the auspices of Manfred regained authority with 
 a wide-spread banishment of Guelphic families : but intent on 
 power they did not trouble themselves about the people ; and 
 when fear ultimately compelled them to attempt the reconcilia- 
 tion of all parties by a popular government it was too late, for 
 they were immediately expelled by a great national movement. 
 The citizens being anxious for peace recalled eveiy exile and 
 they came, V)ut had learned no wisdom ; their passions and preju- 
 dices were in full force ; old (piarrels broke out afresh and no 
 man seems to have arisen who was equal to the task of restor- 
 mg tran(millity bv the establishment of a wise constitution. 
 It would indeed have been an arduous one where the same 
 spirit of domination possessed the whole aristocracy and the 
 people were as yet not sufficiently exasperated to feel their full 
 power, or sufficiently experienced to use it with moderation. 
 
 Renewed insolence and oppression on the part of the former 
 soon after produced the gonfaloniership of justice as a curb ; 
 then came the law of the Divieto which spread public hon- 
 
234 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [lil''>r 
 
 A !•- 
 
 CHAP. I.] 
 
 FLORENTTNE HISTORY. 
 
 235 
 
 ii 
 
 ours over a wider surface and prevented the nobles from per- 
 petuiitinj^^ them in their own families : many other regulations 
 followed in succession, hut eveiT step was a (piarrel ; the city 
 was divided against itself; two fierce parties \Nith antagonist 
 interests were in constiuit strife ; there was no union hut in 
 externjJ war ; the people were insulted and op])rcs^cd in every 
 private transaction, against laws which were sharp enough to 
 irritate hut insufficient to control ■'•. 
 
 These evils brought out Giano della Bella and his " Ordi- 
 nances of Justice " which were too harsh even as a punishment, 
 yet with strong provocation : they did not succeed, for they 
 were a penal sentence against delinquents with arms in their 
 hands ; a hill of pains and penalties against a powerful mass ; 
 an attainder; the puuishment of existing innocence, and of 
 children yet unborn. Indefinite punishment for tinite crime 
 is injustice : yet Giano s honest indignation blinded him to the 
 true character of his work and noble families were at once 
 excluded from the Seignory, besides other degradations, and 
 power given to increase the number of delinquents at will. Mili- 
 tarv force was necessarilv added to give vitiditv to law, and four 
 thousand civic guards were placed at the gonfaloniers disposal. 
 The severity of tliis act produced more fury than oljedience, 
 more restraint than respect ; yet Giano meant well ; he gene- 
 rously and fearlessly repelled oppression and the blow hit hard, 
 l)Ut recoiled on liis o\mi head : he was banished ; tumults fob 
 lowed, and there was a partial restoration of rights to the 
 aristocracy. Soon after came the r>ianchi and Xeri factions, and 
 they proved the weakness of Florentine institutions by tdlowing 
 private quarrels to swell into public war and national calamity. 
 The pacification effected by the Cardinal of Prato lasted but 
 a moment ; his creation of gonfaloniers of companies and all 
 
 * It has been well said by Landor, in law is on the poor ; its shadow only 
 his ItnafjinarijDialoffucs, hntdWmWng on the rich." 
 to England, that " tlie hand of the 
 
 liis restrictive laws against the aristocracy were insufficient to 
 maintain the peace even while he legislated ; and ere he quit- 
 ted Florence all was again in commotion, and soon after in 
 arms. His labours were exclusive, sectarian, partial; and 
 inspired no confidence : blood and conflagration were the com- 
 ments on his work, and seventeen hundred houses were con- 
 sumed in the struggle ! Afterwards the drawing of magistrates 
 by lot w\is introduced and the two councils, of the People and 
 Community created : then the Duke of Athens was placed at 
 the head of the commonwealth and presently became its tyrant, 
 hut was forthwith expelled by the united strength of ever}' 
 faction. Tliis restored liberty, justice, peace, and a moment's 
 good fellowship between the nobles and people : the lull was 
 brief ; discord again burst forth and civil war once more thun- 
 dered in the streets of ilorence. The Bardi, Frescobaldi, 
 and other clans were fiercely driven from their homes and the 
 nobles reduced to complete and ihial subordination. The 
 other extreme of society then rose up, and the sedition of the 
 Ciompi reigned paramount for three years : Georgio Scali the 
 peoples champion was sultsequcntly beheaded and the fire 
 mastered ; but with partial bursts and sudden explosions from 
 the mins. The Popolani Grassi now resumed their authority ; 
 but suspicion was abroad ; no confidence connected man with 
 man, and fear was ever on the watch lest fortune should place 
 the government in the hands of antagonists : w^hen this oc- 
 curred it was jealously wrested from them on trifling pretences 
 as happened to Alberti and Magalotti in 1387. Then followed 
 a recal of exiles and the strong government of Maso degli 
 Albizzi ; rigorous and severe at first, aftenvards comparatively 
 gentle and popular, but at all times able : Niccolo da Uzzano 
 had continued this to more than half a century's duration when 
 his setting sun beheld the rise of Cosimo. 
 
 In contemplating such a state of perennial turbulence and 
 misinile with all their unmentioned evils, we can scarcelv 
 
236 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 LBOOK II. 
 
 wonder at the Florentines being fmully wearied and disgusted ; 
 and hailing the man who would restore peace, tliough at the 
 expense of their so-called liberty, as tlie "Father of his 
 Country." Up to this period there were :d\vays two parties in 
 Florence, one of the great, the other of the people : by the 
 Great, in the beginning was meant the nobles ; after whose 
 downM the principal burgher families stepped into their politi- 
 cal position and under a more popular name followed a similar 
 course of insolence and oppression, but with grcit.r impunity. 
 
 The '* Peoi>le " must not be understood as the niire popu- 
 lace, who were no more in the civic institutions of Florence 
 than menial servants in a private fiimily ; they were necessaiy, 
 but had no voice nor any pditical rights in the comnidnwealth. 
 The " People " was that portion of the poorer citizens with civic 
 ri«Thts or civic responsibilities wlio were opposed to the aggres- 
 sions of the rich and powerful : in other words to the ''Great:' 
 They were not only that multidude which did not share in the 
 public government and yet possessed something or exercised 
 some trade in the city ; but many others b.sides who did par- 
 ticipate in the magistracies. All these in common desired 
 liberty ; or more strictly speaking protection in their private 
 affau-s from the tyranny and aiTogance of the great ; but the 
 last portion cherished the further hope of a more fre(iueut ptu'- 
 ticipation of public honoui-s, and of subordinate political power 
 as a means to that end. The middle class if it can fairly be 
 called so, during the meridian of aristocratic sway was com- 
 posed of the principal popular families ; but they soon became 
 a virtual aristocracy though despised as such by, and totally 
 distinct from the ancient nobility. 
 
 At first therefore there seems to have been no middle class 
 properly so called, for the populace as an extreme, were never 
 considered part of the commonwealtli nor cared for l)y any 
 party, and the people came into immediate contact with the 
 higher orders whether ancient nobles or Popolani Grassi, but 
 
 CHAP, r.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 237 
 
 roughly, not courteously--. The result was a continual struggle 
 between a body, composed of rank dignity and intelligence, re- 
 enforced by riches and insati:d)le for power; and a humble 
 though numerous mass of poorer citizens who felt its misuse and 
 panted for emancipation : thence everiasting strife and often 
 the submission of botli to the command of a stranger, such as 
 the Duke of Athens and others. Still the two parties retained 
 then- balance ; for when the peoi)le ruled, one powerful citizen 
 frequently dctied all the potency of government and with the aid 
 of friends, clients, and his own resources audaciously defended 
 liimself ; trusting if too hard pressed to the general support of 
 his class. From this preponderance of individual power and 
 general balance of parties it followed that the strong oppressed 
 the weak: for had that of the people been superior, the noble- 
 man wlio had no moral serui>les about robbing his neighbour 
 would still have refrained throu-h b^ar of the law had the law 
 been efficient: but this rarely oieurred. 
 
 A middle class of eiti/ens ; <.v what may for distinction be so 
 designated ; did spring up in llorence from the popularising of 
 noble families: (probably tli<»se which are sometimes called 
 '' Spkciohni" as detached from the ancient stock and yet not 
 united ^\ith their adopted order) and also from the promotion 
 of some popular families by Cosimo, of wliich more anon; but 
 principally from those who l.^ing eligible to the magistracy, yet 
 from choice and other reasons lived retired and ak»of from 
 faction as well as from insult ami injury, if tliey could accom- 
 plish it; yet sometimes wished to enjoy the civic honours to 
 which Ibey were entitled. It seems probable that many of 
 those called " Sciopcnfti," who entered so frerpiently into the 
 public magistracies, belonged to this class and exercised some 
 moditying inlluence over the violence of party spnit. 
 
 The 'Tlehe " or lowest classes, as already said had no civic 
 rank ; they possessed no real property and lived from hand to 
 
 * Donato Giannotti della Rcpublica Fiorciitiu., Lib. i., cap. v., p. 48. 
 
238 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [bOOIv I. 
 
 mouth l.y manual labour; but they loved quiet, because com- 
 motion stopped tmde, and then they starved : their tumults 
 were from want, hard task-masters, and misrule ; or its conse- 
 quences as affected themselves. According to Giannotti if quiet 
 reigned amongst the higher classes of Florence the people were 
 never tumultuous, and unless excited by their superiors in rank 
 and reputiition were rarely so at any time-. The sedition of 
 the Cionipi Wiis probably the unintentional work c»f Salvestro 
 de' Medici and others who thus excited a nally suffering and 
 therefore intlammable people, and then were unable to control 
 them. The poor could not obtain their reasonable desires and 
 therefore revolted ; for people are attached in genoral to those 
 governments that aff«>rd such gratification, or which tliey believ^^ 
 afford it : the Florentine poor desired no compidsory masters 
 but the laws or the magistrates who represented them ; they 
 sought impartial justice and had no further ambition : the mid- 
 dle dasses, or rather the people, had ; they as already remarked 
 looked to legitimate honours and office ; and ilie highest class 
 to arbitrary'^rule. In Florence, generally speaking, only the 
 last succeeded and that partially, but attended by tumult and 
 difficulty : the result of all was discontent with excessive and 
 general excitement so that any change became palatable. 
 "^ The principal defects of Florentine institutions up to Cosimo s 
 return were what we shall now endeavour to describe. These 
 institutions were composed in the tirst place, of the '^ Seignory, 
 namelv a Gonfalonier of Justice and eight " Priors of the Arts" or 
 " of Liberty : " of two auxiliaiy " Colleges," one of twelve Buono- 
 mini the other of sLxteen Gonfaloniers of Companies, and alto- 
 gether named *' The College" or more generally the " Seignory 
 and Colleges " the latter being a sort of counsellors to tlie former. 
 Then came the Senate, which varied in name and number from 
 134:^ to 1404, and seems to have l»een identical with the Coun- 
 cil of Two Hundred. Besides these were two greater councils: 
 
 * Donato Giannotti, Delia Rcpublira Fiorciitina, ly.b. i., cap. v., p. oli-i). 
 
 CHAP 1.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 239 
 
 that of the People, composed exclusively of Popolani ; and that of 
 the Community, or Common Council wliich admitted both people 
 and nobles. Inferior magistracies will be noticed elsewhere. 
 
 The nomination of all magistracies which at fust was open, 
 afterwards fell into the hands of a more select body called the 
 " Squittino " or scrutiny : and the act of selection to till the grand 
 purses was denominated " Sqiiittuiarc'' or scrutinising ; because 
 the character, qualities, and pretensions of the candidates were 
 then minutely investigated. This was tluMiretically good, but 
 its effects are described as evil and corrupting ; for this ceremony 
 taking place only every three or five years and being secret, 
 those candidates for the puldic magistracies whose names once 
 entered the purses (and this seems always to have been well 
 known) became negligent of their conduct ; for honesty in those 
 days appears only to have been practised as far as it was the 
 best policy. All laws, decrees, or provisions of any kind, 
 whetlier public or private, proposed in the Seignory were obliged 
 to be approved liy the colleges, senate, and finally by the two 
 remaining councils =<-. 
 
 This also seemed tluMretically good, but as the priors were 
 dra\sTi by lot it frequently liappeiied that one Seignory was of 
 one faction the next of another, or perluq^s a mixture of both ; 
 and the colleges partook of the same mutable and motley cha- 
 racter, or peradventure diifered altogether from the Seignory : 
 thus a reasonable, a tyrannical, or a divided government turned 
 up as chance directed. Hence also the many evils so fre- 
 quently related in these pages as the exclusive results of 
 foction ; and hence the permanent despotism of Cosimo who 
 ruled the rulers and dispensers of life and death. In order not 
 to quit this convenient instrument he chose the '' Accoppiatori'' 
 so dexterously, besides other means hereafter to be mentioned, 
 that his own creatures were sure to form the bulk of every 
 council and magistracy hi the state. Cosimo here only practised 
 
 Nardi, Storia dcUa Cittk ili Firciize, Lib. i", pp. 11, 12, 13. 
 
240 
 
 FLORENTTKE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II- 
 
 the lessons liis enemies had taught him, the actual P^ 'ti«a Mt. 
 of Florentiue statesmen ; but he did it on a great scale. ^Mth a 
 harder hand, a heavier purse, and a bolder conscience t^n 
 any. No people can pretend to more freedom than he hb Uy 
 of dubbing themselves slaves .■here,(even . >en """'""'.; ;^^-; 
 faction) the pleasure of sk- citizens out of mne ^vas u many 
 cases law, and could destroy or pardon as they ^^^ ^^ 
 are the Lau- a,ul the J../,.,'' cried the pnor C.uulo Magalo U 
 to Cosimo Inmself ^vhen he wanted to save an '""'--"'^ J"^" 
 and child from destruction! And Cosimo bowed meekly to 
 the rule for he mtended to practise it. 
 
 Although the general decrees of the Seignory where every 
 measure began had also to pass other coum-ds. tbcy -^F 
 rarely opposed, and much despotic authority was a..un ed l.> 
 hem' in^idividual cases even to the instant deprivation o 
 life • their power was feared and fearful, and only depended on 
 themselves to be tyrannical, as it cummonly proved. 
 
 The Balia or Deeemvirate of War was aiiotlier j.o^ci ol 
 enormous strength and amazing amplitud,.: seven ciUzens 
 could there make peace or war impose t'"^'"-^ g""f ;"8,^°;;; 
 tributions, or form any regulations thoy pleaMc to en, o 
 their views; and even nuse armies to unlimited """'^ =" "' 
 onlv limited by the public credit and resoiuve^ ol which tl e) 
 we;e the managers ; and all without c<„itr,d, ^^'-f'f"^^ J«^ 
 far-reaching consciuences of war even m Us m. dest o m, bu 
 at that time peculiarly horrible ; no nation could call itselt fie 
 when exposed to the action of such powers, unless we e 
 proved to be with the geneml national consent an. i. ■ t' , 
 intrioues of a faction ; and even then it was only tlie liUeii> 
 ruining and enslaving themselves and their posterity. 
 
 To direct this formidable engine Cosimo mad., use .the 
 " Sjurehio •• as already told, and so gained exfiisive n.llue. ce 
 if it always a majority in that council. This was be^re b 
 exile ; for afterwards thmgs were more shortly and etfettneh 
 
 CH^P- I.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 241 
 
 arranged ; but it sensed to encourage war and consolidate hid 
 personal influence, and though the country was disgi'aced and 
 ravaged Cosimo prospered ; yet all this mischief could be 
 effected by seven citizens without control or responsibility -ss 
 The necessity for such a board arose out of the ephemeral 
 nature of the Seignory which allowed no time to carry on any 
 extended operation whether external or domestic, and neces- 
 sarily exposed state secrets to the knowledge of a rapid succes- 
 sion of chief magistrates who in their retirement from office 
 might neither be discreet nor honest. 
 
 In domestic matters the evil of this system was glaring : each 
 new Seignoiy, eager to distinguish its ephemeral existence by 
 some attractive performance hurried forward every affair ; their 
 acts followed each other with the rapidity of a blacksmith's 
 hammer ; a few favourite materials were hastily worked up for 
 the nonce and, finished or uulinished, left to their fate ^vith the 
 succeeding govenmient ; but no regulated warmth in constant 
 action remained to temper and anneal society or improve its 
 (•liai'Mcter. 
 
 The college of gonfaloniers created by the cardinal of Prato 
 for the defence of liberty, tliat is of the people against the 
 great, was generally composed of young men and frequently 
 acted with more violence than judgment ; imbued like every 
 other magistracy with the passions of the day, they were often 
 as we are told, the authors of oppression and tumult and causei3 
 of much mischief, for it was a powerful and reputed office and 
 greatly coveted. In one of the many plagues that devastated 
 Florence ; probably that of D 48 when few would remain there 
 for the pui'poses of government, a remedial law was passed which 
 rendered every citizen ineligible to office whose grandfather had 
 not sat or his name been seen (or " Vcduto ") amongst those lia- 
 ble to be drawn for the " Tre Mag/jton " as they were called, 
 that is the Seignory and the two colleges. Many, who would 
 
 * Giannotti, della Rep. Fior., Lib. ii., cap. v., p. 78, (Sec. 
 ^'OL. III. R 
 

 FLORENTINE IIISTOliY. 
 
 [book n. 
 
 Otherwise have lied were arrested hy the wish of securing that 
 right for their posterity and it was of infinite service to Cosimo, 
 who hy means of his influence could at pleasure uifringe this 
 law aiid virtually nominate them all ; wherefore the whole city 
 paid court to liim not only to accomplish their own hut even 
 their infant children's nomination. 
 
 These infant magistrates were not new in the histor}- of Flo- 
 rentine faction, hut the system was perhaps more securely, and 
 certiiinly more pennanently organised hy Cosimo, and thus the 
 ''Defenders of Liherty:" as the gonfaloniers of companies 
 atfectedly called themselves ; hecame the mere handmaidens of 
 despotism. The gonfalonier of justice had no greater voting 
 power than the prioi-s, hut he had the privilege of presiding over 
 them and eveiy other council at his pleasure : this right was 
 given in order to form a session of the Seignory independent of 
 then- Proposto or diurnal president in case uf his refusing at 
 any time to propose necessary measures, a circumstance that 
 faction rendered of frequent occurrence. Thus the gonfalonier 
 although only equal in authority was superior in dignity and 
 official influence to all the Seignorial magistrates ; and as 
 they and all the other courts were despots in their line, and 
 generally tyrannical, he also must have had the power of heiug 
 so, for none deliherated without him if he wished to attend 
 and their decrees were his : wherefore it follows, that although 
 he could not compel he influenced eveiy one, and they in a 
 niiumer depended on him. Hence the gonfalonier of justice 
 really governed the state, hecause hy means of the Seignoiy 
 and colleges he could carry any measures and not only arrest 
 the proceedings of other magistracies hut altogether prevent 
 their deliherations. For this, says Giannotti, he had only to 
 humom* the Seignoiy and colleges and profess himself a staunch 
 defender of liheity against the great, (which in Florence was as 
 sure a catch-word as Church and State once was in iMigland) and 
 if supported ly them he hecame omnipotent. But without such 
 
 CHAP. I.] 
 
 FLOEENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 243 
 
 management success was rare and difficult ; for if he worked hy 
 favour of the " Ten" alone he displeased the priors and colleges, 
 and through them the citizens, as the former would complain of 
 neglect and slight hoth hy him and the Balia, and the latter 
 would echo it ; and according as this system was skilfully fol- 
 lowed or neglected so was the gonfalonier popular or otherwise. 
 
 The office heing so ephemeral great constitutional mischief 
 could not ensue, yet much particular hijury and private tyranny 
 was practicahle and practised ; hut when one private, irrespon- 
 sihle, and extraneous power, like Cosimo 's, hrought an irresis- 
 tihle and pennanent influence to hear on every magistracy ; or 
 rather when every magistracy was his own creature and worked 
 like puppets to his will, it hecame a permanent though invisihle 
 monarchy ". 
 
 These were some of the radical evils that generated misrule 
 and general discontent in Florence and spoiled its character as 
 a free nation, for repuhlics are seldom free except for licentious- 
 ness. But to these evils may he added the great length and 
 cost of law-suits and the general corruption of law : the rich 
 and powerful influenced hoth civil and criminal justice puhlicly 
 and privately as suited their hiterest or faction ; plaintiff" and 
 defendant were often rumed together after long years of Htiga- 
 tion ; strangers who had the misfortune to get into the Floren- 
 tine courts lifted up their hands and cried in amazement " 7s 
 this Uherty .^" and some of the nohlest of native families had 
 been reduced to destitution. 
 
 In this state of things Cosimo retmned, an angry vindictive 
 chief with a still more vengeful crew^ to keep his passions upper- 
 most : he had heen ill-used, he was the people's leader and idol, 
 and soon hanished almost all their greatest enemies of the 
 opposite faction ; few remained hut the insignificant or ahjectly 
 submissive or those who shrunk into obscurity and oblivion at 
 his fro^vn. The people rejoiced at their enemies' discomfiture 
 
 * Giannotti, Delia Rep. Fiorcnt., Lib. ii., cap. viii., p. 94. 
 
 li Ji 
 
244 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book n, 
 
 and Cosimo v^as finally hailed by a public decree as '* Padre 
 DELL.\ Patria." The fother of that countiT which he depopu- 
 lated by the most numerous proscription ever known in Flo- 
 rence even in its wildest periods, and which has been compared 
 only vdth those of Svlla and the triumvirate ; for blood, although 
 not profuselv spilt,\and when shed, perhaps it was with some 
 show of justice, vet blood was not wanthig to satiate Cosimo s 
 vindictiveness and the vengeance of his exasperated followers. 
 Boninsegni and Cavalcanti give us the names of more than a 
 hundred\milies either exiled or rendered incapable of office, 
 without counthig all the individuals of houses which are only 
 named collectively, and apparently innocent of any crime except 
 that of relationship with the chiefs of an antagonist taction =:^ 
 
 The nobles of his own party he made roi»olani, but excluded 
 all others by a sweeping edict prohibiting them thenceforth 
 from the enjo\nnent of any public otfice whatever + : this as 
 will be seen hereafter was a sagacious act, and collaterally 
 strengthened by his intimate connection with the It^iaii states 
 which enabled liim to paralyse all his enemies' efforts to retura. 
 One result of this searcliing persecution was, that in Florence, 
 which had been previously divided into two great parties, the 
 third order of citizens already mentioned became moulded and 
 augmented in several ways. First, those great families which 
 submitted to Cosimo necessarily reduced their former magnifi- 
 cence and sank down somewhat nearer to the more social level 
 of popular equality ; and without throwing off that inexpres- 
 sible delicacy of tastes and manners inherent to gentle blood, 
 and thus losing themselves in the common crowd, they main- 
 tained a neutral position somewhere between their former station 
 and present necessities. Secondly, Cosimo ennobled many popu- 
 lar families ; that is, he advanced them from the :Miu.;r to the 
 
 • Cavalcanti, Lil.. x., cap. xvi. an.l xx. — Ncrli,Commcnt.,T.ib. iii.— PLniotti, 
 
 — B«)ninse<:Tii, Meniorie .lolla Citta di Stnr. Tors., I.ib. iv., (y. x., p. oi. 
 
 Firenze,Lil.ro ii",p..56.— Murcl.iavclli, t Boninscgni, Lib. u., p. 01. 
 Lib. V. — Nardi, Istor. Fior., Lib. i". 
 
 CHAP. I.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 245 
 
 Major Arts, which amongst other advantages rendered them 
 eligible to more of the superior offices of state than before. 
 These citizens witliout shouldering the nobles and great Popo- 
 lani still rose above their former station and increased the 
 numbers of this detached class of society. Tliirdly, many other 
 great families although not forced to retire yet having in this 
 revolution lost political power and influence and being neces- 
 sarily excluded from public employment, soon found themselves 
 deserted by old adlierents ; wherefore they also dwindled to 
 comparative insignificance and augmented this new order of 
 citizens. Thus but few families remained who were not Cosimo 's 
 friends and creatures and many of these with diminished gi'eat- 
 ness, but all sul)servient. 
 
 The mainspring of sedition was also slackened by w^eakening 
 the great Popolani, diminishing their means of oppression, and 
 even their power of resistance to the people, of whom Cosimo 
 was the declared cham[)ion. The management of the former 
 was thus facilitated ; that of the latter became comparatively 
 easy because they were not generally ambitious to govern but 
 did look for quiet and protection ; and both these they had in 
 the beginnhig from Cosimo*. 
 
 So far, if we consider these results alone in comparison with 
 foregone times and independent of the severity that produced 
 them, Cosimo's advent to power was eminently beneficial, for 
 nothing could be worse than the former state of distraction in 
 Florence ; but to accomplish it the people were decimated. 
 " Better," exclaimed the hiexorable Cosimo to a friend who 
 expostulated with him on the exile of so many citizens and 
 noble families, by which said the latter "this city will be deso- 
 " lated," ''Better have a desolated than a lost city, and as to 
 " the dimbmtion of citizens,'' he contemptuously added ''there 
 " need he no alarm, for with seven or eight yards of scarlet we 
 " can daily make enough of them.'' Alluding to the scarlet 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxi., p. 1. — Giannotti, Lib. i., cap. v., p, 53. 
 
246 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY, 
 
 [book II. 
 
 cloaks worn in those days by Florentine citizens*. Cosimo 
 doubtless felt that a new system required new men, and men 
 who depended on his favour alone for their advancement ; hence 
 a number of Florentine families rose with the Medici from the 
 inferior trades to subsequent distinction, and even at that mo- 
 ment showed a strong front against the noble Popolani, who 
 were treated with such rigour that the ascendant faction feared 
 a general union amongst them in opposition to Cosimo. 
 
 To subdue them more effectuallv and at the same time con- 
 ciliate the ancient nobles their hereditaiy enemies, he restored, 
 as Albizzi had before proposed, almost all the latter to popular 
 rights, and amongst them the historian Cavalcanti. The few who 
 were excluded from this benefit remained in a more helpless con- 
 dition than before, for they were rendered ineligible to any ofBce 
 in the commonwealth ; and even the more fortunate of those 
 restored could not aspire to the Seignory for ten years. Thus by 
 a present benefit and the prospect of complete emancipation the 
 support of a powerful body was secured for ten years without im- 
 mediately clothing them in much or dangerous authority f . 
 
 This brief review it is hoped will help us to enter with more 
 facility on the second great epoch of Florentine histoiT, the 
 Medician ascendancy; for though the republic Listed nearly 
 a centurv in form and name and outward feature, and with its 
 institutions apparently untouched, its story becomes almost that 
 of the Medici ; and subsequently identified with it until the 
 extinction of that dynasty. 
 
 Cosimo became gonfalonier of justice for January and Feb- 
 ruary 1435, and his triuniiih as already said, was followed by 
 more than the usual number of exiles, admonitions, and pei^secu- 
 tions ; not from politics alone but from rapacity, cupidity, and 
 all the evil passions springing out of clanship and private in- 
 
 * Ammirato, Stor. Fiorent, Lib. xxi., — Ammirato, Stor. Fior., Lib.xxi., vol. 
 
 vol. iii., p. 4. — Bruto,StoriaFior., Lib. iii^ p. 4. — Cuvalcauti, Lib. x., cap. xx. 
 
 i., pp. 42, 43. — liinaldo as we have seen would have 
 
 f Ncrii, Commentarj, Lib. iii., p. 45. thus acted for the same puii)ose. 
 
 CHAP. I.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 247 
 
 fluence linked with power ambition and revenge. Some blood 
 too flowed, for during the gonfaloniership of Neri Capponi, in 
 1430, Antonio di Bernardo Guadagni and four other citizens 
 were decapitated. Amongst the latter were Zenobi Belfradelli, 
 Michele and Cosimo Barbadoro and Antonio Pierozzi, the three 
 first quitting their place of exile had gone to Venice and having 
 been found plotting with Pierozzi were to the disgrace of that 
 state delivered up to punishment at the demand of Florence 
 and unmercifully though not illegally executed *. Others were 
 condemned to death but saved by Cosimo who declared that he 
 would not have his gonfaloniership stained with blood; but 
 many of the possessions belonging to the opposite faction were 
 sold at a low price to his partisans and this gave fresh zest to 
 persecution f . 
 
 On the other hand the Alberti and all others banished by the 
 Albizzi were recalled ; the name of eveiy suspected person was 
 removed from the i»urses and replaced by that of a partisan ; 
 all judges of life and death were exclusively chosen from the 
 chiefs of the ascendancy, and a decree passed against any exile's 
 return after his term was expired unless thirty-four out of 
 thirty-seven votes were favourable in a government of the most 
 deadly enemies ! All correspondence with exiles was for- 
 bidden ; every sign, every custom, eveiy word, that displeased 
 the nding faction was severely punished ; and where no cause 
 existed for persecution the parties were ruined by contribu- 
 tions levied expressly for that purpose ; so that ere long the 
 whole of their antagonists were either beheaded exiled or iniined 
 by Cosimo's party, besides those that died in banishment. And to 
 hold all suspected persons in terror, power over life and property 
 was given to the Otto della Guardia who were authorised to 
 punish not only overt acts of sedition but any intemperate ex- 
 pressions displeasing to Cosimo and his supporters. 
 
 For external security alliances were formed with Rome, 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxi., p. 7, vol. iii. f Cavalcanti, Lib. x., cap. xx., p. 619. 
 
248 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 Milan, and Venice; peace having been signed and a league 
 made in August 1435, between those powers, under an engage- 
 ment that if any one of them waged war on another all three 
 powers were immediately to attack the aggressor ; all other con- 
 ditions remaining as before this outbreak. 
 
 Thus were the lives and happiness of whole nations sacrificed ! 
 War was not felt by sovereigns or by soldiei's ; the poor alone 
 suffered : two armies manoeuvred, encountered, stniggled a 
 while as if for exercise in almost pre-concerted movements ; and 
 then one dispersed : prisoners were taken, examined, and ran- 
 somed, and the adjacent countrj^ plundered ; the dwellings 
 burned, the han-ests ruined, and the people murdered ! And 
 thus ended war, without gain or glory ! And then came peace 
 with general impoverishment and no security ! 
 
 Two rival schools of anns occupied Italy at this period : the 
 *' Braccesca,'' or those who had learned war under Braccio da 
 Montoni, and the " S/orzesca " or the pupils of his rival the 
 first Sforza. At the head of tlie latter was his son the cele- 
 brated Francis Sforza afterwards Duke of Milan ; and Niccolo 
 Piccinini and Fortebraccio, a nephew of the elder l^raccio, were 
 chiefs of the former*. To one or other of these schools all the 
 various bands of condottieri attached themselves but that of 
 Sforza from his expected marriage with Bianca Visconti was in 
 most favour, yet Sforza became the General of Florence while 
 Piccinino remained faithful to Milan ! About the beginning of 
 1435, and during the gonfaloniership of Cosimo de' Medici 
 Giovanna II. Queen of Naples died and left her kingdom to 
 P^egnier Duke of Anjou, but Alphonso or Alonso King of Ara- 
 gon then in Sicily and invited by the barons, attempted to get 
 possession of the throne. The lords of Anjou s party demanded 
 Visconte's assistance and under his auspices a Genoese squadron 
 defeated and captured Alphonso, his son, and nine galleys in 
 July off the island of Ponza after a battle that lasted from sun- 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxi., p. 12. 
 
 CHAP. I. J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 249 
 
 A.D. 1436. 
 
 rise to smiset, the captives were sent by Philip's desire to Milan 
 and Alphonso soon convinced him that his tme policy was to 
 keep the French out of Italy instead of assisting a prince of 
 that nation to establish himself there. Philip became his 
 friend and gave him his liberty without ransom, at which the 
 Genoese, who hated Alphonso, were so indignant that they 
 revolted from Milan, and under Francesco Spinola succeeded 
 in regaining their independence : an offer of their alliance was 
 made to Florence who accepted it, and by so doing 
 irritated Visconte and induced him to listen to some 
 propositions of Rinaldo degli Albizzi ^-. His anger was further 
 inflamed at seeing Genoa admitted in May 1436 as a member 
 of the confederacy by both Venetians and Florentines and sup- 
 plies of men furnished her in consequence : this breach of the 
 league was justified in the opinion of those states by Philip's 
 attack on Alphonso, because according to its conditions he was 
 not to interfere in Neapolitan politics f . 
 
 But wheresoever lay the right, war seemed inevitable espe- 
 cially as Rinaldo was at Visconte's elbow exasperating him 
 against Florence, w^here as he asserted, a strong party of mal- 
 contents were ready to support him : Philip had already sent 
 Piccinino against Genoa with subsequent instructions to harass 
 Florence as if on his own account in order to encourage the 
 malcontents, and this republic opposed Cristofono da Lavello 
 the Milanese commander, first by Taliano and afterwards, when 
 Piccinino entered Lucca in the beginning of October, by Sforza 
 himself The latter 's head-quarters were about Pontedera ; 
 Piccinino demanded a passage for his troops towards Naples 
 where Luigi del Vermo had already gone, which being refused he 
 haughtily threatened to force his way ; whereupon Sforza ad- 
 vanced and being nearly matched they remahied watching each 
 
 * Costanzo, Ist. di Napoli, Lib. xv. Comtn, Rer. Ital. Scrip., torn, xviii., 
 and xvi., vols, ii" and iii*'. — Muratori, p. 1184. — Ammirato, Lib. xxi., p. 3. 
 Annali, Anno 1435. — Neri Cappoui, f Ammirato, Lib. xxi., p. 6. 
 
250 
 
 FLORENTINE UISTORY. 
 
 [boo!: ii. 
 
 A.D. 1437. 
 
 Other until the twenty-second of December when Xiccolo 
 began hostilities by scouring the countiy, tiiking Santa Maria 
 di Castello, and linally investing Barga. llorence who at the 
 pope's request had hitherto avoided breaking the peace, now 
 sent troops to defend that place and rcpidsed the ]\rilanese 
 with some dishonour to their general under tlic walls of IJarga 
 in Febi-uary 1437 *. This victory at which Xeri 
 Capponi commanded the Fk)rentines under Sforza, 
 forced Piccinino to retreat and saved the mountain of Pistoia 
 from devastation. 
 
 In April with nine thousand men and a hundred war-cars 
 and bombards he invested Santa Maria in ( a^tello and planting 
 one of these engines (which cast a stone (.f 5:>0 lb. troy) against 
 it he in four shots brought down a strong tower from its base 
 and the place surrendered. Piccinino hearing of these things and 
 seeing his troops wasted, retired to Lombardy where he was 
 more wanted against the Venetians f. iVfter this Sforza and 
 Neri Cajiponi made rapid progress : Camaiore, ]\Ias^a, Viareggio, 
 Carrara, Moneta, Lavenza, and Sarzana successively fell : the 
 siege of Monte Carlo was begini and the place soon reduced ; all 
 the Lucchese contado was wasted ; the citizens of Lucca wanted 
 provisions but were stout in defence of liberty ; and neither the 
 destruction of their com, the cutting down of vines olives and 
 other fruit trees, the plunder of cattle, nor the conllagration of 
 villas and hamlets could induce them to think for a moment of 
 yieldmg. Meanwhile Venice had taken up the war in Lom- 
 bardy, but disgusting her capttun the Marquis of ^Mantua he 
 resigned, and strong apjdications were made for Sforza : this 
 was an awkward demand ; for trusting to the Venetians fuiding 
 work for Visconte beyond the Po the Florentines had resolved 
 to renew their designs on Lucca whose reception of Piccinino 
 gave them a fair pretext ; but the real reason of this design 
 was Cosimo's ambition to illustrate his government witli some- 
 
 • Neri Capponi, pp. 11J54-45. — Ammirato, Lib. xx., p. 8. 
 + Neri Capponi, p. 11 85. 
 
 I 
 
 It 
 
 CHAP. l] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 251 
 
 thin^ as brilliant and beneficial to Florence as the conquest of 
 Pisa under that of the Albizzi*. 
 
 Sforza who had long aspired to something al)ove a mere con- 
 dottiere became intimate with Cosimo by whose support and 
 the favour of his promised bride he hoped to share some of the 
 Duke of jNIilan s territory if not liis whole dukedom as the 
 latter had no legitimate issue : knowing however that fear alone 
 brought forth the promise and that fear alone would secure its 
 performance, he determined by an apparent union with Vis- 
 conte's enemies, but not drawn too closely, to keep himself in a 
 formidable position with respect to Philip, yet free enough to 
 chan'^e when his own hiterest required it. For this reason he 
 had stipulated with Florence not to cross the Po, and she was 
 more unwilling to part with him at the moment of her projected 
 conquest because there was reason to believe that Venice was 
 against it : nevertheless the Florentines, fearful of driving 
 her to a reconciliation with Visconte wlio would then assist 
 Lucca, determined to comply when Sforza had reduced all the 
 Lucchese strongholds ; but to gain his own consent was also 
 necessary, and this he was urged to give in a private letter to the 
 Seignory, by which Venice would be quieted and Sforza himself 
 not bound to more than he wished, as a private promise could 
 never annul a public treaty. His <'onquests therefore contmued 
 unmtennipted until the whole Lucchese territoiy was subdued 
 and Lucca itself so closely blockaded that all supplies were 
 stopped : in October he met tlie Venetian deputies at Pteggio, 
 refused to make war beyond the Po and returned to Tuscany : 
 here however he became ecpudly restive and refused to stir 
 against Lucca unless Florence procm'ed his arrears of pay due 
 from Venice : Cosimo from his extreme popularity hi that capital 
 was chosen as ambassador on this service and he went the more 
 willingly from his anxiety to conquer Lucca f. 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxi.,p. 9. — Ibid, pp. 8, 10, 11. 
 f Ammirato, Lib. xxi., pp. D, 10. 
 
252 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [hook 11. 
 
 CHAP. I.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 253 
 
 But though honoured as an exile he failed as an envoy be- 
 cause Venice had already dismissed Sforza for refusing 
 
 A.D. 1438. " ^ 
 
 to pass the Po and denied him his salary : the Floren- 
 tines however would have paid this as well as their own share, 
 hut he also wanted the support of Venice and she refused both : 
 Sforza then threatened to join Philip whose offers were large, 
 and again was Cosimo employed, hut with as little success, so 
 he repaired to Ferrara and entreated the pontiff's interference. 
 Giuliano Davanzani succeeded him, but Venice was still inexo- 
 rable and Sforza joined Visconte in March 143><. In the follow- 
 ing April he was the mediator of a peace between Florence, 
 Milan, and Lucca by which the latter was left free with a circuit 
 of six miles aud Florence kept her conquests. The dulve was 
 moreover bound not to meddle with the affiiii's of Tuscanv or 
 Romagna by his agreement with Sforza, who feared for Ids o^vn 
 dominions in the latter neidibourhood ; but by a strataffem of 
 Piccinuio and an affected quarrel with Philip the pope was de- 
 ceived, and Visconte "s troops overran all that country his object 
 being to insidate the Venetians and recover Brescia and Ber- 
 gamo*. Florence and Sforza, whom Philip had been deceiving 
 throughout, were astounded at this sudden outbreak, and in 
 1439 their connexions with Venice were renewed and prepara- 
 tions made for a fresh war against the Duke of ^lilan f . Tliis 
 went on languidly until Xeri Capponi pei-suaded Sforza 
 to cross the Po in June when a brisk trial of skill took 
 place between him and Piccinino : Sforza was baffled in his 
 attempts to relieve Brescia but gave his adversary- a complete 
 discomfiture at Teima on the Lago di Gardo in November. Pic- 
 cinino escaped in a sack carried on the back of a strong soldier 
 and then with wonderful activity rallying a few troops, fell 
 suddenly on Verona and captured the town : three citadels 
 remained and Sforza promised to recover it if only one held 
 
 * Poggio, Lib. vii., pp. 208, 9, 10. — Neii Capponi, p. 1187.— Aramirato, Lib- 
 xxi., p. 13. •}- Ammirato, Lib. xxi., pp. 13, 14. 
 
 out : he performed this promise, and the allies retired to winter 
 
 quaiters*. 
 
 Cosimo again became gonfalonier of justice for the two first 
 months of 1439, and his official dignity was made illustrious by 
 the removal of the pope and council of Fen-ara to Florence : Eu- 
 genius had taken up his residence at Bologna in 1430 and could 
 no longer bear the insolent encroachments of the council of 
 Basle wliich in 1437 had not only summoned him to appear 
 before it as a culprit but in November 1439 created Amadous 
 Duke of Savoy, (who had abdicated the throne and turned monk) 
 a pope under the name of Felix V. Previous to this however, 
 having been driven by the plague from Ferrara, and Bologna 
 being in Piccinino's hands he removed to Florence accom- 
 panied by the Greelv Emperor John Pala^ologus and the Patri- 
 arch, with a large suite of ecclesiastics, for the purpose of healing 
 the schism between the eastern and western chm'ches : the 
 Arminians were at the same time reconciled and many car- 
 dhials created from all nations to correct the baneful influence 
 of an anti-pope f . 
 
 In 1440 Philip resolved to defend Lombardy by carrj'ing war 
 beyond the Apennines hito Tuscany and La Marca; to this he 
 was urged not only by Piccinino but by Kinaldo degli ^^ ^^^^^ 
 Albizzi's strong representations of the hitenial state of 
 Florence which he assured him was ready to receive the exiles with 
 open arms if strongly sujiported % Besides this, the Patriarch 
 of Alexandria, Giovanni Vitelleschi who governed the pope, a 
 cmel unscrupulous man notorious for his ambition, love of war 
 and licentiousness ; commanded his lU'my with absolute power 
 throughout the ecclesiastical states. This man commenced an 
 inti-igue with Visconti apparently through hatred of Sforza 
 who had defeated him in La Marca ; and because both Vene- 
 
 ♦ Poggio, J Ah. vii, p. '2-3:).— Aniniirato, Lib. xxi., p. 18, &c\ 
 
 t Muratori. Aniiali. — Amniirato, Lib. xxi., pp. lt>, '21. 
 
 t Cavalcanti, Lib. xiii., cap. ii. 
 
 ^ 
 
254 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [nooK II. 
 
 tians mid Florentines had incurred his anger ; the latter by 
 her conduct towards All.izzi, and tlie other exiles whose safety 
 he had guaranteed ; but he had also cheated both Venice and 
 Florence and hated them for complaining to Eugenius who 
 Bhowed him their letter which Vitelleschi wa^ not the man to 
 leave long unanswered. He therefore offered to join Piccinino 
 with all his forces, and as Poggio asserts and others believed, 
 even intended to mui'dcr Eugenius himself and seize on the 
 keys of Heaven*. 
 
 These tilings determined Philip : and Piccinino accordingly 
 crossed the Po in February with sLx thousand horse to form a 
 junction with Manfredi of Faenza and then proceed into Tus- 
 cany. Neri Capponi and Davanzati heard of this mnx ement at 
 Ferrara on their way to Venice and gave instant notice of it to 
 government : the Seignoiy referred them to Sforza whose pre- 
 sence was anxiously desired ; but still their instmctions were 
 not to urge him against his omi judgment as Florence could 
 manage without +. The two ambassadors joined the \^enetians 
 in pressing him against his own inclinations to remain, as Gat- 
 tamelata his heutenant had lately become paralvtic and there 
 was nobody to succeed him. Sforza in fact knew and suspected 
 Vitelleschi and therefore trembled for the fate of La :\Jarca and 
 his other possessions ; and the conjuncture became still more 
 dangerous by the defection of the :\lalatesti who joined Piccinino 
 after receiving the pay of Florence for a thousand men-at-arms ; 
 moreover, the Marquis of Estes son joined Philip Visconte 
 with all his followers although already paid bv Floren.e, scorn- 
 fully telling her officers that they might deduct tlio amount 
 from his father's shares in their national fmids. To make up 
 for all this, intercepted letters in cipher were brought, or said 
 to have been brought from Montepulciano which revealed 
 though indistinctly all Vitelleschis treacherv, and Euca Pitti 
 
 » Muratori, Annali. — Poggio, Lib. vii., pp. 2'2?,-U. 
 t Auimirato, Lib. xxi., p. 22. 
 
 CIUP. I.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 255 
 
 was instantly despatched to Pome with orders from Eugenius 
 to Antonio lledo captain of Saint Angelo to take him alive or 
 dead. This was no easy task, but it was effected by stratagem 
 and the cardinal received a deep wound during the scuffle: 
 while the surgeon was in the act of probhig it Luca Pitti as 
 Ammirato tells us, struck the instrument into his brain and 
 he expired on the spot ! Others say he was poisoned, and others 
 again that his life was tidvcn ditlln-ently ; but he was promptly 
 removed in some maviuor, to the great relief of his holiness 
 and of Florence-. 
 
 The pope "s physician who was patriarch of A(|uilea then took 
 charge of the army which instantly inarched to the defence of 
 Tuscany with six thousand men of all arms and this event de- 
 cided Sforza, so, with some remahiing anxiety for La Marca, he 
 detached a thousand men-at-arms under Neri Capponi to reeu- 
 force the Florentines. Meanwhile Niccolo Piccimno after a 
 repulse in the mountain pass of San Benedetto as he attempted 
 to enter Tuscany by the M-jiitone, tried the equally strong one 
 of Marradi which might have been as easily defended ; but 
 Bartolomnieo Orlandini who commanded there with absolute 
 power as Florentine commissary fled shamefully before him and 
 left all the Mugello and even Florence itself open to his armsf. 
 Excm-sions were immediately made as far as Fiesole and over 
 those hills to Ponte-a-Sievc and Pemoli ; and some soldiers 
 even crossed the Arno, so that cattle and peasantiy were driven 
 in to Florence for shelter. 
 
 While the country was thus exposed all within Florence was 
 quiet, the lower classes were attached to Cosimo and the inte- 
 rests of the great were identified with him, so that the malcon- 
 tents did not raise a finger although Pdnaldo and almost all the 
 
 * Nardi, Stor. Fior., Lib. i", p. 1 1.— t Neri Capponi, p. 1193.— Ammirato, 
 
 Cavaloanti, Lib. xiv., cap. iii.— Mura- Lib. xxi., i)p. 23, 4, .5.— Poggio, Lib. 
 
 tori, Annali.— Ammirato, Lib. xxi., p. vii., p. 22.'».— Cavalcanti, Lib. xiii., 
 
 23.— Poggio, Lib. vii., p. 228-9. cap. i., ii., iii., iv.— Macchiavelli, Lib. v. 
 
256 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 exiles were in Piccinino's army*. Nevertheless apprehensions 
 of every kind were rife in the city, and it was at first be- 
 lieved that the peasantry and rural town-population would 
 through rebel influence deliver the strong places into his 
 hands, because throughout those classes any appearance of 
 civic commotion spread great joy and they considered them- 
 selves the more fortunate in proportion as greater discord 
 reigned in the capital. Their popukr saying was, that " War 
 amongst the wolves f/ave quiet to the lambs ''\. Such was 
 the gentle rule of that republican government over its rural 
 subjects ! Again, a rising of the internal malcontents if Picci- 
 nino were to attack the town would have proved a serious and 
 almost irrepai-able disaster and hence, though terror reigned in 
 their hearts, the government assumed a firm aspect and did 
 not even show the force they really had in the city lest the 
 people should discover then* alarm and the disaffected gather 
 courage to revolt. Arms were denied with equal fiimness to 
 the people lest the sword, if once drawn, might not so easily 
 retmTi to the scal)bard : those conscious of midue severity were 
 now most cowardly while the lesser tyrants acted with prudent 
 boldness. 
 
 JVlicheletto was recalled from La Marca; Pietro Gian-Paulo 
 Orsmi posted at the gate of San Gallo ; Niccolo (xambacorta 
 da Pisa who had repulsed Piccinmo at San Benedetto, and 
 Pietro Torello occupied Borgo San Sepolcro, and eveiy other 
 measure of present safety was adopted by them. Cosimo de' 
 Medici prepared for the worst and expected a second exile. 
 *' It is better for the republic," said he, " that I should go, 
 than subject the citizens to such peril." And so strong was 
 tliis resolve, that Xeri Capponi, according to Cavalcanti, (though 
 the former does not himself mention it) hastened before day- 
 light to the gate of San Gallo which being shut, he called out 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xiii., p. 24. 
 t •* La gucna clc' lupi genera paci intra gli agnelli." 
 
 CHAP. I.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 257 
 
 to the warder to tell Orsini from him that he must be careful of 
 his own honour * and the people's safety for Niccolo and all his 
 men were near the gates ; but above all things he was to have a 
 hundred horse ready for Cosimo's security alone. And this 
 alarm, says Cavalcanti, arose from Cosimo's consciousness of 
 the wicked deeds that had been done by others in his name, 
 and which he was either constrained unreservedly to approve, 
 or shut his eyes upon ; for all his remonstrances were 
 met by the fact that these people had restored him to his 
 country and that he was beholden to them, not they to him, ; 
 and thus was he compelled to sanction in silence their wicked 
 domgs. The alternative was plain to an honest man. but Co 
 simo did not choose to take it ; for ambition in him was stronger 
 than virtue, independence, or humanity. Audacity, fear, and 
 severity, divided public opinion and made confusion in their 
 councils: some wished to imprison all suspected persons: 
 others to come to terms with the enemy ; others again to re- 
 store the exiles and send Piccinhio away in peace : there was 
 no unanimity until Puccio Pucci, seeing the danger, rose and 
 in an animated speech restored spirit and confidence to the 
 government ; and Pietro Paulo Orsini was finally appointed to 
 the supreme military command +. 
 
 Tired of this trifling wai-^ire and seeing no prospect of sig- 
 nahsing himself in the Mugello the Milanese general accepted 
 an invitation from Francesco di Battifolli Count of Poppi to 
 occupy the Casentino, and passed into that province with his 
 whole army. This branch of the Guidi family had almost 
 always been staunch adherents of Florence, and Francesco 
 himself was at the very time her commissary for the Casen- 
 tino : he was an intimate friend of Rinaldo's, and yet was said 
 to have betrothed his beautiful daughter Gualdrada to Cosimo's 
 son Piero : after having consented to this marriage, Cosimo as 
 
 * Orsini was at this moment very un- t Cavalcanti, Storia, Lib. xiii., cap. vii.; 
 justly suspected by the citizens. Lib. xiv., cap. xxiv. 
 
 VOL. III. S 
 
258 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 we are told, was persuaded by Neri Capponi and other citizens; 
 who dreaded such alliances with feudal lords and strangers ; 
 to break the engagement, and so made a bitter enemy of Count 
 Francesco di Poppi *. However this may be his reasons were 
 private and his anger led to dishonour and to ruin. 
 
 Bibbiena and Romena were soon captui'ed by Piccinino, 
 the latter with retaliative cruelty, and all the Casentino occu- 
 pied. San Niccolo on the Solano, a tributary of the Arno near 
 Poppi, was closely besieged and eveiy intercepted fugitive 
 thrown back into it from the '' BriccoW or Catapults; but 
 under the gallant Morello it held out for one-and-thirty days 
 and only surrendered on the twenty-fifth of May when ever}' 
 means of defence were exhausted. 
 
 Morello had been a poor inhabitant of Poppi where his 
 mother was still living at the time of the siege : he had also been 
 wild in youth, had disobeyed the law, and became a banished 
 man ; but attracted by the militaiy pomp which he beheld in 
 all directions, like the first Sforza he quitted the mattock and 
 gave himself to arms. His reputation must have been good, 
 for the " Ten of War"' had intrusted him with the protection 
 of San Niccolo and a garrison of a hundred and twenty men, 
 and he perfonned his task most gallantly. At length the 
 Count of Poppi bethought him of an expedient. He sent the 
 aged mother of Morello bound in cords and chains as a culprit 
 close under the walls of San Niccolo and offered her life to him 
 with honours, and rewai'ds, and restoration to his country, it 
 he would only surrender the castle. In this tiying moment 
 the young man gave a noble yet fearful answer : he felt that 
 no private interest should shake his allegiance to the countiy 
 or obstruct his duty as a soldier, and said ; " Life is short even 
 " to the young, to the old still shorter ; but a good name is 
 *' everlasting ; wherefore I choose eternal fume rather than 
 *' prolong the few remauiing days of an aged mother. Go buck 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxi., pp. 24, 25. 
 
 i'HAP. I.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 259 
 
 " and tell the Count that I would rather he continued to live 
 " an unjust and cruel man than I should be called a traitorous 
 *' and a cowardly one "*. 
 
 The defence of this post gave full time for preparation in 
 Florence, and Piccinino after wasting the summer without any 
 real advantage ; after failing to acquire the Seignoiy of Perugia, 
 and to get possession of Cortona by treacheiy, and Citta di 
 Castello by force ; was suddenly recalled into Lombardy where 
 Sforza's success overcame all Visconti's opposition. The pajoal 
 army had now aiiived under Lodovico Patriarch of Aquilea and 
 the whole allied force amounted to about nine thousand men 
 of all arms nominally commanded by Piero Gian-Paulo Orsini, 
 who had orders not to molest Piccinino in his retreat. The 
 latter was eager for battle to counterpoise a recent victory 
 gained by Sforza between Orci and Soncino on the fourteenth 
 of June, after having relieved Brescia and crossed the Mincio, 
 besides numerous other advantages over the Milanese general f. 
 
 The Florentines had occupied Anghiari a town about four 
 imles distant from Borgo San Sepolcro on the opposite side of 
 the Tiber and on a low range of hills dividing the valleys of the 
 Sovara and that river. Picchiino was aware that but little dis- 
 cipline existed in the enemy's army, and much disagreement 
 between the three commanders, Micheletto Attendolo, Orsini, 
 and the Patriarch of Aquilea : he also knew that it was their 
 custom to remain under arms until noontide while their forasr- 
 ing parties were out, and then to disperse and amuse themselves 
 without any attention to discipline : wherefore he settled to 
 advance in the afternoon accompanied by two thousand of the 
 inhabitants of San Sepolcro who joined for the sake of pillage. 
 
 On the twenty-ninth of June as Micheletto was reconnoitre- 
 ing the country towards Borgo Sun Sepolcro he observed a light 
 
 * Neri Capponi, Comment., p. 1193. Poggio, Lib. viii., p. 234.— Sismondi 
 — Cavalcanti, Lib.xiv. cap. xv. vol. vi., chap. Ixix., p. 384. 
 
 t Corio, Parte v., folio 33i)-340.— 
 
 S 2 
 
260 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II, 
 
 and distant dust which gradually increasing convinced him 
 that Piccinino was at hand ; immediately giving the alarm he 
 hastened with his own division to occupy a bridge in front of 
 the position which he foresaw would be the principal point of 
 contention. This bridge crossed the torrent Gora* whose 
 banks were steep, and protected the whole front of the allies : 
 Micheletto's promptitude gave time for arming and placing the 
 troops in order of battle : their position was on the right bank 
 of the torrent to the right and left of Miclicletto who remained 
 as a centre. Orsini occupied the latter station with the Flo- 
 rentine army and commissaries Neri Capponi and Bemar- 
 detto de' Medici. The Patriarch and his army formed the 
 right wing, and the infantry were posted along the steep banks 
 of the Gora to protect the flanks in case the enemy's cavalry 
 succeeded in crossing it beyond them. This disposition was 
 scarcely completed when Piccinino's advanced guard charged 
 furiously on the bridge but were driven back with great gal- 
 lantly Tmore troops came up, charge after charge followed \di\i 
 various success ; sometimes the allies were borne completely 
 back and the battle raged in the plain ; at others the Milanese 
 were driven amongst ditches and inclosures on the other side 
 where they necessarily fought at a disadvantage, and could not 
 handle their cavalry in large bodies ; while on the Florentine 
 part all had been fairiy levelled before the action, so that 
 when driven back they could quickly form in masses and 
 charge the unformed chivalr}^ of Milan ; most of the conflict was 
 on the latter ground. The battle was obstinately contested 
 for four hours until towards sunset, when the Milanese fatigued 
 with the march and conflict, and overcome with heat, began to 
 flag : then suddenly a strong wind rose from the liills which 
 blowing clouds of dust in their faces obstructed both breath 
 and sight and they gave way : retreat soon became flight, the 
 
 • Sismondi savs the Tiber, but this polcro ; and no other writer speaks 
 could not be;' because that bridge is of tlic battle being on the Tiber; but 
 only a mile from the Borgo San Sc- under Anykiari. 
 
 CHAP. I.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 261 
 
 whole army dispersed, and Piccinino under great difficulties 
 escaped with a thousand horse to San Sepolcro. 
 
 The success of this battle, fought on the feast of St. Peter 
 and St. Paul, was attributed to those apostles, and Piccinino s 
 defeat to his desecration of that holy day : according to Neri 
 Capponi twenty- two out of twenty -six chiefs of squadrons were 
 captured, ^vith four hundred men-at-arms and lifteen hundred 
 and forty citizens of San Sepolcro, besides three thousand 
 horses. Macchiavelli startles us by asserting that only one 
 man was killed and he by a fall ; and his great authority Ca- 
 valcanti, barely alludes to the action without giving any details ; 
 but others with more proliability say that sixty were killed and 
 four hundred wounded, besides the loss of six hundred horses 
 on both sides ; and moreover that many fell by artillery *. 
 This victory in consequence of the usual want of discipline was 
 not immediately followed up and Piccinino escaped : prisoners 
 were pillaged, ransomed, and released, by which that general 
 recovered some of his finest veterans, and in despite of all the 
 exertions of the Florentine commissaries, seconded by Orsini 
 alone, the army remained intent on securing its plunder and 
 no gi'eat luirt was done to Visconte but Tuscany was saved ; 
 for if this battle had been lost that state must have remained 
 at the mercy of Piccinino f . 
 
 Rinaldo degli Albizzi and the other exiles seeing their hopes 
 blasted dispersed into various countries ; he retired to Ancona, 
 thence went in pilgrimage to Palestine and died suddenly at 
 Ancona after his return while assisting at the festivities of 
 his daughter s wedding. The Florentines soon reduced all 
 Casentino to obedience, delivered over Borgo San Sepolcro to 
 the pope, besieged and took Poppi, and sent Count Francesco 
 with his whole family and as much property as they could carry 
 
 * Cagnola, Storia di Milano, p. 54. — Lib. viii., p. 231, to p. 236. — Ammirato, 
 
 Gio. Cambi, p. 22.9. — Sismondi, vol. Lib. xxi., p. 20 to 28. — Neri Capponi, 
 
 vi., p. 380. — Cavalcanti, Lib. xiv.,cap. p. 1195. 
 
 xxxiii, — Macchiavelli, Lib. v. — Poggio, f Ammirato, Lib. xxi., p. 29. 
 
262 
 
 FI.ORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [bo 
 
 i'K II. 
 
 A.D. 1441. 
 
 to "wander the wide world over after having enjoyed that fief for 
 five hundred years *. 
 
 The victorious army then entered Piomagua, where ^Vlalatesta 
 had returned to his ecclesiastical allegiance and alliance \vith 
 Florence, and took Dovadola, Baguacavallo and INIassa Loni- 
 barda. Philip began once more to talk of peace to which all 
 tlie other parties were inclined, and even put his daughter into 
 the hands of the ^lanpiis of Ferrara as a pledge of his sincerity 
 to Sforza f. Nevertheless peace was yet disttuit, :uk1 the death 
 of Cosimo's brother Lorenzo was the only event that siguidised 
 the remainder of the year 1440. 
 
 Meanwhile Sforza mistmsting Philip's peaceable language 
 did not relcLX his warlike attitude, nor was Venice more 
 anxious for a peace while her general was adding con- 
 quest to conquest. Piccininos arrival and ra[)id organisation 
 of a new anny of ten thousand men stopped Sforza from pass- 
 ing the Adda ; he therefore attacked the ]Mar(pus of Mantua 
 and took Peschiera, a fortress of great vahie to Venice as it 
 ruled the communications between Verona and l>rescia. While 
 at Venice in Febmaiy 1441, he was suddenly called away in 
 the midst of negotiations for peace by the defeat of a detachment 
 of his army at Cluari by Piccinino, who simultaneously spread 
 a report that Sforza bemg suspected by W'uice would speedily 
 suffer the fate of Carmagnola ; on this Sforza hastened to reassure 
 his army but his best officer Sari)ellione had already gone over 
 with three hundred men to the enemy. As socn as the season 
 peimitted he crossed the Oglio and besieged ^Nlartinengo a 
 fortress that cut otf all communications between Brescia and 
 Bergamo ; here Piccinino out-generalled him ; for throwing a 
 thousand men into the beleaguered town he took up a position 
 about a mile distant which completely blocked up Sforza's line of 
 retreat and was far too strong to be forced. Sforza was thus 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxi., p. 31. — Poggio, f Pog^o, Lib. viii., p. 238. — Animi- 
 Lib. viii., p. 237. rato, Lib. xxi., p. 32. 
 
 cnw. !•] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 263 
 
 cauf^ht in a trap and shut up with thirty thousand souls in 
 his camp ; his troops being principally heavy-armed cavalry 
 could do little against Piccinino's strong hitrenchments ; pro- 
 visions be^an to fail ; the foragers were forced to spread to an 
 immense distance and generally fought for or lost their provi- 
 sions; every hour of every night new alarms occurred; the sol- 
 diers were half-sturved and exhausted in mind and body; even 
 Sforza himself was sinking into despondency and prepared to 
 force his wav out at all risks, when in the middle of the night 
 Antonio Guidabuna di Tortona a friend of his own and con- 
 fidant of Philip s was unexpectedly announced as the har- 
 binger of safety -'• ! 
 
 Piccinino on seeing that his prey was secure had written to 
 Philip and reminded him that after long and fiiithful service 
 and severe wounds he had not in his old age, cut and crippled 
 as he was, even a single castle as a recompense or place of 
 repose : but that now as he had brought the war to a crisis the 
 enemy's captain and army being in his hands and that Philip 
 might make himself king of Italy ; he asked for the lordship 
 of Piacenza and other places, and if not deemed worthy 
 of this, demanded his dismission. A request, made at such 
 a moment and in such a manner exasperated Visconte, who 
 was already excited by the insolent claims of his other captains : 
 Louis de San Severino asking for Novara; Louis del Verme 
 for Tortona; Taliano Furlano, for Bosco and Figaruolo in the 
 territor}^ of Alexandria, and all the rest expecting similar 
 rewards. Wherefore sooner than submit to such exactions 
 Visconte preferred the advancing and honouring of Sforza 
 and making peace with his allies, the Venetian and Floren- 
 tine republics f . 
 
 * Cagnola, Storia Milanese, Lib. iii°, 57.— Macchiavelli, Lib. vi.— Ammi- 
 
 p. 56.— Poggio, Lib. viii., p. 241-2 — rato, Lib. xxi., p. 35.— Poggio, Lib. 
 
 Ammirato, Lib. xxi., p. 34-5. viii., p. 241-2.— Sismondi, vol. vi., p. 
 
 + Corio,Stor. Milan.,Parte v%folio 342. 392. 
 —Cagnola, Stor. Milan., Lib. iii°, p. 
 
264 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 After relating these facts Antonio Guidabona at once offered 
 Sforza on Philip's part, his daughter Bianca in marriage ; the 
 delivery into his hands as pledges of sincerity several places 
 which had been taken by Piccinino beginning with Martinengo ; 
 and constituting Sforza himself arbiter of the peace which was 
 now proffered. This was a joyful change for that general who 
 unhesitatingly accej)ted the conditions and in the morning an- 
 nounced to the Venetian Procuratore Malipiero at his levee that 
 a truce was made, and convinced him of the imprudence of wait- 
 ing for the senate's approbation to conclude the treaty. The 
 result was that Sforza received the beautiful and accomplished 
 Bianca Visconte in marriage with Cremona and Pontreraoli as 
 her portion; and in November 1441 dictated a peace as urn- 
 pire in the town of Capriana where the ambassadors of the 
 belligerent states had assembled. The Duke of Milan, Venice, 
 Florence, and Genoa ; the Pope and the Marquis of Mantua were 
 all reestablished in their former rights and boundaries as they 
 existed before the wai', with some exceptions to the disadvan- 
 tage of the two latter who were the only parties discontented 
 with Sforza 's decision. The pope was angry at not recovering 
 those places in Romagna which Visconte held, yet Sforza was 
 at one moment going to cede Bologna, but Philip would not 
 consent because as was believed, he wanted it as point of dis- 
 pute thereafter. Thus another period of blood and desolation 
 terminated, and the peasant's son mounted a step nearer to the 
 throne of Milan *. 
 
 Cosimo was now complete lord of Florence ; she had been in 
 the market and he purchased her ; but those who had no benefit 
 from the sale and saw their liberty toni from them brooded in 
 silence over their fete though they feared to give a tongue to 
 their reflections; they were indignant at seeing the whole 
 power of the commonwealth wielded by one alone, although 
 without ostentation and under the forms of liberty ; from one 
 
 * Poggio, Lib. viii., p. 242.~Sismon(li, vol. vL, p. 394-5. 
 
 CHAP. I.] 
 
 FLOBENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 265 
 
 alone, says Bruto, proceeded laws, judgments, magistrates ; a 
 smgle man regulated the pubhc rights, the scrutinies, the mu- 
 nicipal affairs, war, peace, and everything : he overawed the 
 patriotic with the terror of his punishments and gained the bad 
 by his rewards ; and all tliis lest a free voice should be heard 
 amongst a free people to demand the reestablishment of ancient 
 privileges. But in the midst of all, what moved them most to 
 anf^er was the calm and specious show of moderation and mo- 
 desty which belied those virtues, in order to hide enormous 
 power and blhid the intellects of deluded citizens. 
 
 Thus Cosimo remained lord of the city, and beyond it no 
 name was heard but his ; yet to temper this dominion, he not 
 only overlooked all the wickedness of his adherents and became 
 a sure rewarder of their services but affected no unusual state 
 that could tell of bygone liberty and offend his countiymen : no 
 guards, no mace-bearers, no pages, no attendants, no following 
 in the public places ; no courtiers were seen to frequent his 
 palace or await his movements : Cosimo went forth a private 
 citizen, alone, unattended, confident ; but he had first cleared 
 his way by the sweeping besom of destruction =!'. His fault was 
 in the detennination to enslave his comitry ; after this he had 
 no other course. But not content with thus influencing the 
 republic, he was jealous of any other man's popularity; and 
 especially that of Xeri di Gino Capponi, a citizen of marked 
 reputation, high actions, great popularity, and more intellectual 
 power than Cosimo himself f. 
 
 They were the two greatest of Florentine citizens, but Cap- 
 poni was somewhat honest, and not rich ; yet in addition to his 
 father's reputation his own force of character had preserved a 
 distinguished place for him under both the Albizzi and the 
 Medici : he was not bound to the one ; he paid no court to the 
 other, but became in a manner formidable and necessary to 
 both. He had mixed much in war, had often led the armies to 
 
 * Bruto, Lib. 1°, pp. 81, 83. + Cavalcanti, Seconda Storia, cap. xvi. 
 
26G 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 victory, and possessed the confidence and affection of the soldiery. 
 Individually, he was probably beyond even Cosimo's reach but 
 not his fear or enmity, and the sword of faction fell upon his 
 friends. Amongst these, strange as it may appear considering 
 his ruthless character, was Baldaccio d'Anghiari constable or 
 commander of the Florentine infantry, a re]. l)iMt«H] and faith- 
 ful soldier of the republic and one of great powers uf mind and 
 body. The union of such men was nuuh too dangerous for 
 the ascendant faction to tolerate, because if Neri were inclined 
 to oppose Cosimo and be drawn for gonfalonier of justice, with 
 Baldaccio s assistance he would have been able to effect its 
 downfall. This question was secretly discussed and Baldaccio's 
 death resolved upon : whether Cosinu* were cognisant of the 
 fact or not is unproved ; Cavalcanti says no ; but so stron<T a 
 measure of injustice committed against so distinguished and 
 powerful an officer, whether approved of or not by Cosimo 
 could hardly have been decreed without his luiowledge. 
 
 The cowardly Bartolommeo Orlandini was at tliis time gon- 
 falonier of justice and had never forgiven Baldaccio for both 
 writing and speaking his mind on the disgraceful flight of the 
 former at Marradi when he left that pass open and his country 
 exposed to the mercy of Piccinino ; wherefore his private ven- 
 geance was made a political weapon with the whole power of 
 government to \vield it. Orlandino wrote to his brotlier m the 
 mountain of Bistoia to send him a gang of ruffians who would 
 have no compunction in shedding blood ; they were promptly 
 sent, and he concealed them in his chamber. 
 
 Baldaccio had come to Florence about private business and 
 was instiintly requested to attend at the palace but having 
 heard various accusations spread about the town to his disad- 
 vantage he became suspicious ; it was stiid that he had plun- 
 dered the town of Sughereto, which belonged to Piombino, and 
 laid the blame on the Seignory ; that in so doing he had injured 
 the lady of Piombino who had complained to the Florentines ; 
 
 CHAP. I.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 267 
 
 and that he had engaged to ser\^e the pope in La Marca against 
 Sforza whom Cosimo supported through everything: these 
 and other stories were rife before and after his murder ; but 
 the obvious reason of it seems to have been political expediency 
 and private vengeance. Whatever were his sins Baldaccio be- 
 came suspicious, and applied to Cosimo himself for advice on 
 the prudence of answering the requisition of the Seignory. 
 •' Cosimo," says Cavalcanti, "as one who was unaware of the in- 
 sidious snare ; said that obedience was ever praiseworthy, due to 
 the dignity of the republic, and considered as the greatest 
 virtue "of citizens." This decided Baldaccio's fate : he repaired 
 to the palace and was there received by Orlaudmi who took 
 his hand and led him towards his own chamber whence sud- 
 denly sprang forth the murderers and soon despatched him : his 
 body was thrown from the window into the captiiin of the 
 people's court where the head was chopped off by order of the 
 Seignory : the dead man was tlien declared a rebel and his 
 moveable property seized by goverament, but afterwards re- 
 stored at the supplications and tears of his wife Annelena who 
 begged for it \rith an infant in her arms : the child soon died, 
 she retired broken-hearted from the wodd, and finally turned 
 Baldaccio's residence into the convent that still bears her name. 
 His body remained exposed for several hours, and people 
 wondered, and some were indignant : but the murder made more 
 noise in the rest of Itdy than in Florence where a sentence of 
 rebellion was promulgated which though an unusual and scan- 
 dalous proceeding against the dead, was attended l)y little 
 explanation and fewer inquiries ; for this people, who fancied 
 they had liberty and were so jealous of the phantom, believed 
 as a matter of course that Baldac«no must have committed 
 some secret crime, and were content thus to place life and 
 property at the mercy of their rulers. Tliis struck a hard 
 blow on the party of Neri Capponi and humbled all his ad- 
 herents as much as it exalted the Cosimeschi ; for excepting 
 
26S 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book ii. 
 
 CHAP. I.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 269 
 
 A.D. 1442. 
 
 the unlikely engagement to serve against Sforza all the other 
 reasons for his death hecome frivolous when the military license 
 of that period is considered : they might haply have occasioned 
 a public process if expedient for faction but not a secret death ; 
 and to private vengeance and party hatred alone can Baldaccio s 
 murder be reasonably attributed -. 
 
 Dissatisfied as Eugenius was at losing Bologna which was 
 not to be restored for two years, he became more so 
 on learning that by secret articles between Sforza 
 and Piccinhio the latter was permitted to retain all the church 
 property he held in Romagna and to get possession of Perugia 
 and Siena if he could ; and Sforza was guaranteed a similar 
 freedom of action both as regarded the church and hi^ own 
 Neapolitan possessions. Tlie pontiff therefore threatened war 
 which Cosimo exerted himself to prevent, and effected a recon- 
 ciliation between him and Sforza which was however of brief 
 duration, for Regnier Duke of Anjou brother of Louis III. of 
 Naples being liberated from the Burgundian ])risons reimired 
 to that city where his wife Isabella had liitherto not only main- 
 tained some ground against Alphonso, but gidned the hearts of 
 all by her wise and benevolent rule ; yet after great struggles 
 he lost the whole countiy except Naples itself whicli was still 
 defended against all the efforts of his rival, his onlv hoiie beinj? 
 m Sforza whose estates had been sequestered f. 
 
 Alphonso exerted his influence with Philip to prevent this, 
 and Visconte finding that no persuasion could detich Sforza 
 from Florence and Venice, became angrj- and gave Eugenius 
 to understand that the moment was come for recnvcrinf' La 
 Marca ; at the same time offering the services of Piccinino dur- 
 ing the whole war. The pope, who w^as as restless and quarrel- 
 some as Visconte himself, immediately broke with Sforza not- 
 
 * Orlando Malavolti, Lib. ii«, Parte iii*, — Sismondi, vol. vii., p. 7.— Pignotti, 
 
 fol. 30.— Cavalcanti, Seconda Storia, Lib. iv., cap. x., p. «o. 
 
 rap.xvi.— Macchiavelli,Lib.vi.— Giov. f Giannonc, Storia Civile di Napoli, 
 
 Cambi, p. 234.— Boninscgni, Lib. ii.. Lib. xxv., cap. vii. 
 
 p. 75. — Ammirato. Lib. xxl, p. 37. 
 
 withstanduig Cosimo 's mediation and formed a close alliance 
 with Piccinino whom he made gonfalonier of the church and 
 the latter repairing to Perugia arranged the invasion of La Marca. 
 Florence resolved if possible not to infringe the peace, nor did 
 the occupation of Citta di Castello and the expulsion of her 
 commissaiy alter this resolution ; but learning that Piccinino 
 had captured Todi and that Naples had been taken by treachery 
 she again exerted herself to restore tranquillity while Regnier 
 was personally soliciting her aid along with that of Eugenius to 
 recover his kingdom. Both remained undecided, awaiting the 
 turn of events in La Marca where Piccinino had already added 
 Belforte, Stemano, and Montefortino to his conquests and where 
 Sforza from numerical inferiority was unable to keep the field. 
 The Florentines supplied their ally with money and his forces 
 augmented ; he marched to encounter Piccinino, but when tid- 
 ings of battle were hourly expected letters from Beniardino 
 de' Medici infonned the gonfalonier that he had reconciled the 
 contending chieftains. 
 
 Being now easy about La Marca Sforza directed his troops 
 towards Naples but was instantly compelled to recall them in 
 order to face Piccinino who had unscrupulously broken the 
 peace and taken Tolentino. This event destroyed Regnier's 
 last hope and he returned to Provence ; a second treaty was 
 soon after signed and again broken by Piccinino who took 
 Gualdo and stormed Assisi in the month of November with 
 great barbarity. This rejoiced the pontiff whose opposition 
 to the policy of Florence rendered his longer residence 
 there cUsagreeable, and he departed in January 1443 -^ ^ , 
 fully bent on the coniiuest of La Marca : he was soon 
 on good terms with Alphonso who wanted his natural son Fer- 
 dinand to be made legitimate and if possible acknowledged as his 
 successor*. 
 
 The combined armies were to act against La Marca where 
 
 • Giannone, Lib. xxvi., cap. ii., Storia Civile di Napoli. 
 
270 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 CHAP. 1.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 271 
 
 Alphonso was to command in pei-son, and this so alanned Sfovza 
 that he sent repeated applications for assistance to Venice and 
 Florence endeavouring to convince both tliat the next step after 
 his expulsion from La ]Marca would be the division of It^dy into 
 three parts in concert with Visconte, and thus they would end 
 the contest. But both republics hesitated until a revolution 
 in Bologna decided them : Francesco Piccinino who commanded 
 there for his father Niccolo, became fearful of Anibale Benti- 
 voglio s hitluence with the citizens and tool; an opportunity of 
 arresting him while hunting ; he was sent a prisoner into Loni- 
 bardy but escaped and appearing secretly in Bologna caused an 
 instantaneous revolt with the imprisonment of I'iccinino and 
 the restoration of Bologuese independence. 
 
 Florence and Venice were immediately applied to for assist- 
 ance and after some hesitation reenforcod the insuri^^ents with 
 two thousand men : a :Milanese force under Luigi del Verme 
 was repulsed by Simonetto the Florentine general, tho citadel 
 was taken and razed to the gi'ouud, and in the mouth of July 
 Bologna was publicly received as an independent member of 
 the feague^^ Piccinino enraged at this disaster, but without 
 help, wreaked his vengeimce on the enemy: he instantly 
 joined Alphonso at Xorcia and with a ombined army of 
 twenty-four thousand men ravaged the country and captured 
 Visso. Sforza with only eight thousand was unable to face such 
 numbers imd therefore retired to Fano after rociiforcing all his 
 garrisons : here he proposed to remain with his bon-in-law Sigis- 
 mund ^hdatesta until winter dispei-sed his enemies, but eagerly 
 renewed his applications to Venice and Florence for assistance. 
 The latter alarmed at this herce invasion under such a monarch 
 as Alphonso, sent ambassadoi-s to leani whether Philip still 
 held to the league or if he considered the troops sent to assist 
 Bologna as a breach of it : they found Visconte lamenthig that 
 he had pushed his son-in-law so hard and willing to reconfn'iii 
 
 * Cavalcanti, Scconda Slovia, cap. xx.wiii. 
 
 his alliance ; this was publicly made known at Florence on the 
 eighteenth of October amidst great rejoicings, which were in- 
 creased by his having previously despatched an embassy to 
 Alphonso entreating for a cessation of hostilities. 
 
 The engagements of this king with Eugenius prevented any 
 attention to the request and Sforza between capture, disaffec- 
 tion, and revolt lost about fourteen walled towns with four of 
 his oldest commanders, and, as he imagined, his staunchest 
 friends, amongst them his own brother-in-law Troilo Orsini ! 
 So loosely did honour, or friendship or the ties of kuidred sit 
 on the hearts of Italian leaders in those melancholy times ! Even 
 Malatesta began to waver when Alphonso appeared in the vici- 
 nity of Fano with the avowed purpose of besieging it. But just 
 at this moment another embassy arrived from ]\Iilan ; the Ve- 
 netian and Florentine succours were at hand ; Fano was strong 
 and well provided for a siege, and winter rapidly approaching : 
 Alphonso therefore gave up the project and moved to Naples 
 while Niccolo Piccinino hastened to cn^ss the allies' line of march 
 and prevent their junction with Sforza. The latter thus re- 
 lieved quitted Fano, followed the enemy, and ere he could en- 
 counter the allies overtook and defeated him in a pitched battle 
 on the fifth of November at Monteloro in the contado of Pesaro, 
 where he would have soon ended the war liad not winter put a 
 stop to all further operations for that year^'-^. 
 
 Amongst the traitors to Sforza were Piero Brunoro and 
 another, whom he resolved to punish, and did it in the true 
 character of the age : he sent letters to them by a messenger 
 whom he knew W()uld be intercei>ted declarhig that then was 
 the moment to execute their plans accordhig to agreement f . 
 Alphonso in whose army they enjoyed a high command imme- 
 
 * Zohancpetro Cap:no]a, Stor. Milan., + Cavalcanti,wlio never spares Sforza, 
 
 Lib. iv., p. CI, «Scc*. — Corio, Storia asserts that lie did not ])ay liis officers, 
 
 Milan., Parte v., folios 34.5, 347. — but rather, when they became iinpor- 
 
 Muratori, Annali, An. 1443. — Amnii- tunatc, got rid of them by violent 
 
 r.ito. Lib. x.xii., p. 39 to 44. — Poggio, deaths, and that Troilo Orsini and 
 
 Lib. viii., p. 243. Brunoro were really sent by liim to 
 
272 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 diately arrested both, gave their followers up to be pillaged by 
 his own soldiers and sent the chiefs themselves off to a dungeon 
 in Valentia where they languished for ten years. But Piero 
 Brunoro had a steady friend in one of those who wlien the heart 
 is once engaged but seldom fiiil. He had taken away from the 
 Valteline a yomig giid named Bona who followed him through 
 all his wars m soldier s attire and even fought by his side 
 wherever his duty called him. At the moment of his imprison- 
 ment she set out to visit all the princes botli of France and 
 Italy to whom he had ever been kno^NH, and procured letters from 
 them in his behalf to Alphonso, who being of a generous and even 
 chivalrous nature was at last touched by her devoted affection 
 and ^ranted Piero *s liberty. But not satisfied with this, she 
 mana<»ed so well as to procure him a command in the Venetian 
 army with a salary of "-^0,000 ducats, hr which services he mar- 
 ried' her and she continued to combat by his side until he was 
 killed at the siege of Negropont hi 14(H) ; after which she fell 
 sick and died on her retui-n to Italy, it was supposed from 
 affliction for liis loss*. 
 
 The descnption of them by Porcelli an eye-witness in 1453 
 after Brunoro's liberation, and when serving mider Jacomo Picci- 
 iiini, is, that Brunoro was then old, squmting, and paralysed on 
 one side ; and that Bona who accompanied him carried a bow in 
 her hand a quiver over her shoulder and a helmet on her head: 
 that she was little, old, yellow, and extremely thin, but sincere, 
 and faithful to her lover, and crossed the ocean several times 
 to see him and procure his liberty f. 
 
 The blow so surely aimed at Neri Capponi through Baldaccio 
 d'Anghiari, severe and effectual as it was, did not quiet 
 the alarms of Cosimo : some bolder spirits now began to 
 talk and much too freely, of his government; discussions were even 
 
 do mischief in Alphonso's camp on * Cristofcro da Costa, Elogi dcllc 
 
 purpose to ruin them. lie calls Sforaa Donne Illiistri, apud Muratori An- 
 
 ihe ^''Morte e septjltura (V Off7ii cUtscun nali, Anno 1443. 
 
 uomo^—iWdG Seconda Storiaj tap. + Sismondi, vol. vii., p. 1 1, note, and 
 
 xix., p. 173.) Rer. Scrip. ItaL, tomo xxv., p. 43. 
 
 A.D. 1444. 
 
 CHAP. I.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 273 
 
 taking a reprehensive character and an immediate check became 
 necessary. Ten years had elapsed since the Cosmeschi usur]:)ed 
 the government ; the legal duration of the Balia liad expired ; 
 their enemies were showing unwonted energy, and they them- 
 selves were unwilling to relinquish a power which w^as in fact dic- 
 tatorial ; a power placed by the laws above all law : a power tliat 
 in a really free countiy would truly represent the people "s sove- 
 reignty ; but composed, as it generally was in blorence of the 
 creatures and followers of an ascendant faction, l)ecaiiie a 
 mocker}^ and a tyranny of the mobt revolting kind, a tyranny 
 of the many with all their variety of passion, enmity, and 
 vengeance: and with tliis constantly recurring despnti^in, the 
 Florentines wrapped in the folds of imaginative liberty still 
 dreamed that thev were free ! 
 
 The Sei^noiT and collej]jes with jdiout two hundred and fifty 
 citizens were invested with the sujn'cme authority of a Balia 
 composed entirely of partisans : tliey remodelled magistracies, 
 jrave the pitwer of choosin'' the Sei^niorv to a select few ; re- 
 moved Ser Filippo Pieruzzi from the office of lleformations, 
 sent him ten miles from Florence : substituted a creature of 
 their own ; prolonged the exile of banished citizens : com- 
 mitted some to prison : transported others ; de}irivcd th(^ 
 adverse Accopplatori of all honours ; rendered many incapa- 
 ble of office and imposed now taxes : thus with a strong 
 arm and a heaw blow thev exalted themselves, cowed the 
 suspected, and humbled the pride of their enemies *. 
 
 As soon as Cosimo had thus cleared the way, by lopping 
 each plant or flower that crossed his path while trampling 
 on every obstacle to his ambitious progress, he and his 
 party turned their attention with greater security to external 
 affairs. Sforza was still hard pressed on every side; his 
 demands for money and succours were most urgent and Picci- 
 
 * Boninseg:ni, ]\Icm. di Fircnze, Lib, Animinto, lAh. xxii,, p. 44.- 
 ii., p. 79. — Cambi, Storia, p. 24G. — cLiuvclli, Lib. vi. 
 VOL. III. T 
 
 -Mac- 
 
274 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 CHAP, i.l 
 
 FLOEENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 275 
 
 iiino was again in the field when Philip in compassion ordered 
 a truce to be made and recalled him on pretence of more urgent 
 matters : the fier}' old warrior well ucciuainted with Visconte s 
 wiles was not deceived and at first refused to obey, but finally 
 returned to Milan leaving his son Francesco in command of 
 the army. Sforza pushed to extremity by the closing round 
 of hostile forces, according to Cavalcanti treacherously broke 
 the truce, sought out Francesco, defeated and took him pri- 
 soner after a severe and at one time doubtful actiun at Monte 
 d' Olmo which soon iifter capitulated. This bettered his for- 
 tune but hurt his reputation, and by the advice of Cosimo 
 and Visconte he seized the occasion to offer peace : Eugenius 
 whose affairs looked gloomy came to tenns without difficulty : 
 his legate and general were prisoners, Sforza was making 
 rapid progress, and his great hope the old Piccinino died at 
 the Villa di Corsico near Milan of a fever, (or some say poison) 
 brought on as was believed by chagrin for the loss of Bo- 
 logna and his son's new disaster ^-i^ 
 
 The preliminaries of peace were therefore signed at Perugia 
 in October and the definitive treaty soon after by a commission 
 of three cardinals with Cosimo de' Mtdici and Xeri di (lino 
 Capponi. By this each party was to retiiin what they actually 
 possessed in La Marca with ceitain exceptions. The league 
 with Perugia and Venice was then renewed for ten vears ; and 
 thus terminated another period of wild war in Italy ; but the 
 respite was brief, for a union of barbarity and uncontrolled 
 power makes sad havoc of mankind f. When a licentious 
 indulgence of our worst passions is confined to private men, 
 the evil is comparatively small and generally recoils upon 
 the doer; but when whole states or princes bre;ik away from 
 humanity and plunge the world in war, society is shaken 
 
 Cavalcanti, Seconda Storia, cap. xl. Lib. iv.,p G4. — Amminito, Lib. xxii., 
 
 vol. ii., p. ■223. p. 45.— Macchiavclli, Lib. vi.—Mum- 
 
 + Corio,Stor. Milanese, Parte v*, folio tori, Annuli. 
 350.— Gio. Pietro Caj^aiola, Stor. M il , 
 
 to its base and universal misery soon or late will cry aloud for 
 
 vengeance. 
 
 A.D. 1445. 
 
 The new amity between Sforza and Philip was short, and an 
 accident presently embroiled them : Piccinino 's death 
 left Visconte without a general and he fixed his 
 regards on Ciarpellione or Sarpellione, Sforza's most valuable 
 officer, but one who had once before deserted him. A secret 
 negotiation commenced between them which coming to Sforza s 
 ears both angered and alarmed him for Ciarpellone was the 
 depository of his secrets, and he well knew Visconte s dan- 
 gerous character ; whereupon he first imprisoned this officer 
 and then hanged him in the autumn of 1444 on the charge 
 of conspiring agidnst the life of his general. Philip vowed 
 vengeance for the deed, but lioth Venice and Florence rejoiced 
 for they dreaded tlie friendship of two such kinsmen. Sigis- 
 mondo Malatesta lord of llinuni juid Sforza's son-in-law, was 
 also indignant at Alexander Sforza s having been advanced to 
 the lordship of Pesaro instead of himself, and therefore stirred 
 up the pontiff with Alphonso and Philip, all willing agents, 
 against him. Visconte in particular eagerly seized this occa- 
 sion of settling liis own dispute with Sforza and urged Euge- 
 nius to make Sigismondo his general with the prospect and 
 promise of recovering I^ologna. Neither was Alphonso slow 
 to move, for the city of Teramo and several barons had 
 revolted and given themselves to Sforza ; and in Bologna too, 
 apparently the result of Visconte's promise, a tragedy was soon 
 after performed that made a becoming prelude to the war. 
 
 The families of Bentivoglio and Canetoli or Ghisilieri, the 
 first in Bologna, were eoiniected by marriage ; but the former 
 was most popular and bore unlimited sway : this was too much 
 for the latter's jealousy and Annibale de" Bentivodi being in- 
 vited to hold Francesco Ghisilieri s child at the baptismal font 
 was unscrupulously murdered by tliat family after the ceremony. 
 The people rose in their wrath and massacred the Ghisilieri and 
 
 T -4 
 
270 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 their followers guilty and innocent, man, woman, and child, all 
 that could he recognised, while Yisconte who had excited the 
 commotion despatched Taliano Furlano to support the mur- 
 derers -:=. He came too late to follow up the conspiracy hut in- 
 stantly made war on the territory; Venice an.l Florence poured 
 in their squadrons to protect the city ; ViMoiurV turces daily 
 augmented and the whole country swamied with aniied men, 
 yet little was this year effected beyond thr - .inity of Bologna 
 and the usual devastation of the land. M.ainvhilr Alphoiiso. 
 Eugenins, ^Malatesta of Cesina. Sigismondo <»f Kimini, Taliano 
 Furlano. besides other chiefs and their num<'r(.u> armies all 
 closed round Sforza until he was driven for shelter into Pesaro, 
 and at the end of November notwithstanding ("osiniu. icpeated 
 subsidies .Tesi was the only town that remained t.* him of [dl lii< 
 possessions in La M area K In addition to ilioc oHsluriunts 
 the papal malediction was twice lainiched forth against 
 A.D.i44fi. j^.^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^j^^^^^ Bianca brought forth her first child 
 
 Eugenins exclaimed that a second LucitVr wu- couic to perplex 
 mankind : so indignant was this pontiff against Sforza that to 
 make Florence smart for assisthig him he commenced a nego- 
 tiation with Alphonso in hopes of directing his anger upon 
 her, which was nut without its consequences in the succeeding 
 
 year. 
 
 Unsatisfied with the niin of Sforza in Fa Marca Fhilip 
 attempted to seize Cremona and Pontremoli ; lait Venice de- 
 fended the former and Florence the latter, and thus was war 
 in full flame over the greater part of lt:ily: Uomagna, Lom- 
 bardv, Tuscanv, La :Marca, were all hbizing with hostile arms 
 and the kingdom of Naples itself was far from traiKjiullity The 
 
 ♦ Whoever wiMie* for the liorriUe dc- to loa.l our pajc^ uTinccessarily with 
 
 tails of this affair will timl them in the crinu- of «>tlKi < oiintries. 
 
 Cavalcanti : they are a iiiehiTicholy f Cavalcaiiti, Sccmda Storia,.\np.xlvii. 
 
 example of the frenzv of fartion ; hut — CajniohuLil.. iv..p (]').— Corio, Parte 
 
 fts Florence supplies a sufficiency of v.,f<)lio 351.— Miuat..n,Aiiriali, Anno 
 
 this ware we do not think it expedient 1445. — Aumiirato, Lib. xxii., p. 48. 
 
 ciu 
 
 P. i.l 
 
 PLOllENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 277 
 
 Venetians under ^Micheletto x\ttendolo achieved a signal victory 
 over Francesco Picchiino at Cassalraaggiore in the latter days 
 of September and this friglitened Yisconte into supplications 
 for peace which Venice proudly rejected, continuing her tri- 
 umphant course until a second victory in Xovemlier opened the 
 whole territorv of ]Milan to her arms, and devastation was car- 
 ried up to the very gates of the capital ■'-. 
 
 After the former defeat Philip wrote to Alphonso, the pope, 
 and oven to the king of France for assistance, and implored 
 Sforza in affecting terms not t(j abandon an old and sightless 
 liither in his extremity: from the lirst prince, after concluding 
 a hasty truiM' with the latter, Philip had received the succour of 
 four thousand lioise, a pait of which immediately deserted to 
 the Venetians : Sfor/a had also received a strong rei-nforce- 
 nient of Florentine troops, but no pay either from Florence or 
 Venice and was doubtful about bis i)roceedings. He was 
 no less r\a-perated at Philip's attem})t on Cremona than 
 dazzled by the magnilicent proposals of Venice, who offered 
 him the dukedom of VAhn with the perpetual command of 
 her armies, if lie continued the war in La ^larca and pre- 
 vented Alphonso from advancing to the aid of Visconte f. On 
 the other han<l he was dis>ati>lic(l with the confederates' irre- 
 gularity of payment which cripjdi'd his force and movements, 
 for the Florentines having no Laiger any fears of ]\Iilan were 
 becoming less attentive to Sforza ; : thus between his plighted 
 faith, his prospects from the league, and the prayers of his 
 father-in-law, be r*Mnained in considerable perplexity : he 
 could not help sus[)ccting that concealed poison lay in the 
 golden CAW so franklv exhibited bv W'uice, and his 
 choice was soon made when intellii^^'uce reached liim 
 of that republic having imitated Philip's example without his 
 
 * Amniirato, Lih. xxii., p. 52. — ^lu- -H Ammiratn, Lib. xxii., p. 52. 
 ratori, Auno 144'). — Coiio. Parte v., :J: Ibid., p. 53. 
 folio 355. — Cagnolu, Lib. iv., p. 70. 
 
278 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II 
 
 rights by making a treacherous though uusuccessful attempt to 
 get possession of Cremona'''. 
 
 Sforza had assembled his army at Cotignola ready to pass iuto 
 Lombardy when lie suddeidy heai'd of Visconte's death which 
 had taken place on the thirteenth of August 1447. Tliis was 
 a hard blow, for his troops were in arrears of pay and both Flo- 
 rence and Venice were now his enemies, the former however 
 more in form as an ally of Venice than in reality, for Cosimo 
 alarmed at her conquests was far from desiring the ruin of 
 Philip by that republic. It had been always the policy of 
 Florence to curb the Visconti but not destroy them ; and both 
 for her own benelit and that of Italy at large the aggrandise- 
 ment of Venice by Philip's destruction would have been unsound 
 and dangerous policy f . 
 
 Sforza could expect no assistance from the new pontiff for he 
 feai'ed Alphonso ; Cosimo, however friendly, could not quit the 
 league to succour him ; wherefore his only hope was in the re- 
 solution of the ^Milanese who now as a declared republic could 
 scarcely dispense with him if they persevered in the war witli 
 Venice. Kesolving then to brave every danger and trust to 
 fortune for the result, he gave the word to march, passed 
 through the states of Bologna, Modena, and llcggiu, and halted 
 on the Lenza, whence he despatched Ids offers uf assisUuice to 
 the new republic of Milan ;. 
 
 On Philip's decease that city had resumed its freedom, but 
 was divided into monarchists and republicans, these last differ- 
 ing in their choice between Alphonso and Francesco Sforza; 
 the latter in right of his wife and his own adojaion by Philip ; 
 the fonner by testamentation ; but the republicans prevailed 
 
 * Cavalcanti decidedly acquits Philip ever denies his rjfrht, says Cavalcanti, 
 
 of treachery in attempting Cremona, will deny all right. ( VwZe Seconda 
 
 He had given it in pledge until Bian- Storki^ cap. 1., lix.) 
 
 ca's portion should be paid, and when "t* Ammirato, Lib. xxii., p. 53. 
 
 he otfcred to pay that, Sforza very un- X Gio. Pietro Cagnola, Stor. Mil., Lib. 
 
 justly refused to give it up ; upon iv., p. 72. 
 
 which Philip attacked it ; and who- 
 
 CHAP. 1.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 279 
 
 and that form of government was instantaneously established. 
 Other cities took different courses, tlie people of Lodiand Pla- 
 centia giving themselves to Venice while l^ivia and Parma de- 
 clared their independence: Sforza retired to his own city of 
 Cremona where he concluded an engagement with the Milanese 
 to be their general with the same allowances- and conditions as 
 were offered by tlie late duke including the city of Brescia, 
 which he was to exchange for \'erona whenever he could re- 
 cover those places from the Venetians : parties were thus 
 matched but though Itelonging to the league Florence ap- 
 parently took no active part in the war now about to rage in 
 Lombardy with more violence than ever =5=. 
 
 The reign of lN)pe Eugenius 1\ . was a scene of constant 
 war and vexation ; the former proceeding from himself, the lat- 
 ter from the Council of Basle whicli still continued and tor- 
 mented him with characteristic virulence ; but the hand of 
 death relieved him from these troul)les on the twentv- third of 
 February 1447. He was succeeded ten days after by Tom- 
 niaso da Sarzana car<linal of Bologna, a man of great learning 
 and virtue but of obscure birtli, under the name of Nicholas V. 
 This pontiff was of a mild pacitic character Ijutfirm, and had 
 been so much beloved at Injlogna that on his election that city 
 voluntarily returned to its allegiance | . He dislodged Alphonso 
 from Tivoli which the latter had suddenly occupied during the 
 vacancy, set the French monarch against the anti-pope Felix 
 of Savoy and purchased Jesi of Francesco Sforza for 30,000 
 ducats which completed the restoration of La Marca to the 
 church. He soon after acknowledged the legitimacy of Prince 
 Ferdinand of Aragon which Eugenius had established, and 
 confirmed Alphonso on the throne of Sicily " on this side of 
 the Pharo ; " for the island kingdom had never acknowledged 
 the pope s feudal supremacy since the Sicilian Vespers J. 
 
 * Macchiavelli, Lib. vi. — Muratori, Gio. P. Cagnoli, Lib. v., p. 74. 
 Annali. — Corio, Parte v", folio 356 to tCavalcanti,SecondaStor.,cap.lxxxiii. 
 359. — Sismondi, vol. vii., p. 56. — :}: Giannone, Lib. xxvi., cap. iii. 
 
280 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 i. u. 
 
 riiAP. I.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 281 
 
 We have said that Eugenius IV. had infused into King 
 Alphonso's mind his own dislike of Florence, and though he 
 had passed away the venom remained ; so that in the month of 
 September 1 417, the movements of that prince pointed at Tus- 
 cany. An invasion soon followed on pretext that the peace of 
 Italy was disturbed by Venice, who neitlicr could do this 
 nor wage so fierce and successful a war against Milan without 
 Florentine assistance ; and that duchy having been bequeathed 
 to him by Philip he was thus compelled tu vindicate his rights; 
 but if Florence would onlv withdraw from the Venetian alii- 
 ance he was her tinnest friend. Such were the reasons alleged 
 for the justification of a war already begun without previous 
 explanation or remonstrance. 
 
 His j)roposition was debated in the senate and rejected ; a 
 ]5alia of war was named, an army assembled, for thoudi Al- 
 phonso was an able and exjierienced gener;il with fifteen thou- 
 sand men actuallv on their territory there was no timidity or 
 indecision in the government and he commenced hostilities, 
 after trying in vain to seduce Siena from her alliance, by 
 marching through the Maremma into the lands of Volterra and 
 orcupying Pomerancia. We shall not follow the course of this 
 war through all its channels until finished l)y Alphonsos re- 
 pulse on the walls of Piombino, because howe\ tr right it ma}- 
 be that national and cotemporary historians should indulge in 
 militaiy details, to the general reader and especially the alien, 
 they are not only useless but wearisome. Still when they are 
 strongly romantic, like tliis assault of Piomliino, or didactic, 
 or of universal interest from their great scrde and important 
 conse<piences ; their casual introduction may foi-m a not un- 
 pleasing relief to the dryness of historical narrative. In all 
 other casc> a ver}^ slight sketch of the military o|>f'rations with 
 the simple exhibition of residts to show their practical bearing 
 on national policy is sufficient ; and as a clear and useful nar- 
 ration of the details of war can scarcely be expected from any 
 
 but professional men, it may in general be wiser not to attempt 
 
 them. 
 
 Pomerancia was taken in November 1447. Castiglione della 
 
 Pescaia, of wliichthe existing townw^ould appear to have then 
 only constituted the citadel, followed hi IMarch 11 1^. ^_^ ^^^^ 
 Ptinaltlo Orsino who had married Cateriiia dAppiano 
 Lady of Piombino, warned by the fate of Count Francesco of 
 Poppi at once shut his gates agninst Alplionso and with Floren- 
 tine aid was enabled to inaintaiii hhnself during the whole time of 
 the Aragonese nioniirch's oeeiipation of that country : a drawn 
 battle was fough t ofl' his shores between the Aragonese and Floren- 
 tine squadrons, and desultory warfare with no tangible I'esult ex- 
 cept the occupation of Castiglione, continued in the ]Maremma 
 untd the autumn of 1 14.s, when .\lphonso gathering up all his 
 forces which had been much thinned by the marsh fevers of that 
 unhealthy district, led them on himself to a desperate assault 
 on Piombino. There was here no breaching, or mining, but 
 much artillery both liy sea and hind ; it was a chivalrous noon- 
 (lav assault bv escalade : the women and children of Piombino 
 were marshalled below to supply their husbands their fathers 
 and their brothers with refreslmients, while liinaldo his soldiers 
 and all the male inhabitants glitt«>red on the lofty battlements; 
 lime, boiling oil, scalding water, and melted lead, were collected 
 in abundance and showered ui)0ii the assailants who attacked 
 boldly and were as gallantly resisted : Alidionso was conspicuous 
 throughout the day leading and cheering his men to victory : 
 many acts of desperatr? valour grrnit prowess and warlike devo- 
 tion were shown on lioth sides in the attack and defence of that 
 little town, acts that would have gracod a mightier enterprise; 
 until at last the Khig of Aragon was forced back with diminished 
 numbers bv the unshrinking valour of the l)esieged. 
 
 Rinaldo Orsini was triunqihant ; tor apprehending the ap- 
 proach of the Florentine army Alphonso withdrew, and leaving 
 a garrison in Castiglione della Pescaia continued his retreat to 
 
282 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [H<.! 
 
 !'U II, 
 
 A.D. 1449. 
 
 Ansidonia, which appears to liave been then inliahited though 
 now overgrown bv wiUl arbutus with a forest of tloweriuu 
 shrubs mantUng its grey C'yelopian battlements. Thus 
 endecl the King of Aragon's invasion of Tusrany : lie con- 
 tinued his retreat to Gaeta and there embarked for Naples 
 with promise of a second visit to Morenre in the ensuing 
 spring *. 
 
 Before the Duke of Milan's death Pnpe Nicholas V. endea- 
 voured without effect to restore peace to Italy and the 
 negotiations were in fact completed but not ratilied 
 in consequence of tliat event; the ]\lilamse desired to finish 
 them but Venice in all the flush and insolence of conipicst 
 refused to listen, and the more conlidentlv because Florence 
 was too much occupied with King Alphonso to interfere in 
 their Itehalf. This was not displeasing to Sforza for it made 
 him more necessary to Milan and his liist act in despite of 
 ancient rivalship was to give his hand to Iranccsco and diacouio 
 Piccinino ; then taking the held he received the submission 
 of Pavia on condition of not giving it up to the Milanese : 
 this was a palatable restriction, for Pavia was an acquisition 
 admirably adapted to Sforza's circumstances, nor, says Mac- 
 chiavelli, was he deterred either by fear or shame from breaking 
 his plighted faith, "for great men only con>idcr it shameful to 
 lose, but not to gain by treacheiy." He excused himself to 
 the Milanese by asserting, ])erhaps truly, that parties Iteing 
 divided within the town if the offer had not been at cejited either 
 Savoy or Venice would have had Pavia, and they although 
 angr}' and clear-sighted enough as to liis real motives, were 
 obliged of necessity to succumb : they indulged too in a falla- 
 cious hope that when once relieved from their present troubles 
 they would be able also to get rid of him. lie was at that moment 
 necessary for their protection not only from \'enetian aggressions 
 
 * Muratori, Anno 1448. — Macdiia- Parte iii*, folio t37. — Ammirato, Lib. 
 velli, lAh. vi. — Oil. Mulavolti, Lib. ii., xxii., p. 59. 
 
 CHAP. I.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 283 
 
 but against Genoa and Savoy, both acting for the Duke of 
 Orleans in right of his mother Valentina Visconte the sister 
 of Philip : but these enemies were of little moment and soon 
 repulsed by Sforza, leaving the more formidable Venetians 
 commanded by liis kinsman Miclieletto Attendolo, to be coped 
 with. Placentia was next besieged and in despite of all the 
 efforts of Venice taken by assault in November 1447 with revolt- 
 ing cruelty and every species uf barbarism ; the nuns alone 
 having been saved from tlisiionour l)v his orders ='•=. 
 
 Spiing beheld the revival t)f hostilities under a darker and 
 more terrible aspect, and the ^Milanese, perceiving that Sforza 
 only made use of them fur their ultimate sul^jugation, sued 
 humbly to A^enice for a peace while tluit haughty republic be- 
 came more arrogant at every application ; yet her hardest 
 conditions would have been accepted had not a sedition amongst 
 the populace put an end to all further negotiations. 
 
 Sforza meanwhile made rapid progress, and Milan hoping 
 for better terms from Venice ordered the investment of Lodi 
 as soon as Caravaj-gio fell ; for here both armies liad alreadv 
 assembled, one to take, the other to save that important town, 
 whose surrender was expected to seal the destiny of the for- 
 mer. On the fifteenth of Septend»er 14 1^ the Venetians 
 attempted to surprise Sforza in his trenches when one of the 
 most memorable battles of that conflicting age was the con- 
 sequence : Sforza triumphed, and out of twelve, or accord- 
 ing to Cainhi, sixteen thousand cavalry scarcely fifteen hun- 
 dred escaped to tell the tale of their discomfiture. The 
 lands of Brescia were soon overran and siege laid to that 
 city; the Venetians demanded and received succours from 
 Florence as a member of the league, but her heart was with 
 Sforza : perplexed between his design on Brescia wliich was to 
 be his own, and the well-founded suspicions of the Milanese 
 
 * Poggio, Lib. viii., p. 248. — Corio, Pictro Cagnola, Storia Milan, Lib. v., 
 Stor. Mil., Parte v% folio 365. — Giovan. p. 83. 
 
284 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [rooji II. 
 
 •who enjoined him to reduce Lodi the moment Caravaggio sm-- 
 rendered, this general became doubtful what part to take for 
 both the Piccinini had secretly thwarted all his plans and now 
 marched with four thousand cavalry to attack Lodi in obedience 
 to the commands of Milan. 
 
 What Venice lost in the field she generally regained in the 
 cabinet, and being well aware of SforzaV auiliitiou and ^lilans 
 jealousy, and that peace with her was for the moment an 
 acceptable object to both ; this from fear, that from interest ; she 
 at once oti'ered her hand to Sfurza, conlidfutly lookin*^ forward 
 to Milan's hatred preventing his ever being received there as 
 master. Hoping tlierefore to step in and ultimately reap the 
 fruits of thi^ anticipated conflict a treaty was concluded with 
 Sforza in October 1 Its bv which all he liad taken in the war 
 was to be restored to Venice, and if ^lilan were conquered he 
 should keep no more than Philip Maria Visconte possessed at 
 his death. 
 
 The rumour of this treaty silenced the shouts of victoiy at 
 Milan and realised the worst fears of tlie citizens ; rtyoicings 
 died away, lamentations broke from every tongue and curses 
 everywhere followed the name of Sforza. Nevertheless that 
 chief maintained a steady course until his victorious ensigns 
 fluttered under the walls of Milan. Expecting every moment 
 to be deserted by Venice he was pre^iared for the event, and 
 after the reduction of Crema which completed all ber poli- 
 tical arrangements dependent on the alliance (tf Sforza, she 
 fulfilled his anticipation to the letter by making a separate 
 peace and treaty of alliance with the jNIilanese in the autumn 
 of 1440='. 
 
 Florence during the latter part of these transactions had no 
 scruple, notwithstanding the opposition of Xeri Capponi, in 
 supplying Sforza with money both publicly from the national 
 
 * Corio, Parte v., folio 371 to 393. — nali. — MticrhiavcUi, Lib. v. — Cagnola, 
 Gio, Cambi, p. 2G2. — • Mui-atori An- Stor. Mil., Lib. v. 
 
 CHAP. I.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 285 
 
 funds, and privately in fuller measure from Cosimo who strongly 
 encouraged him; and in the beginning of 1440 she sent a 
 resident ambassador to his camp as a mark of her friendly 
 approbation, the Khig of Aragon intent on other things having 
 left her in present tnu].]uillity =:'-. The treaty between Venice 
 and ]\lilan retarded Sforza's operations for a season ; but he 
 was now too strong and had been too well prepared for such an 
 event to be easily baffled, wherefore by a steady and skilful 
 management of his means he contrived, in spite of all the force 
 and cunning of Venice to starve the Milanese amongst whom 
 he had once a strong party, uito a surrender of their city and 
 
 liberty. 
 
 On the twenty-sixtli Fel)ruary 1150 he was proclaimed Seig- 
 nior and Duke of :\lilan, the clienshed object of his ceaseless 
 labour, consummate prudence, and deep-seated ambition. 
 
 Sforza lost no time in concluding a close alliance with Cosimo 
 
 and the Florentines a^jainst Venice and the King of 
 
 A.D. 1450. 
 
 Aragon, wlio hated Florence for her intimacy with the 
 house of Anjou. He at (.nre joined the Venetians in an effort 
 to shake the new-made sovereign from his unsteady throne 
 and Florence immediately despatched Piero de Medici, Neri 
 Capponi, Luca Pitti, and Dietisalvi four of her chiefest citizens, 
 to mark the public approbation. It was indeed no light matter 
 (whatever might have been the state of domestic parties) to be 
 at once relieved from a dynasty ..f able, powerful, and heredi- 
 tary enemies ever seekimf her destruction, and see it replaced 
 by a friendly ruler with C( .ngenial interests who mainly depended 
 on their alliance and support. 
 
 About this time also another eml>assy was sent to make one 
 more attempt at securing the friendsliip or at least the forbear- 
 ance of Alphonso, who with outstretched arms brought the 
 strength of Aragon and the Two Sicilies to bear at once on Italian 
 
 * Poffgio, Lib. viii., p. 249 — Macchiuvclli, Lib. vi. — Ammirato, Lib. xxii., 
 p. G2. 
 
286 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book u. 
 
 politics, and paved the way for princes yet unborn to crush tiie 
 freedom and independence of Italy. 
 
 Alphonso's tenns were hard but finally conceded, he re- 
 tained Castiglione della Pescaia and the island of Giglio, and 
 was acknowledged lord paramount of Pioinbino with a small 
 tribute of a golden cup from Caterina de' Appiaiio now a widow; 
 for the brave and chivjilrous llinaldo Orsino at'itr lieing honoured 
 and rewarded by Florence expired during the negotiations *. 
 
 Although Francesco Sforza's exaltation was generally popular 
 yet one man of great capacity and inlluence decidedly and 
 strenuously opposed it ; but whether from faction as aveiTed 
 by his adversaries, or from hcmest patriotism, tlie chai'ac- 
 teristic of his race, is now uncertain. Xeri Cappoui deemed 
 it inconsistent with the interests of his country and the 
 safety of Italy that Milan should thus have tallen, because 
 ample dominion miited to splendid military talents was ever 
 dangerous in a bold ambitious man, and if as n simple Count, 
 Francesco could hardly be endured, he would bc.oi^H^ absolutely 
 intolerable as a sovereign prince. Wherefore this distinguishe<l 
 citizen judged it more safe and beneficial that Sforza should 
 have remained in a comparatively private statinu, ani Lom- 
 bardy be divided into two rei)ublics which would neither unite 
 to molest others, nor be strong enough sin^^de-handed to 
 injure the rest of It^dy. He theiefore voted although unsuc- 
 cessfully against sending any assistance or taking any other 
 part in the contest. 
 
 On the other hand Cosimo's party accused Capponi of oppos- 
 ing the grant, not from any belief m liis own reasoning but 
 merely from the apprehension that witli Sfurzas public and 
 private support Cosimo's prepotency would become monstrous. 
 Neri Capponi did probably think such danger possible, but 
 with his distressing experience of Cosimos iutual authority he 
 could scarcely contemplate much augmentation of it : especially 
 
 • Aniiniratn, lAh. xxil., p. G3. 
 
 CHAP. I.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 287 
 
 when he himself, the ablest, the most popular, and most influen- 
 tial citizen in the commonwealth could not with all his own powder 
 and reputation withstand him. But Neri like all the Capponi was 
 a staunch republican though not a low democrat and therefore 
 believed that the multiplication of free states was better for 
 those actually existing than the estaldishment of despotism 
 whose evil working in the rich and powerful Lombardy Flo- 
 rence had so long and painfully experienced. He was conse- 
 quently tme to his political primiples in objecting generally to 
 the establishment of a desjiot whether it were Sforza or Cosimo, 
 but in the then existing circumstances as far as we know them, 
 Cosimo s own reasoning would now sf^em the more plausible. 
 
 He declared there was a great lack of wisdom in those who 
 imagined that the ^Milanese could maintain their liberty ; be- 
 cause their luxuiy, their social relations, their ancient factions, 
 their mode of life, their very character, their habitual and 
 hereditaiy subserxience to successive tyrants, altogether not 
 only rendered them incapable of satisfoctorily working any form 
 of self-government lait were dircotly opposed to it. Wherefore 
 it followed that their choice lay ])etween Francesco Sforza as 
 duke, or the Venetians as masters ; and no man was supposed 
 to be so silly as to doubt whether a strong friend or a most 
 powerful enemy were the bettor noighboin'. 
 
 Looking at the broad question divested of party prejudice, 
 an aggrandizement of Venice by tht^ vast addition of the Mi- 
 lanese dominions would have given to that grasping republic a 
 dangerous preponderance : but the substitution of an able and 
 aspiring soldier for a crafty but unsteady politician ; however 
 safe for Florence at the moment ; was not better adapted to 
 steady the great political balance than the sway of a clever and 
 ambitious but unmilitary sovereii^-n, even though a Visconte ; 
 and the only real security against Sio]za was his trouble and 
 difficulty in consolidating a new and nsur})e<l authority ; a task 
 most likely to prevent any ulterior sihenies of ambition *. 
 
 * Maccliiavelli, Lib. vi. 
 
288 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 H. 
 
 The extinction of the male line of Visconti was in even 
 respect an event of vast importance to the Italian peninsula, 
 and powerfully influenced the subsequent history of lAiropeby 
 generating consequences that are yet in active operation. In 
 Lombai'dy it occasioned a dis})uted suctM^sion, and opened 
 golden prospects to the house of Orleans and the crown (.f 
 France ; hut it also prepared the northern, as Alphonso's con 
 quests did the southern channels, for tliose sweeping billows 
 of transalpine power that from time to time have rolbd tli.ir 
 an^ny surges over the fairest provinces uf Italy, and >iill suli- 
 
 merge it ! 
 
 CoTEMPORARY SovFKEiGNs.— Thc oiilv vhiiU'rvs uic, PorttigMl : VAwiml 1. 
 to 1438: tlicn AlplmuM) V.— Sfothuul : Juuk's I.,_inur(lciv.l at IVrth 1437: 
 James II. — (Jcniiaii Kini»irc : Sigisuiimd until I4:i7 : ilicii AUkU II. in \rM\ 
 to 1430; Frederic- 111. 1440; Tope Eugeni-islV. to 1447; then Nidiulas V. 
 — Greek Enijure : J(»l.n VII. to 1448, then Constuniiiic XL, t/w tust hnn>imi\ 
 to 14.53, when C»>nstantinople was taken by Mnluuaed 11. with a foree ofthnr 
 hundred ^\i\\n and three hundred thousand r.iin. 
 
 QUW. II.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOllY. 
 
 289 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1450 TO A.D. 1465. 
 
 A.D. 1451. 
 
 Before recommencing a narrative of wars unmitigated by 
 any touch of humanity, unanimated by generosity, undigni- 
 fied in their cause, cruel in their action, base in tlieir 
 objects, and devoid of that grandeur or even didactic 
 interest which despite of crime is so deeply felt in the exploits 
 of Hannibal and the deeds of Home : before recommencing 
 these it perhaps may be well to offer as marked a sketch as 
 our materials allow, of the state of Florence during the first 
 sixteen years of Cosimo's government; but more especially 
 after every effort at the free and effectual expression of poli- 
 tical opinion was crushed by the stringent measures of 14 14. 
 
 The Itivourable sentiments at first so extensively formed of 
 Cosimo de' Medici became greatly modified when the battle of 
 Aughiari by blasting the hopes of every exile removed all fear 
 of a new revolution. From that moment fresh and unusual 
 license was allowed, not in words alone but in all the insolence 
 of power ; in rapine, coiTuption, and every shameful act destruc- 
 tive of justice and morality; so that an administration at first 
 so popular began to displease many even of Cosimo's own 
 adherents and disgusted every other citizen. Cosimo and 
 Neri di Gino Capponi were lieyond comparison the two leading 
 men of Florence ; the latter esteemed the wisest, the former 
 immeasurably the richest; for Neri seems to have inherited 
 so much of his father's honesty as never to have fattened on 
 the substance of the commonwealth. Next to these came four 
 
 VOL. in. 
 
 u 
 
290 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book ii. 
 
 CHAP. II.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 291 
 
 i 
 
 principal citizens of the mling party, who were not so scnipu- 
 lous, and all devoted to Cosimo : the first was Puccio Pucci 
 the boldest, ablest, and most eloquent of his friends Nsithout 
 whom Cosimo never stirred a finger: he had l)een advanced 
 from an inferior class and Wiis enriched by the command of 
 public money. Alamanno Salviati was the next, and said to 
 be a grasping selfish man who cared as little for the puUic 
 cTood as for his own reputation, provided that his desires were 
 ^ratified. Alessandro de' Alessandri boip a more honest l.ut 
 haufdity character : vain of his imagiuoil merits, and not with- 
 out some ; believing that his natural position was amongst tlio 
 loftiest of the state he frowned at any infringement of his will. 
 Neroni Dietisalvi was at this time suppr^ed to be the least 
 intrif^uin" of the four, but after Cosimo 's death he also proved 
 that there was no deficiency ; and w;is a man of penetrating 
 genius with great influence in the republic. J3esides tliCNe 
 there were Ugo Buondelmonti a nephew of Esau, despot of 
 Piomania, who enjoyed considerable reputation ; then came Ag- 
 nolo Acciaioli, a young citizen of pai'ts and character alreadv 
 spoken of, who however finally attached himself to llanieri ov 
 Neri Capponi and at last quarrelled both publicly and privately 
 with the Medici. Luca Pitti next appears as a man of gre:it 
 audacitv but moderate talents and bad rharacter, who became 
 from peculiar circumstances conspicuous in i'lorentine history 
 thouf^h now better known by the pjdace which bears his 
 name than through any merit of his own either as a mtm or a 
 statesman ^. 
 
 There seems to be a retributory cliaraeter inherent to wars 
 that toi-pedodike strikes back on the makers and revenges the 
 injury they inflict : those of Florence fomented by Cosimo and 
 his faction were gradually uudernuning her strength, for while 
 she increased in fame and territory she diminished in force 
 
 ♦ Cavnlcanti, Second! Storia, cap. i., ii., xvi. — M. Bruto, Storia, Lib- ".. 
 p. 109: Lib. iii", p. 299. 
 
 solidity and real power. The incessant pecuniary demands of 
 Sforza, who thus supported by Cosimo was far from popular, 
 exasperated the people to that degree that many secret discus- 
 sions were held by the Cosimeschi to adopt protective measures 
 against the tumults which were apprehended in consequence. 
 Sforza's unjust appropriation of ecclesiastical property in the 
 conquest of La Marca was condemned by a great body of the 
 people who were unwilling either to abet the sacrilege or aug- 
 ment his possessions by the ruin of their own. This war 
 therefore, coupled with much individual and general oppres- 
 sion arising from it, began to irritate the public mind and nume- 
 rous but secret meetings of the ascendant fiiction including what 
 was called their " Caorsiui" was summoned. These " Caonini' 
 were certain parasitic instruments of faction possessing two 
 useful qualities which enhanced their value and rendered them 
 universally acceptable to Cosimo s party: one was poverty, 
 which unaccomp;uiied by principle, kept them ready for the 
 basest acts ; the other was an eager desire to live by ways and 
 means that most men would spurn, but for which they cared 
 not. Numbers of these Caorshii were mingled with the crowd 
 of Cosimo "s followers, and although of a certain rank and out- 
 ward reputation, and with civic rights ; were needy, insolent, 
 mean, partial, and rapacious ; men who never checked the gra- 
 tification of their passions and to whom justice and injustice, 
 integrity or dishonesty were equally indilTerent. Self-will dis- 
 placed reason, self-love honesty, and any extremity of evil was 
 cheerfully endured sooner than forfeit the pleasures of personal 
 vengeance, while good was measured precisely by tlie extent of 
 their own enjoyments-'. This band of citizens was mainly 
 composed of a class of business agents then and for centuries 
 after much used in Florence under the general name of " Sen- 
 sali " or brokers : they were the middlemen who managed all 
 contracts, bargains, sales, and marriages ; and entered as a 
 
 ♦ Cavalcanti, ii* Storia, cap. xvi., xx. 
 
 U ^ 
 
292 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [UOOK II. 
 
 third party into almost every transaction of common life 
 amongst all classes of citizens. Their business was in fact 
 analogous to that of modem agents and attorneys, hut embra- 
 cing the whole range of agency from the common bargains of 
 the'^market-place to low political intrigues ; for as their diver- 
 sified affairs brought them in contact with every rank they 
 were admirably adapted, in the hands of artful statesmen, to 
 feel the public pulse and direct great masses at the pleasure 
 of their employers. By means of these agents the leaders of 
 Cosimos faction secretly summoned their adherents to a noc- 
 turnal meeting in Saint Mark's church where Giuliano Dava- 
 zani an able man, addressed them on the alarming state of the 
 public mind as it affected their own stability ; and from this 
 meeting proceeded the despotic measures of \UV'. 
 
 The city was then pregnant with commotion, apparently 
 amongst the poorer classes or " Phhe " but under the mani- 
 pulation of liigher malcontents of Tatrician rank ; there was 
 famine also ; the peoy.le lived on vetches and other pulse im- 
 ported by the state and which, strange to say, brought a greater 
 price than wheat. "The markets," says Giovanni Cavalcanti, 
 "were exceedingly dear, not so much from the price of wheat as 
 the scarcity of common grain whicli forced the people to grind 
 vetches and these were wont to fetch a higher price than wheat'f . 
 All this gave energj' to discontent, or probably caused it; for 
 the poor are seldom turbulent when they luivu labour and food: 
 but the agitators wrought on a suffering population by identify- 
 ing their misery, and justly too, with useless war and repre- 
 hensible goverament ; a war undertaken as was said only to 
 favour the joint ambition of a foreign adventurer and a powerful 
 
 native citizen. 
 
 The comparatively lil>eral conduct of the Ptinaldesclu at 
 Cosimos expulsion had left in the election-purses a sufficient 
 number of Cosimeschi to effect his recall, and even Cosimo him- 
 
 ♦ Cavalcanti, ii* Storia, cap. xx. f Ibid., cap. xx. and xxxi. 
 
 CHAP. II.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 293 
 
 self searching and implacable as he was, had not yet weeded out 
 all his opponents. The knowledge of this power though feeble, 
 produced a certain confidence in the higher malcontents, who 
 from present dissatisfaction and change of sentiments juined 
 with the older antagonists of Cosimo ; and they were a far more 
 formidable party than the mere Plehe. IMurmurs were heard 
 of the disgrace of being subject to an unworthy tyrant and a 
 peasant of Cotignola whose mother was a low woman of repre- 
 hensible character, and yet this adveiitin-er tliey said did not 
 even condescend to request, but commanded the republic to do 
 
 his bidding. 
 
 The old nobles also joined this cry. " We were before bad," 
 said they, " but are now worse ; for under the empty shadow of 
 " a boon we are almost ruined : they offered us honey and now 
 " they give us gall, the bitter fruit of unjust and msupportable 
 " taxation which only secures us a dungeon and the insolent 
 " outrages of official myrmidons." There were moreover loud 
 complaints of corrupted justice : citizens were interdicted even ' 
 from pleading in the public courts against the injustice of 
 government and the oppressions of its officers ; and when causes 
 were at last decided the parties were commonly ruined unless 
 they happened to have offered the first or the largest bribe. It 
 was said that many vexatious judgments were given by secret 
 enemies of the government on purpose to create dissatisfaction, 
 and by others to revenge their o^\^l private injuries with impu- 
 nity: but the common cry was, "We are the sei*vants of Fran- 
 " cesco Sforza, not the companions of King x\lfonzo as we ought 
 " to be; yet he has offered to guarantee us peace for 10,000 
 *' florins a year, and if war be ever necessary, to wage it at his 
 " own cost, provided we will only withdraw our aid and favour 
 " from the count'"* 
 
 No historian but Cavalcanti mentions these terms, but if 
 accepted they would probably have changed the fate of Italy 
 
 * Cavalcanti, ii* Storia, cap. xx\ 
 
294 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 (lur. 1 1-1 
 
 FLOKENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 295 
 
 by avoiding the dangerous aid of France: without Florence 
 Sforza, driven from La ]\Iarca, could scarcely have conquered 
 Milan, and Xeri Capponi s project of two Lombard repulilics 
 might possibly have been realised, or Alphonso's power have 
 been firmly established in that country, which by securing the 
 Spanish ascendancy would at least have prevented lUily from 
 becoming the coliseum of transalpine gladiators. 
 
 We have said that in consecpience of the agitated condition 
 of Florence a new Balia with a thorough weeding of the magis- 
 tracies was resolved on in 14U. This lialia was made up of 
 men who were sure supporters of any measures that the [lurty 
 dictated, and though appearances were slightly preserved by the 
 cautious admission of a few adverse, or at least not friendly 
 citizens, thev were either so few that no ahirm was excited, or 
 so irresolute as to insure tlieir floating with the general stream. 
 But in the councils were still many secret enemies, peaceable 
 but timid men who foreseehig disaster yet feared to buffet 
 against the stonn -. 
 
 Thus strengthened there were no bounds to the extravagance 
 of the Cosimeschi : Puccio and others enriched themselves by 
 open or secret plunder ; the public funds became corrupt or 
 discredited ; dividends were paid to the powerful, refused to 
 the weak or only paid in billets, which being wortldess in the 
 market were purchased at a fourth and a fifth of their value by 
 secondary officials who through their p(ditical influence after- 
 wards recovered the whole amount from the treasury. The 
 marriage portions of young girls, secured on public faith in tlie 
 Funds, were refused on the plea of state necessity ; sincerity 
 and honesty were utterly abandoned and even any pretension 
 to those virtues was laughed to scorn : gain, no matter how, was 
 the all-absorbing passion, and " more honest men were mocked 
 and ridiculed than culprits menaced." Asperity universally in- 
 creased ; comparisons with other times and other rulers were 
 
 * Cavalcanti, ii" Storia, cap. xxii 
 
 sullenly drawn, and tlie governing faction was pronounced to 
 exceed all its predecessors in wickedness. This partly pro- 
 ceeded from the admission of many vindictive men to power all 
 hot with long-nursed wrath against their adversaries; vengeance 
 was necessary ; nay, almost imperative ; a vengeance not con- 
 demned, but cherished as a virtue in gentle blood; and as indis- 
 pensable to family honour in those wild days of bari)arous vio- 
 lence as the duel is in our own ; yet the time may not be far 
 distant when onr posterity will read of the latter with the same 
 painful feeling that we ourselves now do of the former -■'-. 
 
 Thus the sweet savour of Cosimo s early rule had evaporated ; 
 men of nothing were seen suddenly in office and as suddenly 
 em-irhed, no man knew how ; but all felt that taxation pressed 
 on life, tyranny on freedom, knavery on honesty, and misery 
 on all. Tn this state t>f things the period for a fresh scrutiny 
 approached, but the angry citizens gave their secret votes to 
 all the kinsmen of the exiles and to suspected persons, for 
 their conduct was now felt to have been more tolerable than the 
 corruption, injustice, and i>eculation of the Puccini. Such con- 
 duct was too dangerous, too bold, too independent, for the latter ; 
 they called this scrutiny the "L/7//," because that ilower though 
 fau' to the eye has a fetid odour and the scrutiny although 
 bright with illustrious names, to them smelt strongly of cor- 
 ruption f. The image is somewhat forced Init Cosimo's deeds 
 were not poetiy, and the whole election was annulled against 
 all law and precedent : several families which formed part of it 
 were banished or otherwise persecuted, and ten Accoppiatori, 
 or as Cavalcanti denomhiales them, " Ten Tyrants," were 
 
 appointed \. 
 This Decemvirate was empowered to preserve its authority 
 
 * Cavalcanti, ii» Storia, cap. xxiii. Sodeiini, Francesco Orlandi, Alamanno 
 
 t The allusion is to the Iris Lily, the Salviati, Manno di Temperano, Do- 
 
 Florentine emblem. nienico Micliele, Guariante, Igolino 
 
 : The names of nine of them are pre- Martelli, Nerone Dietisalvi, and iMc- 
 
 served by Cavalcanti, viz., Tomuiaso colo Buonvenni. 
 
296 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 from scrutiny to scrutiny, that is from three to five years, and 
 to choose every magistrate from the gonfiilonier downwards 
 previous to holding the mockery of a public drawing. Thus all 
 that the exasperated spirit of the people had accomplished was 
 placed by Cosimo's influence under the talons of this omnipo- 
 tent authority and the exhausted citizens sunk back into 
 despondency. The Accoppiatori drew whom they pleased not 
 whom the people elected ; and their choice was a selection of 
 subsenient tools and furious partisans, of low birth and base 
 character ; men of yesterday ; nu\al upstarts who crowded the 
 city and shouldered the pride and honours of the ancient race ; 
 this alone made them hateful, for an aristocratic spirit was ever 
 strong in Florence and pride of ancestiT whether of the feudal 
 families or Popolani was still generally respected. There was 
 a common sapng of the time that " a wealthy woman and a 
 prosperous upstait were the two most insufferable things on 
 earth;" wherefore the virtues of these last, if they had any, 
 were not likely to be seen or appreciated : like the rest their acts 
 were evil and their mischief deep*, for its noxious influence 
 percolated tlu'ough eveiy official stratum until one mass of cor- 
 ruption pervaded the commonwealth unchecked by shame by 
 conscience or remorse. To supply this waste taxes were multi- 
 plied ; twenty-four rates were levied within the year, and in 
 
 * Domenico Michclc, one of the new 
 Accoppiatori, is especially designated as 
 one of these, and his picture as painted 
 by Cavalcanti grives us the outward 
 and visible signs of a hv-pocritical knave 
 in the middle of the fifteenth century 
 at Florence. '• Proud, iniquitous and 
 false, a public peculator and a receiver 
 of bribes : he is tall and thin ; with a 
 womanish voice ; lean shanks, com- 
 pressed in the waist, narrow shoul- 
 dered, a cunning sharj) look, a grizzled 
 and scarce beard, a blotched face, his 
 gait measured, and his chest forced 
 forward more than is necessary for his 
 height. All these tokens show that in 
 
 those things for which men are usually 
 denominated knaves this man surpasses 
 every one." — The portrait may still 
 be recognised without travelling so far 
 as Florence. ( Vide Caval.y Scconda 
 Stoj^ia, cap. XXV.) CJiovanni Corsini 
 was another imbiber of the public 
 nourishment, and with freer acti(»n as 
 gonfalonier in 144.5. But he filled 
 himself in secret and was only known 
 by his gradual expansion, while Puc- 
 cio's was a bold, open, usurious accu- 
 mulation of national funds in his own 
 person. The one was a bladder, the 
 other a snow-ball. (Ibid, cap. xxvi.) 
 
 CHAP 
 
 . 11.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 297 
 
 1442 half that number raised 180,000 florins which were 
 remitted to Sforza in lieu of troops, to avoid the pope's 
 
 displeasure*. 
 
 The ancient families unable to support these repeated de- 
 mands retired in numbers to their villas to seek for peace and 
 escape imprisonment, for the jafls were never empty of the 
 powerless. But this availed not ; the most searching edicts 
 were relentlessly hurled against defaulters, and tliere was no 
 shelter! The public "J/m-i" and '' Berrorieri" or official 
 bailiffs and tip-staves hunted them out like vermin; they 
 swept the rural districts of cattle and produce, cleared the 
 houses of furniture, wasted even the days victuals of the 
 miserable families, and when harvest came cleared the fields 
 either partially or completely of their crops. Yet these dis- 
 traints were never balanced against arrears, but taken as a 
 positive fine from the defaulter who after so wide-spread a deso- 
 lation often finished by long and loathsome imprisonment ! 
 
 But even this was insufficient because numbers were ab- 
 solutelv ruined, so another decree was issued to banish all 
 defaulters to the frontier : the ascendant faction attempted to 
 justify it by an assertion that their enemies had punished the 
 same crime by the axe and the block ! To so startling a fact, 
 which appears in no other author and only adds to the accumu- 
 lation of evils inflicted under the name of liberty; it was replied, 
 " You deprive us of existence when you take om- goods ; when 
 you sell our funded property ; when you set aside our wills ; 
 when you deny our marriage portions, which having been pur- 
 chased by individuals on public faith unite that faith with liberty ; 
 and you thus defraud our daughters and sisters of their fortunes ! 
 You have sped eveiything from l)ad to worse, and paralysed the 
 Catasto to avoid your own contributions. Y^our rivals left at 
 least two things untouched and thus proved that they did not 
 seek our total ruin ; the Catasto and the election- purses ; but 
 
 * Cavalcanti, ii* Storia, cap. xxviii. 
 
 
298 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book n. 
 
 you have destroyed both and snapped all those ties that united 
 the greatness of the commonwealth with the credit and stal.ilitv 
 of public securities. There is no concealment ; oppression anil 
 rapacity are your avowed motives ; you unblushingly demand, 
 
 * What is the diflerence between the nilers and the ruled except 
 that the one commands, and the other is compelled to obev.' 
 
 * Who is there,' you ask, * that would obey if the Catasto were 
 in active operation ? We had once to ol)ey the laws ; but while 
 tlie Catasto sleeps both laws and men will bow to us, and we 
 shall still be lords where we once were only vassals. Do vou 
 believe,' is again your cry; ' do you belirve that the authors 
 of the Catasto had they foreseen its con^Ll]uences would have 
 made it? Believe it not, or you will err; for who from the 
 rank of seignior voluntarily descends to that of vassal? from 
 the elevation of the Seignuiy to the depths of servitude ? We 
 would rather die .' ' " Such were the unblushing avowals of suc- 
 cessful faction : the powerful received their dues, escaped their 
 contributions and imposed taxes ; nominally to pay Sforza ; but 
 the fruits of which they shared and, as he said, made his nairie 
 odious without any personal benefit. " I have had the odium." 
 exclaimed Sl\»rza to the A^enetian and Florentine amlmssadors, 
 " I have had the odium, the people the cost, and their ruler> 
 the money"*. 
 
 The desire of gain increased by what it fed on and liecame 
 insatiable ; no villany was too deep or too daring ; in whatever 
 aspect or wherever it appeared it was clutched at by mul- 
 titudes. Francesco della Luna proposed and carried a law 
 that the " Oitrnto should he laid asleep until such a time as a 
 uew law should awaken it "f. None cared for present or future 
 dangei-s or remembered past misfortunes, one object alone pos- 
 sessed their soul, the thirst of gold, and that by crooked ways ; 
 ways that led every finer feeling to destruction. All equality 
 was lost, and in its stead, sudden individual wealth, an impo- 
 
 ♦ C'.valranti, ii« Storia, cap. Iviii. f Ibid, Appendice, No. 40. 
 
 IIIAP. II.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 299 
 
 verished nation ; suffering, recklessness, deterioration of female 
 modesty, and general licentiousness*. 
 
 This fraudulent stiite bankruptcy was not long confmed to 
 natives, for even the king of Portugtd's dividends were withheld 
 until he arrested all the Florentines in Lisbon : nor was mis- 
 rule confined to finance alone ; blood too was shed by the great 
 and powei-ful, and shed unijuestioned if the victim's family 
 was impotent. A biuid of young men on their way to a wedding 
 met a citizen of lunnble rank with whom it may he supposed, 
 though not mentioned, tliey had had some previous difference, 
 and unhesitatingly attacked and murdered him : then through 
 their political inllucncc before there was time for any public 
 charge, they procured a stal<^ proclamation which denomiced 
 the dead man as a rebel, and thus legalised his death by retro- 
 spective condemnation ; but none inquired why the murdered 
 man was made a rebel or in what he had offended ! 
 
 The veiigcanco of the great was rightly denominated cruelty 
 l>y poorer citizens, but by the former any legal opposition to it 
 received that name, because their vengeance as they argued, 
 only applied a [)unishment equrd to the hijuiy received. Salim- 
 liene Bartolinis son nnirdered the son of an innkeeper without 
 a remark l»eing made. Salimbene d' Antonio was stabbed by 
 liamondo d' Antonio Carialla and the murderer remained un- 
 punished : the son of Baldassarre di Santi kicked a girl to death 
 not only with impunity but unrebuked and almost unnoticed by 
 any one. This open contempt of law and justice emboldened 
 others, and Zenobi Capponis son thought that he also might 
 assassinate without danger; wherefore entering the residence 
 of Piero Vermiglio he dragged that citizen's son out by force 
 and killed bim in the Piazza di Santa ]\Iaria Vecchia. This 
 murder wjis probably accompanied by some unwonted cmelty 
 for it created considerable agitation, and Zanobi repaired to 
 entreat his kinsman Neri Capponis influence on behalf of the 
 
 * Cavalcanti, ii" Storia, cap. Iviii., Ix. 
 
300 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [rook II. 
 
 homicide : •* A Capponi" he said " did not deserve less favour 
 " than the Vespucci, the Bartolini and otliers who held an 
 •' inferior rank in the republic." But Neri sternly answered, 
 " It is not the misery that I have caused or the murders I 
 *' have committed which have placed the greatness of our house 
 " in my hands ; on the contraiy I acquired it by my earnest 
 " endeavoui-s to act according to law and reason : wherefore let 
 "justice take its course"*. This was a stem sentence to a 
 father's ears, but a just one. The conduct of Luigi Guicciardiiii 
 vicar of Castello San Giovanni and one of Cosinios staunihc:,t 
 partisans is a contrast. A quarrel broke out between two very 
 young children in one of the petty towns of his district, whidi 
 ended in a pugilistic encounter then as common in Tuscany as 
 now in England ; the countiy rector or podesta, after a rebuke, 
 reconciled the children and confinned the peace by making 
 them drink togetlier, but in consequence of the ephemeral and 
 puerile character of this squabble no report was made to Guic- 
 ciardini. Hearing of it by some indirect means he sent for tlie 
 rector and \vitliout any previous examination applied the usual 
 torture of the " Colla " so unmercifully that tlie old man expired 
 under the infliction. This too passed unnoticed either by the 
 local inliabitants, the Florentine government, or by Cosimo, 
 The Father of his Country, who is described as the hinge 
 and pivot on which the whole republic moved. " Wberefore," 
 exclaims Cavjdcanti, "if you Florentines sutler these things to 
 " be, and without remonstrance : blame yourselves first, ere you 
 " reproach the government ; for he that silently regards such 
 *' crimes is the cause of them "+. 
 
 While the people reeled under their burdens they beheld 
 Cosimo abounding in wealth ; they saw a jjjilace rise to then- 
 view such as Florence had never witnessed ; thev saw churclies 
 and convents built at his command with accumuhited treasures; 
 but, as the cry ran, with more hypocritical pride than true reli- 
 
 • Cavalcanti, ii« Storia, cap. xxx. 
 
 f Ibid, cap. xx.xii. 
 
 CHAl*. II.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 301 
 
 gion ; and, whether fact or falsehood, their cost was believed to 
 flow from the national treasury in Sforza's name. "Who," it 
 was eveiywhere asked, " who would not build in this princely 
 style when it cost them nothing?" "The Medician balls," 
 they ironically added, " were to be seen everywhere, even in 
 " the privies of the convents, the nation was oppressed with an 
 " unholy war to establish Cosimo s friend in the unjust pos- 
 " session of sacred property, and society was fast falling back 
 " to its pristine state when one man's will was law." The 
 spectacle exhibited, by the city gate-tolls being daily carried 
 to Cosimo's treasuiy grated on public suffering, although pro- 
 bably the mere interest of money lent by him to govern- 
 ment; and so strong was this feeling that one night the 
 gateway of his new and splendid palace was deluged in blood. 
 This spiteful act might have been easily traced, but Cosimo 
 had the moderation not to notice it although the whole city was 
 scandalised*. 
 
 In 144() new burdens were imposed at the mere discretion 
 of a public board ; the poor were squeezed still harder as well 
 as aggravated with surplus charges ; their more powerful neigh- 
 bours remained miderrated, and all by favour of these officers 
 who under the name of " (Jli Uomini'' formed a Decemvirate 
 with so vast a power as was never before seen in Florence f . 
 When Francesco Sforza abandoned the league for Visconte, he 
 audaciously demanded another subsidy ; this raised such a storm 
 that Cosimo was unable to carry the question constitutionally 
 through the councils : he made along speech from the Kinghiera 
 which was received in sullen silence and supported by Boccaccino 
 Alamanni alone ; wherefore quitthig all rule, a bolder measure 
 was taken. Cosimo was a member of that board called the 
 "Officers of the Mount" which entirely controlled the public 
 revenues ; availing himself of this power he and his colleagues 
 passed a resolution, or rather a law, for the decrees of each 
 
 * Cavalcanti, ii** Storia, cap. xxxiii. 
 
 f Ibiil, cap. xxxvi., 1. 
 
302 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 fuoOK II. 
 
 magistracy were laws in their own department, granting tliem- 
 selves full authority to enforce the instant liquidation of all 
 arrears of taxes or other moneys due to the state iiutwitlistand- 
 ing any prenous composition, security, or aci|uittance. Everv 
 deht was now restored to vitality or overlooked altogether at 
 the pleasure of these officers and the dictation of Cosimo 
 round whom all tunied as a centre ; and he had less regard 
 for those who could not, than for those who would not pay ; for 
 the latter heiug solvent and of liis own party, were consequent! v 
 favoured ^'. 
 
 The rich were in this manner allowed to escape and greater 
 sufferings heaped on the powerless, but Sforza's uecessiti. > 
 were supplied, and Cosimo was satislied ; fur his own freedom 
 of will was enlarged, says Cavalcanti, and individual lil)ertv 
 restricted : he levied the money at pleasure, settled tlie prin- 
 cipal and interest, period of payment ; all power centered in 
 his will, and most rigorously was it handled K This infamous 
 law was passed on the seventeenth of June 1 U7. 
 
 At length even Cosimo s own supportei*s hecain<' alarmed if not 
 touched by the i)ublic calamities, and in the suunncr of 1 147, :i 
 little after his cruel edict, Giovanni Bartoli being gonfalonier 
 and Alessandro de'Bardi one of the in-iors, thev be^in to cast 
 about for a remedy, for they could no longer shut their eyes t > 
 the disastrous state of the commonwealth, to the present danger, 
 and to the mass of future evil that was uvershadowiufj the 
 count ly. These two citizens therefore proposed a law which 
 prohibited the arrest of any man for a i»ublic debt : they were 
 wont to say that as woman's greatest ornament was rather her 
 
 • The haystacks in Tuscany were then 
 as now built circularly round a long 
 pole or mast firmly fixed in the ground 
 running like a spit throuirh the centre 
 of the stack and crowned with an 
 earthen vessel to keep the wet off. 
 AVhen hay is wanted the stack is cut 
 round from the bottom, so that the 
 
 whole mass slip? rcp:ularly down tin 
 pole as fast as it is iisid, and tliou^'h 
 always restinu on the earth, slides on 
 the spar as a pivot. Cosimo was com- 
 pared to this mast, aiul the republic ti 
 the haystack. He was aUo tlie knilc 
 that cut it. 
 t Cav.ilcanti, ii'» SLoria, cap. Ixxiii. 
 
 CUAP. II.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 303 
 
 modesty than rich attire, so that of a city was the multitude of 
 its citizens rather than splendid mansions and public edifices. 
 This law was intended to permit and even induce the emif»rants 
 and banished defaulters to return and pay what their poverty 
 allowed, and it was proved by reason and experience that 
 Florentine exiles were sufficiently numerous to increase the 
 Gabelle by augmented consimiption on their return to an 
 amount nearly equal to all arrears due. Tliis indeed appeared 
 by the registers which averaged four florins of Gabella fur 
 eveiy mouth in Florence, and ten thousand souls were ex- 
 pected to return under the protection of this salutary decree: 
 all exi)atriated by Cosmo Padue dklia Patrta and his myr- 
 midons! This edict was received by the Seignorv the col- 
 leges and the citizens generally as a great relief and its 
 authors were justly and universally commended ; all parties 
 rejoiced, because it relieved the unfortunate without iniuiin*^ 
 the powerful *. 
 
 To this politic and merciful proposition then, it was supposed 
 that there could be no opposition l)ecause its justice affected all, 
 its impartiality was self-evident, and its humanity universally 
 acknowledged. '' Yet Cosimo," says Cavalcanti, " tempted by 
 diabolical instigation hastened instantly to the palace to ruin 
 this well-ordered law ; r(^gardless of public wishes, the fair fame 
 of the commonwealth, or the means of impoverished citizens;" 
 and moreover by a long oration succeeded in defeating it ! His 
 objections were rather an exposition of points that opposed liis 
 own will than argimients against the measure ; and he tinished 
 his tedious harangue says the same author, by artfully asserting 
 that this bill would open the city gates to his enemies, who were 
 also those of the republic and of each citizen in particular. That 
 as all the vegetal)le and animal creation required particular cli- 
 mates and aspects, so did man ; and it would l)e impossible for 
 both parties to exist at the same time in the same atmospliere! 
 
 • Cavalcanti, ii"' Storia, cap. Ixxxi. 
 
304 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 The law in fact never contemplated or touched even by impli- 
 cation on the exiled faction ; it named state debtors alone : but 
 though Cosimo had no argument he had vast power, and that 
 bore down all opposition. So the bill dropped and despotism 
 triumphed ■■• I 
 
 Cavalcanti tells us that at this period there were three dis- 
 tinct parties of different opinions contained within the circle of 
 the government itself: these were; tirst tlie Popohmi Gnissi 
 who, rough and harsh in their administration, were mhigled >nth 
 a great number of '' Arrahhiati:'' a name given at various 
 times to chlTerent parties, but here apparently meaning the 
 most bitter and violent of the Cosimesehi. The second was 
 made up of decayed nobility who lived like desperate men and 
 were disgusted at having those for their companions in the 
 government whom, if all had been justly dealt with, they would 
 have excluded as unworthy of the magistracy. The third class, 
 composed of artificers or mei'e tradesmen, was always opposed 
 to the other two ; but the Popolani Grassi ; espcciidly the 
 more recent families ; were jealous of the man to whose dwell- 
 ing they saw the public revenues flow in a constant stream 
 and therefore wished to put a speedy end to it by his ruin. 
 The Arrabbiati or other portion of the first class were violent 
 men whose zeal was as much more fervent in wickedness as 
 a thu'st of vengeance for past injuries overcame the feelings of 
 recent benefits : the aristocracy who formed the second class 
 were angiy at seeing men preferred to themselves in public 
 magistracies who beuig enemies to Guelpliic ascendancy they 
 considered as enemies to the state, and would, savs Caval- 
 canti, have willingly given one eye provided that Cosimo who 
 mixed up this heterogeneous mass were deprived of l)oth. 
 The artificers were accused of being always envious of their 
 superiors and glad of any quarrel or commotion amongst them ; 
 but all these discordant elements were held together and 
 
 * Cuvalcanti, ii' Storia, cap. Ix.wi. and Ixxxii. 
 
 CHAP. JI.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 305 
 
 played against each other by the strong but pliant hand of 
 Cosimo *. 
 
 At last in the autumn of 1447 Puccio Pucci became gonfa- 
 lonier of justice and even he is said to have attempted to stop 
 this course of misrule, but unsuccessfully and probably insin- 
 cerely although with sound reasoning, for his coffers were filled 
 with the fruits of those evils which he now appeared so anxious 
 to mitigate ; he failed, and oppression continued : yet there was 
 under all this a marvellous elasticity in the commercial spirit of 
 Florence which enabled a few years of public peace to repair 
 most of these and all other ravages of war, except the debt f. 
 
 This somewhat prolix exposition of the state of Florence 
 from 1434 to 1451 will probably be sufficient to modify that 
 delusive glitter which has usually and artfully ser\Td to conceal 
 the trae character of Cosimo de' JMedici as a'^man and a states- 
 man ; and for whom the most that can be said is that he was 
 at once the lord and the slave of his party. The foregoing 
 account is principally draw n from a cotemporar}^ writer whose 
 history after lying almost dormant in manuscript for about 
 four hundred years has been recently published at Florence : 
 he was a keen inquirer ; evidently of an open and honest dis- 
 position and one of those ancient and noble ftimilies which 
 benefited by the .^ledici s exaltation : one also who begins with 
 unmeasured praise of Cosimo ; a pnuse that as the history 
 proceeds and events thicken, he is forced to qualify, and ulti- 
 mately change into honest indignation at his conduct. Caval- 
 canti s account ni.ay therefore be taken as veracious as far as 
 veracity can be found in history, but there are few tilings 
 more adapted to petrify belief than a weaiy and disappointing 
 search for truth in the contradictory records of past ages. 
 
 Pteasons fur war are never wanting when inclination tends to 
 It, therefore the aUiance with Venice and peace with Alphonso 
 were but slight obstacles and in ] 451 all parties again prepared 
 
 Cavalcanti, Scconda Storia, cap, Ixxxii. 
 VOL. III. X 
 
 .». 
 
 t Ibid., cap. Ixxxvi. 
 
306 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book u. 
 
 for hostilities. The Venetians were exasperated at niissincr 
 the conquest of Lombardy througli the means of Florence 
 whose powerful aid enabled so dangerous a neighbour as Sforza 
 to achieve it ; they had gained but little yet had exposed their 
 ambitious spirit and became conscious of the waning of that 
 deference with which Florence had treated them while her fearb 
 of the Visconti were lively. Early suspicions of a hostile imioii 
 between Venice and Alphonso had arisen amongst the Floren- 
 tines and were far from removed by tlie vague declaration uf 
 its being solely defensive and conservaut of Italian tranquillity 
 which these powers intimated that the Florentines wanted to 
 disturb: Venice who dreaded Sforza, especially conqtlained of 
 their having granted a free passage through Lunigiaiia to the 
 bands of Alexander Sforza for the support of his brother iu 
 Lombardv; of their havinf:j assisted the Litter with mioikv 
 and reconciled him with the ^larcpiis of ^Mantua to her miniifest 
 injury, and Florence was plainly told that were this line of 
 conduct persevered in she must not be surprised if hostilities 
 followed. 
 
 The meaning of all this was clear, and to Cosimo as acknow- 
 ledged chieftain of the republic the task of replying was de- 
 puted ; but it was a formal mockeiy ; for though Cosimo, cool 
 and tirm, had justice on his side and urged it home ; Venice 
 had already resolved on hostilities and Alijhunso was no less 
 determined. As a prelude they ordered all Florentines, mer- 
 chants and citizens to quit their respective territories under 
 ruinous penalties, and this caused a rapid f;dl in the public 
 funds from twenty-nine and thirty to less than twenty per 
 cent*. The Venetians made an alliance with Siena and tried 
 hard to attach Boloj^na to their cause ; but tliat city under the 
 rule of Santi Bentivoglio remained devoted to Florence. This 
 young man, whose proper name was Santi di Cascese, the 
 
 • Pogu'io, Lib. viii., p. 250. — Aniinii-ato, Lib. xxii., p. 65. — Boninseg:iu, 
 Lib. ii., p. 93. 
 
 CHAP. II. J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 307 
 
 reputed son of Ercole Bentivoglio by a lady of Poppi as was 
 said ; although her frailty seems very doubtful ; had been 
 elected chief of the Bolognese commonwealth, and his story is 
 curious. 
 
 While Ercole was serving in the Casentino he became ena- 
 moured of the wife of Agnolo di Cascese of Poppi and always 
 boasted amongst his own friends that her child was his ; never- 
 theless neither Agnolo nor any of his family had any suspicion 
 of the lady's infidelity even after her death ; and Santi was 
 brought up as his own child while he lived, and afterwards by 
 his paternal uncle Antonio, who was in the woollen trade of 
 Florence, until eighteen years oi' age. Anibale Bentivoglio left 
 only an uifant son, and his pai'ty felt the want of some mature 
 head as a guide and rallying point : wherefore, hearing of 
 Santis existence Agnolo Acciaiuoli was commissioned to en- 
 gage Neri Capponi, who was an intimate friend of Antonio di 
 Cascese, in the negotiation. It was a delicate sulyect, and the 
 fact of Santis being a lientivoglio not only new but incredible 
 to all ; nevertheless with the aid of Cosimo de' IMedici, the 
 proposal of Bologna was made known to the young Santi him- 
 self who instantly coloured up with shame and anger at the 
 idea of thus injuring his mother's reputation. Neri told 
 him on such an occasion he himself woidd have no scruple in 
 accepting so brilliant an oiler as the son of any one, whether it 
 were Gino Capponi or Hercules lientivoglio ; but both he and 
 Cosimo agreed in advising Santi to be guided by liis o\mi feel- 
 ings and not act hastily ; Cosimo in particular told liim that 
 if he felt the spirit of the Bentivogli rise within him he would 
 go where fortune called him and pursue a brilliant career : if 
 on the contraiy the blood of the Cascesi predominated he would 
 remain in Florence and follow his calling in tranquillity. Santi 
 and his relations after considerable hesitation and delay Itft the 
 decision in the hands of Neri who himself, as lie tells us, felt 
 the importance of the trust and gave his advice accordingly. 
 
 X 'Z 
 
308 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 The result was Santi's acceptance and election by public accla- 
 mation to the chieftainship of the Bentivoglian faction and tbe 
 republic of l»ulogna -^. 
 
 The Venetians seeing this young Florentine's fidelity to his 
 native land, conspired to unseat him by a domestic jdot coupled 
 witli the secret introduction of their troops and a l»and of exiles 
 by night through some of the public sewcis. This was at- 
 tempted and the city thrown into terror and confusion ; Santi's 
 friends urged him to tly and avoid tlie late of Anibale; but 
 with the name he had also assumed the spirit of tlie lientivogli 
 and scorning such council led on his fullowrrs to the charge 
 and beat the conspiratoi*s from the cityf. Tliis attack at once 
 decided Florence : hostilities now became certain ; and (osimo. 
 Xeri, Agnolo Acciaiuoli, Luca degli AUdzzi, Homenico Bonin- 
 segni with live others were nominated to the Balia of war: 
 Simoneto di Cami)o San Piero was again made general of the 
 forces ; a close alliance was concluded for ten years with Fran- 
 cesco Sforza ; Siena was warned not to assist the enemies of 
 Florence, and this warning was backed by a special embassy 
 from ^lilan ; Genoa was engaged on the same side and a joint 
 embassy subsequently despatched to Chaides Vll. of France to 
 secure his coriperation. Every means were adii[)ted by Venice 
 to annoy and weaken b'lorence previous to the declaration of 
 hostilities and though Alphonso was ecjually in earnest he acted 
 ^ith more generosity and less vindictiveness than that republic. 
 As both wished to give some reason for tlie war passports 
 were demanded for a conjoint embassy to Florence and at once 
 conceded to the royal ambassadors, but refused to the Vene- 
 tians under pretence of not being able to Uvid without the ac- 
 quiescence of Sforza : this was in retaliation for the same sort 
 of treatment to their own ambassadors a short time before 
 when sent to remonstrate against the expulsion of their citizens 
 
 Ncri Capponi, Commen. Ror. Ital. xlviii. — Ammirato, T.ib. xxii., p. C7. 
 Scrip., tomo xviii., from p. 1207 to f Miscclla, Hist, dc Bologiia, Rcr. 
 1211 . — Cavalcauti, Scconda Stor., cap. Iliil, Script., p. tii)7, tomo wiii. 
 
 Chap. li.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 309 
 
 and was done on pur})ose to show how little the Venetian re- 
 public was now regarded by Florence -. 
 
 Hostilities seemed now imminent but w^re a while suspended 
 by the emperor's arrival in Italy : Sigismun<l died in 
 December 1437, and was succeeded as King of tlie 
 Romans by his son-in-law Albert Duke of Austria, a man of 
 excellent re[>utation who after a short reign of two years ex- 
 pired as was supposed l\y poison. lie was succeeded in 11 K) 
 by Frederic III. King of tlie Uoinans who this year demanded 
 a passage for himself and two thousand followers througli the 
 Florentine territory. It was fively granted, for the fears and 
 pretensions of ( rerinan emperors had now ecpially diminished 
 and revolutions no longer followed their traces : Frederic was 
 therefore received with great pomp and liospitality by the Flo- 
 rentines, and the whole of his expenses were paid to the amount 
 of 35.00(1 Uoriiis while within the republican territory f. He 
 was crowned with both crowns at Fiome in 2Iarch but his de- 
 parture seemed to be the signal for war : on the ninth of April 
 the French monarch s adhesion to the Florentine league was 
 published ; on the Nixteenth of ^lay Fn tlerie (putted Ferrara 
 after investing liorso dEste with the dukedom of ]\Iodena and 
 Reggio, and county of ll<jvigo and Comaccio ; on the same day 
 the Venetians attacked Sforza with a large army, and in July 
 Alphonso's son I'erdinand of Calabria with twelve thousand 
 men of all arms under Frederic Count of Frbino marched 
 towards Tuscany {. 
 
 While Venice began hostilities on the side of Lodi the Mar- 
 quis of Monferrato principally tlirough her inliuence made a 
 corresponding movenuMit (»n tluit of Alexandria ; but Sforza 
 met both with vigour and having beaten the Marquis concen- 
 
 * Poggio, Lib. viii., pp. 250 and 253. t ^- Boniiisc-ini, Mem. di Fir., p. 
 
 — Ammirato, Stor., Lib. xxii., pp. (]}}, 100. — CJio. Cumbi, p. 302. — Arnmi- 
 
 69. nito, Lib. xxii., pp. 70-72. — Muratori, 
 
 t Giov. Cambi, pp. 28()\ 2.00.— D. Bo- Annali, Anno 1452. — Sismondi, vol. 
 
 ninscgni, Mem. di Fir., Lib. ii., p. i»5, vii., p. 143. 
 &c. 
 
.110 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 trated his troops to tlie number of eighteen thousand horse and 
 tliree thousand footmen on the Venetian frontier and assailed 
 the Brescian territor)- with great success and damage to his 
 enemies. The Duke of Calabria advanced by Perugia with the 
 intention of takhig Cortona, but deterred bv its strong position 
 sat down before the small fortress of F(»iano which conniiands 
 the road of communication between the Seiiese and Florentine 
 territory in the \'al-di-Chiana. This small place, weak in de- 
 fences and garrisoned by only two hundred men besides the inha- 
 bitants, under the gallant conduct of Piero di Somma balHed the 
 young prince and the experienced Count of Urbino, with all their 
 army for forty-six days, and then made good terms of surrender. 
 The prolonged siege of Foiano gave Florence time for preparation 
 which was increased by the enemy's failure before Brolio and 
 Cacchiano two private castles of the Ricasoli familv : he then 
 besieged Castellina only ten miles from Siena on the Florentine 
 road, a place weak in its position and defences, which however 
 stood out for forty-four days when the siege was raised with dis- 
 honour. Nevertheless Florence during all this time seems to 
 have been veiy inactive, and allowed her territory to be ravaged 
 without mercy even to within six miles of the capital : she had 
 only collected about ten thousand men of all anns under Simo- 
 neta, Astorre da Faenza, and Gismondo iMalatesta, which were 
 stationed at Colle with orders, accordhig to the usual militaiy 
 policy of Florence as recommended by ( iino di Xeri Capponi, 
 not to hazard a pitched battle but save important posts without 
 attending to smaller places which could always be recovered 
 by treaty. Gino had always advocated a prolonged wai-fare. 
 "Let pitched battles ever be shunned by our communitv,"said 
 he, " because men-at-arms are made like sheep : wherefore it 
 is our game to conquer by time and not in one moment by for- 
 tune ; for in the day of battle no man can tell ere it finish who 
 shall have the victory, whatever advantage he may have ; be- 
 cause he is subject to a thousand perils." 
 
 CHAP. II.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 311 
 
 After the fruitless siege of Castellana which was raised in 
 November Ferdinand and the Count of Urbino withdrew their 
 army, now much diminished, to winter quarters and thus tliis 
 formidable campaign terminated in nothing but the usual 
 plunder of the unfortunate peasantry -. 
 
 To avoid the inconvenience of a continual change of magis- 
 trates and with it their variable designs and opinions ; to secure 
 a prompt supply of money for active warfare ; and probably to 
 strengthen the Medician authority ; a decree passed the councils 
 as early as Alphonso s invasion in July, for the creation of a new 
 Balia of three hundred citizens with full powers to make fresh 
 scrutinies, impose taxes, create loans, and exercise everj^ other 
 act of sovereign authority that circumstances might render 
 expedient. They were moreover authorised to elect the gon- 
 falonier of justice at their will instead of by lot, during the 
 existence of hostilities and for six months after ; or for two 
 years certain under any circumstances. They were empowered 
 also to divide themselves into fractional parts, or otherwise 
 appoint boards of citizens for specific purposes with great 
 powers in their several departments. Five citizens were chosen 
 to form a committee of ways and means which was not long in 
 proposing that 580,000 florhis should be raised within the 
 year, by a tax, apparently on the value of property and profits 
 in trade ; six rates were also imposed called the " Becime 
 Xaove " to be collected monthly ; but all apparently as forced 
 loans at the enormous price, under certain conditions of imme- 
 diate payment, of three florins stock for one of value ; and yet, 
 after the recent foil, this was about thirteen per cent, dearer 
 than the market price of stocks. Five additional officers of the 
 public funds were also nominated, as well as another board of 
 equal number to levy a tax on the clergy and other " Non 
 Sopportanti " or untaxed citizens of the community. 
 
 * Poggio, Lib. viii., p. 253.— Bonin- tomo xviii., p. 1149.— Boninsegni, 
 segni, Lib. ii., p. 100.— Ricordi di Lib. ii., p. 101. 
 Clno di Neri Capponi, Rer. Ital. Scrip., 
 
312 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 CHAP, n.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 313 
 
 The inhabitants of Florence were in fact divided into two 
 <,'reat classes ; one registered on the public books as bable to 
 ordinary taxation and called " Sopportautr but subdivided into 
 two parts, one of which was eligible to the honours of office the 
 other not. The second grand division was into those not lialJe 
 to ordinary taxation: these were called '' Xou Sopportanti;' 
 and, excepting the clerg\% lived for tlie most part by manual 
 laboiu- in the exercise of mechanic arts and the lowest trades 
 under the general denomination of " Ph-hv;' " Phhn " or ''ple- 
 beians " as in ancient Rome ^. All refugees for public or pri- 
 vate debts being inhabitants of the contiidu or district were 
 allowed to return to their habitations free from any demand for 
 five years, and the twenty " Accoppintori " and s-.n taries who 
 were in office from U44 to 1448 were reestablished with tlie 
 full authority of that important office ; besides which the Balia 
 itself assumed the power of jmssing iiicasuiVN by a biire ma- 
 jority of votes when only two-thirds of their number were 
 assembled, m the same manner as if two-thirds of the whole 
 number liad concurred. This was consi.l.-rod a violent and 
 shameful infiingement of constitutional law and ancient cus- 
 tom. " Wherefore," exclaims Giovanni Cambi, " let the people 
 beware how they bestow power on any citizen if they wish to 
 live free from tyranny in their city: by arms or secret voting 
 the people can never be overcome, but the power of the gi-eat 
 can subdue them." Another Board of Five was appointed to 
 recover the arrears of taxes due to the state, which was accom- 
 plished with great success and therefore probably witli great 
 severity. The Gonfalonier of Justice was selected from three 
 citizens chosen for each quarter by the twenty Accoppiatori 
 without being alTected by the Divieto which was shortly after 
 abolished at the instance of Neri Capponi and Vettori for 
 every office except those of the Seignory, Colleges, and Decem- 
 virate of War. 
 
 * Varolii, Stor. Fior., Lib. iii., r.. ]G}>. 
 
 In the month of September these three councils with the 
 twenty Accoppiatori and the Great Balia of three hundred, all 
 assembled to elect eight citizens for six months, to wliuni there 
 seems to have been delegated extraordinary and sanguinary 
 powers except in civil cases ■', and the Grand Balia assumed 
 that of choosing the prjors at will instead of by lot during 
 the war and for two years after. This seems to have been 
 an unusual if not illegal stretcli of authority eitlior hy the Balia 
 or councils, not sanctioned even by the enjpty forms of a par- 
 liament: it was however repeatedly renewed })y that assemVdy 
 and never permanently relin(juislied until the revolution of 
 1494 f. Besides all these a board of five citizens was nomi- 
 nated for five years to superintend the enlargement of the great 
 council-chamber now rendered necessary by the numerous 
 influx of citizens from Venice and Naples in consequence of 
 the late decrees of thi»sc states : this like all other commissions 
 had great authority in its department ; it was paid by one penny 
 in the pound deducted from the soldier's pay, Jind in this manner 
 by an accumulation of places with salary, privileges, and pa- 
 tronage, Cosimo and his new Ixilia nmltiplied their hold on 
 public power and inilucnccd every particle of the connnonwealth. 
 
 It is now necessary to return for a moment to the general 
 affairs of Italy. Pope Nicholas V. only mixed in Italian ^^ ^^^^ 
 politics as a peace-maker : he was a man of learning, 
 of literaiy taste, of a peaceful and virtuous diaracter, more 
 absorbed in literature and spiritual government than in worldly 
 politics, and therefore impatient of the numerous interruptions 
 to these favourite pursuits by the necessity of administering the 
 ci^-il government. He set no value on, and probably, from his 
 education amongst the lower ranks of the priesthood, did not 
 
 * Those were i>rol.al)ly the " Otto Mia mcnfarj lU Fatti CiviU di Firenze, 
 
 GuariUa'' but (iiovaani Canibi's Ian- Lib. iii., i>. 45. 
 
 guage is very old, confused, and (litlicult f (Jiov. Canibi, p. -.00 to p. .5U_.-- 
 
 to disentangle, Nerli however places it Aumiirato, Lib. xxn., p. i -. 
 
 nearly beyond a doubt. (Vide Com- 
 
3U 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 even comprehend the practical value of political rights ; or it 
 may be that he beheld them so abused by faction that they lost 
 all estimation in his eyes, and he expected as implicit' obe- 
 dience to authority as if they were cause and effect. There were 
 however many Roman citizens of veiy different sentiments who 
 bore impatiently the ride of Itali^in priests .nul still less so the 
 domhiion of foreigners. Eugeuius and others had ftlt this 
 spirit, and even after that priest's death but before the accession 
 of Nicholas, Stefano Torcari a noble of higli intellectual ac- 
 complishments dazzled by ancient Iloman fame and the modern 
 exploits of Rienzi, thought to signalise himself by an attempt 
 to wrest his country from the grasp of prelat.s and a restoration 
 of the democratic government. In 1447, and in the Bishop of 
 Benevento's presence, he openly addressed an assembly of his 
 fellow-citizens on the right of choosing their onmi nders and 
 form of government ; and though that prelate checked his elo- 
 cution and afterwards denounced him as a dangerous subject he 
 nevertheless did not desist, for his hopes were based on the 
 scandalous manners of priests and the discontent of every order 
 of Roman citizens :— but, according to Macchiavelli, he' relied 
 above all things on the concluding lines of Petrarca's " Spirto 
 < rent lie " which sav, 
 
 " Siipra M Monte Tarpeo, Canzon, vedrai 
 Un cavalier ch' Italia tutta onora, 
 Pensoso piu d' altrui, chc di so stesso. Digli &c." *. 
 
 For poets being then superstitiously regarded as the recep- 
 tacles of a prophetic spirit, he believed that what Petrarch 
 uttered was the voice of Heaven and that he Porcari was the 
 chosen instrument. 
 
 Elated with this enthusiasm he at the public games excited 
 his coimtiymen to revolt and was banished for it to Bologna, 
 with the further punishment of presenting liimself daily before 
 
 wih"seelln?l'r.\^''n' T'\ 'T^' '^"" ^'^'^ '' ''''''' thoughtful of others than 
 wilt see a knight that all Italy honours, of himself. Tell him &c. 
 
 CHA? 
 
 . ...] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 315 
 
 the cardinal legate Besarion. Rome for the three last ponti- 
 ficates had been the scene of war sedition turbulence and 
 sanguinary executions, and although more tranquil under 
 Nicholas the puldic mind was still averse to the rule of priests 
 and foreigners which brought with it a strange mixture of 
 anarcby and despotism and trampled on the very name and 
 shadow of liberty. While in l^ologna, Stefano Porcari had full 
 leisure to revise and reorganise his plans and not only managed 
 to continue his uitercourse witli Rouie but, what is scarcely cre- 
 dible, to visit that city several times and return within the period 
 of his daily presentation to the legate. In 14r>:i his nephew 
 Baptista Sciarra was instructed to absemble his friends at 
 supper and have four lunidred armed followers in readiness, 
 promising to be with tlieni ere the repast was finished. All 
 this was executed according to liis desire and he suddenly ap- 
 peared and harangued the assemVdy dressed in rich attire, not 
 from vanity but to facilitate his entrance unquestioned into the 
 scene of action. After an eloquent address the mode of rising, 
 making the pope and his gi-eat officers prisoners, and revolu- 
 tionising tlie state, were all settled ; but Nicholas had timely 
 information of this plot ; he surrounded the bouse imprisoned 
 all the guests, and hung Stefano with nine more conspirators 
 untried and even without the last comforts of religion ; and 
 this was the spirit even of a mild nud gentle pontiff!- 
 
 Such entei-prises although mostly generous and sometimes 
 glorious are rarely fortunate and, as Macchiavelli remarks, 
 ever attended in their execution l>y certain evil. They are 
 seldom successful because they require a congenial spirit in the 
 community; they require the same virtue, patriotism, inde- 
 pendence of mind, honesty of heart, and even enthusiasm in the 
 citizens as in the authors ; and as such things are only attempted 
 or become necessary in times of extreme tyranny or general 
 corruption, they are commonly alien to the spirit of the age 
 
 • Gio. Camhi, p. 306.— Macchiavelli, Lib. vi.— Sismondi, vol. vii., p. 174. 
 
 I^WI«'*«B8P' '"'^W9 
 
316 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 I 
 
 fBf^OK n. 
 
 and ultimately fail for want of nourisluiicnt even tlumgh at 
 first prosperous ; but the reaction is always sure and terrible. 
 Nicholas from having been a good man became a cruel and 
 suspicious tyrant so that the vengeance and (wecutions for this 
 conspiracy were bitter, numerous, and long continued. 
 
 Although the French monarch Charles MI., f(dt well dis- 
 posed to mingle in Italian politics and bad warmly tmbraced 
 the Florentine league, he was prevented by a war with England 
 and particularly by his exertions to recover Bordeaux, from 
 sending immediate succours : whereupon Agiiulo Acciaiuoli and 
 a Milanese ambassador were in the begimiing of [[:>:'} des- 
 patched to France to secure the C()oi)eration of Kegnier of 
 Anjou, with the further assurance of subsequent aid in the 
 conquest of Naples. Preparations for war rpconnnenced in tlie 
 spring and Sforza exchanged his suprral»undiuu'(^ of men fur 
 Florentine gold; two thousand soldiers wrre despatched into 
 Tuscany under his brother Alexander, s(»,00() Horins hchvy 
 received in retuni, and Agnolo Acciaiuoli succeeded in engag- 
 ing Regnier with two thousand four bundled men-at-arnis to 
 be in Lombardy by the middle of June. 
 
 But while these wars and seditions were coiiA-ulsing Italy all 
 Christendom was astounded by the intelligence that Constan- 
 tniople had fallen under the Turkish scimitar on the eighteenth 
 of June 1458, that the Emj^eror C(.nstantine and all the 
 Grecian forces besides many other Christians were cut to 
 pieces, and tliat Sultan Mahomed II. was lord and master of 
 the Grecian empire, which ended as it began, in a Constantine 
 the son of Helena. This did not relax tlie sternness ,»f Italian 
 warftire ; on the contrary lie.gnier s advent in L(»ndjardy with 
 his Frenchmen gave a more savage and crucd aspect to hos- 
 tilities and exasperated eveiy Italian both friend and foe: 
 for bad as they were, the Italian soldiery of this period seem 
 to have been far inferior to both French and bjiglish in the 
 ferocity of their military character. One of the immediate 
 
 CHAP. II.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 317 
 
 consequences of this disgust seems to have been Tiegnier s 
 withdrawal to France against all Sforza s entreaties, but with 
 the promise of sending his son as a substitute, wlio however con- 
 fined his operations to Tuscany and the military command of the 
 Florentines amongst whom he became extremely popular. In 
 that country the sickness which thinned Ferdinand s army quar- 
 tered in the 2^Iarennna allowed Florence to make an easy re- 
 conquest of all she had lost during the preceding year, and 
 even to think of chastishig Siena for her hostile conduct in the 
 war. This was strongly opposed by Cosimo, and still more 
 energetically and effectually by Neri Capponi who insisted that 
 such'^a proceeding would at once force Siena into the arms of 
 Alphonso for protection and thence would assuredly follow her 
 subjugation : the truth of this was afterwards admitted by 
 Ferdinand, who praised it as one of the wisest acts of Floren- 
 tine policy ; for the first arrow-flight against Siena would have 
 made him lord of that republic -■-. 
 
 Unhappy at the perils of Christendom Pope Nicholas vainly 
 tried to restore trmKiuillity and turn the tide of war on theTurks; 
 but no efforts of his availed against the ambition and passions 
 of exasperated or self-interested rulers, until necessity led them 
 to grant what religion and lunnanity entreated for in vain. It 
 was this necessity wliich iinally led Francesco Sforza and the 
 Venetians to conclude the [)e:icc of Fodi in Aprd ^^ ^^^^ 
 1454 without consulthig, and therefore atlVonting 
 Alphonso. The Venetians, whose richest possessions lay prin- 
 cipally in the east, were terror-stricken at the Turkish conquests 
 and wished for peace while the Duke of Milan anxious to 
 consolidate his power and secure a tranquil succession was 
 equally desirous of it so that they soon came to terms and 
 Cosimo "s ambassadors assisted in concluding the treaty. Al- 
 phonso angry with the Venetians for treating him as a mere 
 
 * Neri Capponi, Com. Rw. hal. Scrip., tomo xviii.-Coiio, Ilistor., folio 404-5. 
 — Sismondi, vol. vii., p. 153. 
 
31S 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 I- 
 
 [book It. 
 
 adherent refused to become a party and continued at least the 
 appearance of hostilities until the following year ^'. 
 
 The peace of Lodi was followed by a defensive league for 
 twenty-five years between the two republics and Milan, to 
 which Alphonso, appeased by the subsequent behaviour of 
 Venice, acceded in 1455, but only on condition that Ghis- 
 mondo Malatesta, Astorre Manfredi of Faenza, and the Geno- 
 ese repubhc should not be included ; the two former for haviurr 
 first engaged themselves in his service, received their pay, and 
 then deserted him for Florence ; the last because he had' never 
 forgiven his own defeat and capture and the devotion of Genoa 
 to the house of Anjou, besides a long-standing national hatred 
 between the Genoese and the Catalans. While the Adonii were 
 in power he was appeased by a nominal tribute, for he had assisted 
 them when they were in exile and exasperated at their in- 
 juries ; but amidst the numerous rapid and bloody revolutions 
 of that stormy republic, wlien the rival house of Fregi)si rose to 
 power, the Adorni again shared Alphonso s enmity and led his 
 hostile legions against their country. The i\ill of Constantinople 
 had ruined Pera one of the most valuable colonies and establish- 
 ments of Genoese commerce and all her other Levantine pos- 
 sessions were in jeopardy, therefore Alphonso attacked that 
 convulsed and exhausted state at great advantage! and the 
 government in this emergency probably foreseeing a iailure of 
 means to maintain these colonies made over their sovereignty 
 with all its cares to the rich and wisely-ordered Bank of Saint 
 George which from its estiiblishment"^ in 1407, had sailed on 
 quietly and steadily, unruftled by the violence of political tem- 
 pests. Alphonso made a desultory and galling war on them ly 
 land and sea ; their allies were bound by treaty not to assist 
 them : aid was vainly sought for in Italy, and all seemed hope- 
 
 ♦ Po?gio, Lib. viii., p. 2.57.— Ammi- his rommc-ntaric-s xvith this peace of 
 
 nito, Lib. xxiii., p. 7}{._Neri Capponi, Lodi. 
 
 p. 1215, &c. — Po-Tio Bracciolini f Justiniano, Ann.ili dj (ivwr,. Lib v,. 
 
 finishes his history and Neri Capponi Carta ccv. 
 
 CHAP. II. J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 319 
 
 less when the Doge Piero Fregoso in a fit of despair conferred 
 the Seignory of Genoa on Charles VII. of France. John son 
 of Regnier d'Anjou the titular Duke of Calabria and Alplionso's 
 most dreaded rival was appohited viceroy, wherefore the war was 
 continued with increased vigour until the death of Alphonso in 
 
 June 1458 •!'. 
 
 After this monarch had ratified the peace of Lodi he made 
 a double marriage with the house of Milan ; first between 
 his grandson and namesake, and a daughter of Francesco 
 Sforza ; secondly between the prince's sister and that duke's 
 son Giovan-Galeazzo, both of whicli were publicly announced 
 by a herald with great ceremony to the Florentine people and 
 afterwards produced important consequences f. 
 
 Pope Nicholas also l)ecame a willing member of the league 
 by binding himself and his successors to maintain it ^ j, ^^^^ 
 for five-and-twenty years and with such eagerness, 
 that a decree was issued from tli<^ papal court for its publica- 
 tion on the twenty-fifth of ^^larcli in every city belonging to 
 the confederacy, but Nicholas died on the night of the twenty- 
 fourth only a few hours before its accomplislnnent. He was 
 succeeded early in April 1155 by Alphonso Borgia of Valentia 
 under the name of Calixtus HI. who began the fortunes and 
 iiotorietv of a family infamous throughout the world. But 
 though peace was made, war did not cease : for the condottiere 
 Jacomo Piccinino, dismissed according to custom from the 
 Venetian service, still held his followers together and being 
 joined by other chiefs determined to maintain hhnself after the 
 maimer of the ancient companies; wherefore passing into Ko- 
 magna and thence into the Senese territory he made war on 
 that republic until his army was repulsed at a place called 
 - Valle dell" Inferno " near the river Fiore by the united forces 
 
 * Paulo Interiano, Ristrctto dollo Is- noa. Lib. v., c:^y ccxi.. and Carta ccv. 
 tor. Genovesi, Lib. vii., M. 203.— f Aninmatu. Lib xxui., p. H2. 
 A''ostiuo Justiniano, Aunali di Ge- 
 
320 
 
 FLORENTiNE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 S II 
 
 of Florence, Sforza, and the Venetians. Success or extraneous 
 aid could alone keep an ai-my together whose general liad no 
 funds; wherefore Piccmino reUred with diminished forces to 
 Castiglione della Pescaia then in the possession of Naples : 
 there he was succoured by Alphonso and even engaged in his 
 service in 1450, when he was compelled to restore all his recent 
 captures from Siena for 20,000 florins :=. 
 
 We must now return to the domestic affaii^ of Florence 
 which in the quiet of peace and the absence of political anta- 
 gonists began to assume a different aspect. In December 1453 
 the all-powerful Balia was renewed for h\e years accompanied 
 by a fresh scrutiny, and the election piu'se> w.re still continued 
 in the hands of the Accoppiatori of 1444 and 1 4 1« to draw 
 whom they pleased for the Seignoiyf. In the following year 
 it was annulled and the city restored to the h^gitimati^ drawing 
 of all magistracies and the ordinary rule of the councils; but 
 about this change a few more words will be necessary ;. The 
 divisions and enmities of Florence were always those' of fac- 
 tion ; not on the broad principles of a national juirty, but faction 
 in its narrowest and vilest sense as connccti^d with the govern- 
 ment of a civilised community, and were therefore always mis- 
 chievous. Wiile influenced by fear of their rivals each })arty 
 held together but when that band was broken they si)lit into 
 pieces and quaiTclled with each otlier. Tliese factions were 
 almost a necessary consequence of the system of govoniment : 
 that extreme jealousy of pennanent power whiih never allowed 
 any magistracy to last more than a few months, except when 
 some universal danger or strong sentiment absorbed tbe public 
 mind, was an inconvenient obstacle to consecutive acts and 
 steady councils: hence resulted the permanent existence of 
 some one party in the state, the depository of a jiarticular 
 system of political action and the nucleus for all those of 
 
 * Sismondi, vol. vii., p. ISl.—Ammi- f Boniiisogni, Mem. di Firenzc, Lib. 
 rate, Lib. xx.ii., p. 81. ii., ,,. 107. - Ibid., p. lOl). 
 
 CHAP. 11.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 321 
 
 similar opinions to settle upon. If this party were in power, 
 its leaders though aloof from office ruled the state, and its 
 politics were steadily supported, as mider the Albizzi and 
 Medici; but such authority could only be gained by the 
 total abasement of every rival, a course always pursued without 
 mercy by the winners. The losers could only acquire power by 
 a fresh revolution, generally bloody, but always vindictive and 
 michievous; and thus every - Xocitar' or change of adminis- 
 tration became a serious business within, though it seldom 
 altered the external policy of the comitry. National prosperity 
 was of course much inq)aired and impeded by these struggles ; 
 yet whenever tranquillity returned and taxation lessened and 
 commercial energy became free, the great masses recovered 
 with wonderful elasticity and the state advanced in power and 
 opulence until war and revolution again reduced it. The in- 
 sufficiency of ordinary government in difficult times occasioned 
 repeated creations of a Balia whenever anything extraordinaiy 
 occurred, and the ascendant party always resorted to this 
 dictatorship to trample on their opponents. As the Balui was 
 above all law, the faction by whom it existed, and of whose 
 creatures and partisans it was composed, was also above the laws 
 although acting in ai)p:irent accordance with them ; and in the 
 first twenty years of Cosimo's reign this office was renewed re- 
 peatedly without any cessation of its functions, nominally by the 
 free voice of the Florentine people in full assembly, but really 
 under the glitter of a thousand mercenary lances. It has been 
 already said that for the greater security of Cosimo and his 
 faction new scrutinies were ordered by the Balia of 14o4. That 
 the purses were accordingly filled with Ids partisans ; that the 
 ancient mode of drawing the Seignory by lot was suspended, 
 and bv means of a set of officers called " Accopiatori " and 
 " Secretaries of the Scrutiny " combined with the expiring 
 Seignory, their successors were elected, so that the same party 
 consmntly retained the government, the Divieto itself being 
 
 VOL. III. ^ 
 
322 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [EOI'K 
 
 11. 
 
 sometimes disregarded, and Florence became a close coi-poratiou. 
 We have shown that even this was insufficient for Cosimo's 
 jealousy of the as yet unhanished but suspected citizens, where- 
 fore to the " Otto di Guardia " was given full power over the life 
 and property of any citizen that attempted to " Far novita " or 
 make a change in the existing govenmient ; or who acted in 
 any way against the state ; or who even presumed to find such 
 fault with the ascendant faction as to excite their suspicion or 
 displeasure. We have seen also that their non-adherents were 
 studiously oppressed \\ith a taxation heavier than they could 
 l)ear, and that by this jealous and rigorously executed policy at 
 home, combined with foreign alliances wliich were more per- 
 sonal than national, C'osimo was enabled for twenty years to 
 maintain a stern and steady coui-se of domestic goveniment, 
 modified nevertheless by the utmost personal urbanity and ap- 
 parent equality and without any violence ; for his most despotic 
 and oppressive acts were sanctified by legal and constitutional 
 forms liowever unjustly made use of. 
 
 ^lucli of this success no doubt arose from the foi'bearance and 
 even cooperation of Neri Capponi, and it is not a little in 
 Cosimo's favour that such a citizen should ever have supported 
 him : the former had acquired his renown by public services in 
 the field and cabinet and therefore had gained many friends 
 and admirers, but few partisans; the latter both by public 
 acts and private beneficence had won reputation friends and 
 adherents in abundance. Xeri had reputation alone : Cosimo 
 added wealth and authority: Xeri attracted and influenced; 
 Cosimo, in addition, commanded ; either directly by his own 
 power, or indirectly by the innumeralde liens he had on Flo- 
 rentine society. Xevertheless Capponi had a party with suf- 
 ficient honesty to admire his character, or suflicient emuity 
 against the Medici to cling to the skirts of their riviil ; but 
 he was too weak to overcome Cosimo though too powerful to 
 be vanquished. He therefore was perhaps more really useful 
 
 CHAP. H.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 323 
 
 in checking unlawful power and mitigating domestic oppression, 
 as well as in the conduct of foreign affairs and external war, 
 than he would have been in attempting, perhaps vainly attempt- 
 in<T, to crush liis adversary and restore Florence to that liberty 
 which he must have seen had been willingly bartered for the 
 wealth and protection of Cosimo. His example probably re- 
 pressed his party while he lived ; yet two years before his death* 
 a change came over the spirit of the people and disposed 
 many to shake off the unbounded authority of Cosimo nay 
 some of his followers forgetting tliat even their very existence 
 depended on him, began to look still further and contemplate 
 their own complete emancipation. They therefore expressed 
 their wishes more frankly than was either expected or palatable 
 and obhged him to discuss the remedy with his most confiden- 
 tial advisers. 
 
 Two ways immediately presented themselves : open force or 
 an apparent yielding : either to grapjile at once \rith the dan- 
 ger and trusting to friends and self-sufficient power, to new 
 partisans and even the restoration if need were of some exiled 
 citizens, to maintahi himself against aggressors : or else to let 
 the new spirit have its way and work itself into a labyrinth 
 of difficulties until compelled to supplicate his assistance, when 
 he would return more despotic and unshackled than before. 
 He chose the latter ; consented that the Balia should expire, 
 the magistracies be drawn bv lot, and the whole constitution 
 return to its legitimate and original movement. He was well 
 aware that the election purses were full of his partisans, that 
 his power was safe, his influence undiminished and certain to 
 remain so, because it depended on his riches, his personal cha- 
 racter and his exalted sUition, not alone in Florence but 
 
 * Both Xerliand March iavclli erronc- 145.% as the above authors attribute 
 ously phicc Neri Capjioni's death in the political changes of that year to his 
 1455, hut the codicil to his vill is death which was supposed to have re- 
 dated in 1456, and he probably died moved the lust and most formidable 
 in 1457. — It seems probable tliat he impediment to Cosimo's supremacy, 
 may have retired from public life in 
 
 / 
 
 Y ^ 
 
324 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOIIT. 
 
 [i;ooK II. 
 
 throughout Christendom and even beyond it. Pie also foresaw 
 that those who imagined him unnecessary to their gi'eatuess 
 instead of the trains of obsequious chents that altcutled 
 them while power was sure and permanent, would when 
 the magistracies were thrown open to the crowd l)e utterly de- 
 serted and smk into the neglected obscurity of private men. 
 He knew that they could never bear this, nor the equality they 
 would be compelled to suffer, nor the sight of inferiors sur- 
 passing them in the acquirement of those honours that tliev 
 had hitlierto exclusively enjoyed, nor the neglect, nor derision, 
 nor insolence, nor humihation to which they would be exposed 
 when they had only their own reputation to support them: and 
 all this he expected would soon convince them that not he but 
 thev had fallen. 
 
 All happened exactly as he had fores* vn ; but he pretended 
 not to notice it, and supported every popular measure in the 
 councils : the citizens rejoiced in their recovered hberty; liberal 
 and populai' acts became frequent ; tongues were loosened ; 
 opinions openly declai'ed ; and the lately enthraUed Florence 
 bounded ^^^th all the elasticity of recovered freedom. Cosimo 
 looked on and smiled : ])eing resolved to let things run to extre- 
 mity ere he interfered to stop them : Eucellai was ihr first freely 
 chosen gonfalonier for July and August 1455. Under him the 
 artisans and less powerful citizens assumed unwonted power 
 and triumphed over their late oppressors ; democracy raised its 
 many-headed form and with all the wantonness of newgotten 
 power scorned and insulted the very men who had procured it, 
 as the dogs of Scylla barked at their enchanted mother. 
 
 Sensible of their mistake the new seceders most Immbh 
 entreated Cosimo to reestabhsh liis authority by a lialia but he 
 refused; their supplications were frequent but he was inexorable 
 A.D. 1456-7. ^"^ resolved to humble them. This state of things 
 contmued through the two following years; in the 
 latter of which the plague and a conspiracy by one of the Eicci for 
 
 CHAP. II. ] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 325 
 
 A.D. 1458. 
 
 a while perplexed the community : but in January 1458, public 
 boldness had so much increased with this brief period of liberty 
 that a decree to reestablish the Catasto of 1427 was proposed 
 and carried in the councils ! This struck terror hito 
 the great, and coupled with an increasing audacity of 
 the citizens startled even Cosimo, for it imposed taxes impar- 
 tially and legally, and not by the mere will of one or several 
 powerful citizens. The seceders now became still more hum- 
 ble and importunate ; they asked for a parliament and Balia ; 
 he was still implacable imd would only consent on condition 
 that the proposal was carried in a regular manner through all 
 the councils without coercion. This motion was made and lost 
 as Cosimo expected ; another and still more abject deputation 
 followed, but he was still inexorable and resolved to bring 
 (lo^vn their pride to the lowest : the gonfalonier Matteo Bartoli 
 tried in spite of him to carry it in the Seignory, but was soon 
 made sensible of Cosinio's imposhig intluence there : he was 
 laughed to scorn and retired in anger, and a law passed making 
 it penal for any Balia to l)e created, except by acclamation 
 in all the councils. The IMedici however, after these proofs 
 of supremacy, not choosing that things should get quite beyond 
 his reach, deemed it high time to curb the rising spirit of 
 
 the people. 
 
 Luca Pitti, a man of more audacity than honesty or wisdom 
 became gonfalonier in July and Cosimo resolved to make him 
 the instrument of his will and the scape-goat for any odium that 
 might be attaclied to the resumption of his former authority. 
 Pitti accordhigly proposed in the councils the formation of 
 a new Balia, but in vain : he then plainly threatened that 
 what they refuse.l in the palace they should be compelled to 
 do on the Ringhiera by force of arms, and after a month spent 
 in unsuccessful attempts he prep^ired the Seignory, assembled 
 a strong body of troops, garrisoned the palace, occupied all 
 the leading streets, and certain of the armed assistance of 
 
326 
 
 FLORENTINfc: HISTORY. 
 
 [mOOK II. 
 
 Cosimo and his numerous followers, summoned a parliament on 
 the eleventh of August and forcibly cai-ried his decree. Thus 
 was Cosimo's game well played for liim ; a Balia was appointed, 
 absolute dominion reestablished, the citizens again reduced to 
 servitude, and the car of the Medici once more rolled onward 
 with increasing majesty-^' ! 
 
 To mark this epocli more distinctly Luca Pitti was subse- 
 quently made a knight, and as if in mockery, the priors of the 
 Arts assumed in 1450 the title of ^'Priors of Lilnrhj /" The 
 name for the substance ! This was intended to exalt the Seig- 
 nor>^ above all civic equality and in a manner separate them 
 from those citizens by whom they were to be no longer elected. 
 The gonfalonier was ordered amongst other forms to take pre- 
 .^edence of both foreign rectoi-s, which was never before at- 
 tempted ; and the bold successful Pitti became after Cusimo, 
 one of the most distinguished leaders of the republic f. 
 
 This resolution was not unattended by seveiity : more than 
 two yeai-s of emancipation had opened many a bold and imprudent 
 mouth and hlled many a heart with the fallacious hopes of 
 permanent liberty, so that when Luca Pitti fii-st proposed tiie 
 re-api^ointment of a Balia he was resolutely withstood by Giro- 
 lamo Macchiavelli a doctor of laws who naturallv demanded I'ea- 
 son for tliis change at a time when profound peace existed and 
 nothmg extraordinary had occurred. If money were rofpiircd 
 there was the Catasto ready to supply it without favour or op- 
 pression, wherefore he asserted that some deception lay concealed 
 mider this veil, a deception which rerpiired exposure and tliat 
 the people should be no longer kept in ignorance of their own 
 affairs. "He saw no such merits in the more powerful citizens 
 that they should, by excluding the rest as bondsmen from the 
 government, rule alone as tyrants," wherefore he boldly opposed 
 
 • Jacopo Pitti, Storia Fiorcnt., LiTu^ Mnrrlriavclli, r.il,. vii.-MorcIli, Co.. 
 £ vl-i; n 1 M^ ... ^' J'"-— lioninsepii, Lib. ii., from 
 
 Lii ; Tr '^'^••- '"•' P- •*-5— ^^^'^ 12.1-Giov. Cambi, p. 358 to 
 Aramirato, Lab. xww.^ p. 82-5.— 367. 
 
 CHAP. II. J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 327 
 
 the bill. This opposition defeated the project for the time but 
 broucrht down vengeance from the Seignory and potent citizens 
 on his audacious head ; and, as it were to exhibit an example of 
 Florentine liberty, he and his brother were arrested and put to 
 the torture hi order to have this question answered, " P>y whom 
 » he was instigated to speak so disrespe.-tfully of the government 
 
 - and propagate words so offensive as 's/^/^v.s and tumnis; in a 
 
 - free city ; and what open or secret practices he held against 
 " the tranquillity of the commonwealth?" Macchiavelli over- 
 come by the extremity of torment confessed to having intelli- 
 gence with many citiiens wliose opinions were similar to his 
 own, and amongst them named Antonio P.arbadori and Carlo 
 Benizi as the principal. These two were also tormented: they 
 confirmed Macchiavellis confession and miveiled so widespread 
 a spirit of political liberty as to determine Luca with Cosimo s 
 covert acquiescence to suiiiuKui a parliament and establish a 
 Daliii by force of arms, as aln ady related -. 
 
 Ten new accopiatori and ten secivtaries were added to those 
 of 14:U, and three hundred and iifty-two citizens were chosen 
 to conduct the fortliconung scrutiny ; tliesc widely extended 
 selections while they enlisted a liost of rich and powerful families 
 in his favour by the participition of public honours and autho- 
 rity, showed also the vast political iiiiUience of Cosimo, who could 
 thus implicitly trust to the assured support of so many citizens. 
 After this came persecution, and eighteen distinguished citizens 
 including the above prisoners were banished, the Llacchiavelli 
 and Benizi for five-and-twenty years, with a deprivation of 
 civic rights for all their descendants besides a large fine on 
 the first named f^miily. The rest were punished by mulcts, 
 exile, and admonition for themselves and descendants ; and all 
 this as Cambi quaintly observes -For placuuf the eggs in the 
 basket after their own fashion "f. This was followed in Novem- 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxiii., p. 87 —Gio. t Per asscttare F uovanel paneruzolo 
 Cambi, p. 358.-Lionardo Morclli, p. a lor modo ; (Gio. Cambi, Istoiie, p. 
 177. 362.) 
 
328 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book rr. 
 
 CHAP, n.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 329 
 
 ber and December by a sentence of ten years' additional exile 
 against all those not banished from the state, and even the old 
 offenders of 1431 had their time prolonged to a period of five- 
 and-twenty years after the original sentence sli,.uld be expired. 
 Eleven entire families were thus expatriated ^ "Wherefore " 
 exclaims Giovanni Cambi, "Learn all ye that read this, never 
 *• to consent to the creation of a Balia or the assembly uf a par- 
 " liament; rather die with sword in hand tlian suffer a tyrant 
 *' over you ; for in a short time the tyrant will humble those 
 " who have made him great and exalt new and ignoble men of 
 " no reputation in the cunnnunity in order to secure their sup- 
 " port ; for his destruction would be theirs f ". 
 
 About the same period forty of the banished citizens were 
 proclaimed rebels and live more beheaded, besides Girolamo 
 .Alacchiavelli who was taken by the treachery of some fiiend in 
 Lunigiana while plotting against the govennuent and died under 
 the torture, bringing down a sentence of exile on twenty-live more 
 citizens. 
 
 A new council of a hundred was created in January 1459 " 
 A.T>. 1459. ^^'^"^ ^^^^ principal citizens of each quarter for two 
 months and with a Divieto of six ; but it seems to 
 have been ephemeral and its precise olyect not apparent. Not 
 so another smaller council called the " Otto di Balia " which 
 also came into existence at this epoch, and which Amminito 
 believes to be that subsequently called the ^^Otto di I'ratuar 
 It was invested with the power of capital punishment, or at 
 least that of declaring exiles to be rebels, a fonnidable autho- 
 nty as we shaJl hereafter see ; and with these rigorous pro- 
 ceedmgs finished the duration of this Balia ; . 
 
 So determined a course of policy of which both ihe credit 
 and odmm were artfully left by Cosimo to Luca Pitti raised 
 
 * Namely, the Castcllani, Bardi, Ar- f O. Cambi n 303 
 dagn,, a«d Buldov.nott,. „to, Lib. xxiii., pp. «7, 88. 
 
 the reputation of the latter so high that he nearly echpsed the 
 Medici himself and was almost considered as chief and leader 
 „f the common^-ealth: and so high was the Seignory s power 
 then held, that many citizens deemed him perfectly justified 
 after vainly tomg to carry his measures legitimately through 
 the councils, in thus forcibly vindicating the dignity of govern- 
 ment Whoever wanted anything addressed themselves to 
 him • on him were showered gifts and offerings nuiumerahle 
 from Cosimo downwards ; while passing through the streets 
 he was reverenced as a prince ; he was attended in h.s house, 
 followed to the palace, to churches, to assemblies ; all made 
 way for him : nor did he fail to increase this popularity by 
 gracious mam.ers ; he rendered himself acceptable to everybody 
 by attentions, conversation, and every kind of urbanity *. Ihus 
 aided and honoured he soon accumulated a mass of additional 
 riches to the amount of --iO.OOO ilorius and began to build two 
 palaces ; one which still bears his name, and the less grand 
 but magnificent villa of liuscianof. The former eclipsed everj- 
 ■ thin" of the kind before attempted in Florence, and here 
 again not onlv the Florentine but otlier comnmnities pressed 
 forward in vivalrv to supply labour, materials, and every re- 
 quisite for the coiistmction of his Idngly residence ; nay, even 
 thieves, robbers, homicides and all other criminals, provided 
 they were useful, there as Macchiavolli assures us found a 
 sanctuary t- But this popularity was nevertheless attended by 
 oppression, tyi-anny, and breach of law, especially m an mdis- 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxiii., p. 87. 
 t Thus Macthiavelli, Amniinvto, &c. 
 But these buildings according' to Va- 
 sari, would seem to have been com- 
 ?/i<'>icer/longbefore,becausc Filini)o Bru- 
 Tielleschi \\\io furnished the disi;/n for 
 both died according to that author in 
 1446. Yet it is possible, nay probable, 
 that the above historians are riglit, be- 
 cause Vasari does not say that Brunel- 
 Icschi executed the work ; on the con- 
 
 trary, he savs this was done by a pupil 
 called Luca Fancclli who built many 
 things for Brunelleschi. {Vide Va- 
 sari. Vita di Fd. BruncUcsco, vol. 
 iv.,p.-2oO, <S:r.) 
 
 + There were not wanting those who 
 denied these charges, and Macchiavelli 
 has been accused of uiisrepresentation 
 from private anger at the cruel treat- 
 ment of Girolamo Macchiavelli. {Vide 
 Bruto, ht.Fior., Lib. ii", p. 13L) 
 
330 
 
 FLORENTINE IIISTOKT. 
 
 [book 
 
 n. 
 
 cnminate protection of malefactors : yet he was not singular 
 for all who had been restored by Cosimo to their former^'state 
 although they did not build, says lAIacchiavelli, were as violent 
 and tyrannical as he*. 
 
 In this condition were the atlairs of t'lorence when tlie death 
 of Pope Calixtus III. made room for .Enens Sylvius Jjishop of 
 Corsignano in the Senese state, under the name of Pius 11. 
 His whole soul was bent on sending a crusade against the 
 Turks then a more legitimate and reasonable undertaking than 
 in preceding ages, for they were rolling westward in a mighty 
 wave and threatened the sulnnei-sion of Christendom. A coJ- 
 gress was summoned for this pui-pose at IMantua where the 
 pontiff appeared in May 1450: but miable as yet to effect 
 A.I.. im. ^"-^^ "^^ovement he returned to Kome in January 14i;o 
 when war had already broken out between King Fer- 
 dinand of Naples and John of Anjou titular 1 )ulve of Calabriaf. 
 Ambassadors ariived at Florence from both these piinces to 
 solicit aid, and true to their Gallic predilections the Fl.,ren- 
 tmes without hesitation voted 80,0()(i ducats annuallv to the 
 latter, but by Cosimos advice the grant was kept secret until 
 Francesco Sforza s opinion became known. The Duke of Milan 
 with a long-sighted p.,licy was not only opposed to the measure 
 but so fearful of French interference, and of course influcnce.l 
 by his family connections with Naples, that he had alreadv 
 detei-mmed to assist Ferdinand and had even ingaged the 
 pope in his views for the maintenance of Italian tianqurilitv, as 
 more likely to be preserved by a native monarch than a trans- 
 alpme stranger. This unsettled the Florentines who after 
 some warm debating rescinded their vote and dismissed both 
 embassies with a declaration of pure neutralitv on the ground 
 of impotence, the consequence of public debt ; but not with- 
 out loud complaints from Ferdhiand as a palpable neglect of 
 the late alliance. 
 
 CHAP. "■] 
 
 FLORENTINE IIISTOKY. 
 
 331 
 
 About the same time Girolamo IMacchiavelli's arrest ana 
 death by torture occurred, xvith the above noticed bamshmeut 
 of tweuty-flve more citi^eus, and this led to a prolongation for 
 five veai-s of the close election system or drawmg the magis- 
 tracies " hj hand," as it was called, together with a public o«er 
 of reward to any who would murder those exiles that had been 
 declared rebels' by tlie " Olto di BuUar In this the benevo- 
 lence of Cosimo and his party may be seen, not that such 
 severities were singular under the Medician rule, or even per- 
 haps in the better days of the republic against individual rebels 
 in times of high excitement; but Cosimo always professed his 
 
 aversion to blood. 
 
 Piero his eldest son became gonfalonier in 1 101, and i'lo- 
 rence was calm ; but according to Macchiavelli it was ^ j, ,^„ 
 the leaden rest of despotism ; for the rule of Pitti and 
 
 his faction continued almost intolerable until Cosimos death in 
 UO-l ; strengthening as that veteran waned and even, as is said, 
 embittering his last days by political violence. Soon alter 
 their recxaltation old age and its attendant weakness seem to 
 have gradually diminished his energy and withdrawn his atten- 
 tion from public business so that those whom he had at first 
 humbled and then restored rode onward with a slackened rem 
 and trampled as they listed on the commonwealth, imncesco 
 Sforza when low in fortune had promised Cosimo if ever he be- 
 came Duke of Milan to aid him in the conquest of Lucca ; an 
 object as we are told much at the Medici's heart not only to 
 compensate for his former intentional and cidamitous failure 
 against that city, but also because he was eager to signalise his 
 administration "like the Mbi/./.i, by some iioUble acqmsition, 
 and none seemed so advantageous or popular or, with blorzas 
 aid. so easily accomplished as that of Lucca. 
 
 The Duke of Milan's views however differed from those of 
 Francesco Sforza the adventurous condottiere : tired of war and 
 with sufficient occupaUon in the settlement of his own states he 
 
 . :'^&B 
 
332 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 ["OOK II. 
 
 disregarded the promises made to a man on whom he wa. no 
 longer dependent. This was wise and politic, but ungrateful 
 and pamfully felt so by the Medici to whom he was above all 
 others indebted for his success : yet Cosiuio would never ouar- 
 rel with Sforza : his alliance, his nominal support, the veiT 
 gutter of his reputation were of importance not only to hi. 
 own family and private interests but the republic, and his last 
 mstmctions were to keep well with Milan =:=. Xevcrtbdess 
 Francesco's conduct grieved him as much as that of his own 
 party is said to have disgusted him ; and the more so as from his 
 growing infirmities he probably felt himself unable cffcctuallv 
 J' ' ^1*P^^^ them. Yet his son Giovanni, who is dos.ribed as 
 havnig been fully e.pial to maintain his father s ivput.ition was 
 now m middle life and therelbre al>le to control anv unmly 
 citizens, but as we hear nothing of him until liis death it may be 
 supposed either that the violence of faction was b-ss thai/has 
 been represented, or else not so displeasing to C osuno. How- 
 ev.r this may be, the latter seems now to hav,. retired much from 
 public life and devoted himself to literature and the tine arts • 
 to bmldmg and the embellishment of his native citv, more cspc^ 
 cially m religious editices, a strange turn for one who declared 
 ^^hat states could not he held with a p.trrunstn- in the handr 
 Kut Cosimo felt sure that the good word of the priesthood and 
 the praises of literary men would be a more favouralde passport 
 to postenty than a rigid historical scrutiny ,.f his political con- 
 duct. \et with all his errors, and they were many, he never 
 apparently stepped beyond the ranks of civic equality : his rule 
 was modest and quiet ; the guiding hand was little seen ; its 
 force and management were felt rather than its ostentation ; 
 l>iit he was all the while esteemed as a sovereign prince by 
 A.D. 14G2. ^^'*'^^«" ^^t^s ^"^^ acknowledged as the arbitrator or 
 mediator of everj^ league or peace that was made in 
 Italy. He had already passed the year 1 Xiy> and most of 1 tOli 
 
 • Bruto, Lib. i., pp. 91,0.5. 
 
 CHAF. 11.] 
 
 FLORIIMTINE niSTOllT. 
 
 333 
 
 in comparative seclusion when his spirit became completely 
 broken by the death of his youngest sou Giovanni at forty-two 
 years of\ge. Piero, though probably of a more ^^^^^^^ 
 amiable nature than Cosimo and far from deficient m 
 ability was too great an invalid to encounter the growing auda- 
 city oV faction ; his two sons Lorenzo and Giuliano however pro- 
 misinct were at this time only lifteen and ten years old and the 
 son of Giovanni had already passed away, so that when Cosimo 
 cripi)led by gout wa^ borne to his splendid palace, he said 
 ^vitll a deep s^gh, " Tim lum^e is now too large for so small a 
 
 famihir 
 
 The pope who had finidly succeeded in assembling an am.a- 
 ment at Ancona against the Turks died there on the fourteenth 
 of Aucmst 1-104, just as the Doge of Venice arrived with his 
 fleet and army. He was succeeded by Pietro Barbo a noble 
 Venetian under the name of Paul 11. but Cosimo, who on hear- 
 incr of this enterprise had remarked that the pope, an old man, 
 w^ engaging in a projct lit only for a young one, did not live 
 even to s^ee this proof of his foresight. He had reached the 
 acre of seventy-five and feeling his end approach assembled his 
 fdends and kinsmen and addressed them as we are told by the 
 historian Bruto substantially as follows. 
 
 - If it be true that I ought to have so lived as now to reap 
 " the fruits of life, I might well believe that I had gathered 
 " them in abundance, because I hardly remember anything in 
 " my past conduct that gives me cause of repentance. And 
 " since I feel that tht? throwing otf of this mortal nature opens 
 •' the door to a better life I am now with a liglit and cheerful 
 " heart prepared to quit the world. Although I might during 
 
 - my lifetime have easily enjoyed all that is most useful and 
 
 - ornamental to man, I yet nourished my soul with the brighter 
 
 - hopes of those joys that awaited me in another and more 
 " blessed existence, and thus it cost me but little to despise 
 
 - the remainder. I am now arrived at that death which leads 
 
334 
 
 FLORENTINE HTSTOKy. 
 
 [book rr. 
 
 - to immortality, and although it may come with bitterness to 
 *' you who expect it later, I tliink that for me it is best In 
 •• the conduct of life I was ever distressed, when, foiling in 
 '• those sax^red duties imposed on me by nature towards^'my 
 •• country and kindred, I rather chose to follow my own plea- 
 ** sure and convenience, wherefore my heart is now pained ly 
 '* t:ie thoughts of that comitiy and kindred which are still 
 A.D. 1464. *' ^''^^'^ **^ "^^ tl^a» lif^^-— I liad sons.— One of them 
 " m whom (if J am not blinded by paternal affection) 
 '' to singular virtue and magnanimity was joined an equal 
 " vigour of body, I have lost by an untimely death. T leave 
 •• another, who wants not patriotism nor alTection towards his 
 ** fnends, nor i)ruden<>e, nor lirmness of mind that is proof 
 
 - against eveiy fortune ; but on him, in con<.e(}uenre of his 
 •' inconstant health and strength, tlie reliance can be but weak 
 '• \et to hnn and to his sons, although without my protection 
 *' you, wlnle you prosper, will bear an affectionate remembrance' 
 
 - m order that they may not only be shelter, d from misfor- 
 
 - tune but even feel this blow less sensiblv; and I trust to 
 
 - your thus actnig because I have so often experienced your 
 •• great benevolence and fidelity when the i,ublic good forbade 
 " me to make use of them. I declare, as I hope for and have 
 
 • ever wished to go from this world to Gods presence, that the 
 thought of the commonwealth alone afflicts me : I see niin 
 
 •' and devastation overhanghig it, so that even if some hope 
 •* remam I stdl foresee that the evil-di.sposed can destroy it 
 
 * (and at this they are aiming with a wicked and impious con- 
 " spiracy) but that the good and lovers of their countrv cannot 
 
 - so easily presene it. Throughout my whole life I have been 
 
 - ever anxious as far as I could, when mv rivals allowed me, 
 
 - to merit well both privately and ,)ublicly of the .onnnunity : 
 thus when I returned from exile, while mainUiining concord 
 
 '• amongst the different orders at home, I cultivated and I 
 •' gained the fiiendship of foreign powers either by connril or 
 
 CHAP. II. I 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 335 
 
 (t 
 
 (( 
 
 ii 
 
 conduct, but always with that public authority which I never 
 claimed, but which you wislied me to hold in the city ; and 
 thus acting as becomes a citizen towards his country I ruled 
 ' the commonwealth. It is now unsteady, for mcked men 
 have been long conspiring to ruin it : I leave to your wisdom 
 " your authority your vigilance the charge of staving off this 
 " calamity, a charge which you m\\ cheerfully undertake, and 
 
 - doubtless laace the safety of that country by wliicli you have 
 " so much benefited before your personal and private interests. 
 " Nevertheless to this hope is opposed that canker which eats 
 " mto the heart of even the well disposed.— I mean ambition. 
 
 - —But the state need not fear even this, if without resorting 
 " to that violence which lias so often been the ruin of empires 
 •' it cede to the love of country. Beware of this, and you have 
 ' an easy and expeditious mode of defending the republic ; and 
 " you may easily break up and enfeeble all the powers of that 
 " rice if you entrench youiselves on one side with reason ; and 
 " suffer no surprise on 'the other by the deceitfulness of honours 
 
 - and command ; if you detest and execrate those with whom 
 " rapacity can do more than patriotism ; and if you deteimine 
 " to build your own reputation on the praise that men will 
 •' bestow on you for justice piety and moderation.— We have 
 '• no foreign war ; and the concord of the citizens when the 
 
 - ambitious, (wlio are the cruel and constant pest of their 
 
 - country) shall be repressc.l, ^vill preserve peace within ; and 
 
 " then have no fear. 
 
 - One thing I wish more especially to hnpress on you: by 
 " eveiy means tiy and uuiintain the friendship of Francesco 
 " Sforza whatever may have been his conduct towards us who 
 
 - have made him the lord of so fair a dominion. But as regards 
 
 - the safety and reputation of the community tmst him only so 
 
 - far as that in your prosperity alone, rather than in your ad- 
 
 - versitv, he may be able to give you proof as he has already 
 " done of his ingratitude. 1 would rather he were our friend ; 
 
336 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [nooK 
 
 '* but as he appears, and really is so great. I woul.l udvisc that 
 " the circumstiince of his power not being turned against you 
 *' should be considered a positive benefit. Of what he ulroadv 
 *' owes to the republic make little or no account ; but take ye 
 '* good care that for the future he shall owe nothing, jind when 
 " you have accomplished this be satisfied. From this time for- 
 " wiml let not the recollection of former fri» ndshij) induce you to 
 " give him your confidence : man by nature is so composed that, 
 '* against the common i*ule of right, he wlio receives ;nid ou«rlit 
 *' to remember a benefit qiiiekly forgets it, while the benefactor 
 '* who ought long to have forgotten it carefully presenes it^ 
 ^'memon-: and this must necessarily be when hotli one ami 
 " the other follows his interest instead of his duty. He that 
 *' receives a favour and has made use of it cares for notliiii<r 
 '* further; he drives away the recollection, which is peradveii- 
 ** ture troublesome and burdensome unless nested in a grateful 
 "heart; and on the contrary he that confers it keeps the 
 " remembrance constiuitly fitted in his mind ; and nourished 
 " by the expectation of a future and useful return it remains 
 '• tenacious and Hvely within him. Hence, sucli benefits bein^^ 
 *' venal, the benefjictor as if doomed to deserved punishment 
 " expects in vain that the obliged ingrate may return the favour. 
 •' Sforza will never make war for you as long as he wishes to 
 " maintain the peace of his dominions; more especially as he 
 ■■ is wearied aftt r the achievements of so manv great ex] doits; 
 " but that he may not be engaged by your enemies against you 
 ■ should be most sedulously provided for. Let him tlien remain 
 " quiet, but keep his friendship ; because if you ever he enga<^ed 
 " in war the reput<ition he enjoys will be a most powerful aux- 
 '• iliaiT." Here Cosimo paused for breath and then timiing to 
 hi.^ sou continued. "Thou also Piero in whom the reiHiblic is 
 " about to place its confidence, since the violenci? of my in- 
 " firmity will not allow me, as I intended, completely to fulfil 
 " this last office of paternal affection, I pray and conjure thee 
 
 CHAP. n.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY 
 
 337 
 
 " to preserve as thou best can that devotion to thy coimtiy, of 
 "which, being now of mature age, from long experience of 
 " affairs, domestic discipline, and the example of thy forefathers, 
 " thou art capable ; a devotion that no man, however prudent 
 " ever found it easy to preserve. In the government of the 
 " republic demand advice from those whose opinion is most safe, 
 *' because of their fidelity benevolence and wisdom. Remember 
 *' that if thou seekest fame and glory, the brightest and highest 
 " is that which the memory of a grateful country consecrates 
 " to patriotism : if power and riches, remember that for these 
 •' things we should only be anxious as they promote the public 
 " welfiire. Far ]>e from thee tlie desire to exalt thyself above 
 " thy fellow-citizens, because tlie wish of surpassing them, ex- 
 " cept in virtue and respectability of life, is an impious and 
 •' execrable crime. In private life let all the world behold thy 
 " temperance and equality : towards honourable and retiring 
 " men use liberality, which witliout ostentation or display of 
 " power, or suspicion of prodigality, may find its praise in bene- 
 " licence alone. In the magistracy be thou mild as long as 
 '* mildness conduces to public utility, but severe if the times 
 " require it ; so that all may know that the one to humanity, 
 " the other to fidelity and the magisterial office are indispens- 
 " able. Pardon men, but make war on their crimes. Let the 
 •' friendship of foreigners be cultivated if not detrimental to the 
 "commonwealth; and on the contrary, have no enmities ex- 
 " cept on behalf of thy country and against the wicked. Let 
 " war be made on foreign powers either to sustain national 
 " rights or repel injuries ; but so that it may seem defensive 
 " not afraressive ; and only after every endeavour to avoid it. 
 
 DO • •' ' 
 
 " As the desire of extending the national territory is unbounded 
 " so let moderation in doing it be conspicuous ; and let it be 
 " done (an importtmt and generally neglected thing) in the best 
 " and honestest manner. All these things will be most easy if 
 " thou rememberest who thou art and what part thou art des- 
 
 VOL. III. z 
 
 S^S^SF, JJtf' ^i" 5* ' 
 
338 
 
 FLORENllNE HISTORY. 
 
 [book :i_ 
 
 " tilled to act for thy country ; particularly observing this ; that 
 " not satisfied with having consulted the wisest and best citi- 
 '• zens about thy measures, confide little or nothing in thvself. 
 *' but implore the assistance of Him who alone is powerful when 
 " human strength fails ; implore the aid and succour of the 
 "Almighty"*. 
 
 We learn from Piero's letter to his sons that Cosimo did just 
 before his death convei-se on these subjects, but whether this 
 discourse as given by Bruto, certainly no fnend of the Medici, 
 were reported at the time or whether it is a mere historical 
 compilation from common lame is difiicult to tell. But savs 
 the above historian, if while alive he had exliibited such a dispo- 
 sition as is apparent in his last words he would have been tiiily 
 worthy (as he really appeared to many) from his excellent ajid 
 illustrious mental endo^\^nents to be compared in power and 
 dignity to the greatest monarchs of the agef • 
 
 The striking discrepancy between Cosirao's dying words and 
 the principal actions of his life except in a politic, and perhaps 
 natural absence of ostentation, is startling ; but becomes less so 
 wheji we consider that he addressed himself exclusively to the 
 chiefs of his own faction ; and that faction, in the eyes of Cosimo 
 and all his auditoi-s, identical with the commonwealth. There- 
 fore when he speaks of ruin overhanging the republic, he means 
 his own party ; when he talks of the good, or of wicked and evil 
 disposed men he iuilicates the friends, or the adversaries and 
 apostates of that party, such as Girolamo Macchiavelli and the 
 Bonizi. When he mentions conspiracy it must b<- taken as 
 against Medician ascendancy; and if he declares the republic un- 
 steady his auditors comprehend only dangers against that fac- 
 tion. In a similar strain he deprecates ambition as tending to 
 the separation and destruction of that which he had raised and 
 cemented : patiiotism is fidelity to the same body ; the inor- 
 dinate love of honoui-s and office tend to weaken ; concord and 
 
 * Bruto, Lib. i"., p. yi. f Ibid., p. 101. 
 
 CHAP, n.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 339 
 
 self-abnegation to strengthen the state or predominant faction. 
 The friendship of Sforza is strongly pushed forward, certainly 
 not as necessary to Florence for it was a fertile source of evil 
 and loud complaint ; but as all-important to the preservation 
 of Medician rule, because a Milanese force was always supposed 
 to be ready for assisting the politic Cosimo ; and the reputa- 
 tion remained useful after both necessity and amity had ceased. 
 His mortification about the conquest of Lucca is an apt com- 
 mentar}' on his injunctions touching the enlargoiiKiit of na- 
 tional dominion and principle of war ; and his whole discourse 
 must be taken, if ever really uttered ; as exclusively partisan ; 
 though probably, if his circumstances be considered, believed 
 by himself and his audience to be just and true. A few days 
 after this he expired at his \ ilia of Careggi on the first of Au- 
 gust 14(U, in his seventy-seventh year regretted by everybody; 
 for his very enemies looked forward in dismay to the future 
 acts of men who even when awctl liy his presence were so un- 
 reserved in their misrule, and Piero inspired no confidence ^-. 
 
 There are few men whose actions and public character have 
 been more difiicult of appreciation than those of Cosimo de' 
 Medici: that he was a man of high intellectual powers and 
 consummate prudence ; bold, ambitious, and politictdly unscru- 
 pulous his actions testify : that he was by nature benevolent 
 in all that did not thwart his ambition is vaunted to the skies 
 by his admirers :uid htirdly denied by his enemies ; and that 
 even his ambition itself was nourished and carried forward to 
 complete and j)ermanent success by an apparent generosity, a 
 benevolence that alleviated want and supplied public necessity 
 while it blinded men to his secret rule of action, is asserted. 
 But who shall discriminate between real benevolence and poli- 
 tical intrigue, between ])ure religious feeling and In^^ocrisy, be- 
 tween patriotism and personal ambition ? Cosimo mingled them 
 altogether with so cunning a hand and veiled them with so 
 
 * Piero di Medici, Ricordi.- ^lacchiavelli, Lib. vii. 
 
 Z 'i 
 
340 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [bo.k 
 
 i[. 
 
 CHAP, n.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 341 
 
 if 
 
 thick a veil that even his cotemporaries though they suffered 
 bv his deeds were staggered in the helief of what their senses 
 testified *. 
 
 For all these things lie must he judged hy a higher tribunal 
 than that of histoiy. Thus much is certain ; Cosinio was re- 
 solved to be supreme in the republic, but in solid power, not 
 pageantry; and anything that crossed that n->oluti(jn found no 
 mercy at his hands : neither did he ever n>k a diminution of 
 authority by the acceptance of any external empluyment that 
 might remove him long from the seat of government ; appa- 
 rently following the maxim ofGino Capponi, who advises those 
 that aspired to be great within the city not tu absent themselves 
 too frequently, miless on great occasions in which they were 
 likely to give much pleasure to the community, and the conse- 
 quences of which were immediate and palpalde |. His adminis- 
 tration of the laws is said to have been just where it did not in- 
 terfere \N-itli politics, but his suspension of the same Catasto in 
 w^hich his more virtuous fiither gloried and which was intrinsi- 
 cally so just and populai', and the substitution of a partial, 
 grinding, and arbitrary taxation is enough to show that his 
 whole mind was imbued with that ambition which his dvin^ 
 accents so strongly deprecated. 
 
 But we have already asked, who is now to draw the line be- 
 tween sincerity and deceit ? If we are to judge from appear- 
 ances, and literaiy adulation, and filial love ; (?osimo's life was 
 one of religion, humility, benevolence, and moderation ; many 
 were they that blessed him : none had ever just cause of com- 
 plaint against hhu. If we are to judge from facts, his whole 
 life seems to have been one of deep and all-embracing simida- 
 tion ; of stem, unrelenting ambition ; and unmitigated selfishness 
 ill ever}'thing connected with that absorbing passion. His de- 
 ception was the more easy because there is reason to believe 
 
 * Bruto, Lib. i".— Varclii, Lib., i^ Scrip., torn, xviii., p. 1 149.— Ricordi 
 P- 5. di ricro de' Medici, 
 
 t Ricordi di Gino Capponi, Rcr. It 
 
 that the virtues his ambition led him to affect were not unna- 
 tural, and had he been a legitimate hcreditaiy sovereign he would 
 have been a blessing to his country and an honour to the age. 
 
 As relates to public trariquillity in the common concerns 
 of life after peace relaxed taxation, Florence under Cosimo s 
 administration at least enjoyed a respite from the sanguinary 
 turbulence of by-gone times ; and that the labouring classes 
 were more satisfied may be inferred from the a}>parent absence 
 of tumult and Cosimo's popularity amongst them. After 
 having once passed tlie rubicon he was compelled by necessity 
 to annihilate his adversaries or be annihilated himself; and 
 as he was indebted for his success and subsequent support to 
 a hydra-headed implacable faction, he found himself forced by 
 another necessity to satisfy, porbajts fn- beyond his own desires, 
 its insatiable avarice, its cruelty, and revenge. Cosimo and his 
 partisans like a famished crew dev<jured some for the general 
 safety, but carefully selected their viitims. A reciprocal ex- 
 change of crime between him and his followers became neces- 
 sary for the support of an unholy cause, and Cosimo saw 
 himself exalted, a splendid criminal, on the neck of his sub- 
 jugated countiymen. 
 
 He was nevertheless one of the most celebrated men who 
 ever rose ^vithout military glory to the head of a free state. 
 Fairly considering the notions and customs of the age, when no 
 means of destroying a rival faction were considered foul as 
 long as they were successful, Cosimo h;id fewer personal crimes 
 to be reproached with than most usurpers ; while the perma- 
 nent adherence of such a man as Xeri Capponi speaks strongly 
 in his favour. His wisdom, his riches, his prudence, his libe- 
 rality, and his gracious unassuming manners undermined the 
 hearts of men, and there was scarcely a distressed citizen of 
 any note whom he had not assisted even without solicitation. 
 The whole city publicly and priviitely, individually and col- 
 lectively, was his debtor ; not in gratitude alone but solid 
 
 ?Mf 
 
342 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 If. 
 
 CHAT. II.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 343 
 
 gold ; all Florence was at his feet, and thus he became her 
 master. ''Florence,'' said Niccolo di Uzzano, '* »v/.<? ready to 
 " sell hernelf and Fortune had been so favourable as to Jind her 
 " a purchaser.^' His riches were great, yet not so gi-eat as the 
 number and magnificence of his public and private works would 
 lead lis to suppose : in the division of his fathers fortune his 
 brother Lorenzo's son had even a <:jreater portion than (A)sinio 
 for he had shared his commercial profits without liis pohtical 
 expenses or those of his domestic establishment. His nume- 
 rous buildings raised the wonder of cottniporarics and still 
 make posterity man-el ; and as if Italy were too narrow a field, 
 he generously l»uilt and endowed an hospital at Jerusalem for 
 wayworn pilgrims. Cosimo was accused of u>iug the public 
 moneys in these works, but along with charities and taxes he 
 expended of his own as much as would be equnl, grain for grain, 
 tu about os7,T-.27/. of English gold, and j)roluibly to between 
 800,000/. or 000,000/. of our present money. This estimate 
 however continues the expenses on to sLx years after Cosimo s 
 death, a period which was probably necessar}' to complete what 
 he had begun. 
 
 He courted princes for ambition, not for family alliances, 
 which were all amongst his fellow-citizens : sa^icious and lonji- 
 sighted, he was as quick in perceiving as lie was pnident in 
 removing incipient evils or turning otl' their mischief, so that 
 for thirty years together he succeeded against his own and the 
 public enemies: all those who stood by him prospcivd, their 
 opponents smik ; and when Venice and Naples leagued tugetlici 
 against Florence and Milan, Cosimo accelerated the peace by 
 using his unbounded credit to drain both cities of their specie-. 
 Borgo San Sepolcro, Monte d'( >glio, the Casenthio and the Val 
 di Bagno, were either by purchase or conquest added in his 
 time to the Florentine stute ; and Lucca would probaljly have 
 followed if Sforza had been tme to his promise. 
 
 * Macciiiavclli, Lib, vii. 
 
 It was lucky for Cosimo's liime that he lived at the moment 
 when a combination of circumstances began to raise a new 
 spirit of literary inquiry and imi)rovement in Italy and when 
 the progress of Turkish conquest with the fall of Constantino- 
 ple drove the remnant of ancient literature to seek a home 
 there. He had the sagacity to perceive and the intellectual 
 greatness to favour this crisis, and merits the honourable dis- 
 tinction of having promoted civilisation by nourishing reviving 
 literature with heart and hand and more than regal munifi- 
 cence : he thereby stamped a pleasing and peculiar character 
 on his nation and family, and his descendants followed up this 
 example with equal enthusiasm and far more leaniing, for 
 Cosimo though lovhig and appreciating literature, was not 
 himself instructed. Nevertheless, dazzled as Europe was by 
 the Medici's brilliancy, his political opponents at Florence saw 
 through, or thought the>' saw through all tliis apparent mode- 
 ration and humility, all this ostentatious display of religion, 
 patriotism, and assumed benevolence which, as they asserted, 
 covered enormous vices, such as a superb and haughty disposi- 
 tion, and a love of tvrannv, insolenco, disdain, scorn, hatred, 
 and cnieltv : bv him, thev averred, even wlnle his father lived, 
 the magistrates were corrupted with bribes ; snares were laid 
 for the best and most illustrious citizens ; assassins who had 
 attempted the life of Uzzano received shelter and protection in 
 his house : he afflicted the country within l)y perpetual discord; 
 without, by foreign arms : he it wjts who fomented the Lucchese 
 war so dishonourable and unfortunate for the country : it was 
 he that decimated the community by unjust exiles and the ruin 
 of ancient houses, and iifter reducing his fellow-citizens to a 
 bitter servitude he left them as a sort of heir-loom to his family, 
 besides inflicting numerous other misfortunes which ultimately 
 destroyed the republic. Such were the opinions secretly mur- 
 mured but not openly heard in Florence ; for they were drowned 
 in the shouts of liis followers, in the praises and empliatic 
 
344 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book ir. 
 
 eloquence of the learned, and in the surging power of his race 
 now fast rolling onward to absolute and overwhelming autho- 
 rity *. Cosimo was tall and handsome, of a dark complexion 
 and venerable presence, and a republican in everything but his 
 ambition ; but according to his son Piero s record, which it seems 
 but fair to transcribe, he was good and amiable in all things. 
 " He was a man," says Piero, " of extraordhiary prudence and 
 '• much greater goodness; and the most reputed citizen, and 
 '" of the greatest credit that our city has had for a long time: 
 " and one in whom more conlidence was placed and who was 
 ^' more beloved by all the people : nor is there memoiy, in this 
 " age, of any man who enjoyed more favour or greater fame. 
 " or whose death was more generally lamented ; and with rea- 
 " son, because none can be found who may fairly complain of 
 ''him. But many were they whom he benotited, aided, and 
 " supported : in which he delighted more than in any other em- 
 " ployment ; and not only relations and fiicnds, but what seems 
 " difficult to believe and nmch more to do, even those who 
 " were unfriendly : by such laudable proceedings he made many 
 " and many a person who, from their own or others* defects, 
 "were not his friends, most friendly. He was extremely 
 " liberal, charitable, and compassionate, and l)estowed alms in 
 "profusion while he lived, not only in the city and district, 
 " Itut also in distant places, as well for the multiplication of 
 " religious houses as the repairs of churches, and generally 
 " for ever}' good work that occurred. He was greatly esteemed 
 •' for his wisdom, and consulted by all the lords and' potentates 
 '• both in and out of Italy. He was honoured with all tlie most 
 '* worthy offices in our city, for beyond the walls he would not 
 " accept of any. He fulfilled the most honourable and important 
 " legations that occurred in his day, and m the city he mii<le 
 " many a man's fortune by his commerce, ov( r and above the 
 
 • Jacopo Pitti, Istoiia Fiorentina, .Me<li< i.-Bruto, Lib. i., p. ;};i.-Ti 
 Lib. I", p. 19.— Ricordi di I'iero de' nutd, ConfcsMone. 
 
 CHAP. 11.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 34.5 
 
 " profits that remained to himself; in which business he w^as 
 " not onlv a wise but a very fortunate merchant.* " He would 
 have no funeral pomp and was therefore as privately buried as 
 filial affection and his exalted station would admit, in the 
 Church of Saint Lorenzo on the '2nd of August 1 4(U, and by 
 a public decree was inscribed upon his tomb the doubtful but 
 high-soundhig title of " Padre della Patria.} "' 
 
 CoTEMPORAav MoNAUCHs. — Englaiul : Henry VI. to 1460; then Edward 
 IV. — Scotland: James II. until 14<>0 ; then James III.— France : Cliarles 
 VII. to 14G1 ; then L.niis XI. — Castile : John II. to 14.54 ; tlien Henry IV. 
 to 1465. — Aragon: Alj'honso V. to 1455$; then .John II. King of Navarre by 
 marriaire from \4:'2.'). — Poituiial : Alphunso V. — German Kmperor, Frederic 
 III. — X;ipU'> and Sicily : Alphonso V. of Aragon until 14.58 ; tlien Ferdinand 
 his natural son. — Pdpes : Nicliulas V. to 14.).5 ; then Calistus HI. (Borgia) to 
 1458; then I'ius II. to 1464 ; then Paul H. — CJreek Kmperor: Constantine 
 XL, ^son of Helena, and last Kmperor. — Turkish Emperor: Mahomed II., 
 the Conqueror of Constantinople. 
 
 * Ricordi tli Piero de' Medici, 
 f Leonardo Morelli, Cronaea, p. 17iK Maechiavelli, Lib. vii. 
 
346 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [boo 
 
 ii n. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1464 TO A.D. 147R. 
 
 The death of a great man is generally regretted even bv 
 his adversaries as the parting of so much intellectual bright 
 A.D. 14G5. "^^^ ^^'^^ mankind; his errors fade with his fading 
 days and his worth becomes more vivid as public 
 crimes or misfortunes produce comi^arisons between the past 
 and present. Cosimo de' Medici's loss was thus felt by all 
 parties : thirty years of successful and absolute power had 
 famdiarised the citizens to his nde, and his errors were so 
 greatly surpassed by the crimes of his followers that almost 
 ever}' party bewailed his death. The first of his sen Pieros acts 
 was to place all private business in the hands of Dietisalvi Neroni 
 to whose advice and assistance Cosimo had especially recom- 
 mended him ; nor is it a slight testimony in favour of the latter 
 that so far from leaving enonnous riches to Piero, the fomily 
 affaii-s were in such difficulty as to occasion the sudden de- 
 mand of immediate payment from all his fathers , icditors. 
 Tliis seems to have arisen from the extent of ( 'osinio s public 
 works and private beneficence in which, if lie vmv made use of 
 the national funds, he certainly did not S|>:ue his own. As the 
 distribution of this money had gained iniuunerable friends and 
 followers, so did its reclamation lose them ; and Xeroni is 
 accused by Macchiavelli of having advixd this course from 
 interested political motives. Dietisalvi Xeroni had the cha- 
 racter of great artfulness, but he was the unluchj leader of a 
 successless faction, and as his conduct to the Medici was marked 
 
 ciup. in. J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 34! 
 
 by private ingratitude it naturally became exposed to many sub- 
 sequent attacks from the adherents of that more prosperous race. 
 In this way more ungenerous motives for the above counsel may 
 have been attributed to him than he deserved, and according 
 to Bruto there is some reason to believe that he had nothing 
 further to do with it than the availing himself of Piero 's conse- 
 quent unpopularity to overthrow his power. But whatever 
 Dietisalvi s real motive was, it is clear that after an examina- 
 tion of Piero s affairs (which resulted in a balance sheet of 
 nearly equal debts and credits, ) and the prospect of many im- 
 portunate creditors rendered apprehensive by Cosimo's death 
 and Piero s precarious health, this counsellor had but one of 
 two courses to take ; either to allow liis benefactor's family to 
 be ruined in their private resoin"ces while they retained their 
 public influence, or to save them by exacting immediate pay- 
 ment of tlieir numerous creditors at the risk of that influence. 
 
 Xow Dietisalvi Xeroni however inclined to bow^ to Cosimo's 
 ascendancy had no idea of i)aying hereditaiy allegiance to 
 Ms family; and considering himself one of the ablest men 
 in Florence, became ambitious to govern it. lie therefore, as 
 Macchiavelli asserts, advised Piero who was neither a good 
 merchant nor a great statesman, to demand payment of the 
 loans made by Cosimo for political puq)oses and turn all into 
 land. Such advice was equally sound either as a friend or a 
 politician, whether his political views were selfish or purely 
 patriotic ; whether his object were to succeed to Medician 
 power or restore his country's liberty. The blow was felt not 
 only in I'lorence but with great and extensive evil wherever 
 the commercial affairs of that city and the Medici extended : in 
 Venice, in Bologna, in Avignon, and other places numerous 
 feilures occurred, and Piero was universally execrated only for 
 attempting to recover his own fiimily property and satisfy his 
 lawful creditors. 
 
 Luca Pitti, Agnolo Acciaioli, and Xiccolo Soderini were the 
 
348 
 
 FLORENTTNE HISTORY. 
 
 f TOOK n. 
 
 cliief conspirators with Neroni against the Medician power: 
 the first puffed up hy his own vanity and public aduhition could 
 scarcely bend even to Cosimo s superiority: and despising Picro, 
 resolved to establish his own. Neroni aware of his weakness 
 determined to make use of him as an instrument fur Piero's poli- 
 tical destmction and then cast him otT for the aceoinplislnneiit 
 of his own pui-poses. Agnolo Acciaioli had long been secretly 
 incensed against Cosimo for some private wrong wliich is va- 
 riously related, and he appears to have been in close fricndsliip 
 with Neri Capponi for a long time before the latter died. Xio- 
 colo Soderini who when young had been as Tenucci asserts, 
 protected by the Medici from the consequences of a plot to kill 
 Niccolo da Uzzano, was a man of spirit learning and consider- 
 able eloquence : from him much was expected, and he was said 
 to have been moved by a sincere and warm attachment to his 
 country's good. All these various designs were carried on 
 under the duak of liberty which cut from the same false web 
 as tbat of religion is of universal npplicati<>n, and ever ready 
 for the sellish use of h^-pocritical, ambitious, and self-interested 
 citizens*. 
 
 The odium against Piero increased daily and the projected 
 marriage of his son Lorenzo with Clarice degli Orsini of Rome 
 gave fresh cause for scandal ; he was instantly accused of des- 
 pismg the Florentines, and, perhaps not unjustly, of aiming at 
 princely rank and seeldng high foreign alliances to support 
 his influence at home. Thus did the swarm follow the tink- 
 ling sound of liberty until many of Piero "s friends dreading 
 serious disturbance proposed the exhibition of public games 
 and amusements to dissipate more dangerous and uneasy 
 thoughts amongst the citizens. These tiilles being over, old 
 troubles returned ; Luca Pitti through Xeroni's secret intluence 
 and his own inclination had long appeared as the open opposer 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxiii., p. 93.— Jacopo Pitti, Lib. i", p. 20.— Bruto, Lib. 
 ii**, p. 125. 
 
 f ir.A 
 
 F. II!.] 
 
 FLORENTINE IJISTOKV. 
 
 349 
 
 of Piero de' Medici : he declared most justly that no free city 
 could for a moment submit to the hereditary succession of 
 supreme power in one family. The age, the wisdom, the pru- 
 dence, the genius, the public services of Cosimo were so many 
 claims to respect and deference, all of which Piero wanted: he 
 on the contrary was proud, avaricious, and ; from bad health 
 and uiexperience ; of little public utility : Luca on the other hand 
 was accused of selling Florence by retail, of bestowing public 
 offices at his pleasure, of constantly entertaining criminals and 
 eveiy sort of disreputable person withhi his palace, in despite 
 of all law; of indisciiniinately robbing the public and private 
 individuals under a deceitful [ip])earance of courtesy and liber- 
 ality, of despising heaven and the saints and confomiding all 
 things. 
 
 The Pitti palace built on tlie skirts of the " Po(j(fw "' or hill 
 of Saint George gave to Lucas faction the name of " Bel Fog- 
 gio ; " and that of tlie ^Medici in Via Larga from its compara- 
 tively low situation was contradistinguished by the appellation 
 of " Dd Piano " or the plain. These dissensions continued 
 with one slight intermission until the gonfaloniership of Nic- 
 colo Cerretiini in September and October 1405, when the spuit 
 of freedom soared so boldly over the public councils that the 
 election purses were closed almost by acclamation and the con- 
 stitutional mode of drawing the magistracies by lot reestablished 
 amidst the shouts of the citizens*. This was an alanning 
 symptom for Piero's friends but he made no opposition to the 
 vote nor any attempt to renew the Balia which had just ex- 
 pired, although the most gentle of his enemies counted largely 
 on the latter for his gradual ruin without either exile or blood- 
 shed. It was thought, in the involved condition of his family 
 affairs, that having once lost the power of supporting private 
 credit with public money ruin must necessarily have ensued 
 and libertv have been established without violence, because 
 
 * Morelli, Cron., p. 181. — Amniiralo, Lib. xxiii., p. 94. 
 
350 
 
 FI.OEENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [cook II. 
 
 many would step forward to support a persecuted man who 
 might have calmly looked on while the same individual quietly 
 sank under the sole influence of his o\mi misfortunes. 
 
 This was however too slow a process for the more ardent 
 nature of faction as all lost time tended to strengthen Piero, 
 and it was thought hetter to ruin him in the midst of his 
 unpopularity =:-. Bolder measures were therefore expected 
 when Niccolo Soderini amidst the shouts of tlie citizens was 
 led crowned witli olive to the palace, mid insUxlled as gonfalo- 
 nier for the last two months of 1405. He had however a rela- 
 tive named Tommaso Soderini, an abler and more jiractical 
 stitesraan and strongly attached to the Medici, who seeing how 
 things stood, determined that his brother should not be the in- 
 strument of tlieir fill. The folly of risking public safety by 
 useless dissension, after the freedom of election had been re- 
 stored and the Balia had expired, was urged by Tommaso on 
 Xiccolo who without any decisive plan was simultaiicously in- 
 cited to stronger measures by his own j^arty until his period of 
 office slipped insensibly away unimproved and fruitless. Tom- 
 maso s pui-pose was thus accomplished and Xiccolo wasted his 
 time in theoretical elocution : he first addressed an assembly 
 of five hundred, then a more select council of three hundred 
 citizens, but from so many discordant particles produced nothing 
 solid and all unity of action became suspended. A proposal 
 to investigate the public accounts was opposed, probably with 
 good personal reason, by Luca Pitti, and the oidv measm-es 
 earned were a fresh scrutiny of every mngistracv and the 
 repeal of a law passed under the gonfaloniership of Tom- 
 maso Soderini which had set a price upon the head <»!' rebels. 
 This trial of Niccolo not only proved his incapacitv as a public 
 leader but by strengthening the opposite j.arty prevented anv 
 present violence; yet preparations were silentiv and earnestly 
 continued until March 1400 when the death of Francesco 
 
 * MaccLiavclli, Lib. vii. 
 
 CHAP. HI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 351 
 
 A.D. 14G6. 
 
 Sforza presented a favourable occasion for political conflict and 
 a fresh point of discussion on which to found it. 
 
 Piero deprived of Francesco Sforza's countenance would it 
 was thought be more easily overcome if the connection 
 between Florence and Milan were completely severed 
 and as the Florentines had been paying him an annual pension, 
 but rather in his character of condottiere than sovereign prince, 
 it was resolved l)y the Poggio faction to weaken their advei-sa- 
 ries of the Piano by refusing this to the young Duke Galeazzo- 
 ^Maria. This roused up Piero to unusual exertion, and in an 
 eloquent and able speecli before the (^ouncils he not only 
 defended his own conduct and exposed his opponents, but 
 insisted on the sound policy of retaining M'i]ai\ by an annual 
 subsidy as a bulwark against the ambition of Venice whose 
 success hi Lombardy he insisted would not only involve the 
 conquest of Tuscany Init even Italian independence. The 
 other party asserted that tliis pension was a mere expedient of 
 Cosimo's to support his own usurpations from which Florence 
 had never received the smallest benefit but on the contrary was 
 compelled to pay the very insti-ument of its subjugation. 
 
 These disputes continued with great heat but small progress, 
 for the foundations of Medician power were laid too deep to 
 be easily shaken even by all Piero "s unpopularity : the " Plebe " 
 still clung to their idol house, those laniilies who had risen by 
 and still depended on the Medici wei-e true, and the f^eneral 
 reputation of their party was better than that of their oppo- 
 nents. Dietisalvi Neroni's dissimulation was not as yet un- 
 masked, but some decisive step became necessary : a proposal 
 to kill Piero was discussed but relinquished as impolitic at 
 that moment and the support of some able condottiere re- 
 commended; whereupon Hercules of Este who disliked the 
 Medici willingly engaged to support them l)y an immediate 
 advance on the capital. This assurance of succour renewed 
 the proposal of Piero 's death, and the evils that resulted 
 
«>*>* 
 
 FLORENTINE IlISTOKY. 
 
 [LuUK II. 
 
 CHAP. III. J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 353 
 
 from sparing his fothers life in 1483 were adduced in evidence 
 of its necessity ; for freedom and the Medici it was asserted 
 could never flourish simultaneously in Florence. 
 
 During all these intrigues Piero de' Medici was for from 
 dormant ; he watclied their progress, confirmed the f lith of his 
 older friends, attracted new ones hy promise and reward, drew 
 even neutrals and enemies to his side by present liberality and 
 flattering prospects, and left no means untried to secure a mul- 
 titude of adherents. His enemies when aware of this activitv 
 in one whose infmnities and inexperience were supposed to 
 have incapacitated him, at once resolved on violence, and life 
 itself was to answer for such energy. He was lirst doomed to 
 be murdered while i)assing in a litter from Cai'eggi to Flo- 
 rence ; then they were to strengthen themselves with foreign 
 soldiers and so compel the Seignoiy to order another scrutiny 
 and till the purses according to their dictation with citizens 
 who would offer no opposition. But during all these consulta- 
 tions in which Xeroni was a chief actor lie still continued his 
 intimacy with Piero, visited him at Careggi, conversed on pub- 
 lic affiiirs, insisted that no revolution was contemplated ami 
 discussed the most efficient means of keeping Florence united 
 by maintaining the existing government. Dietisalvi was well 
 adapted both by nature and long practice for such deceitful 
 missions : but Piero whom he contemned was no longer de- 
 luded ; many of his partisans had free access to the adverse 
 conclave and kept him well informed of all that past while he 
 affected ignorance of everything and by tlius confirming their 
 mean opinion of him prevented any sudden movement until he 
 became able to strike a hard and unexperted blow *. In fact 
 Niccolo Fedini, acthig as secretaiy to the Poggio faction, showed 
 the list of conspirators to Piero who surprised at their rmmber im- 
 mediately bound all his own adherents also by subscription ; and 
 
 • Maochiavclli, Lib. vii.— Bnito, 1st. Fiorent., Lib. ii" p. 125 : Lib. iii**, 
 ?.219. * 
 
 such was the corrupt and inconstant state of public principle 
 that many names appeared at the same time on both rolls. 
 
 Much of this was caused by Soderini's failure and the weak- 
 ness of the really liberal party : Luca Pitti who had been en- 
 riched by peculation was no friend of one that proposed an 
 examination of the public accounts, while the new scrutiny 
 alienated all those who had been or were likely to be rejected 
 bv it ; so that in this state the timid the doubtful and the 
 calculating clung to old habits, future prospects, and the 
 powerful name of IMedici. 
 
 While thus determined Piero was informed bv his friend 
 Domenico Martelli that Dietisalvi s brother Francesco had been 
 repeatedly urging him to imitate his ancestors and johi the 
 liberal cause ; but though he prized the sacred name of Lil)eity 
 and the fiime that posterity might bestow on its defenders, lie 
 was by no means sure of them that were most loudly calling 
 on it, and if they were insincere inlinite mischief would befall 
 the community : wherefore ho advised Piero to act promptly 
 and either make peace, or if resolved on war to temporise no 
 more, but boldlv tiT tlie chance of arms : for if the enemy 
 began, supported as he was by ci-owds of reckless men, the 
 whole city would be plundered ; consequently for his own and 
 his followers' safety there oudit to be no delay lest his adver- 
 sary's augmented strength should render the conflict doubtful. 
 Piero though well aware that contempt for liim had made them 
 comparatively heedless and that a little delay was not impo- 
 litic, yet determined to avail himself of this good spirit in his 
 followers to strike hard and suddenly on the first favourable 
 occasion -'•'. 
 
 . The fact of Hercules d'EiSte having espoused their cause was 
 uot unknown, and Piero took care that not only the intefligence 
 of that prince's advance to Fiunie d"All»o with evil intentions 
 towards the commonwealth, should be spread abroad but that 
 
 VOL. III. 
 
 Bruto, 1st. Fior., Lib. iii., p. 225. 
 A A 
 
354 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 he had or feigned that he had warning letters from Gio- 
 vanni Bentivoglio of Bologna (whose messenger an-ived on 
 :27th July) which confirmed it; and this was more easily cre- 
 dited because of the well-known intimacy between tlie Benti- 
 Yogli and Medici *. 
 
 Whether this intelligence were real or feigned matters but 
 little ; the main fact was true as well as Piero s resolution to 
 arm, so that he lost no time in collecting all his strength aiul 
 especially summoned a Milanese commander then stationed 
 with two thousand five hundred men in Romagna to advance 
 by forced marches towai'ds Florence. On the twenty-third of 
 August he quitted the villa of Careggi and proceeded under au 
 escort to the city where he arrived safely but with a narrow 
 escape from assassination : the whole road between that villa 
 and San Gallo had been clandestinely occupied by armed men 
 on the watch for his life ; but his son Lorenzo de' Medici s 
 suspicions having been awakened he ordered tliat Piero's 
 litter should be carried through by-lanes while he himself 
 anxiously but boldly proceeded by the usual road where he ex- 
 pected to meet the assassins. Nor had Lorenzo gone far when 
 a party stopped him to ask whereabouts he had left Piero, but 
 promptly answering that his father was close at hand they 
 allowed him to pass unmolested, for the latter s death alone 
 was required, and that from political no" r^-ity not private ven- 
 geance f . Macchiavt'Ui takes no notice of this anecdote, whicli 
 is related by Niccolo Valori in his Life of Lorenzo, and 
 repeated on his authority by Bruto and Ammirato ; but on 
 the contrary asserts that Piero entered Florence at the head 
 of an armed force, which could hardly be if this incident, as 
 is probable, really took place J. 
 
 • Leonardo Morelli, p. 181. — Bruto, X Macchiavelli's inaccuracy is noto- 
 
 Lib. ill., p. 2*25. — Ammirato, Lib. rious : Amminito thus speaks of hiui, 
 
 x.xiii., p. 96. — Macchiavelli, Lib. vii. " Which obliges me to refute what 
 
 •f* Niccolo Valori, Vita di Lorenzo de' Macchiavelli says, namely that Piero 
 
 Medici. — Ammirato, Lib. xxiii., p. 96. feigned the having received Bentivog- 
 
 — Bruto, Lib. iii., p. 227. lio's letter; more especially because 1 
 
 CHAP. III.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 355 
 
 Whatever credit may be given to Macchiavelli's assertion 
 Piero without doubt had either then or very soon after, a strong 
 force in Florence and tins threw the whole town into commo- 
 tion : the adverse faction hastily armed, but thus taken una- 
 wares were hurried and incomplete in their preparations while 
 the Medici were ready for any enterprise. Neroni, whose 
 residence was near that of the Medici, fearing for his own 
 property and doubtful of the resolution of his party promptly 
 repaired to the palace and urged the priors to command the 
 immediate dismissal of Piero's followers and invite him to 
 bring forward his grievances in a legitimate manner before the 
 Seigoory ; then seeking out Luca Pitti and the rest he encou- 
 raged them to be firm in tlie cause ; Niccolo Soderini now 
 displayed more spirit than he did as gonfalonier; with two 
 hundred friends, three Imndred Flemish weavers, and most 
 of the quarter of Santo Spirito in arms he endeavoured to 
 inspire some resolution into Luca Pitti, who somewhat encou- 
 raged by this junction of forces discussed their next proceeding: 
 some wished to attack the palace where the gonfalonier and 
 
 have compared it with other very 
 faithful memoirs which show tliat the 
 fact passed as I liuvc related it : he- 
 sides which in truth Macchiavelli's 
 want of care is seen throughout his his- 
 tory. If we were to go on reproving 
 his errors we should either become un- 
 observant of tlie deconiui of history or 
 be blamed as malignant. He places 
 Duke Francesco's death before th(* 
 gonfalonierslu'p of Niccolo Soderini, 
 and makes Piero de' Medici to be alive 
 after Pope Paul's death. He attributes 
 to Luca Pitti that which ])elongs to 
 Ruberto Sostegni ; names Bardo Alto- 
 viti as gonfalonier of justice after Ru- 
 berto Lioni which he never was. In 
 short he changes years, alters Hicts, 
 substitutes names, confounds causes, 
 augments, diminishes, adds, subtracts, 
 and lets his fancy run without a bridle 
 
 A 
 
 or anv legitimate control ; and what 
 most annoys is, that in many places he 
 seems to act thus more from design 
 than error or ignorance of wh.at oc- 
 curred : perhaps because by thus doing 
 he was enabled to write more elegantly 
 and less drily than he would have 
 done if obedient to dates and facts. As 
 if the things to the style, and not the 
 style to the things were to be accommo- 
 dated." {Vide Ammirato, Lib. xxiii,, 
 p. 96.) Bruto alsosays (Lib.ii.,p. 125) 
 "I propose to follow Macchiavelli when 
 I can get at no better authority ; but 
 where he wants sincerity (which fre- 
 quently happens) or accuracy, I will 
 not shield him. * * * Let me not be 
 blamed, for I do not find fault with the 
 author, whose style delights me and 
 whose genius is very dear tome ; but 
 with the things he has left written." 
 A 2 
 
356 
 
 FLOBKNTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 four priors were fi'iendly ; others proposed setting fire to the 
 houses of their adversaries ; but while Piero was or<^iiiisin" 
 his adherents he produced lientivogho s letter and hcnt it to 
 the Seignory as an excuse for his having armed in self-defence, 
 and to impress on them the necessity of providing fur public 
 safety. 
 
 However favourable to the Poggiu faction no government could 
 pass such intelligence unnoticed; they therefore despatched 
 Bernardo Curbhielli as theii' commissary to know what armv 
 this was that approached the city, by whom and for what pur- 
 pose sent, and to stop its further i)rogress ; while by means ol 
 common friends they urged both iiictions to disarm : but neither 
 were so inclined and Piero was continually receiving reenfurce- 
 ments from the country ; many of his party would have at once 
 crossed the Anio and attacked the enemy in his own (piarters 
 but others opposed thi.^ and Medician authority kept eventhing 
 quiet, so that nothing was as yet done by either side. Luca 
 Pitti and Niccolo Soderini now began to reproach each other as 
 the particulai- cause of failure, whereby both time and means 
 were wasted in negotiations and vain attempts at restoring 
 tranquillity. This dehiy was satisfactory to Piero who hoped 
 little from the existing Seignory but much from its successors, 
 because the gonfalonier would then be chosen from the quarter 
 of Santa Croce where he had many adherents : in the interim 
 lie gained over Luca Pitti himself by the most tempting otlers; 
 amongst others a matrimonial tdliance with his family; and 
 also increased his own forces to four thousand, or according to 
 Jacopo Pitti six thousand men : in this way Piero ably ma- 
 naged to occupy his enemy s time until the twenty-eighth of 
 August when a new Seignorj- was drawn who together with tlieir 
 predecessors sent for the hostile chiefs, Luca api»earing for 
 his party, and Lorenzo and Giuliano de' Medici for Piero : 
 and effected an apparent reconciliation *. 
 
 • Jacopo Pitti, Lib. i«. p. 22, 23.— Ammirato, Lib. xxiii., p. 97, 98.— 
 M. Bruto, Lib. iii.,p. 243. 
 
 CHAP. III.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 357 
 
 Here we have a strildng example of the strength of Flo- 
 rentine faction and the weakness of Florentine government: its 
 favour to either party would liave insured victory ; but mis- 
 trustin<]f both it stood anxiously watching the event, and unable 
 between two angiy factions to vindicate its own authority as- 
 sumed the more timid part of a mediator and humbly sued 
 for peace ! According to Jacopo Pitti all Piero s acts both 
 political and military were advised if not exclusively directed 
 by Nicodemo Frandiedino the Duke of ^Milan's ambassador 
 who had dwelt long in Florence and was attached to the house 
 of Medici by the benefits received both from Cosinio and Piero ; 
 this and his son Lorenzo's spirit will perhaps account for the 
 vigour and promptness witli which an almost bed-ridden invalid 
 like the latter acted amidst so much danger and difficulty--. 
 
 Soon after this pacification a meeting of all parties with 
 the shigle exception of Xiccolo Soderini who disdained to bend; 
 took place at the Medici palace where Piero was obliged to 
 receive them in bed, and where much bitter language and 
 reproach preceded another liollow reconciliation : Soderini then 
 made one more indignant attempt to rouse Luca up to a sense 
 of his own honour and dignity: for a moment he was successful, 
 a new revolutionary movement was felt and the city l)ecame 
 anxious and agitated; an appeal io arms was again resolved on; 
 the Ferrarese succours advanced to San ]\Iarcello in the Pistoian 
 hills and evervtliing once more looked gloomy. These mock or at 
 least unsatisfactory reconciliations repeatedly occurred, and Piero, 
 thougli conscious of liis own strength and desiring tranquillity, 
 was yet afraid to disarm, while liis enemies disunited in councils, 
 in ol)jects, and resources, were so continually shifting, and so 
 little to be trusted; for though unable to make head against the 
 Medician power they still disdained obedience. 
 
 Alarmed at these new commotions Piero employed Lorenzo 
 de' Medici and others to confirm Luca's hesitation in their 
 
 Jacopo Pitti, Ittor. Fiorent., Lib. i", p, 2L 
 
338 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 favour: be was now seventy-two and disposed for tranquillity; 
 desirous to finish his vast palace ; doubtful of his companions' 
 ultimate objects; and hoping, through his promised alliance 
 with Lorenzo, that when Piero died he should be able from the 
 former s youth, to mle P'lorence at his pleasure. All this was 
 known and worked on, and he accordingly deserted his friends; 
 but such vacillation, which had long thwarted Dietisalvi and 
 Soderini s efforts, became now so suspicious that along \nth the 
 new elections it annihilated eveiy hope of their party. What- 
 ever might have been Piero s inward motives or wishes in this 
 dangerous crisis the language which he held to his fellow-citizens 
 at the last interview was moderate and reasonable. He encou- 
 raged them to act in a manner consistent both with their own 
 dignity and public duty ; and, without showing f^ivour to any 
 man, pass those measures which should be niost conducive to 
 public deconnn, liberty, and general tranquillity. He advised 
 them to look forward only to the future distinction which their 
 public conduct would give them a fair and honest claim to from 
 Florence ; and as to himself whatever they enacted, whether to 
 continue the government by Balia or otherwise, he would ap- 
 prove of, as an honest citizen eager for tranquillity and his 
 country's happiness, was bound to do-. 
 
 There was a general desire for repose ; but repose was not 
 easily acquired in an age when life was despised as a mere load 
 of infamy unless hatred and injury were waslied away in the 
 blood or destruction of one or the other party : Piero s faction 
 eagerly voted for the death of the four adverse leaders, but he 
 would not hear of blood and a parliament was resolved on. The 
 new gonfalonier lioberto Leoni is said i-ather to have calculated 
 his own chances than the public benefit f, and to have discovered 
 that these lay entirely with the Medici : wherefore on the 
 second of September 1466, he by Piero s direction summoned 
 a parliament and with the accust<jmed precautions created a new 
 
 • Brute, Lil». iii«, p. 257. 
 
 t Ibid., 274, 275. 
 
 CHAP. III.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 359 
 
 Balia composed of the captain of the people and eight citizens 
 who with absolute authority were empowered to reform the 
 commonwealth. On the sixth they were eml)odied and 
 their functions commenced, whereupon Agnolo Accaiuoli and 
 Dietisalvi Neroni at once fled from Florence as Soderini had 
 done some days before, to escape from the usual and inevitable 
 persecutions *. 
 
 The Balia was elected for ten years, a much longer period 
 than even Cosimo ventured upon, and with restricted numbers ; 
 so tme is it that unsuccessful resistance imparts new strength 
 to despotism : the elections of priors were again made at pleasure 
 for an equal period ; the Neroni, the Soderini, the Panciatichi, 
 the Gondi, the Nardi, and many others were exiled, fined, or 
 admonished ; Neroni s brother the archbishop of Florence fearful 
 of consequences retired into vohmtaiy banishment ; the Balias 
 myrmidons scoured Florence in search of proscribed citizens, 
 and were clothed in such terrors that even the very children, 
 according to Jacopo Pitti, began to question their memory lest 
 they should ever have unwittingly offended Piero de' Medici or 
 any of his faction. Many people fled from the city, but this 
 was met by an arbitraiy act of the " Otto di BaJlci,'' who at 
 their own pleasure summoned any citizen to appear before them 
 mider the penalty of immediate banishment, Luca Pitti alone 
 of all his faction remaining unscathed yet disappointed at the 
 failure of his granddaughter s marriage with the young Lorenzo 
 de' Medici; which was probably never intended : despised, self- 
 blamed; and with the shadow rather than the substance of 
 authority he gradually sunk into insignificance f . Nardi tells 
 us, though not confidently, that Luca furnished Piero with 
 accurate lists of all his unfortunate companions ; and Macchiavelli 
 that he lived despised ; and having been driven into obscurity 
 by public opinion wandered through the vast solitudes of his 
 
 • Jacopo Pitti, Lib. i", p. 23. — Amnii- 
 rato. Lib. xxiii., p. 99. — Bruto, Lib. 
 iii^ p. 277.— Lion. MorcUi, p. 182.— 
 
 Macphiavelli, Lib. vii. — Filippo Nerli 
 
 Lib. ii", p. 52. 
 
 t Jacopo Pitti, Lib. i^, p. 24. 
 
360 
 
 PXORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 I BOOK :i. 
 
 «• 
 
 deserted palace, once the emblem as well of his prosperity as 
 the adulation of a cornipted people, and linallj a token of his 
 pride, his fully, and his infomy *. 
 
 Severity did not tenuinate here ; a few days jifter, some more 
 itizens were exiled, lined, or admonislied, and no less than 
 forty deprived of their arms on suspicion of an intention to use 
 them. Such was the termination of Luni Pittis attempt to 
 unseat the ^Medici; thus the conspiracy commenced and tinished 
 witliin the city and the yoke was more lirmly iixed ; hut with- 
 out, a different scene presented itself; the exiles, banished 
 proscribed and mined as they were, still maintained their 
 spu-it, whether it were vengeance or patriotism, and resolved 
 not to sink without a blow. Dietisalvi repaired to V«niice and 
 began a secret negotiation with that republic and its general 
 Coleoni {for the Venetians had never forgiven Florence's sup- 
 port of Sforza) wherefore he was declared a rebid in December 
 14(»(», and Accaiuoli and Soderini in January 1407; 
 till having left their place of exile and repaired to 
 Venice. The son of Palla Strozzi who had settled at Ferrara 
 and become wealthy by connnerce, joined them heart and 
 liand with most of the older exiles, and money was not wantinj.^ 
 to promote their enterprise. Tliis proceeding wa> met witli 
 as lively a spirit at Florence where 10U,(»U0 Horins were 
 mstantly levied, preparations for war begim, and notice sent 
 to the various powers, that although the Murentines desire.l 
 peace, if they were compelled to take up arms in self-defence 
 all might be aware from what quarter the disturi)ance of ludiaii 
 tranquillity ]>roceeded. 
 
 An alliance for live-and-twenty years was nia<le with both 
 Milan and Naples ; the latter was now tranquil, lor Ferdinand 
 had beaten John of Anjou find his reliellious barons, and thought 
 by a close alliance with the Florentines in their i)resent nee<l 
 
 * Hmto, Lib. iii«, p. 297.— MacchiavcUi, J.ib. vii.— \erli, Lib. ii., p. 52.— 
 Naifli, Lib. i", p. n. 
 
 A.D. Uf>7. 
 
 CHAP, in.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 361 
 
 to detach them entirely from that prince. Nor was he insen- 
 sible to the general danger of Italy if by a restoration of the 
 Florentine exiles their republic became tributary to Veni<'e ; 
 for with such an accession of strength her fleets would com- 
 mand both coasts, her armies subdue Milan, and her ambition 
 look to the conquest of all the peninsula. Amongst the Flo- 
 rentine refugees Agnolo Acciaioli alone seems to have sued 
 for peace and forgiveness tVom the ^ledici : in a supplicatory 
 and at the same time reinoacliful and undignified letter to 
 Piero, unworthy of a man who professed to act and suffer for 
 the cause of freedom, he endeavours to move the justice and 
 gratitude of Cosimo's son whilp he wishes him to believe that 
 it is not so much for his own interest, although in great neces- 
 sity, as through liis anxiety for Piero 's reputation. He was 
 answered with sense and s])irit and some degree of ridicule, 
 softened however bv as nuich mildness as could well be ex- 
 pected in such times and circumstances, and not in the sharper 
 language of Macchiavelli's more elegant paraphrase -''. Agnolo 
 seeing his pardon hopeless quitted Naples for liome and united 
 with the other exiles, even those whom he and his party had 
 banished in 1 t;U. Here they formed a plan that was near 
 proving fatid to the Medici ; for knowing Piero's difficulties, they 
 succeeded in producing so sudden and extended a run on his great 
 banking establishment in that city that with all the assistance 
 of his friends he could scarcely withstand the torrent f. 
 
 Frederic duke of Urbino was without loss of time engaged as 
 general of the Florentines and several other condottieri were 
 attached to their standard ; nor was this speed unnecessary for 
 Bartolomeo Coleoni the Venetian commander behig nominally 
 released from that service had alreadv taken the field with six 
 thousand horse and a mniierous infantry accompanied and guided 
 
 * MaccliiavcllijLib. vii. — Roscoe, Life ii**, p. 36. 
 
 of Lorenzo dc Medici, Appendix. — f Biuto, Lib. iii., p. 300. — MaccIiJH- 
 
 Fabroni, Laurcntii Mcdicis Vita, vol. velli, Lib. vii. 
 
362 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 II. 
 
 CHAP. III.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 363 
 
 bj the Florentine exiles at whose cost this armament is said to 
 have been principally maintained, and whose general Coleoni 
 was reputed to be, the Venetians keeping as much out of si"ht 
 as possible. Tliere were various reports about Coleoni s move- 
 ments and precise objects ; but in May he crossed the Po sup- 
 ported by Hercules of Este, Sforza of Pesaro, Cecco and Pino 
 Ordelaffi of Forli, the lord of Faenza, those of Miraiulola and 
 Carpi, the count of Anguilara and several others, so much wealth 
 and influence had the exiled Florentines and so congeniid was 
 the hatred of the Medici to many Italian princes. Venice how- 
 ever was undoubtedly the mainspring of this enterprise, for her 
 enmity was intense against that family once so caressed and 
 honoured within her walls : Coleoni as one of the last reimiants 
 of the old Itiilian generals preser\'ed a sort of reflected reputa- 
 tion for militar}' talent which he scarcely deserved, and certainly 
 not more so than his no less veteran adversary Frederic of Mon- 
 tefeltro duke of Urbiuo. Both were men of learning and lite- 
 rature, both experienced in wai-, and both too old and cautious 
 for the conduct of an enterprise that required froui either side 
 the vigour of a bold and youthful energy with rapid and decisive 
 consequences =5^. 
 
 The result was protracted operations and general dissatisfac- 
 tion ; but still Coleoni s movement allowed of no slackness in 
 Florence ; a Balia of war was named and Urbino at once des- 
 patched with eight hundred cavalry to watch the enemy's mo- 
 tions in Romagna, where after the reduction of several towns he 
 had encamped near Imola. The Florentine confederates soon 
 collected in great force round Montefeltro's banners under Gio- 
 vanni Bentivoglio, Prince Frederic of Naples, and Giovan- 
 Galeazzo Duke of Milan in person. The two armies were 
 nearly equal and the Florentines in each strongly desirous of 
 battle, as both suffered from excessive expense and anxiety ; 
 but the two generals sparred long and cautiously and the war 
 
 * Sismondi, vol. vii., p. 364, &c. 
 
 appeared interminable : the exalted rank of Giovan-Galeazzo 
 Sforza gave him powerful influence, wiiile his folly vanity and 
 empty vaunting destroyed all confidence and led the troops into 
 difficulties that might have proved fatal with a younger, less 
 cautious, and more enterprising adversary. The decemvirate 
 of war perceived this danger and either flatteringly invited him 
 to honour Florence with his presence ; or, as Biuto and Mac- 
 chiavelli assert, cunningly induced him to return home and 
 watch the enemy's designs on his own frontier which might be 
 endangered by his absence. Probably both ; but his interference 
 was given as the true reason of Urbino's inactivity, so that on the 
 twenty-fifth of July, only four days after his arrival at Florence, 
 the two armies engaged in a long and somewhat bloody battle 
 at a place called San Piero or La Molinella in the Bolognese 
 state, and judged to be won, or nearly so, by the Duke of 
 Urbino. It would be diffi<'ult to determine who gained the day 
 for both generals fell back astonished from the shock, neither 
 of them knowing whether he were beaten or victorious ; an 
 armistice soon followed and opened the way to final negotia- 
 tions for a pennanent peace which however was not so speedily 
 accomplished *. 
 
 The circumstances of this expedition are variously related : 
 Macchiavelli, and Bmto who follows him in this portion of his 
 work ; assert that tliere was no blood shed in the battle, and 
 Valori says that Galeazzo was present in itf : the Cardinal of 
 Pavia gives a somewhat difterent story and Sabellico asserts 
 that the Florentine exiles never were admitted to an audience 
 by the Venetian senate ; that the army of Coleoni was his own 
 and paid by them, and that hostilities began without any parti- 
 cipation of Venice ; with other variations that only add more proofs 
 to the everlasting doubtfulness of all records; an uncertainty 
 that often makes the writer pause in despair ere he risks the 
 
 ♦ Lion. Morelli, p. 183. — Ammirato, f Niceolo Valori, Vita di Lorenzo de' 
 Lib. xxiii., p. 102. — Sismondi, vol. Medici, p. 6. 
 vii., p. 365. 
 
 
364 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 I 
 
 addition of auotiier unit to the daily nccumulatiiig mass of his- 
 torical apociypha. 
 
 The armistice for twenty days began in Angnst, yet peace was 
 retarded ; for Florence wcndd not treat with Coleoni, hut witli 
 Veiiice alone as the real belligerent power; nor would she at 
 fii-st consent to the arbitration of one so unfriendly as Borso 
 d'Este ; nor to the pope's being left unnoticed ; nor to the grant 
 of indemnity demanded for her exiled citizens. Some of these 
 difi&culties having been overcome, negotiations were allowed to 
 commence while fresh reenforcements arrived from Naples, and 
 Giovan-Galeazzo incensed against Trbino for giving battle in 
 Ms absence marched off the Milanese troops to aid his friend 
 the Marquis of Mouferrato whose states were threatened by the 
 Duke of Savoy's brother. The truce finished, sunnner wore 
 away, and the armies retired into winter quarters without any de- 
 cisive event either diplomatic or military ; but in Florence 
 1/^00,000 llorins for the war expenditure during the three 
 forthcoming years were voted in the absence of any appearance 
 of an amicable settlement of hostilities. Cideoni wanted a sub- 
 sidy, the exiles an amnesty , to neither of these would Florence 
 consent; moreover Pope Paul II. who wa> a Venetian and 
 incensed against Ferdinand began to take a leading part in tlie 
 negotiation and alanned all the confederates. These apprehen- 
 sions were soon realised by his arrooantly publislun<f 
 a treaty entirely of his <>wn coiiqiosing, and contain- 
 ing amongst other unpalatable things an engagement to retain 
 Coleoni with a salary of 10i),0()() ducats for the war in Albania 
 against the Turks, each state paying a part according to its then 
 estimated wealth and di^mity. 
 
 According to this scale we tind that Rome, Naples, ^filan, and 
 Venice were taxed at 10,000 ducats each, while Florence 
 Siena and Ferrara, contributed fifteen, four, and three, respec- 
 tively ; two thousand only being assigned between ^Mantuaand 
 Lucca : so low was the last and Siena foUen in consequence of 
 
 A.D. 1468. 
 
 ^.. 
 
 CHAP, in.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 3G5 
 
 war, conquest, civil dissension, and the superior genius of Flo- 
 rence ; while the once powerful Pisa was blotted altogether from 
 the list of independent nations. 
 
 fjxcommunication was the penalty awarded for non-compli- 
 ance with this exclusively Venetian and ecclesiastical treaty, 
 and Florence, at first temporising, <leclared her readiness to pay 
 whenever Coleoni should actually take the field in Albania: 
 but on learning that the Duke of Milan openly declared his 
 determination not to contril)ute, Tonniiaso Soderini and Antonio 
 Ridolfi were despatched to arrange an effectual mode of resist- 
 ance with him arid King Ferdinand, whereupon it was resolved 
 to meet any attempt at exi-onnnunication by the threat of a 
 general council. Pjud was hidignant and refused to recede, so 
 that preparations for renewed hostilities were again in progress 
 when through Borso d' b'stc's intluence a wiser and calmer 
 spirit came over him and a more satisfactory ti-eaty was pub- 
 lished in April 14 OS. To Florence this peace was a Idessing, 
 but it did not hinder discontent ; new conspiracies, new expa- 
 triations, and other punishments succeeded each other for several 
 months, and the exiles in spite of defeat, banishment, death, 
 and incarceration, but almost without hope, continued to liarass 
 their native country. Influenced by the lords of l'<trli and 
 Faenza several were captured while attempting to surprise 
 ('astiglionchio, and afterwards decapitated at Florence: this 
 produced a momentary calm, during which Sarzana imd Sarza- 
 nella were purchased for :;n,00n florins and added to the Flo- 
 rentine dominions: but tranquillity was .soon disturbed. Towards 
 the end of 140?^ died ( iismondo jMalatesta Lord of llimini a 
 man who is said to have surpassed all others of his day in 
 cruelty, rapine, licentiousness and every description of infamy : 
 he had murdered two or tlu'ee wives because they had borne 
 him no children, but left an illegitimate son Roberto, who was 
 for the time and country as virtuous and well-beloved as Gis- 
 mondo was vicious and detested. This popularity coupled with 
 
366 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 CRAP. III.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 367 
 
 A.D. 1469. 
 
 i| 
 
 some treachery towards the pope enabled him to succeed his 
 father in the Lordship of Rimini which as an ecclesiastical fief 
 rightly devolved on the church. Paid II. after waiting some 
 time for Roberto's volmitaiy resignation, at last sent an army 
 against him under the Archbishop of Spalatro ; yet de- 
 pending more on the assistance of Alexander Sforza of 
 Pesai'o, wlio indulged the hope of gaining that principality as 
 his brother Francesco had Milan. Roberto wanted neither 
 friends nor spirit : his wife's father Frederic Count of Urbino; 
 Ferdhiaiid King of Naples, the young Duke of Milan, and 
 the Florentines, all supported him in order to preserve the 
 threatened peace of Italy, but Venice tuded her countn-maii. 
 though it is said unwillingly, because her own views extended 
 to the future conquest of Rimini ; Paul however having been 
 beaten in a pitched battle was compelled to resign his preten- 
 sions and all further designs on Romagna and receive the victor s 
 conditions*. 
 
 These events kept up a certain degree of agitation in Flo- 
 rence while the rest of Italy was at peace with a general desire 
 to maintain it ; and even in Florence tranquillity was desired 
 by the ast-endant party, for in the gonfaloniership of Bardo 
 Altoviti a resolution passed that none who were suspected of 
 favouring the exiles should have the power of doing so ; ami 
 to accomplish this the gonfalonier em[)loyed himself in banish- 
 ing, and admonishing, and forcing to a premature resignation 
 of ofl&ce and withdrawal from Florence, all who were likely to 
 give any trouble to the government, and this by his solo wll 
 and pleasure! The tyranny of faction now rose so high that 
 even Piero with all his moderation and authority could not, for 
 want of physical energy, in any way control it. His followers 
 seemed, says Bnito, more like foreign conquerors than native 
 citizens ; robbing both private and public property ; abusing 
 their official powers and oppressing without distiiK^tion eveiy 
 man from whom profit could possibly be extracted. To this 
 
 • Ammirato, Lib. xxiii., p. 104-5, &c. — Muratori, Annali. — Sismondi, 
 vol. vii., p. 378. I 
 
 Piero 's failing health could oppose little resistance, and even 
 had he possessed all the spirit and vigour of youth it would 
 have been difficult to restrain those by whose arms and fidelity 
 he like Cosimo had overcome his political opponents. 
 
 Nothing is more malignant than the acts of a successful 
 faction ; the spirit of the bad flames through the whole com- 
 munity and involves even the virtuous and well-meaning in the 
 general ferment : leaders however averse, are compelled for 
 [)arty purposes to wink at the excesses of tlieir subordinates or 
 lose their favour, and party hatred smothers every feeling of 
 humanity or justice in the multitude. 
 
 Piero de' Medici, according to Brato ; and any praise of a 
 Medici from him may be safely tnisted ; endeavoured to re- 
 press this disorder ; sometimes by gentle and friendly admoni- 
 tion, sometimes by severe reproof ; and occasionally even with 
 menaces he implored them to cast an eye of pity on their 
 countiy and put some limit to their exorbitant pretensions. If 
 they w^ere determined to continue their inexoral)le course he 
 bade them remember that even violence is weak against the 
 will of many should they once rise in their wratli ; and when 
 hated l)y the riiii and opposed to an injured people it was 
 rarely that any faction could endure. These exhortations fell 
 pointless : nay to such a height did the tyranny of this faction 
 mount tliat whomsoever they had a mind to ruin needed only a 
 sim^de indication, given by his enemies, as one of their oppo- 
 nents, to be instantly run down and persecuted by those both 
 in and out of office, publicly and privately ; so that general 
 and individual tyranny ruled with unmitigated rigour. The 
 unhappy Piero, though tormented by unceasing pain, was still 
 more vexed by the conduct of his partisans and the consequent 
 misery of his fellow-citizens, and in despite of all his suffering 
 made one more effort at refonn, firmly resolved to put an end 
 to such misrule either by force or persuasion *. 
 
 * Brute, Lib. iv«, p. 379. 
 
I 
 
 368 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 Assembling the various leaders of Lis party, ho lu a severe 
 and eloquent diseoui-se, as given l>y IJriito, and more concisely 
 1)}' Macchiavelli, is said to have addressed them thus : — 
 
 " I never could have believed, after all my exertions for the 
 *• safety and welfare of Florence ; 1 sav I never could havo 
 '* believed that I should now be most sorrowfully yet impera- 
 •• lively and necessarily compelled to raise my \oke against 
 •' those who were once my coniidential supporters. I thoufrht 
 *' that 1 had selected for my companions the most honoured 
 " and respected citizens; men who would not only second mr 
 " but, (and 1 declare it with sincerity) incite ni*^ to aim at tlip 
 " welfare and prosperity of the commonwealth. They had so 
 *' nobly backed me in overcoming those seditious and tm'l)U- 
 ** lent citizens who with the pretence of my ruin plotted against 
 " liberty and ])ublic good that 1 never for an instant suspected 
 •* the time would come when 1 should have to save my country 
 *' from the wickedness and rnpaciousness of the very men in 
 " whose fidelity I had tmsted. And this unworthy t unduct is 
 '* the more painful and mortifying, because I had hoped that 
 " in times so unfortunate for my fellow citizens, I, (half dead 
 " as I am with extreme suffering) should have had some relief 
 *' from your wisdom and fidelity. If I am m<»w cheerfully 
 *' awaiting that death which must speedily arrive, it is because 
 * it brings along with it the termination of my bitterest 
 •'anguish: yet I have other apprehensions; itecause I also 
 " foresee that then will be increased the \i( c and inhumanitv 
 '* of the wicked to the injuiy of my country . the good man's 
 "hope will be blasted; if any good man escape from your 
 •* rapaciousness and cruelty ; and the whole commonwealth 
 " (Oh ! how my soul shudders in saying so I) will tumble into 
 " utter desolation! It is even too true that by the conduct of 
 '* those \ery men, to whom I am indebted for that life so often 
 " perilled by the treacherj' of my enemies, 1 should at last be 
 " driven to wish for a speedy death ! We conquered ; yes ; as 
 
 r 
 
 CHAP. III.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 3G9 
 
 it 
 
 n 
 
 t< 
 
 was to be desired, for our nation's good, which all should 
 *' wish for : but it was for ourselves we really conquered ; not 
 " for our country : and what none who have their country's 
 good at heart can tamely suffer, you in order to satisfy pri- 
 vate enmity and ruin the place of your nativity assume and 
 '' abuse the sacred name of patriot I And yet ; as if words 
 " were better than deeds we are become so shamelessly inso- 
 '* lent that we still aspire to the name and reputation of good 
 ** citizens ! But what hope can I ever have, identified a> T 
 •' am with those whose prowess once helped me to defend my 
 " country and save my fellow-citizens, ^yhen I am now com- 
 " pelled to implore them to respect that fidelity, religion, and 
 " humanity, of which they have completely divested them- 
 '* selves ? Oh ! how changed ! how changed from what you 
 " were ere 3'ou made passion and self-interest law, and the 
 " uifamous propensities wliieh have deprived you of both sense 
 '* and reason, your rule of government ! Ere vindictiveness 
 " overcame pity ; sensu:dity modesty ; rapaciousness fidehty ; 
 '* and cruelty humanity ! But I must now patiently discuss 
 " what may be really useful and conducive to your ti*ue inte- 
 " rest : yet I aliandon much discussion with men blinded as 
 " you are by passion and (letei-mined to act capriciously. It 
 ** is not therefore my intention to show (what could easily be 
 ** done) that in a free city that knows its own strength, servi- 
 *• tude cannot long exist without the advent of a liberator : 
 " neither will 1 stop to declare, what is understood by all, that 
 " private hatred will kindle a smouldering fire under the sur- 
 " face, which gaining strength from secret nourishment (may 
 '' it please God to falsify my words !) will suddenly break forth 
 " to the destruction of many and burst fearfully over all. I will 
 ■' not argue with you hypothetically nor generally from the 
 " times, nor from ofTences committed against nations, nor from 
 " the WTongs you yourselves have inflicted, nor yet from my 
 " apprehensions of coming evil altliough you are well aware 
 
 VOL. III. B B 
 
370 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book ti 
 
 f 
 
 a 
 
 i ( 
 
 (. 
 
 u 
 
 it 
 
 tliat the exiles have only disarmed from necessity not relin- 
 quished their resentment, or their hopes, or their faith in 
 the coming of hotter times. I will not stop to declare that 
 as hitter foes they are intently watching for your destruc- 
 tion ; that their ferocity affects not their counsel, while their 
 I'rudence increases theirenergy and loftiness of mind; which, 
 when occasion offers, will overwhelm you with the veiy hatred 
 you have created for yom'selves. They will never want friends, 
 because your oppressions will always keep the city full of 
 despemte spirits ready fcr any change ; and as no reason> 
 deduced from the nature of tiie times and the condition ot 
 the republic will move you, perhaps the examples of yoiii 
 forefathers, and these placed in such a light that you may read 
 them, may warn you of the coming end of all your tyranny. 
 Others have also conquered as you have done, because in a 
 seditious city furiously toiinented by faction matter is never 
 wanting for civil war ; but as they, like you, desired such a 
 victory as would bring gain to themselves rather than tran- 
 quillity to their country, the gates were soon opened for an 
 easy return of the vanquished as well as for the multitud. 
 to expel the victors. Omitting the examples so numerous 
 in our annals that they would furnish matter for a day s dis- 
 course, I will confine myself to one, and that in my own 
 house ; not so much because the fact is recent and in the re- 
 collection of all, as for its present utility ; for by reminding 
 you of what my excellent father did I shall be able to e.v- 
 plain what I think you ought to do. \Miat cabimity more 
 bitter than his exile could have befallen our family? And 
 yet what will be more glorious for him in future ages, what 
 more illustrious event than that very exile ? God assisted 
 him in the depth of that misery to which his enemies' injustice 
 had condemned him ! None can deny this assistance, nay any- 
 thing may be believed sooner than God's forsaking goocl and 
 right intentioned men ; but that the exile might be brief and 
 
 CH4P. 111.] 
 
 P' r.O R F.NT [ \ 1 : 1 1 IST( >11Y 
 
 371 
 
 the restoration easy, none managed more admirably than his 
 rivals themselves. They liad deeply hijured him ; l)ut after 
 he, (who from conscious innocence believed liimself secure) 
 after he returned to that hom(^ from which he had I teen so 
 unjustly driven, and brought back so nmch joyto his friends. 
 perhaps you may think that prosjierity made him insolent ; 
 perhaps more cruel to the van(|uished ; or a fierce and infa- 
 mous conqueror sucli as you yourselves are become by your 
 rapacity cupidity and haughtiness? I tell you no! but the 
 contrary, however desirous the evil-minded may be to dimi- 
 nish his glory by slandering his reputation ! To some he 
 showed cleniencv. to <)th<rr> magnificence and liberality ; iie 
 maintained tlie attachment of his partisans with ample recom- 
 penses ; and by forgiving injuries (a sui'prising liberality of 
 mind I) and adopting all moderation and courtesy, he concili- 
 ated even his adversaries and from that moment fixed both 
 friends and enemies mon; lirnily in his favour. Kemember 
 that when ynu panlon a rivjd you provide not more for his 
 than your own welfare ; beeause he will eitlier be grateful to 
 his preserver (for there i> udt a more praise wortliy act than 
 preserving those whom you could ruin, and clemency and 
 humanity are nevei- without reward) or he is of so hard a 
 heart that he more easily rememliers ancient hate than recent 
 benefit, and even then his ferocious and inhuman disposition 
 will be at least softened towards tlie man who showed liimself 
 kind and gentle hi the flusli of victory. And as an enemy 
 cannot be pardoned without at the same time saving a man, 
 and a citizen ; you will always act like a j^ood Christian 
 in doing so besides paying a debt to humanity and your 
 countiy by the forgiveness of injuries. But if the force of 
 benevolent actions is sufficient to destroy an enemy's recol- 
 lection of former injuries and make him a constant friend, 
 what should be thought of those who having no hatred that 
 prevents their wishing you every prosperity, are moved by 
 
 B H '2 
 
372 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 fl 
 
 [book ir. 
 
 ■ gratuitous beneficence on your part to desire it with more 
 
 " ardent and lively aspirations ? And as it is natural fur those 
 
 who love us to become more and more atUiched by the bene- 
 
 '• fits we bestow, so if we injure those whom we ought to be- 
 
 • nefit the more keenly will they be affected ; because they 
 
 • feel that from the source of their present evil, good should 
 
 • have come. Now you seek but one object : your own interest ! 
 " Ihit certainly it is a bmtal and evil ^^^sh, if it be not nefa- 
 " rious, and even impious, tliat of attempting to acquire what 
 " may be denomhiated tyrannical nile rather than the just 
 •• chieftainiy of the citizens. However, since you have thus 
 
 • resolved I would wish to lead you right : you have two ways 
 •■ to accomplish your puqiose : benevolence and terror. You 
 •• may choose between them ; you may employ rewards to iu- 
 " jXratiate yourselves with the citizens; or punishments to 
 •■ make yourselves hateful ; but you ^ill never finish, never 
 "arrive at your object: men will not long remain unjustly 
 
 • rinbed by terror unless earned to an inhuman excess : 
 •• nrithrr are they to be cajoled by those trilling boons which 
 •• are generally bestowed (because even with liberal wishes the 
 " means are not always forthcoming) to bear senitude in tran- 
 " quillity. X„r can I, supposing you to be of this mind be- 
 " lieve you to be the ' Liberators of the Fa'pubUv; of which 
 *• title you vaingloriously boast in order to claim merit from 
 '• your countn-men ; but on the contrary J can only consider 
 •■ you as oppressoi-s of your native city and as most inhuman 
 " and proud tyrants, so that you cannot even listen to the voice 
 
 ' <'f su culpable an ambition without having previously divested 
 '' your soul of even- kind feeling of humanity ! Jhit now, what 
 *' is your object ? What will be the end of such cruelty ? The 
 " way that I have shown to you as the most gentle and simple, 
 ■' is not i)Hlatable ; but you are on the contrary cajL.'rr to adveii- 
 " ture on that which, difficult, arduous, tortuous, full of tuni> 
 •' and windings, will conduct you with ignominy and maledir- 
 
 CllAP, III.] 
 
 FLOR ENTI N E HISTORY . 
 
 37:i 
 
 tions to your own destruction. Up then ; listen to the voice 
 of cruelty, of inhumanity, of your own caprice: be hard- 
 hearted to the citizens, insult their misery, prepare tortures 
 and massacres, and rapacity, and every sort of barbarity for 
 your countr}' : imprison, decapitate, exile, admonish, plant a 
 human butcher in the market-place, fill up your measure of 
 infamy ; let cruelty overflow! But with all this you will nut 
 have made a road to the rock of tyranny so garrisoned and 
 barricaded as to prevent your being ultimately forced to ao 
 knowledge that the few must fear the union of the many 
 more than the many the oppressive violence of the few. Alas 
 for my poor country I And yet how well she has merited of 
 you ! She has exalted yuu to splendour : she has showered 
 on you the highest honours I Therefore, if you refuse tu act 
 with sufficient filial affection as to repay her the debt of duty, 
 you should at least be somewhat less cruel and not connnit 
 such crimes against her I Now, even through me, this 
 miserable country imi)lores you, and supplicates you, and 
 conjures you : (and hi thus doing she shows how you should 
 recede from vour crueltv when she recedes so much from 
 her rights) she supplicates you 1 say ; your country suppli- 
 cates you ! If you have a remnant of humanity, if you have 
 any remembrance of the benefits she has bestowed on you 
 so bomitifully ; she conjures you to pause and pity her ! But 
 because no respect for your duty, no charity towards her can 
 move you ; and because you show the thirst of power, rather 
 than the zealous preservation of the highly honoured and 
 respected rank which each of you enjoys ; try at least to 
 merit the love of your fellow citizens by beneficence, insteatl 
 of rousing their anger and hatred against you by malevolence. 
 As to myself, death is close at hand ; nevertheless, feeling 
 too sensibly that I am not considered worthy of obtaining 
 from citizens so ungrateful the salvation of my country 
 which even barbarians often concede ; in order not to appear 
 
A7i 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [UOOK II. 
 
 - trom mental weakness to be forgetful of my native place an.l 
 •' my own dignity; I now declare that what I am unable to 
 •• accomplish with your good will ; againsf your will and in 
 •" despite of you, I Nvill achieve by force ; and ha vii,. 4 rendered 
 
 • this last service to my countiy and in my last days merited 
 
 • something of my fellow citizens ; in accordance with mv p.st 
 • lite, and with a light and joyf.d mind I will depart for the 
 
 •• .itlier world." Piero's auditoi-s somcwliat abashed by this 
 angry discourse, answered with a])i>arent compunction! and 
 promised amendment : but they wen incredulouslv listened 
 to, and dismissed from the sick mmi'schauiber without a shii^l, 
 mark of approbation -. 
 
 This exhortation had no real etfcrt, so that ac online 
 to ^facchiavelli Piero determinerl to strengthen himselt 
 by an alliance with the exiles and had an hiterview with 
 Agnojo Acciaioli at the villa of C^Uaggiolo t,. arrange the con 
 ditions of their return, but died earlv in December before 
 they were completed, at the age of fifty-three. Annnirato takes 
 no notice either of thi. interview, Piero's determinatio,, in the 
 exdes favour, or his severe reproof to the dominant faction as 
 alx.ve given on the authority of Hruto and Macchiavelli : the 
 latter though, as already said, notoriously incnrrect in his facts, 
 could scarcely have invented one of such consequen.e ^o soon' 
 after the event ; and an enemy like Bnm who lived so much 
 with Florentine exiles would without reason hardly have followed 
 and even enlarged on these two occurrences so favourabh' to the 
 Medici. -Piero de' Medici," says this last author, "a. in 
 wisd.an and prudence so in resolution and magnannnitv was 
 mferior to hi.s father but equalled him in even- other virtue. 
 In the splendour and affluence of private life, whether natu- 
 rally inclined to them or that the times required it; he sur- 
 passed ( 'osimo. He was less celebnited, for he had less time to 
 
 CHAP. I 
 
 ,..] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 375 
 
 sifnialise himself, and because he lived mostly with his 
 father whose glory obscured the merits of the son ; and also 
 from constant bodily suffering which compelled him to attend 
 more to himself than to his country. After Cosimo s death 
 Piero mled the commonwealth but a brief space ; but never- 
 theless it was so governed that in tlie midst of the most bitter 
 contests, although numerous citizens conspired for his destruc- 
 tion he showed himself wanting neither in force nor resolution 
 in the administration of public atfairs ; nor in wisdom nor vigour 
 in tlie defence of liis position, nor firmness in expelling his 
 adversaries. All these things either proceeded directly from 
 himself, in which case he merits the jiraise of a virtuous and 
 prudent man ; or by others' counsel, which gahis him the repu- 
 tation of justice and nioderatit)n, for a man cautious in choos- 
 ing friends seems naturally to place himself on a level with 
 them, to take the advice of the wisest and best and to command 
 himself: and this deserves so much tlie more praise, as it 
 more becomes a chief who holds the reins of government, to 
 avoid inconsiderate rashness as well as ignorance " *. 
 
 Piero's character was decidcdlv humane, and there is reason to 
 believe that he alone restrained his faction from blood ; yet com- 
 ing, and but for a short sickly and tempestuous interval, between 
 such men as Cosimo and Lorenzo, his genius has not received 
 the justice it merited or the praise which a longer and more 
 unimpeded course would probably have gained. He was learned, 
 and an encoimiger of learning, and filled several public em- 
 ployments with great credit : during his latter years he is said, 
 and probably with truth, to liave been materially assisted in all 
 public matters by Lorenzo whose extraordinary talents and 
 social disposition were even thus eariy appreciated as well 
 as the inclination he then showed to conciliation and 
 clemency. The counsel and steady friendship of Tommaso 
 Soderini also aided Piero in life and continued after his death, 
 
 Bruto, Lib. iv., p. 399. 
 
376 
 
 f 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOBY. 
 
 [book II 
 
 CHAP, in.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 377 
 
 when the youth of Lorenzo and GiuHano required such support 
 from one of the most powerful and influential of Florentine 
 i'itizeus. 
 
 Xo sooner was Piero dead than all eyes were simultaneously 
 tunied on Tommaso Soderini as chief of the republic, or 
 rather perhaps as chief of the dominant foction calling itself 
 the republic ; so necessarj^ did these people fnid it to have 
 an acknowledged lord. Nor by the Florentines alone but 
 also by the potentates of Italy was he considered in tbis 
 light, so that his house as we are told was filled with iiative 
 courtiers, and his table with foreign desi)atches ; but tlie last 
 were left unanswered and the first directed to the palace of 
 the Medici as their legitimate destination. Tommaso chose 
 rather to go on quietly directing the republic in the name 
 of Piero's sons as he had probably done fur their father, than 
 create new disturbance and new jealousy : men were from Ion- 
 habit becoming reconciled to the .Aledician rule, and would 
 more easily follow what they had been used to, than cling long 
 to a new order of things however eagerly thev might at first 
 have embraced it. Moreover Tommaso s lu-otection had been ii,.- 
 plored for Lorenzo and Giuliano by his dying fiiend, and he was 
 of an honester stamp than Dietisalvi Xeroni, of equal, perhaps 
 superior talents, and infinitely less and)itious. By whatever 
 means acquired all historians allow that he possessed extraor- 
 dinary hifluence in the republic, of which he had frequently 
 held the highest offices both at home and abroad ; so that, savs 
 Ammii-ato, none dared to mount the Kiughiera before Sode- 
 nm's opinion was known ; and Bnito tells us that he regulated 
 the public councils and from his shigular rei)utation for virtue 
 cill eyes and minds were fixed on him. This may be true; 
 indeed his subsequent conduct proves his worth and fidelity to 
 the Medici whose hereditaiy succession it is evident he pre- 
 ferred to a turbulent democracy ; but it seems strange that one 
 so virtuous and powerful and so closely linked with Piero 
 
 should for a moment have suffered the disorders which drove 
 that chief to the desperate alternative of recalling his enemies 
 to oppose his friends ! And yet as they did continue unchecked, 
 we must either discredit his influence, or else condemn his 
 character; by identifH^ng him with the authors of these dis- 
 orders • be this as it may, the people looked to him, and he 
 to the house of Medici, as leader of the commonwealth. 
 Wherefore, at a nocturnal assembly of the chief citizens Lo- 
 renzo and Giuliano being present, he expatiated on the state 
 of Florence as connected with Italian politics ; disclosed the 
 secret intentions of Paul II. to bestow Bologna on Venice ; 
 showed the necessity of internal peace and union to prevent 
 such transactions and maintain tlieir own independence; 
 pointed out the advantages of continuing tlie chief citizenship 
 in the same f^imilv, and conjured them to place that confidence 
 in Lorenzo and Giuliano that they had already given to Piero 
 and Cosimo ; inasmuch as it was s:ifer and easier to maintiun 
 established things tlian uphold novelties. Tommaso s speech 
 was eflectual, for independent of his personal influence both 
 hunself and friends had prospered under the :\Iedician banner 
 in the name of the commonwealth : liis auditors could be cer- 
 tain of nothing but strife and jealousy by a change, and of the 
 two representatives of that house one was still a child, the other 
 devoid of experience, ineligible from liis years to the public 
 magistracies, and though of great intellectual promise, unlikely 
 for some time to interrupt their movements : still there was 
 some reluctance in the old statesmen to bend before the fiat of 
 a youth ; but the convicti(.)n that he would act with graver 
 counsellors and that they tliemselves would not be without a 
 voice in the government reconciled them. 
 
 \\Tien the discussion ceased Lorenzo rose and spoke with 
 modesty gravity and eloquence, addressing his discourse to the 
 existing feelings of liis auditors he had little difficulty in unit- 
 ing every suffrage and a general reconciliation followed : ulte- 
 
37S 
 
 / 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 ir. 
 
 nor views were closed, in.lividual ambition for the moment 
 repressed the two yoimg Medici were liailed as the lending 
 citizens of Florence and escorted to their palace amidst univer! 
 sal acclamations in which the name of Tonnnaso Sodcrini was 
 loudly mmgled. \or did Lorenzo immediately mi>; a n-eat 
 deal in politics ; he mid Giuliano followed their studies°a„.l 
 amusements and for some time were content to he «„i,led hv 
 Soderini's councils «. ° 
 
 This assembly confirmed the union, tlic tranquillitv, the .ub 
 jugation of Florence, and was mainly conducive to tlic political 
 balance and general peace of Italy ; i, pbued a man at the 
 head of the commonwealth with broad views of Italian „„licv 
 combined with dem- notions of his own private mtores, ii, 
 which the general good of the reninsula was intimatelv blended 
 .1 not Identified with that of his family, as regarded the main- 
 tenance of its political ascendancy in Florence. He.uefoiward 
 wth little intermission it is Lorenzo alone that acts, not tlie 
 Horentme people: he now becomes ,m Italian potenUUe 
 backed by the vast resources of his countn- vet averse frou. 
 war and unambitious of conquest ; with deep and expansive 
 thought clear views, and extreme prudence, his influence exteiuls 
 .tself through the lUilian Peninsula and penetrates the rest „l- 
 Lurope, and he stamps a peculiar character on his own time 
 and counto-. But the political position of Florence is hence- 
 forward changed ; she has fallen from her pride of place, and 
 .s scarcely more than the metropolis of arts and literature and 
 the private domain of this extmordinaiy and fortunate family. 
 High spint, discontent, and poverty render.d the eviles stUl 
 troublesome ; a young man of family called Bernardo Xardi 
 
 • Ammirato, Lib. xxiii., p. 1 06.— Bnito, 
 '>ib, v., p. 13.— Macchiavelli,Lib. vii. 
 — Sismondi, vol.viii.,p. l,&c.— This 
 account, which all native historians 
 agree in,is doubted bv Roscoe because 
 unnoticed by Lorenzo himself: but 
 Ins Ricordi are merely short notes 
 
 gn-ing results ratlfcrthan transactions. 
 nor IS there anytltintr discordant in 
 these rec(»rds with tlie above account 
 except the time neccssirv f..r Soderini 
 to have received letters' from foreign 
 potentates, a circumstance not affecting 
 the general truth of the statement. 
 
 (HAi'. m.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 379 
 
 with more enterprise than discretion but encouraged by Die- 
 tisalvi Neroni ; having some intelligence within the ^ ^^ ^^^^^ 
 town of Prato, especially with an officer of the Podesta 
 Cesare Petruccio, and backed by a few companions made an 
 attempt to surprise that place and nearly succeeded. He and 
 his whole party were ultimately taken or kiHed, and Ber- 
 nardo with six others decapitated. Tt was a bold and desperate 
 attempt the success of which might have shaken Lorenzo 
 and his whole friction ; but its tailure preserved him ^ not 
 only Jit that moment but afterwai'ds in the conspiracy of the 
 Pazzi, by the suspicious caution it impressed on the mind of 
 
 Petniccio -■'. 
 
 Tliis danger was succeeded by a visit of Galeazzo Maria 
 Sforza and his wife Bona of Savoy to Florence on pre- ^^ ^^.^ 
 tence of a vow, but in reality to nudvc some political 
 arrangements with Lorenzo^ the result of which was a close 
 alliance between them on personal as well as general grounds : 
 and according to some authors, tliough the fact is doubtful, it 
 was also secretly agreed that tlie city of Imola from which 
 Galeazzo liad i^cently expelled Taddeo Manfredi sh.ndd l>e 
 sold to Florence but tliat afterwards Pope Sixtus IV becom- 
 ing aware of tliis resolved to defeat the bargain, laager for the 
 aggrandisement of his familv, the Pontitf hastened before its 
 
 Do ' /^ * 1 11 • ■ 
 
 conclusion to propose a marriage between (Tirolamo Itiario a 
 reputed nephew and the more celebrated Caterina Sforza 
 natural daughter of Galeazzo, ^vith Im.da for her portion. This 
 exasperated Lorenzo and his faction who thus saw a city filched 
 from their grasp on which they had counted for extending the 
 republican intluence in Romagna; and it was also believed to 
 be one of the chief causes of that quarrel with Sixtus IV which 
 concluded so tragically in tlie conspiracy of the Pazzi. Another 
 object of this visit, besides the useless disj-lay of barbaric pomp 
 
 • Bruto, Lib. v.. p. 43. - Ammirato, Lib. xxiii.. p. lOG.-Lionard. MorcUi, 
 p. IfiC. 
 
3*0 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 and splendour that accompanied it, was the seom-in-r of 
 florenune support against King Ferdinand of Xal \i, 
 when. Galea., had ree.ul, ,narre,>ed and .as preU;:;': 
 
 The death of Bo.^o d'Este who had .just been created Duke 
 f f er«ra b, Taul II. and the decease of that pontitF in ^ 
 
 the former was celebrated for virtues that not only svuvul h ! 
 piness amongst his own subjects but becan.e a proVerb i ne l*^ 
 souths, and often led to .he peace of Italv ; and the a " 
 ucceeded l,- Francesco deila Kovere Cardinal „f San Per 
 u,cula under the na„,e of Sixtus IV. a n,a„ who n.ato id 
 influenced the destinies of Florence. To congratula,, ' , 
 embassy cons,s.ing of Lorenzo de' .Medici. Agnolo d ela S ff 
 Buong,ann, G.anfiglazzi, Domenico Jlartelli Piero ?,Iin rb i 
 and Donate Accia.oli ; all leading citizen. : was ,b ; he 
 Ro„.e and recened by Sixtus with n.arked dixincil ' k 
 was not on y shown in public honou. and private ^ t 
 
 cts ssit::;r '^xhtT^°- r" "f --'^ °^ ^■ 
 
 were m.A7* 7 ad.nnnstrators of his bank at lionie 
 
 quent iefu.al of winch was said to be one cause of thWr nnarrel 
 
 and n.a„y precousolgects of antiquitv were bestowed u o , ,' 
 among,, ,,,, ,,, ,„^^ ^^ ___• ^ ^^ ^^^ ^ jn 
 
 ntrSlr^"'^" of PopeSmus IV it is ,.,.,ain h 
 u eri^r ^7 ''T ";" '*"^'"^'' °" ^'"'•''"- -i'l>o»t some 
 
 were a, jet comparatively unknown, and onlv his prospective 
 power and pohtical influence in Florence could cifote 
 unusual marks of attentionf. 
 
 ratcTb. xxiiK/p!*! 09 '^'-^'"°^'' -^i-rdi di Lorenzo.- Bruto, Lih. v.. 
 t Platina, Vite dei Pontefici, p. 460. ^* '^'^ — ^^"i""rato, Lib. xxiii., p. 10.9. 
 
 iHAP. in.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 381 
 
 A.D. 1472. 
 
 One of the earliest measures of 1472 was to reduce the trade 
 lorporations back to their ancient number of twenty- 
 one for they had been diminished to twelve in some 
 of the various changes and reforms of Florentine institutions, 
 though so important an alteration is apparently unnoticed by 
 anv author but Lionardo IMorelli and Ammirato and by 
 them only incidentally while relating the fact of their reestab- 
 lishment *. Nothing perhaps tends more directly to show the 
 (piiescent state of Florence and its complete obedience to the 
 Medici than this incident which a century before would have 
 been attended by violence and revolution ; and though we are 
 not told when or by whom this was etfected there is no doubt 
 of its liaving been under their immediate influence. 
 
 More proscriptions followed this act, and then all eyes were 
 attracted towards Volterra, where after many years of perfect 
 submission, a rebellion suddenly burst forth as from an extinct 
 volcano, and startled the Florentine republic. The cause was as 
 follows. Tn the preceding year Benuccio de' Capacci of Siena 
 asked permission of the municipality of Volterra which was 
 locally independent of Florence to work the alum mhies then 
 recently discovered in their territory : this permission with 
 some opposition on account of legal or constitutional informality 
 was at last accorded and three Florentines, namely a Capponi, 
 a Giunti, and a Boninsegni were associated with Benuccio in 
 the speculation. There also seems good reason to believe that 
 Lorenzo de' j\Iedici was taken into partnership after the first 
 disagreements and while solicited in his public character to 
 settle the dispute : he had the bad taste to accept this task and 
 thus became both judge and party in the cause : whether this 
 partnership remained secret or open we are not hifomied but 
 there seems to have been no ol)jection made by Volterra to his 
 arbitration. Disputes had been maintained from the beginning 
 between the company and the Seignory of AV)lterra ; the first 
 
 ' Lion. Morclli, p. lf>9. — Auiii»ir:ito, Lib. xxiii., p. 110. 
 
382 
 
 KLORKXTINE TTIsTOllT. 
 
 I nooK II. 
 
 assertmg the validit.v of their .ran,, the second deelarin. i, 
 .Hega and utUI from infonuality and the ne.-ligence o the 
 offica predecessors. The speculation was donl.tful ■ JZ 
 um,l the t.me of Pius II. as we are ,old, was not known ad 
 beheved not to e.xist in Italy : the discovery in th.t no. f m' 
 -g« of the rich .nines of La Toha and after:::,: '., ^J. 
 Montione* near Massa Maritin.a, (if indeed the huter were no 
 prevously known) destroyed this iHusion, and the ex.cnsW 
 use of tins .uineml in the Flo.-entinc nmnufaCori, s afforded 
 great encouragement to the enterprise. Its sncc.s m-obahlv 
 macle the comnmni.y of Volte.ra dissatislied with thei. har^aii, 
 and caused the .juarrels. for we find that the con.panv w^ar 
 of constant altercation otiered, apparently l,v Lorenzo'; advic'c 
 o compound tor a higher rent ; negotiations began on th s 
 bas.s but were soon broken olf in arranging details. The 
 people ^ olterra then drove their adversaries fro.n the 
 nunes : tins displeased Lorenzo and the Florenti.ies. who sem 
 oftcers to reinstate them : but even these w,.re opposed bv the 
 angry citizens an.l nothing more was efiVcted. The Floremine 
 podesta e.xerted his authority to subdue this ...subordinate 
 sp.nt, when a fu.-.ous n.surrectio.i followed with the massacie 
 and expulsion of .na.,y belonging to the cn.panv a..d their 
 adhere..,s ; a cmnnnttee of gove...me..t was i„s,„.tiy arpoi..ted 
 and the usual fle,-ce persecutions of civil discord and partv 
 mtred ensued. Nevertheless order was so far maintained tlJ.t 
 the whole case was referred, perhai,s for the second time to 
 Jlorence and ,,. the beginning of Februa.T Lo.enzo do' 
 Medio, an-epted the office of judge in his own ;.anse : but the 
 citizens of \ olterra probably doubtft.l of .justice fi-„„, .,ul, a 
 
 ^olxtTKi'i-rb," nSv .r^ h'laTr" '?"' -■•""■"> '"'" ••"- 
 
 Eliza nn,l soon cmplovcra , v hun ,,""'''"'""'' ''^'.' '" '""'■ '""uhrd 
 dnd people : „„,v .rprice of ■,!„„, U T"'''" , ""■ "'"'' '"'''''' '^ I""''"' "' 
 
 CHAP. HI.] 
 
 FLORENTINK ITTSTOllY. 
 
 383 
 
 quarter though their leaders had accepted him, would not wait 
 for his judgment and aceoi-ding to their historian Cecena at 
 once hroke out into 0})en rebelUon : ]Macchiavelli says that it 
 was after a decision of the Fh:>rentines against them, and there is 
 some reason to believe that tliere might have been two decisions 
 before the final rupture : however this may be, Vol terra on tlie 
 twenty-seventh of April 1 47-^, after forty-three years of tran- 
 quil obedience again revolted. 
 
 In a warm discussion at Florence it was decided at the 
 instance of Lorenzo (who wanted to strike terror by extreme 
 severity, and against the wishes of Soderini) to liear no excuses 
 and at once reduce the insurgents by force of arms. Frederic 
 of I'rbino was again called to the military command ; 100,000 
 llorins were voted for the war ; an extraordinary Italia of 
 twenty leading citizens was named to conduct it -' ; from six 
 to twehe thousand men were quickly in the field, and towards 
 the middle of ]\Iav Volterra found itself invested on every side 
 with onlv about a tliousand insubordinate mercenaries enlisted 
 in its service f . 
 
 The result was a short and weak defence and a capitulation 
 which beim? broken bv the misconduct of a single soldier 
 others soon fdllowed the example, insubordination l)ecame 
 contagious and Volterra was exposed for a whole day to all 
 the horrors of a storm : slaughter rapine and violation over- 
 spread the town, and penetrated even to the convents and 
 mostsam-ed i)laces, b(jth friend and foe uniting in one headlong 
 course of unmitigated outrage and devastation. This enterprise 
 
 * They were Luca Pitti, Gianiioz/.o Antonio di Puccio, iind Biirtolonico 
 
 Pitti, Antonio Ridolti, Jacopo Guicci- del TioH-io. — These were the leading 
 
 ardini, Giov. Serristori, Giiolanio Mo- and most jiouerful citizens of the Me- 
 
 rclli, Piero Minerbetti, Nieolo Fedini, tlieian faction. (Vide Aiitiiiirato, Lib. 
 
 Jacopo de' Pazzi, Lorenzo de' Medici, x.viii., p. 110.) 
 
 ToramasoSoderini,Gio. Canpani, lier- f Bnito, Lib. v., p. DO, and Note 13. 
 
 nardo Corbinelli, Bern", del Xero, Itu- — Anmiirato, Lili. x.\iii., p. 110. — 
 
 berto Lioni, Bongianni Gianfigliazzi, Sisniondi, vol. viii , p. 9. 
 Lionardi Bartolini, Agnolo della Stnfa, 
 
384 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [boo 
 
 K ir. 
 
 being deemed entirely the work of Lorenzo procured for him 
 deep curses from the vanquished people while it exalted his 
 reputation amongst his own for success in those days covered 
 eveiy iniquity and suffering humanity met with scanty com- 
 miseration. But when Soderini was asked what he had now 
 to object, as Volterra was gained ? '' To me," replied Tom- 
 maso, " it seems lost ; for had you acquired it by negotiation 
 *' you would have got utility and security ; but now you must 
 *' hold it by force, and therefore will only derive weakness and 
 *• vexation in war, and in peace injury and expense." As a com- 
 ment on this the Bishop of Volterra "s palace was demolished and 
 a citadel erected in its place which for a long time was the only 
 tie by which that unfortunate city remained united to Florence >!=. 
 Xothuig remarkable signalised the year 1473 except a reso- 
 lution to nominate fresh accoppiatori every year, in 
 order to secure the governing power in the hands of 
 confidential pei*sons and the exhibition of extreme commer- 
 cial jealousy by outlawing a certain Florentine cloth manufac- 
 turer for refusing to discontinue the teaching of his trade in 
 Naples where he had settled for that pui'pose f . 
 
 But though all was (]uiet at home symptoms of coming 
 uneasiness began to show themselves elsewhere : the pope, 
 liimself of an ambitious unquiet nature, was governed by more 
 unquiet and ambitious sons under the usual appellation of 
 nephews, and became eager to advance them ; anxious also to 
 hold the ecclesiastical fiefs in obedience he had plundered the 
 rebellious Spoleto and turned his arms against Citta di Castello 
 then governed by Niccolo Vitelli, who had also shown symp- 
 toms of restiveness. Vitelli was in alliance with Lorenzo de' 
 
 Medici from whom as well as Galcazzo of Milan he 
 A.I). 1474. . . , . , , , . V. • 
 
 received assistance which though msuincicnt to save 
 
 him laid, along with other thinj:js. the foundation of that enmity 
 
 * Bruto, Lil'. V", |). 109 — Animii-ato, f Amminito, Lib. xxiii., p. 112. — 
 r.ib. xxiii., i». 111. — Mui-chiavclli, Lion. Morelli, p. 190. 
 Lib. vii. 
 
 CHAP m.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 385 
 
 between Sixtus and the Medici which terminated so unfor- 
 tunately *. This enmity would not have long remamed hidden 
 if the pope's son Piero lUario cardinal of San Sisto had lived : 
 he was a bold intriguing licentious man, magnificent in everj^- 
 thincT, and possessing great influence over his fiither who 
 amongst numerous other benefices had given him the arch- 
 bishopric of Florence. Piero died suddenly at Rome not without 
 suspicion of having been poisoned by the Venetians who feared 
 the power of Sixtus when directed by such mind and energy. 
 The death of this prince for a while relaxed the pontiff's acti- 
 vity ; but Florence Ijecame suspicious at seeing him in close 
 friendship with the King of Naples and in order to be prepared 
 renewed her league with Milan and Venice for five-and-twenty 
 years leaving a place for Sixtus and Ferdinand if they pleased 
 to join. They however kept aloof and appointing Count Fre- 
 deric of Montefeltro, soon after created Duke of Urbino, as 
 tlieir general, lield a separate policy : thus Italy was divided 
 into two factions between which daily causes of enmity were 
 occurring ; one was the desire of Ferdhiand to possess himself 
 of Cvprus then in the rniwer of Venice, by marrvin«T 
 
 *■ AD 1475 
 
 his illegitimate son to tlie natural daughter of the 
 late king. Nothing lidwover occurred of importance until the 
 month of Decenilter I 17 O when all Italy was startled by the 
 intelligence of (ialrazzo ^laria Sforz;i's assassination 
 in the church of San Stetano. This discomposed Flo- 
 rence because the young Duke (iiiui Galeazzo Maria was but 
 eight years old and his uncles, jtiu'tirulaily Fodovico the ^loor, 
 ambitious restless and unscrupulous. Ivxcept by an unsuccess- 
 ful attempt of Carlo da IMontone, son of the celebrated 
 Braccio, to possess himstdf of Perugia with tlie secret 
 connivance of Florence, and his ravaging the Senese countiy 
 until again quieted by the llorentines, the peace of Italy con- 
 
 A.D. 1476. 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxiii., p. 113. — Macclnuvelli, Lib. vii. — Muratori, 
 Anno 1474. 
 
 VOL. III. 
 
 CC 
 
386 
 
 FLORENTINE mSTORY. 
 
 [book I!. 
 
 tinned undisturbed until 1478, when the famous conspiracy of 
 the Pazzi broke its slumbers. 
 
 CoTFMPORARY MoNARCHs. — England: Edward IV. — Scotland: Jamts III. 
 — France : Louis XI. — Castile : Henry IV. and Alphonso struggling for tlu 
 crown; Alphonso dies in 146"8; Henrj' in 1474; then his sister Isabella, uho 
 married Ferdinand of Aragon in 1 469 succeeds to the throne of Castile. — Aragon : 
 John II. (King of Navarre) from 1458 to 1470; then Ferdinand ; union ol 
 Castile and Aragon in 1470, under Ferdinand II. and Isabella; inquisition in- 
 troduced in 1480. — Portugal : Alphonso V. — Burgundy : Philip the Good to 
 1467, then Charles the Bold to 1477, then his daughter Maria who married 
 Maximilian of Austria in 1477. — German Emperor: Frederic III. — Naples: 
 Ferdinand. — Sicily and Sardinia provinces of Aragon in 1460. — Popes: Paul 11. 
 to 1471 ; Sixtus IV. — Ottoman Empire: Mahomet II. 
 
 CHAP. I V.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 38: 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1478 TO A.D. 1401. 
 
 A.D. 1478. 
 
 While the Medici were contented to remain as simple citizens 
 with more extensive influence and authority than the rest of 
 their countrymen, the adverse families could fearlessly 
 and legitimately oppose them either in council or in 
 arms ; and the supreme magistracy being to a certain extent free, 
 it was not until one party had completely gained the ascendant 
 that their opponents had any personal cause of alarm : it was 
 an open struggle of faction against faction for supremacy with- 
 out treason against the government. But after Piero's vic- 
 tory in 14G0 when the sovereign authority became restricted 
 and placed completely in the hands of his family by the dic- 
 tatorial power of a Balia, and then by the still narrower council 
 of five Accoppiatori, who as will be hereafter seen had the privi- 
 lege of choosing the priors and gonfalonier without consulting 
 any body : when therefore supreme power thus fell into the 
 hands of the Medici, it was no longer an equal struggle or a 
 safe opposition : the forms of a republic remained, but the sub- 
 stance was absolute monarchy. The connection between the 
 citizens and that family then lost its balance ; freedom and 
 equality mouldered away; the garb was indeed there but it 
 covered a skeleton. Those who saw clearly through the illusive 
 veil and mourned their fallen hopes were filled with anger ; 
 with jealousy, with every selfish emotion generated by disap- 
 pointed ambition ; some few perhaps with real sorrow for their 
 country's wrongs and shame for her present degradation. They 
 
 c c '2 
 
388 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 II. 
 
 had either to suffer in patience; phmge into open wai* with 
 foreign aid ; or remove the obnoxious family by secret conspiracy 
 and assassination. For the first their republican spirit was 
 still too high and buoyant ; the inefficacv of the second taken 
 by itself had been recently demonstrated ; wherefore the tliird, 
 or if possible a combination of these two, was the only expe- 
 dient that remained to vindicate the country' and avenge their 
 private injuries. The murder of rulers is always a difficult 
 exploit and rarely attended with any lienefit when the deed is 
 private ; that is, when the act of an individual or a faction. If 
 it do not succeed the tyrant is doubly armed and strengthened: 
 if it do, a single man or set of men is removed, but the people 
 are not more free, for liberty neither sits on the dagger's point, 
 nor lui'ks within the poisoned bowl. 
 
 ** Who loves Ler must first be wise and good." 
 
 But when tyrants are openly brought to the scaffold and fall 
 by the solemn act of a nation ; howsoever private feelin<.^ 
 and private judgment may condemn the deed and pity the 
 offender, there is yet a halo of majestic justice about the pro- 
 ceeding ; a scorn of concealment ; a noble avowal of the bold 
 and lofty spirit of freedom that almost sanctities the oblation 
 while the unhappy fortune of the mlim is deplored ! Such 
 examples are felt in distant times and climes ; they are high 
 and solemn warnings to the human race ; and while vindicating 
 the dimiitv and rij^hts of man they serve as beacons for botli 
 l»rime and people to beware of. If a whole nation be imbued 
 with the true spirit of liberty, and not I ice nee ; it will burst 
 forth like a summer's sun : if not. the deatli of a tyrant will 
 never bring it. Cajsar's gave no liberty to Rome. 
 
 The Medici had purchased Florentine independence with a 
 price, wherefore they assumed a right to dispose of it as they 
 listed and mould the constitution to their will : they accordingly 
 changed the provisional authority of the Baliii into permanent 
 
 CHAP. IV. ] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 389 
 
 power by constant renewals, and this office being placed above 
 all law governed without law, according to the pleasure of the 
 dominant family. Summary condemnations, excessive an<l 
 arbitrary taxation, retrospective and aggravated punishments 
 inflicted on old offenders without new offences, and an uncon- 
 trolled expenditure of public money, were amongst the many 
 despotic acts of Medician oligarchy. A hundred thousand 
 florins from the public treasury saved Lorenzo's banldng esta- 
 blishment at Brages, and divers sums to other Medician houses 
 were applied in various ways by public peculation to support 
 the credit and supply the wants of that family ; for Lorenzo 
 and Giuliano apparently without having been initiated nito 
 business continued the extensive money trade of their grand- 
 father unsupported by his skill or experience, and hence arose 
 the disorder : but this assistance occurred at a somewhat later 
 period and more than two years after the death of the latter 
 
 Medici-. 
 
 Lorenzo and his brother, even independent of the powerful 
 aid of Tommaso Soderini, had not nor were they likely to have 
 much disturbance in their government ; not only because of the 
 multitude of citizens who were flourishing under their auspices 
 and who had been raised through tlieir favour, but also from the 
 numbers still in exile from a want of union in their remaining 
 opposers, and the slender followhig which any one of them could 
 bring single-handed to withstand so long established an autho- 
 rity.'' Besides which the great body of citizens, though often 
 forced by factious violence into the vortex of civil commo- 
 tion, was still more keenly intent on private traffic and not 
 unwiUing to keep aloof from disturbance \. The Pazzi at this 
 moment were perhaps the only family in Florence that trod 
 closely on the heels of the Medici, for Luca Pitti, although 
 
 * Jacopo Nardi, Lib. i", p. 13.— Ja- diti Toscani, p. 1— 3.-Sismondi, vol. 
 
 como Pitti, 1st. Fioren., Lib. i«, p. 25. viii , p. 57. 
 
 — Ammii-ato,Lib.xxiv.,p. 145.— Gio. + Jaconio Pitti, Istor. Fiorcnt., Lib. 
 
 Cambi, vol. xxi., Delizie degli Eru- i**, p. 24. 
 
390 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 we find his name in the Balia appointed for the expedition 
 against Volterra, had lost all public influence and was moreover 
 too old for political struggles. 
 
 The Medician party was now apparently composed of all 
 the ancient popolani who had shared the fortunes of, and de- 
 pended on that family for their present greatness ; almost all 
 the men of letters, poets, and artists who frequented the 
 Medician halls and enjoyed their friendsliip or patronage ; and 
 finally of all the lower classes of both citizens and " Plehe " 
 who since the days of Salvestro and Vieri had clung faith- 
 fully to their house ; a strong presumption that apart from 
 political intrigue and pei-sonal ambition, there must have been 
 some substantial good, whatever might have been the secret 
 motives of that able and designing race. It might have been, 
 and perhaps to a great degree was the result of a deep laid 
 policy ; but happy should that countiy be where the prosperity 
 of the humliler but more numerous classes is acknowledged as 
 identical with that of the ruling power. Almost all the re- 
 maining citizens of the ancient popular families who had for- 
 merly opposed the Medici were still sullen and inimical : these 
 formed the only free class in Florence, the only class that 
 really felt the loss of liberty, who looked with despair on its 
 contracting circle, and not sharing in the profits of despotism 
 were unmodified in their aversion to the despot. Many of 
 them were scattered throughout the world by the proscription f.f 
 1434 and its successive repetitions; but a great city is not 
 easily depopulated, and the wrongs of the fathers are multiplied 
 in the children, as the fragments of a single mirror sparkle 
 vdth a thousand lights : the spirit of party outlives much, and 
 enough of them remained to form a strong though silent band 
 of discontented men had they honestly united for their country- s 
 good. 
 
 Giuliano de' Medici, who is described as a milder and more 
 amiable person than Lorenzo, frequently, as we are assured 
 
 CHAP. IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 391 
 
 by Bruto and Macchiavelli, remonstrated against his brother's 
 despotic conduct and hinted the probability of his losing all by 
 attempting to gain too much : Lorenzo on the conU'ary full of 
 the spirit and confidence of youth and great ability, perhaps 
 belonging to a higher order of genius than his gentler-mmded 
 relative ; ambitiously resolved to acknowledge no equal in the 
 stat^ • aiid as the chief opposition families were already dis- 
 persed and the Capponi with the suspension of hereditary talent 
 had lost their ancient influence, Lorenzo detennined that none 
 of tlie Medici faction should so luxuriate as to overshadow his 
 greatness ; for even he and Giuliano had already begun to enter 
 into a sort of rivalry about the government*. 
 
 The family whom Lorenzo most feared and hated was the 
 Pazzi of Val d'Amo which for antiquity riches and numbers, 
 was one of the fii-st and noblest in Florence : along with the 
 Ubertini, Ubaldini, Tariati and others they had been conti- 
 nually opposed to Florence ; many of their castles were reduced 
 in 1269, and that family afterwards became gradually incor- 
 porated and identified with the citizensf. Excluded from public 
 office like other nobles by the ordinances of Giano della Bella m 
 1292 diey were amongst those restored to civic honours by 
 Cosimo in 1434. Andrea dei Pazzi fii^t profited by this act, 
 and tlie family through its extensive banking trade, its nches 
 and high nobility, became so powerful that Cosimo endeavoured 
 to fix their good-^rill by the marriage of Lorenzo's sister Bianca 
 with Guglielmo the son of Antonio de^ Pazzi and grandson of 
 Andrea. Lorenzo however, with different views ; and perhaps 
 on the same principle which makes some think that money 
 dealings should be avoided between intimate friends and rela- 
 tions, as indulgence or delicacy often occasions inconvenience, 
 wished to be quit of any such associates and accordmgly denied 
 
 ♦ M. Bruto, Lib. vi., p. 203. - IVIac- Casa dci Medici, MS., p. 82, 
 chiavelli, Lib. vnii. - Sismondi, vol. Nardi, Stona Lib. i .,p. 1^. 
 viii.-Origine e Desccndenza della t Ricor. Malespmi, cap. Ix. 
 
 — Jacopo 
 
392 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 them all public honours and employments ; not however directly 
 and openly as his own individual act ; but by artfully leavina 
 the appearance of originating public measures to the magistracy 
 whose every motion he secretly and jealously directed. All 
 this was too well and too generally understood to deceive rivals 
 so keen-sighted and aspiring as the Pazzi : their chief Andrea 
 had three sons Antonio, Piero, and Jacopo, and eight grand- 
 sons by the two first; but Jacopo remained single : the two last 
 had been gonfaloniei-s of Justice in MfU and 1409. Piero 
 had five sons namely, Galeotto, Renato, Andrea, Giovanni and 
 Kiccolo ; and from Antonio there issued Francesco, Giovanm*, 
 and Guglielrao who became the husband of Bianca de' Medici *.' 
 Without a clear knowledge of latent motives it is alwavs a 
 difficult task to judge of the right and wrong, the just and un- 
 just of private quarrels, and still more so when they are almost 
 identified with the enmity and jealousy of pohtical faction or 
 the mtolerance of religious behef ; and where tliis acrimonious 
 feelmg extends both publicly and privately beyond the state, 
 and generates the most lamentable disasters, the subject lio- 
 comes still more intricate. The grounds of that dispute between 
 Pope Sixtus IV., with the Pazzi and Salviati, on one side; and 
 the Medici and Florence on the other, which led to Giuliano's 
 murder, have been frequently discussed without producing any 
 clear or certahi conviction. What one asserts another denies, 
 and the same quotations which clearly elucidate contested 
 points to the first have no light for the second : neither does it 
 seem necessary to scrutinize such discrepancies : it is enough 
 for histor}' to ascertain that an implacable aversion was in being, 
 at least on one side, and but Httle friendliness on the other"^; 
 and that both private and public reasons existed for it, if any- 
 thing could be called public in those days of low unscrupulous 
 ambition and selfish recklessness of purpose. 
 
 It will nevertheless be expedient for the sake of perspicuity 
 
 * Gio. Cambi, tomo. xxi., Deliz. Er. Tos.— Ammiralo, Lib. xxiv., p. 116. 
 
 CHAP. IV. J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 393 
 
 to give the most probable and generally received account of 
 those uicidents that led to the melancholy catastrophe of 
 Giuliano's death. Bianca de' Medici's brother-in-law Giovanni 
 de' Pazzi had married the only child of Giovanni Borromei, an 
 opulent citizen who died intestate, which according to Florentine 
 law made her heiress to all his property : this was disputed, we 
 are not told on what grounds, by the nephew Carlo Borromei 
 who claimed a portion of the estate : but while the cause was 
 pendmg a new and retrospective law was promulgated by Lo- 
 renzo's influence which constituted the nephew heir-at-law of 
 any person dying intestate, to the exclusion of females, and 
 thus Giovanni and his wife were deprived of their inheritance =5^ 
 There were nine of the Pazzi eligible at this moment to pub- 
 lic honours, but all their hopes were blasted by Lorenzo's in- 
 fluence and the ver}^ name of Pazzi seems to have been blotted 
 out of the registei-s of the Seignory between 1409 and 1478. 
 Jacopo remained quiet under this persecution ; but a deep and 
 deadly hatred took possession of some, and Francesco a bold 
 and violent man could least of all brook the notion of obe^dng 
 an enemy to whom he was far superior in rank, and considered 
 himself equal in every other quality. He therefore left Flo- 
 rence, took charge of the fomily bank at Borne, was made pon- 
 tifical treasurer instead of the Medici, and necessarily became 
 
 * MacchiavelH, Lib. viii. — M. Bnito, 
 Lib. vi., p. 203. — M. Jacopo Nardi, 
 Hist. Fior., Lib. i", p. 11. — Pignotti, 
 Lib. iv., p. 190. — Sismondi, vol. viii., 
 p. 58. — Amniirato, Lib. xxiv., p. 116. 
 — Percival, Hist, of Italy, vol. ii., p. 
 195. — Lorenzo da Ponte, Hist, of Flo- 
 rence, vol. ii., p. 41. — Origine e Dis- 
 ccndenza de' Medici, MS., p. 82. — 
 Roscoe endeavours to throve the odium 
 of this proceeding off Lorenzo by 
 citing Luigi Pulci's letter to the latter 
 while yet a boy on his travels in 1 465. 
 The private and familiar allusions in 
 this epistle are diflRcult to comprehend ; 
 but they seem to indicate some boyish 
 
 freak that Lorenzo (by his absence) pro- 
 bably escaped being concerned in ; and 
 the letter itself is anything but conclu- 
 sive of the fact Avhich it was cited to 
 establish. But it is not required ; for 
 Sismondi truly asserts that Giov. Bor- 
 romci's name is to be found amongst 
 those of the Seignory for March and 
 April 1471 as given by the cotempo- 
 rary historian Giov. Cambi, (p. 407, 
 tomo xxi., Delizie degli Enid. Tos ) 
 wherefore he could not have been dead 
 in 1465, and the law must have been 
 made after April 1471. This is also 
 corroborated by an ancient manuscript 
 " Piiorista " in my possession. 
 
394 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 I». 
 
 intimate by his official situation with all the papal family The 
 nomination of Francesco Salviati, a man of bad character 
 and mimical to Lorenzo, as archbishop of Pisa disgusted the 
 ascendant faction and he was vexatiously obstmcted in the 
 taking possession of his see for a considerable period : this na- 
 turally augmented his former enmity and drew him closer to 
 the pontiff and the Pazzi. 
 
 The fears of the Medici and the openly expressed indignation 
 of the Pazzi who saw themselves frowned on by the magistrates 
 and excluded from every civic privilege, acted" and reacted on 
 each other ; and the latter s enmity was not diminished bv 
 Francesco's being summoned from Rome to Florence on some 
 tnvial occasion, thus discarding in his person all the respect 
 usually paid to great citizens by the Florentine magistracy * 
 Insult, wTong, and jealousy therefore, united with ambition to 
 goad on this powerful family to any excess ; and their unmea- 
 sured abuse of the government augmented its suspicions and 
 their own injuries, although without any apparent breach of 
 personal intercourse with Giuliano or even with Lorenzo him- 
 self. This may be easUy conceived when we recollect that 
 Lorenzo governed with a long and hidden wand that set all 
 the ordinary wheels in motion at his will, while they ap- 
 peared to be self-acting instruments of good or evil and alone 
 responsible to the community. " His private life and habili- 
 ments," says a Genoese author and almost a contemporan', 
 " differed little from those of other Florentine citizens, but his 
 name was great amongst his own people and amongst strangers; 
 he had followers out of number ; cattle, money, and possessions 
 also m abundance ; so that all the things he possessed surpassed 
 the condition of any private citizen : and he appeared so great 
 that he already followed the contumaciousness of some kings 
 and princes against the Church of Rome, by not permitting the 
 exercise of any papal rights or jurisdiction except what pleased 
 
 * Macchiavelli, Lib. viiL 
 
 CHAP. IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 395 
 
 him. He maintained continual embassies in foreign courts and 
 exerted himself not only to preserve but to augment the Flo- 
 rentine rule which he had entirely absorbed, and exalted or 
 abased whatsoever citizen it pleased him to favour or oppose : 
 nor would he suffer a single enemy to remain in the city ; 
 and it was believed that he was striving to banish the family 
 of the Pazzi (who were his rivals in banking and merchandise) 
 by a magistracy that he had created in Florence of persons 
 entirely devoted to him ; and he also belonged to this ma- 
 gistracy. AVhen this was discovered by the Pazzi they instantly 
 (as is said) communicated with King Ferdinand and laid a 
 snare for the destruction of Lorenzo," &c. * 
 
 This attempt to shake the pontiffs power might alone account 
 for his enmity; but there were other reasons, and amongst the 
 first, Lorenzo's secret assistance to Vitelli of Citta di Castello 
 a contumacious vassal of the church ; also his supposed counte- 
 nance of Carlo da Montone's intrigues to possess himself of the 
 ecelesiastical city of Pemgia, of which Braccio da Montone had 
 once been master : thirdly his strong opposition to Salviati's 
 nomination as archbishop of Pisa and his subsequent perse- 
 cution of that prelate. Fourthly Lorenzo's intrigues to dis- 
 possess Girolamo Riario of Imola which he had received as 
 Caterina Sforza's dower, and the belief that at the pope's death 
 such would be the case if the Medici were not previously 
 overthrown. These added to Lorenzo's vexatious opposition 
 to Girolamo's raising a loan of 40.000 florins which he was 
 bound to pay for Imola marked him as a peculiar object of the 
 pontiffs enmity. 
 
 The incipient favour of SLxtus to Lorenzo was decided and 
 substantial whatever might have been the motive ; and Lo- 
 renzo's anger about the loss of Imola, if true, would have been 
 more justly directed against Galeazzo Sforza ; but his object 
 was the consolidation of his own power within and out of 
 
 * Agostino Gius'aniano, Annali di Genoa, Lib. v", Carta ccxxxvi. 
 
396 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 II, 
 
 Florence, while he at die same time checked papal ambition 
 The pope railed openly and even indecently against him, and 
 this abuse was more than answered in a similar strain by the 
 Florentines, amongst whom his nuncio soon lost all power and 
 scarcely escaped insult *. 
 
 Italy as we have said was at tliis time divided into two fac- 
 tions ; the alliance of an ambitious pope with the powerful 
 Ivmg of Naples had produced the northern league between 
 Florence Venice and Milan : it was a defensive league which 
 the king and pontiff affected to applaud but would not join, 
 and thence new suspicions about their objects : no war was yet' 
 but the angry looks of all parties indicated its approach.' 
 Sixtus wished to turn over the government of Florence from 
 the Medici to the Pazzi, in order to secure a protector instead 
 of an enemy for Riario of Imola after his own decease. Siena 
 too was angry at the Florentines for encouraging Carlo da 
 JVrontone to attack her as he was doing about this time, nor 
 did his retirement at the request of Florence persuade her to 
 the contraiy, wherefore she also joined the papd league. The 
 pope moved up his forces to besiege the to^vn of Montone and 
 punish Carlo for his intrigues in Pemgia as well as for his 
 attempts to disturb the peace of Italy; and this served as a 
 cloak for his ulterior designs on Florence which in all cases 
 would require the support of a strong military force. 
 
 From the dying confession of Giovanbattista di Montesecco 
 one of the pope s condottieri who acted a conspicuous part in 
 this tragedy we learn that the archbishop Salviati informed him 
 one day in his own palace at Rome of his wish to impart a secret 
 which had been for a long time at heart and swearing Montesecco 
 to secrecy added that he and Francesco de' Pazzi had the means 
 with the latter s assistance of creating a revolution in Florence. 
 Montesecco declared his willingness if sanctioned by the pope 
 and Count Riario ; Salviati wondered at his supposing that they 
 
 * Aminirato, Lib. xxiv., p. U5.~Bruto, Lib, v., p. 83. 
 
 Cil.ii*. IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 397 
 
 were acting without Riario's knowledge for whose particular 
 l)enefit and security it was proposed ; Lorenzo they said was his 
 deadly enemy and after the pontiff's death would do his utmost 
 to ruin him, the more so as he felt himself most deeply in- 
 jured. The particulars of this injury, principally touching on 
 the appointment of Salviati to the archbishopric and the loss of 
 the papal treasurership, are not enumerated ; but Montesecco, 
 an old and cautious soldier seems to have unwillingly promised 
 that in all things touching the count's honour and prosperity 
 he would be obedient to his orders. Count Riario, Salviati, 
 and Pazzi had several consultations at which Montesecco was 
 not present ; but some days after, Riario asked him what he 
 thought of the enterprise ; to this Montesecco could give no 
 answer without knowing the plan of execution. He was as- 
 sured that the Pazzi and Salviati would lead half Florence ; 
 that their intention was to kill Lorenzo and Giuliano, and have 
 a body of troops outside to support the conspirator. Mon- 
 tesecco was startled by the difficulty and danger, especially 
 because of Lorenzo's known popularity ; but they assured him 
 of the contrary, and that the Medici once removed there 
 would even be*^ a general thanksgiving and rejoicing in Flo- 
 rence. The veteran still remahiing incredulous, Salviati strove 
 eagerly to convince him : he was told that it required only to 
 iulkme the mind of old Jacopo de' Pazzi whom they repre- 
 sented as colder than icicles, but being once gained the 
 enterprise was certain. The still hesitating soldier asked how 
 Sixtus was disposed and received assurances that they could 
 easily manage him, as he also detested Lorenzo and wished 
 eagerly for the plot; that he had been already consulted ; and 
 tinally that from the holy father's own lips Montesecco should 
 hear his wishes. 
 
 The plan of gradually closing up several divisions of troops 
 round Florence was then discussed with other details, yet Mon- 
 tesecco was far from sanguine although he finally gave way but 
 
393 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 I ■'!: 
 
 stiU unconvinced by their reasoning. It was finally settled that 
 Francesco should proceed to Florence, ostensibly for a change 
 of air, and that Montesecco should foUow on the pretence of 
 consulUng Lorenzo about certain lands occupied by the dying 
 lord of Faenza, to which Riario had a claim and pretended to 
 wish for the Medici's council and assistance. Montesecco first 
 had an interview with Jacopo Pazzi in a secret chamber of the 
 then noted mn of the "Campamt;' but could scarcely induce 
 him to listen for an instant until the pontiffs consent was de- 
 ^ared. Montesecco therefore told him that before leaving 
 Rome he had spoken with Sixtus in the presence of Count 
 Rwno and the archbishop and liad received orders from the 
 holy father himself to urge Jaeopo de' Pazzi to expedite the 
 business, because another siege of Montone might not so conve- 
 niently occur for the maintenance of so many troops on the very 
 threshold of Florence, and as there was danger in delay Jacopo 
 was entreated by his holiness to assist in promoting the enteV 
 pnse The pope however declared to Montesecco that he 
 wished the revolution to be accomplished without blood : to 
 this Montesecco replied. " Holy Father these things can hardly 
 " be done without the death of Lorenzo and Giuliano and it 
 ;* may be of others." Sktus answered, " I wUl have no one 
 _^ killed on any account, for it is not our office to consent to 
 ^ the death of any person ; and although Lorenzo may be a 
 viilam and may have behaved shamefully towai-ds us, still 1 
 " will by no means consent to his being put to death ; but a 
 •'revolution of the state I do wish for." Count Riario then said 
 that everything would be done to prevent that ; but " If it did 
 " happen, his holiness would of course pardon those that com- 
 •| nutted the crime ? " To this Sktus replied " Thou art a beast: 
 J. tell thee that I will not have the death of anybody; but 
 " the mutation of the state, yes. And thus I tell thee Gio- 
 •• vambattista ; that I strongly desire to have a revolution in 
 " the state of Florence, and that it may be snatehed from Lo- 
 
 CHAP. IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 399 
 
 '* renzo's hands, because he is a villain and a wicked man, 
 " and has no respect for us, and if he were once expelled from 
 *' Florence we could do what we pleased with that republic 
 " and govern it at our will." On this both the count and arch- 
 bishop instantly exclaimed, " Your holiness speaks the tmth ; 
 " when you have Florence in your power and can dispose of it, 
 •' as you will be able to do when in their (the Pazzi's) hands, 
 " your holmess will dictate the law to half Italy and everybody 
 " will be eager for your friendship ; so that we pray you to be 
 ** satisfied to allow everything to be done which may be neces- 
 " sary for this purpose.*' *' I tell thee," answered Sixtus, 
 •* that I will not. Go and do what you please provided no 
 -" blood be spilt." After this they all rose from their knees 
 before the pope who promised every requisite aid of troops for 
 the occasion. The archbishop finally said, " Holy father are 
 '• you content that we should guide this barque, we will guide 
 " it well? Sixtus said, *' I am content." They then quitted 
 the pope's presence and retiring to Count Girolamo's apart- 
 ment decided that the work could not be accomplished without 
 kilHng both the Medici. Montesecco remarked that it was a 
 bad affair and was answered that great things could not other- 
 wise be effected : his mission was the consequence*. 
 
 But even after hearing all this it was with the utmost diffi- 
 culty that Jacopo could be brought to concur, nor was it until 
 after Montesecco s return from Komagna and with the aid of 
 Francesco de' Pazzi who had been absent at Lucca, that he 
 suffered himself to be completely brought round. Montesecco 
 was received with great hospitality by Lorenzo and profited by 
 his sound advice on the matter in discussion touching the lord 
 of Faenza, so that he quitted him with a profound impression 
 of his vast ability and the conviction of his being a very different 
 person from what the tongues of enemies had represented, and 
 anything but inimical to Count Girolamo Riario f . 
 
 * Confessione di Gio-Battista di Montesecco. See Gatteschi's Brute, Lib. vi", 
 note. f Maccliiavelli, Lib. viii. 
 
4U0 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 It is asserted l)y Corio that Montesecco had more soHd rea- 
 sons for his admiration of Lorenzo, because encom'aged by his 
 familiai-ity he made no scruple of asking him for a pension, which 
 was so liberally and graciously promised tliat he determmed not 
 to be the instmment of his murder, and when the time came 
 refused to assassinate him =:=. 
 
 Matters were now iiist drawing to a crisis ; Jacopo de' Pazzi 
 had finally agreed that Francesco should act as his representa- 
 tive at Rome and that he would adhere to all that might there 
 be resolved on : Montesecco and Francesco in fact returned to that 
 city, and along with Sixtus, Count Riario, and the Neapolitan Am- 
 bassador, settled that as the expedition to Montone was already 
 arranged Giovanfrancesco da Tolentino one of the papal com- 
 manders should proceed to Romagna and another of them called 
 Lorenzo di Castello into his own country', and both hold their 
 troops in readiness to obey the ordere of 1 lancesco Pazzi and 
 the Archbishop of Pisa, who were to proceed immediately to 
 Florence and make all necessary preparations for the last act of 
 the tragedy. Lastly the Xeapulitan ambassador in his master's 
 name promised every support that might be practicable in so 
 infamous a business. 
 
 Besides the great conspirators the principal subordinate 
 actors in this drama were Jacomo Rracciolini son and translator 
 of the historian, himself an author, and whose father had been 
 under considerable obligations to the Metlici. He is described 
 as young, ambitious, and desirous of change ; at least no other 
 reasons are given for his conduct. The next were the two Jacopi 
 Salviati, one a brother the other a kinsman of the archbishop : 
 tlien came Reniardo l^andini, and Napoleone Franzcsi of San 
 Gimignano, bold aspiring youths ; the first a reckless spend- 
 thrift ready for any change, and both of them devoted to 
 the Pazzi. There was besides a certain Antonio Matfei of Vol- 
 terra a priest and apostolic scribe, wlio it is sjiid had vowed 
 
 ♦ Corio, Parte vi», folio 428. 
 
 CHAP. IV. j 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 401 
 
 deadly vengeance against Lorenzo for the devastation of Vol- 
 terra. After him came Stefano Bagnoni, also a priest, who 
 instructed Jacopo Pazzi s daughter in the Latin language, and 
 besides these a band of Perugian exiles engaged to lend theif 
 aid for a promise of subsequent restoration. 
 
 Most of the younger Pazzi joined in the plot ; but Renato 
 a grave and prudent man aware of the uncertain good and cer- 
 tain evil that attended these enterprises not only refused to 
 l)ecome a party but retired to his villa where he faithfullv kept 
 ibe secret and died through his fidelity in doing so. 
 
 Each actor having received his part the only remaining difficulty 
 was to bring them well together on the scene and to secure a 
 l)roper stage for tlieir jierformanee. This was accomplished as 
 follows. There was then a young student at the Pisan univer- 
 Nity called Rafiiiello Riario a nephew of Count Girolamo : he 
 was then about eighteen years of age and had been made a 
 cardinal in the previous December : a visit to Florence so soon 
 after his exaltation it was supposed would cause some festivities, 
 especially from the known hospitality of the Medici, and he 
 was accordingly brought to the villa of Jacopo de' Pazzi at 
 ]\Iontughi about a mile from the city with strict injunctions to 
 obey the archbishop in all things. The conspirators' design 
 was to bring Lorenzo and Giuliano together at an entertain- 
 ment and then despatch them both : their tirst hope was at a 
 party given to him by the Medici themselves at their Fiesoline 
 villa (now Mozzi) but (iiuliano either by design or accident, 
 did not attend : Iiiario was next invited to an entertainment 
 in Florence where everj arrangement was made for the assas- 
 sination, but Giuliano again disappointed them. The plot had now 
 Itecome known to many and there was much danger in delav, 
 for one weak link in the chain, one repentant individual would 
 have drawn down destruction on all and ruined the enterprise. 
 At a secret meeting of the conspirators it was resolved to waive 
 all religious sciiiples, all superstitious fears, and choose the 
 
 VOL. HI. D D 
 
402 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [hook 
 
 M. 
 
 great church as the place, the hour of prayer the time, and the 
 moment of death when the hody of Christ himself was supposed 
 by a miracle to be actually present for adoration ! The bell that 
 tingled for the elevation of the Host was to be the knell of the 
 Medici, the signal of revolt, and a daring revolution in the 
 state of Florence. It was intended that Giovambattista Monte- 
 secco should have stabbed Lorenzo while Francesco l\izzi and 
 Bandini despatched Giuliano; but Montesecco liad received 
 favour and hospitality, perhaps something more, and probably 
 soutrht an excuse to avoid shedding the blood of his benefoctor. 
 He declared that he did not dare to commit such a crime in the 
 temple of God ; it was enough to have betrayed him ; he would 
 not add sacrilege to murder and call on Christ as a witness to 
 the deed. This was the cause of failure ; for time drew shoit 
 and thev were forced to commit the execution to less skilful l)iit 
 also less scrupulous hands. The two priests ; to whom the house 
 of (iod was no more than the house of man, and the mystic 
 emblem of their faith a mocker}' ; showed no hesitation, but 
 rheerfuUy undertook that murder which the rough old veteran 
 had refused >;^ The archbishop with his followers mid Jacopo 
 di Poggio Bracciolini, were to force the palace while the murder 
 was doing ; and thus each aware of what was ex}>ected from 
 him, looked for the fearful moment with anxiety. 
 
 On Sunday the twenty-sixth of April 147^^. a <lay that 
 dawned in beauty and declined in blood ; the citizens of Flo 
 rence in gay and careless groups had filled the cathe<li-al where 
 the young cardinal was conspicuously posted : the prelates were- 
 kneeling quietly at their devotions the priests were busy at the 
 altar ; Lorenzo too was there all unconscious of the fate that 
 awaited him ; but his brother was nowhere to be seen. The 
 service had already commenced, the archbishop had departed 
 with his brother, his cousin, Jacopo Rraceiolini and some thnty 
 followers, to do their work at the palace, when Francesco Pazzi 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxiv., p. 117. 
 
 CHAP. IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 403 
 
 and Bandini alarjned at Giuliano s absence and the prospect of 
 another failure suddenly quitted the? church to find their victim. 
 He was at home, somewhat indisposed from a recent accident, 
 and disinclined to attend divine service : with gav entreaties 
 and pleasantries they finally succeeded in drawing him fortli. 
 Francesco occasionally threw his arms round him apparentlv 
 in playful kindness, but really to feel if there were a coat of mail 
 beneath, as in those days was sometimes customary*. 
 
 Giuliano had hurt his thigh and wore no armour ; had even 
 left his sword behhid which chafed his wounded limb; for 
 notwithstanding that both he and his brother were well aware 
 of Francesco Pazzi's enmity tliey did not l)elieve it went so far 
 as deliberate assassination. ih\ their entering the cathedral 
 both brothers were encompassed l)y two distinct groups of 
 murderers; Bernardo and Francesco still maintaining their 
 jiosition on each side of Giuliano, while Stefano Bagnone and 
 Antonio Maftei stood se(.wliii<r askance on Lorenzo. There- 
 was a deep pause. The sound of a small bell announced the 
 Host, the golden chalice was elevated, and like a corn-field 
 struck by the summer breeze the whole congregation bent 
 before their God ! four tall dark figures alone remaining up- 
 right in this universal bow. One moment more and the knives 
 of three were in the tliroats of their victims. Giuliano was 
 struck by Bandini to the heart and staggering fell forward 
 amongst the crowd, while Francesco's steel, more envenomed 
 it is said by jealousy for a faithless woman, followed up the 
 blow and blinded with rage gashed his own thigh in mangling 
 with repeated stabs the lifeless body of his victim. Lorenzo 
 
 This extreme familiiuity lictwccn so mIioso account is however considered 
 
 hitter :m enemy us Fran. Pazzi and tlu- more as an ehullition of strong feelins; 
 
 Medici seems inconsistent, unless we than a historical record. The in- 
 
 supposc a decided difference in politics cident tliough emphatically told bv 
 
 (and there is some reason for sucii asup- Macchiavelli seems doubtful from tli'e 
 
 I>osition), between Giuliano and Lo- very minuteness of the circnmstan. Os 
 
 renzo. Ammirato does not say a word related whirh could have come onlv 
 
 otthisincident anymore than Poliziano, from Bandini. 
 
 D I) '2 
 
40-1 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY 
 
 [book II. 
 
 was but slishtly burt : Antonio da Yolterra in placing bis hand 
 on tbe Medici's slioulder for a sure blow, gave bim time to start , 
 up, and twisting his cloak round the left arm he stood boldly 
 on his defence. The two priests fled; but Bernardo still 
 reeking with Giuliano's blood rushed madly on Lorenzo stab- 
 bing Francesco Nori, who had thro\\ii himself between, to 
 the very- heart in his way. Nori's devotion saved the Medici 
 who with the few friends that gathered round him took shelter 
 in the sacristy : the i)oet Poliziano closed the doors while An- 
 tonio Ridolli sucked the wound for fear of poison : Lorenzos 
 friends, who were scattered about the church, assembled sword 
 in hand before the brazen portals of the vestiy loudly demaiid- 
 inf» entrance : but apprehensive of more treachery there was a 
 dead silence withhi until Sismondi della Stufa had ascended 
 the organ-ladder to a window looldng into the church to identity 
 them: thev were then admitted and taking Lorenzo in the 
 midst carried him safely otT to his own palace. During this 
 bloody transaction screams shouts and universal uproar pealed 
 through the vast cathedral and made it seem, says Macchia- 
 velli. (and as a child he might have been present) as if the 
 church were tumbling to pieces: the young cardinal fled 
 trembling to the altar for protection where encompassed by a 
 numerous priesthood he was with great difficulty preserved 
 mitil the storm had somewhat abated, when they were enabled 
 to lodge him as a state prisoner in the public palace. 
 
 While these scenes passed in the cathedral Salviati and bis 
 conspirators, amongst whom were the exiled IVrugians, hurried 
 on to tbe palace. The gate was to be occupied by one portion 
 the moment that they heard a tumult within : the rest followed 
 Salviati up towards the Seignoiy's apartments where he ordered 
 them to retire into an empty room to avoid suspicion. He 
 then proceeded neariy alone to the chamber^ of Cesare Pe- 
 tmccio, then gonfalonier of justice, and requested his presence: 
 the Seigniory were atdiimer ; but Petruccio immediately waited 
 
 \ 
 
 CHAP. IV.] 
 
 FLORKNTI N E HISTORY. 
 
 405 
 
 on the archbishop who at once entered on the discussion of 
 some ecclesiastical business from the pope ; yet in a manner so 
 strange and suspicious that Petruccio, who had not forgotten the 
 recent events at Prato, instantly took the alarm. He called aloud 
 for assistance, sprang suddenly to the door and there tinding 
 Jacopo Bracciolini, seized him by the hair at the same moment 
 that he gave further alarm by calling out to the priors to 
 defend themselves. The conspirators in the chamber had shut 
 the door which having a spring lock could not be opened fnjm 
 either side without a key and they remained prisoners : those 
 below on hearing this tumult took possession of tlie gate and 
 barred any assistance from without ; but the archbishops fol- 
 lowers being overpowered above, the former were ultimately 
 driven from their hold, and then for the first time Petruccio 
 heard of what had been done in the cathedral. 
 
 The gonfalonier Ccsarc Petruccio was bound by every tie of 
 gratitude and self-interest to the ]\Iedici, for by them he had 
 been raised from the rank of a poor and humble upholsterer to 
 the highest honours of the state, and being a generous-minded 
 man his indignation rose accordingly. He instantly ordered 
 halters for the archbisho]) and his two kinsmen, with Jacopo 
 Bracciolini, and hung them from the palace windows in full 
 sight of the multitude, while the rest were either massacred on 
 the spot or cast headlong from the casements, so that not one of 
 Salviatis followers remained, except a miserable wretch who 
 four days after was dragged from concealment half dead with 
 fright and i^miine. He alone was suffered to escape. 
 
 Bernardo and Fnuicesco seeing that Lorenzo was safe and 
 one of themselves badly wounded became disheartened and the 
 former at once resolved to lly : the latter on returning home, 
 endeavoured in vain to mount his horse, so threw himself 
 uudrest and bleeding upon his bed entreating old Jacopo to 
 sally out and excite the peojile to rise. Unfftted both by age 
 and disposition for such a task the latter nevertlieless issued 
 
40G 
 
 tXOUENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 forth at the head of a hundred followers to strike the last blow for 
 liis house and country : pushing on to the great square lie was 
 recoived with showers of stones and other missiles from the 
 palace windows, with sullen silence by the people, and sarcastic 
 reproofs by one of his own kinsmen who met him on the way. 
 Still he called on the citizens in the name of their country's 
 freedom to rise and assist him. Alas ! the fonner were charmed 
 by Medician gold, and the latter had been long a stranger to 
 Florence I Seeing all lost, even to hope ; Jacopo called Hea- 
 ven to witness that he had done his utmost fur his country, and 
 bidding farewell to Florence passed through the nearest gate 
 and shaped his coui'se towards Homagna. 
 
 Lorenzo shut up in his o^vn palace took no measures for 
 arresting the conspirators ; he left vengeance to the peojde and 
 fearfully did they fultil his expectations : all who had exhibited 
 any opposition to the Medici became objects of persecution : 
 even those who had been only seen with the conspirators were 
 with cruel mockeries murdered and dragged through the streets: 
 their mangled bodies were torn to shreds and carried on the 
 points of a thousand lances by the furious multitude : the 
 dwellings of the Pazzi were plundered ; Francesco was dragged 
 naked and bleedhig from his bed, carried in triumph to the 
 public palace and hung at the veiy same window from which 
 the archbishop's lifeless corpse still dangled. On his way to 
 execution all the taunts and insults of the populace or slarish 
 citizens, could not draw from him a single word ; he calmly, 
 perhaps contemptuously, regarded them imd sighed in silence: 
 Guglielmo was saved by the entreaties of his wife Bianca, 
 Lorenzo's sister ; Renato who was only guilty of knowhig the 
 secret endeavoured to escape from his villa but was taken and 
 hung at Florence ; Jacopo was arrested by the mountahieers 
 of the Apennines and reconducted to the city notwithstanding 
 all his entreaties to be put to death l)y the peasantry who 
 escorted him. 
 
 CHAP. IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 407 
 
 For four whole days was this vengeance continued until 
 about seventy persons either guilty or suspected fell under the 
 executioner's knife for the death of one Medici and the wound 
 (A another, besides two hundred more, according to some 
 authors, ere the last act of this tragedy was finished ! There 
 was scarcely a citizen that either armed or unarmed did not 
 offer life and fortune to Lorenzo but it would be curious to 
 know how many did this from real love and how many from 
 policy and fear. Jacopo de' Pazzi was addicted to play and 
 swearing, yet otherwise pious and charitable according to the 
 notions of the day, by extensive almsgiving and the endowment 
 of benevolent institutions. On the Saturday before the con- 
 spiracy exploded he discharged all his debts; and whatever 
 merchandise he had in charge for others was sent to its several 
 owners in order that no injury should come to them by his 
 misfortunes. Being desperate at the moment of dv;ath he 
 is said to have uttered blasphemous execrations which were 
 shocking to the by-standers, and the violent rains that fell 
 soon after were attributed to the anger of Heaven because his 
 body was intended in consecrated ground. It was therefore by 
 a public order removed from the family sepulchre in Santa 
 Croce and buried under the city walls but even there no rest 
 was permitted to his bones, for the veiy children wild with the 
 common frenzy rooted up the festering carcase, dragged it 
 like bacchanals througli the streets and making periodical 
 visits to his omi dwelling with loud knocking and exul- 
 tation shrieked out " 02)en the door for Messcr Jacopo." 
 This barbarity was finally stopped by the magistrates and the 
 dead body cast into the Arno, down which it floated for several 
 miles ; aiid thus ended these barbarous and degrading scenes. 
 Giovambattista di Montesecco was beheaded after a long ex- 
 amination aiid confession, and Bernardo Bandini who fled to 
 Constanthiople was delivered up by Mahomet II. at the request 
 of Lorenzo and hung at Florence the following year : Napo- 
 
408 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 i II. 
 
 leoiie Frauzesi escaped ; Guglielmo de' Pazzi was banished 
 from the city, aiid some of his cousins who survived were im- 
 prisoned for life in tlie fortress of Volterra. The two unscru- 
 pulous priests were discovered concealed in the Badia and 
 hanged from the palace windows at the same time that ]\Ionte- 
 secco was decapitated *. 
 
 To assert that Lorenzo was the author of all this bloodshed 
 
 would perha2)s be unjust ; be might not ami possibly did not 
 
 wish it ; and doubtless many of his faction availed themselves 
 
 of the crisis to wreak their private vengeance : but although 
 
 the prisoners were made by the people the executions were 
 
 public ; ordered ; and carried into effect by public authority ; 
 
 and in some instances after going through certain forms of 
 
 investigation : they were not altogether the frenzied acts of an 
 
 outrageous mob; and though Lorenzo might have found it 
 
 difficult to stop them ; and much allowance must be made for 
 
 liis own feelings while he gazed on a brothers corpse ; he still 
 
 was lord of Florence. With respect to the pontilTs guilt in the 
 
 bloody portion of this conspiracy, there may be two opinions : 
 
 tlie most direct evidence of it is in Montesecco's Confession. 
 
 and there it appears that after repeated ordei*s to shed no 
 
 blood Sixtus is content to give the whole management of the plot 
 
 into the hands of those who had just declared that it could nut 
 
 possibly be accomplished without. Notwithstanding the inge 
 
 nious attempt of a modern Italian author to exculpate Sixtus l\ . 
 
 from this crime, it seems clear to any unprejudiced mind, (it 
 
 any faith be due to Montesecco's dying words) that pope Sixtus. 
 
 * Origine e Dcscendenza dei Medic, tiniano, Anuali di (Jtiioa. — Neili. 
 
 MS. — Jacopo Nurdi, Storia Fiorentina, Comment., Lib. iii., p. .}4. — Pipriotti. 
 
 Lib. i», p. IL — Roscoe, Life of Lo- Stor. Tos., Lib. iv., cap. xiv. — Muru- 
 
 rcnzo. — Sismondi,vol.viii,,cap.l\xxiii. tori, Ann.'ili, Anno 147J{.- Discorso di 
 
 Leon. Moielli, Cronaca, p. 193. — Marco Foscaii, p. IGG'. Deli/.. Enid, 
 
 .lacopo Pitti, Stor., Lib. i«, p. 25. Tos. tomo xxiii.— Platina, Vite de" 
 
 — Ammirato, Lib. xxiv", p. 115. — Pontifici, p. 468.— Philip de Comino, 
 
 Bruto, Stor. Fior., Lib. vi«, p. 181. cap. v., p. 361. — Confessione di (Jiov. 
 
 — Macchiavelli, Lib. viii. — Corio, Battista da Montesecro. 
 StoriaMil., Parte vi% folio 428.— Gius- 
 
 ciur. IV. ] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 409 
 
 carried away by his eagerness for the ruin of Meilician 
 power cared little about the means provided they were success 
 ful, and that he were not personally implicated in the murder. 
 He was much too clear-sighted and able a politician not to 
 have perceived and felt the whole form and pressure of the 
 plot ; and he declares himself emphatically against bloodshed 
 while he orders a general movement of troops to support the 
 conspirators I And even when the deed is done his rage breaks 
 forth agahist the sufferers, not against the perpetrators of this 
 crime. Nevertheless such acts were too common in tliose 
 bold unscnipulous times to be much blamed or considered if 
 successful; a hundred such nuirders of humbler men would 
 have been lightly viewed; it was the high rank of the victims 
 and the failure of the enterprise that rendered it so criminal 
 in the eyes of Italy. 
 
 It does not appear that either the populace or tumultuous 
 citizens in all this agitation put any one to death themselves, 
 but it is asserted by Anunirato that such forbearance would 
 never have been shown had Lorenzo not shown himself at a 
 window of his palace and conjured them to refrain from violence 
 and leave retribution to the magistrates lest both innocent and 
 guilty should perish together. It was in the first moments of 
 anguish that Lorenzo sanctioned this sunnnary and sweeping 
 destruction of citizens ; but some time afterwards in order to 
 acquire the reputation of clernoncy he is said to have restrained 
 the bloody career of the magistracy, alleging that too much 
 punishment would bring on him the odium of having violated 
 the rights of humanity. Many were consequently absolved, but 
 it was still difficult to stop the violence of persecution although 
 he himself set the following noble example. Filippo Valori 
 one of Lorenzo's most intimate advisers having one day brought 
 into his presence Averardo, a relation of his arch-enemy Fran- 
 cesco Salviati, who had concealed himself ; Lorenzo not only 
 gave him his life but to wipe oft' all memory of the injury and 
 
410 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 ruAP 
 
 v. rv.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 411 
 
 convince him of his safety actually bestowed his own daughter 
 Lucretia de' ]Medici in marriage on Averardo's nephew Jacopo ^• 
 Salviati ; and this clemency was not ill-bestowed •''. 
 
 When tumult and persecution had somewhat abated Giuli- 
 ano s obsequies were celebrated with solenni grandeur by the 
 whole Florentine people who from various motives were eager 
 to testify their respect for his memory; but the prevailing 
 sentiment was that of deep sorrow, not only from the place, the 
 time, and the atrocious manner of his death ; but because he 
 was of a milder spirit and gentler nature than Lorenzo and mon* 
 generally beloved. Giuliano left one natural son born as wa> 
 generally believed after his death and well known as Pope 
 Clement VII. under whose stormy pontilicate great changes 
 afterwards took place in Christendom f . 
 
 Thus finished the famous conspiracy of the Pazzi. That 
 of Cola and his unfortunate companions at JMilau though it 
 began more generously ended as unsuccessfully : they were 
 both bloody : the last removed an acknowledged tyrant stained 
 by the darkest and most disgusting crimes ; a tyrant seated 
 above all law and anned with more than its most fearful powers. 
 The tyrant fell, but tyranny continued, and no good came : in 
 a people so long accustomed to servitude no popular syuipatliv 
 with the generous though mistaken spirit of the conspirator^ 
 existed! A despot was removed, but liberty kept aloof I 
 A child succeeded and the country suffered all the evils of 
 a minority; unscrupulous kinsmen assumed unlawfid i)ower; 
 nay, one of them even seized on the throne itself; foreign 
 arms, ruin, and subjugation, desolated the state of ]\lilan and 
 ultimately ruined Italy. The Florentine conspiracy was the 
 work of a faction ; a jealous, ambitious, insulted, injured ; per- 
 haps deeply injured fection : it was more than this : it was a 
 combination of foreign powers to subject an independent state : 
 all the great accessories for successful conspiracy were brought 
 
 • Bruto, Lib. vi«, p. 251. 
 t Pij:iotti, Lib. iv., cap. xiv., p. 201.— Storia di Tosc, note 13. 
 
 to bear upon it, and yet it failed ; because ill-timed and adverse 
 to the common feeling of the country. Nor was there for this 
 the excuse of an odious, personal, and individual tyranny as 
 at W\\m. The despotism of the Medici clothed itself at least 
 in the garb of law ; their crjnng sin was ambition ; in all else 
 they were simple citizens ; and even in that they only differed 
 from others by superior talent and success. They were, from 
 whatever cause, beloved by a great mass of the community ; 
 vast ability seemed to be inherent in the race ; and public power 
 had been so long in their family that the lordship of Florence 
 was almost considered as hereditaiy. Lorenzo and Giuliano 
 were therefore less to blame than Piero and Cosimo for using 
 the means they did to secure their authority ; and of these last 
 tlie former was less culpable than the latter. Their govern- 
 ment was nearly absolute, and yet that of a faction ; wherefore 
 it was naturally prone to misrule : uncontrolled power is almost 
 always fruitful of injury; but there was necessarily a great 
 proportion of the people absolutely free from its influence and 
 others who scarcely felt it ; the circle of political action there- 
 fore must have been comparatively narrow : the great, the am- 
 bitious, the intriguing; the bold and honest patriot; all felt 
 either the golden sceptre or the iron rod ; but the universal 
 indignation against those in any way mixed up with the con- 
 spiracy, (even allowing for the promptness of human nature to 
 strike at the unsuccessful) proved that Lorenzo's government 
 was at least in some sort of harmony with the feeling and 
 sentiments of Florence, while all foreign powers considered 
 liim as a legitimate and hereditary potentate. 
 
 Like the giant Antaeus, Lorenzo rose the stronger for his 
 fall ; his most powerful enemies were annihilated ; his friends 
 were up and flushed with victory ; and even amongst the neu- 
 trals a strong sympathy had been awakened for his misfor- 
 tmies. Giuliano 's death too, notwithstanding their fraternal 
 affection, had relieved him from a somewhat troublesome and 
 
412 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 fnooK II. 
 
 CIIA 
 
 p. IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 413 
 
 more scmpulous colleague, who with talents little if at all iu- 
 ferior, had already begun to differ with him iii political feeling. 
 Lorenzo was now alone in the full vigour of youth and all the 
 innate confidence of talent ; a rich and powerful nation at his 
 feet, and Italy for his field of action I yet his position was more 
 splendid than enviable ; for a league between the p<»[)e, the king 
 of Naples, and Siena against Florence, was innnediatcly pub- 
 lished and a personal war against Lorenzo de' ^Medici declared 
 as the only means of rectifying the failure of unsuccessful 
 crime. Eveiy excommunication and malediction under heaven 
 was thundered against that city and its chief and an interdict 
 was threatened unless he and all others concerned in the deatli 
 of Salviati and the two priests were not delivered up within a 
 specified period. 
 
 The hanging of an archbishop even in our own age and 
 countr}', and according to the forms of law, would perhaps be 
 considered rather a strong act of government; but in those 
 times when the most humble priest was amenable to the eccle- 
 siastical courts alone this was much too audacious a crime 
 against church privilege to escape its bitterest censure. In the 
 opinion of Sixtus IV. a pope had the right of extirpating 
 tyrants, of striking down the wicked and exalting the good. 
 all which his duty compelled him to do whenever occasion 
 required it ; but he thought it by no means followed that 
 secular princes were to imprison cardinals; strangle arch- 
 bishops ; hang, draw, and quarter consecrated priests ; and 
 sweep guilty and innocent away in one promiscuous ruin ! 
 These things he thought were never lawful. It is true that 
 the young cardinal Pdario was soon after hberated ; but this 
 did not render the pontiff more placjible ; all the Horentine 
 property both at Rome and Naples was seized, and Alphonso 
 Duke of Calabria prepared to cany death and desolation into 
 Tuscany where Tolentino and Lorenzo di Castello were already 
 awaiting with all their forces for the result of the conspiracy. 
 
 Florence was quite unprepared for hostilities and could get 
 no assistance from Venice which protested against espousing 
 the cause of any private citizen, but only that of the republic ; 
 for the pope had made an artful distinction in his manifesto 
 between the Florentine people and Lorenzo de' Medici, and 
 thus all treaties were annulled. By the intrigues of Naples 
 Genoa had revolted fi'om Milan, under the dominion of which 
 however it had been again reduced, and the disturbances of this 
 last state from the ambition of the 3'oung duke's uncles rendered 
 the Duchess Bona powerless as regarded Florence -''. On the 
 ^Yst of June a bull of excommunication was published w^iich 
 doomed the whole Florentine people to perdition unless Lo- 
 renzo, the gonfalonier, the priors and the " Otto di Balia " with 
 all their assistants were delivered over to the ecclesiastical courts 
 to suffer for the enormity of their recent crimes : a second ana- 
 thema was thundered against them in July when Cardinal Riario 
 had returned safe to Borne, wliieh interdicted all communica- 
 tion with the faithful, dissolved their existing alliances, forbid 
 new ones, and prohibited any condottiere to enter their service. 
 
 The Florentines who had generously and unanimously made 
 Lorenzo's cause their own, replied with some digriity to the 
 pontifl's violence. " You say," replied tliey, " that our liberty 
 " is dear to you, that Lorenzo is a tyrant, and you command 
 " us to expel him : but how are we freemen if thus compelled 
 " to obey your connnands ? You call him tyrant : the majority 
 ** of Florentines call him their defender : nor has he a supe- 
 " rior amongst us in religion and true piety." After touching 
 on the various incidents of the conspiracy, and their careful 
 preservation of young Riario's life ; and asking if these are the 
 causes of his anger? they finish by reminding the pope who he 
 was and what was his true office, and then boldly declare that 
 the republic would fight manfully for religion, Lorenzo, and 
 for liberty ! The interdict after having been declared unjust 
 
 Ammirato, Lib. xxiv., p. 1-1. 
 
414 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 11. 
 
 by the most learned doctors of Florence and Pisa was cast 
 aside unheeded, eveiy religious function proceeded as usual 
 and a synod of the Florentine clergy which was held in the 
 cathedral to answer the pontiff on the twenty-third of July 
 147!^ under the auspices of Gentile d' Urbino Bishop of 
 Arezzo, proved itself fully a match for his holiness in violence 
 of language and unmeasured vituperation *. The Florentines 
 appealed to a general council ; they published the Confession 
 of Montesecco, in order to prove the pontiff's acquiescence in 
 the plot, and sent it with their appeal to the emperor the 
 king of France and other Christian powers, while they showed 
 their anxiety for Lorenzo's personal safety l>y voting him ii 
 bodv-iniard of twelve Florentine citizens f . 
 
 The principal Christian potentates at once espoused tlic 
 cause of Florence and Lorenzo, whom they considered as its 
 lawful sovereign ; and as far as strong diplomatic expostula- 
 tions availed were strenuous in their efforts to restore tran- 
 quillity. Louis XL sent Philip de Comines to strengthen 
 them with the name of France, and he was of some service, 
 but the absence of military support lessened liis iiillueiice witli 
 the pontiff*. Ambassadors from the Emperor Frederick 111. 
 and the King of Hungary arrived at the same period on their 
 way to Home, and by their advice the republic also sent an 
 embassy to aid in the conclusion of a peace, but with so little 
 effect that their ambassador narrowly escaped impris(»nment in 
 the Castle of St. Angelo. On the loth of June a Balia of war 
 was created, consisthig of Lorenzo, Tommaso Soderini, (iuic- 
 
 * Macchiavclli, Lib. viii. — Bruto, Lib. Stanislao Gatteschi the translator ot 
 
 vii., p. 283, 285. — Roscoc, App. xxvii. Bruto still doubts it. {Vide Storia 
 
 — Macchiavclli, Lib. viii., &c*. If the Fiorentina, Lib. vii., p. 2<{2, note 4.) 
 
 notice of this synod by Macchiavclli and f Sisniondi, vid. viii., p. 74. — Auinii- 
 
 more especially by Lami (Anticklta mto, Lib. xxiv., p. \'2o. 
 
 di F'irenz€y Preface, p. 135) wanted X Animirato, Lib. xxiv., p. 120. — 
 
 any confirmation it is supplied by Pig- Meui. de Phil, dc Comines, Lib, vi.. 
 
 notti (Storia di Toscana, Lib. iv., cap. v. 
 cap. xiv., p. 208, note). Though 
 
 CHAP. IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 415 
 
 ciardini, Gianfiglazzi, Minerbetti, Buongirolami, Lioni, Serris- 
 tori, Antonio di Dino and Niccolo Fedini, all thorough partisans 
 of the Medici, who exerted themselves in making eveiy militaiy 
 and diplomatic preparation that the sudden nature of the emer- 
 gency would admit : Pier Filippo Pandolfini was despatched to 
 Venice, Girolamo Morelli to Milan to engage those states ; and 
 were successful in everything but military aid. Frontier towns 
 were strengthened ; agents despatched into Lombardy with un- 
 limited credit to engage troops and generals ; and ere long 
 Niccolo Orsino, Count of Pitigliano, Piidolfo Gonzaga, brother 
 of the Marquis of Mantua, and his two sons ; besides other 
 condottieri became Florentine soldiers. The two Marchesi 
 Malespini were ordered to guard the Genoese border; Francesco 
 Soderini fhially succeeded in attaching Venice to the league 
 and under Galeotto Pico Lord of Mirandola a body of auxiliaries 
 besides some Milanese detachments and the Florentine levies 
 as they joined ; were marched against the Dukes of Calabria 
 and Urbino, Costanzo Sforza of Pesaro, and Ptoberto Mala- 
 testa of Piimini ; all under the guidance of the Florentine com- 
 missary Jacopo Guicciardini. The Florentines fiir inferior in 
 numbers to the enemy, and not knowing on which side to e.\- 
 pect an attack concenti'ated most of their forces in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Poggibonzi then called Poggio Imperiale; but 
 here the number and variety of troops and independent con- 
 dottieri destroyed all general subordination to the Florentine 
 commissary, and the chief command was oflered to Hercules 
 Duke of Ferrara. This was contrarv to the advice of Venice, 
 because little vigour could be expected from this general's exer- 
 tions against his own brother-in-law Alphonso Duke of Calabria ; 
 nor was it until the end of August that the agreement after 
 great difficulty was completed-. 
 
 Hostilities had begun early in July ; the Florentine territory 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxiv., p. 12G. — Sisniondi, vol. viii., p. 82. 
 
416 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book u. 
 
 CHAT. IV. J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 417 
 
 had been ravaged with the usual barbarities ; Radda, Rencine, 
 and Castellina had been invested and taken, though as Philip 
 de Comines tells us much less skilfully and rapidly than the 
 French would have done, but in the management of an 
 army, its commissariat, discipline, and so forth, he acknow- 
 ledges that the Italians were superior *. The Duke of Ferrara 
 joined the army towards the middle of September, but not yet 
 as general, and v\ithout any benefit to the Florentines : the 
 delivery of the truncheon of command was deferred by the astro- 
 logers until the twenty-seventh of September at a certain hour 
 and minute which did not however prove fortunate ; he was 
 either faithless or devoid of militaiy talent and let the enemy 
 take Cacchiano and besiege Monte San Sovino which commanded 
 the entrance to the plains of Arezzo and Cortona, the Val-di 
 Chiana and the vales of Ambra and upper Arno, and all tins whilt 
 lie was waiting for the lucky moment of command f. His whole 
 conduct aftei-wards was either vacillating or treaclierous : he was 
 in continual disputes with his officers and the Florentine com- 
 missar}^ ; he kept aloof from the enemy ; he granted them an 
 advantageous truce and even allowed them to continue t]i< 
 siege of San Sovino during the eight days that it lasted, thu^ 
 exhibiting every sign of imbecility or downright treachery. He 
 refused altogether to fight although he had ninety-four squad- 
 rons and the Duke of Urbino a hundred and nine, as they then 
 began to count their cavaliy, of about seventy-five men each. 
 San Sovino surrendered on the eighth of November and its 
 capture insuring good winter quarters in the neighbom-hood, 
 the papal army retired for that season to a position between 
 Foiano, Lucignano, and Asinalunga on the Senese frontier. 
 The Duke of Ferrara quartered his troops between FOlmo and 
 Pulicciano beliind the Chiana and thus finished his disgraceful 
 eourse of conduct |. 
 
 * Pliil. (le Comines., Lib. vi.,cap. v. + Anunirato, Lib. xxiv., p. 128. 
 
 X Amtnirato, Lib. xxiv., p. 130. 
 
 Florence was in considerable agitation, for while thus be- 
 leagured in the south, the King of Naples raised another 
 enemy against her in the west in the person of Robert of San 
 Severino a Milanese exile who had been instrumental in the 
 revolt of Genoa, but was expelled in consequence of the 
 Duchess Bona of Milan's timely and politic reconciliation witli 
 that republic *. Ferdinand had also tried to excite Pistoia to 
 revolt, and great apprehensions were entertained of Lucca 
 while Pisa was threatened up to the very ramparts after all her 
 territory had been overiim by the enemy f. To watch the con- 
 duct and confirm the friendship of Lucca, Piero di Gino di Neri 
 Capponi was kept almost constantly in that city with orders to 
 comply with every wish of the citizens, while great anxiety 
 was suffered and measures taken for the safety of three large 
 galeases worth 300,000 florins that were daily expected in 
 port, and the loss of wliich would have a material influence on 
 the war. 
 
 The same ten were reestablished as a Balia for another six 
 months and Tommaso Soderiui, though now old and infirm, 
 was despatched to arrange a plan for the next campaign with the 
 Venetians. The memorable year 1478 finished in these and 
 other preparations ; early in the summer of that year Donate 
 Acciaioli a man of great talent and learning had been in- 
 trusted with the conduct of an embassy to France but died at 
 Milan on his way and Guidantonio Vespucci was charged with 
 the mission in his place, this was answered by six 
 B'rench ambassadors who made their public entiy into 
 Florence on the tenth of January 1479, with orders to pro- 
 claim the king of France's adhesion to Florence unless the 
 pope ceased from war : thus instructed they departed for Rome 
 tollowed by an imperial embassy to support their efforts for 
 restoring the peace of Italy l 
 
 * Brute, Lib. vii., p. 293. f Ibid., p. 21)7.— Ammirato,Lib,xxiv.,p. 133. 
 
 + Ammiiato, Lib. xxiv., p. 131. 
 VOL. III. ^ ^., 
 
 A.D. 1479. 
 
418 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 CHAP. IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 419 
 
 The war did not entirely cease even during the depth of 
 winter: San Severino assembled a large body of troops at 
 Chiaveri, entered Lunigiana, crossed the Magi'a, and was se- 
 verely repulsed in an attack on Sarzaua by the garrison under 
 Bongianni Gianhglazzi : about the same time the neighbour- 
 ing Swiss stirred up by Ferdinand poured down from their 
 mountains on Bellinzona but were driven back by reenforce- 
 ments from Milan, and would have been completely routed if a 
 panic fear, occasioned by a runaway mule, had not thrown 
 the ducal armv into confusion of which the retreatinf' Swiss 
 instantly availed themselves and gained a victory *. 
 
 This was not the only or the greatest misfortune that hap- 
 pened to Milan ; the quarrels of the reigning family produced 
 more and deeper woe than all her other enemies. Francesco 
 Sforza left sl\ legitimate sons of whom Sforza Duke of Bari in 
 the kingdom of Naples, and Lodovico suraamed " 11 ]\Ioro 
 were in consequence of a family dispute exiled to France, 
 whence they returned to Milan at (ialeazzo's death. They 
 were not long in quarrelling with the Duchess Bona of 
 Savoy and her ministers, the cliief of whom was Cecco Simon- 
 etta formerly Francesco Sforza's secretary. These differences 
 were alternately made up and renewed, until the regency 
 tired of the contest exiled Sforza to his duchy of Bari, Lodovico 
 to Pisa, Ascanio to Perugia, and Ottaviano a youth of eighteen 
 was drowned while attempting to cross the Adda ui his flight 
 from Milan ; Filippo being the only one who gave no cause of 
 olTence. About this period Lodovico broke his boundaries and 
 went to Lucca, and the duke of Bari at the same moment ap- 
 peared at Piombino with considerable treasure ; both movementN 
 giving gi'eat alarm at Florence; nor was this lessened when 
 certain conditions of peace were offered by the still incensed 
 pontiff which were too haughty and hitolerable to be listened to. 
 On the contrary, in conjunction with their allies an appeal to a 
 
 • Corio, Stor. Mihincsc, Parte vi., fol. 429. 
 
 general council was intimated and a resolution taken to follow 
 up the war with the utmost vigour as the only means of securing 
 an honourable peace. The Venetians were especially requested 
 to send Count Charles of Montone and Diefebo d' Anguillara 
 as commanders into Tuscany; the former being a natural enemv 
 of the pope in consequence of his hereditary claims on Peru^^ia 
 as heir to Braccio di Montone, and the latter a personal enemy of 
 Ferdinand, it was therefore expected that they would botheiiter 
 most heartily mto the cause of Florence. Venice having just 
 concluded a treaty with Constantinople was enabled to comply ; 
 France promised to treat all the Genoese merchants in Lyon 
 as enemies ; and even Lucca, which had hitherto more than 
 leaned towards the papal confederacy, now began to change. 
 lU)berto Malatesta also as well as Costanzo Sforza lord of 
 Pesaro, who had previously been enemies, were engaged by 
 Florence along with Antonello da Forii and many other great 
 and leading condottieri, and notwithstanding that Lodovico 
 Sforza and the duke of Milan's other uncles had joined San 
 Severino in Lunigiana, wliere they were besieging the Marquis 
 of Malespina at Panzano, that government promised to send 
 the J\Iarquis of Mantua himself to the assistance of Florence, 
 and he in fact joined the Duke of Ferrara in May. Lunigiana 
 now became the principal seat of war until these princes drove 
 ^i^Severino across the Magra. 
 
 ^0 armies besides that of Lunigiana were formed in June, 
 one at Poggio Imperiale to act on the defensive under the Duke 
 and Marquis ; the other to make an active war on the side of 
 Pemgia ; and this was to be conunauded in chief by Cario da 
 Montone with Iloberto of IJimini and other leaders of Romagna ; 
 but Cario fell sick and died in June at Cortona : Malatesta suc- 
 ceeded him and vigorously pursuing the war defeated the enemy 
 under Matteo da Capua and the Prefect of Rome in a pitched 
 battle at a place called Montesperello by the lake of Thrasemene 
 <m the seventeenth of August 1470. :\feanwhile Roberto Sanse- 
 
 E E 2 
 
420 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 CHAP. IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 421 
 
 verino and Loclovico Sforza leaving Lunigiaiia had made an 
 irruption into the Milanese dominion : this hrought the Duke > 
 of Ferrara from Poggio Imperiale to oppose them, lea^ing his 
 brother Sigismond in command of the army ^\ith orders to join 
 that of Perugia. This was not done, but by Costanzo Sforza's 
 counsel the troops from Lunigiana, having no enemy in front, 
 were brought up instead, while a detachment from the papal 
 army which had moved on Poggio was despatched under :Matteo 
 di Capua into Romagna. The Dulve of Ferraras absence 
 destroyed all subordination ; Sigismond of Este and Costanzo 
 Sforza were soon hi high dispute and the latter mi hearing of 
 :Matteo di Capua's movement finally departed, to protect liis o\Mi 
 estates in Romagna. Profiting by all this the enemy suddenly 
 appeared on the Arbia and moving rapidly forward atUicked and 
 cai-ried the Florentine camp at Poggio on the seventh of Sep- 
 tember : Poggil)onzi was immmediately invested, the comitry 
 overnm and Certaldo plundered; an indecisive battle was 
 afterwards fought at Gambassi, and Poggibonzi surrendered on 
 the twenty-fourth. CoUe was next attacked by the whole forre 
 of the enemy ; succours were thrown in ; honours and rewards 
 given and promised to the people, retnforccments on both sides 
 rendered the struggle obstinate, until after sustaining four 
 desperate assaults on four different days, and making great 
 havoc amongst the papal troops, CoUe with all its defences ruiigd. 
 was forced to capitulate on the fourteenth November IW- 
 Meanwhile Amoratto and Jacomazzo Torelli with Sanseverino 
 passed hito liomagna and alarmed all the allies of Florence by 
 threatening Bologna, Faenza, liimini and Pesaro : aftenvards 
 collecting at Iniola they sent detachments amongst the hills as 
 far as Firenzuola and kept all that frontier in apprehension. 
 
 Lodovico Sforza had ere this made his peace with th»' 
 Duchess of Milan and thus gained the lirst sure step to his 
 own and his country's destruction : this intelligence depressed 
 the ilorentines who could now no longer depend on Milanese 
 
 aid, and even the Venetians had suddenly taken fright about a 
 war which had just broken out between the Turks and Hungaiy. 
 Murmurs began in Florence but were as yet suppressed by the 
 retirement of the Romagniau army to Imola, the Duke of 
 Calabria to Siena, and Frederic of Urbiiio to Viterbo : tlie 
 Florentines established their winter quarters about Arezzo, 
 the Venetian aiLxiliaries round Pisa, and the ^lilanese returned 
 to Lombardy ; but on the twenty-fourth of November through 
 the mediation of France a truce was offered by the pope and 
 gladly accepted by Florence -. 
 
 There was a gloomy prospect without the walls, sullen dis- 
 content within and murmurs continually increasing; until at 
 last Lorenzo was roughly told by Girolamo Morelli one of the 
 staunchest of his party, and in public council too, that Florence 
 was tired of war and would not suffer interdict and excommuni- 
 cation merely to uphold the Medici so that it behoved him at 
 once to think of peace f. Fearing to try the patience of his 
 fellow-citizens too severely if hostilities were to continue through 
 the coming year, Lorenzo resolved to make use of the existing 
 truce as a means for permanent tranquillity. After having by 
 a secret correspondence with the Neapolitan admiral, then off 
 the Tuscan coast, secured an unmolested passage to Naples ; and 
 after having with equal caution obtained a safe-conduct from 
 both pope and king, (although to allow the latter more credit 
 for magnanimity, and himself the appearance of greater devotion 
 to his country, he seemed to risk his own safety) he assembled 
 a council of the principal citizens on the fifth of December 
 and addressed them on the state of the country and his own 
 mtentions ^ : dissatisfaction was great and general ; long harassed 
 by all the evils of war the citizens hailed this short respite of 
 a three months' truce as a beam of sunshine the harbinger of 
 better times, so that when Lorenzo and the leading chiefs 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxiv., p. 130-142. + Aramirato, Lib. xxiv., p. 143.— Ja- 
 t Jacopo Nardi, Storie Florentine, cono Pitti, Stor. Fior., Lib. i« p. 25. 
 Lib. io, p. 12. ' i ' 
 
4 2 2 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book !|. 
 
 tiilked of renewing the war they were badly received and uni- 
 versally frowned on by the community. Grievances were loudly 
 complained of not only in private circles, where in so free 
 a community no tongue was ever much restrained or feared 
 chastisement ; but also in the public councils, and moreover 
 directed pointedly against the Seignoiy and Lorenzo de' Medici 
 even to their veiy faces. The citizens, it was asserted, were 
 drained to their last penny and the public treasiu'e no less 
 exhausted without any proportionate adv[mtage, but on the 
 contrary a series of unmodified disasters ; and more than this, 
 by the timidity, or cowardice, or more properly the knavery 
 and avarice of condottieri whose interest was to maintain 
 themselves at their employers' expense ; not only many towns 
 liad been lost to the republic but some of its best friends dis- 
 gusted ; so that it became difficult to say whether the city had 
 sutfered most from scorn, injuiy, or ignominy. Ferocious in 
 camp, cowardly in the field ; more eager for plunder than glorv 
 or victory, and more rapacious in dividing the spoil than intre- 
 pid in gaining it, the soldiers were a scourge to the country 
 that employed them. The commanders were weak, iudulgonr 
 to the vices of their men, and consequently unable to maintain 
 their own position or the discipline of war amongst these inso- 
 lent and audacious followers : vain of their pompous titles. 
 sordid, illiberal, they differed in nothing but rank and ancestn 
 from the vulgar crowd of their soldiers ; and the result of the 
 war exhibited the little skill experience or niilitar}' virtue they 
 possessed. They allowed their troops, gorged as they were 
 with plunder, to break into ruffianly brawls amongst them- 
 selves, with unfolded banners and almost in military order ; 
 and when it became necessar}' to face the common enemy they 
 dared not stand his attack, but shamefully throwing down 
 their weapons not only abandoned their ill-gotten plunder but 
 even their own proper baggage to his mercy. With such troojis 
 so managed war became as dangerous as absurd, and peace 
 
 CH\P. IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 42.3 
 
 indispensable, both for commercial enterprise and public 
 good. 
 
 All this was heard with uneasiness by Lorenzo who in a 
 short address, after thanking his fellow-citizens for their sym- 
 pathy and support, and the guard that by their favour attended 
 his person, reminded them of the pontiff's declaration that the 
 war was waged solely against him Lorenzo de' Medici, and 
 that therefore he was bound if possible to put an end to it ; 
 that it became necessary to seek the favour and friendship of 
 SLxtus or Ferdinand and that the latter who had no cause of 
 jiersonal hatred was the more eligible : he therefore announced 
 his determination to proceed at once to Naples and putting 
 himself in the power of their enemies either bring back peace 
 and salvation to his country or remain and suffer for her sake-. 
 
 Lorenzo's proceeding appeared patriotic, bold, and dangerous ; 
 and it partook in some measure, if the faithless character of 
 that age be considered, of all these qualities, but not to the 
 extent exhibited. The fiite of Jacomo Piccinino whom Ferdi- 
 nand had put to death a short time before in despite of all 
 safeguards, was in everybody's mmd, and Lorenzo's romantic 
 courage was in consequence lauded to the skies ; but Piccinino 
 was a simple condottiere, Lorenzo a powerful ruler ; the former 
 left none to revenge him, none that his murderer feared ; but 
 the latter would leave a powerful and indignant nation to 
 punish his betrayer and vindicate the sacred character of am- 
 bassador with which it had invested him. Lorenzo therefore 
 ran but little risk, and this little he took care to diminish 
 by his secret intelligence with the enemy, whose counsel and 
 invitation, backed by the Duke of Ferrara, would appear to 
 have previously made him determine on so wise and politic 
 
 * Bruto, Lib, vii., pp. 319-29.— Am- spoken to the councils the letter from 
 
 mirato, Lib. xxiv., pp. 141-3. This is Sim Miniato would hardly have been 
 
 the substance of Ammirato's version of written or even necessary : indeed it 
 
 Lorenzo's speech which perhaps might seems to prove that he had not prc- 
 
 have been addressed to a meeting of viously explained himself, at least 
 
 his immediate friends, but if publicly publicly. 
 
424 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 Hii act; this the following letter preserved by Malavolti will 
 go fai' to prove, independent of other narratives. It is dated 
 from Florence the sixth of December 1479, and addressed to 
 the Dukes of Calabria and Urbino in these words. " My most 
 " illustrious lords. I am at this moment on the point of 
 " departure for Pisa and thence to Leghorn according to the 
 '* order given, for the purpose of transferring myself to the 
 " feet of the king's majesty. I leave things here in good order 
 " and in a way that I hope to find them as I leave them ; and 
 " it appears to me to be my duty instantly to give this notice 
 " to your excellencies under whose auspices and counsel with 
 " right good- will I take this resolution. I have accrechted 
 " M. Francesco Gaddi, and to-morrow he quits tliis to join 
 " your excellencies and proceed forward according to your ex- 
 '* cellencies' opinion ; because he has a free commission fiom 
 *' me to do all that may seem good to your illustrious lordships; 
 *' and he has no other instmction from me save what your 
 '• excellencies may give liim. Your lordships have now added 
 " to your other cares also that of my affairs which I have freely 
 " put into your hands on account of the great confidence that 
 " I think I may place in you, which is certainly such as now ren- 
 " ders it superfluous for me to recommend my business because 
 " it has become that of your excellencies, to whom I recom- 
 " mend myself. " From your excellencies' servant, 
 
 "Florence vi December 1479.*' " LoRENZO OF MeDICIS." ■■■ 
 
 The way being thus cleared Lorenzo departed for Pisa after 
 recommending the care of the republic to Tommtiso Soderini 
 then gonfalonier of justice : from San Miniato he wrote u 
 formal letter to the Seignory with his reasons for thus acting, 
 and they in return conferred upon him the title of Orator or 
 Ambassador of the Florentine people with full powers to do 
 
 * Bruto, Lib. vii., p. 329.— Macchia- Lib. iv., Parte iii% fol. 75-6.- Mnru- 
 velli, Lib. viii. — Sismondi, vol. viii., tori, Annali, Anno 1479. 
 p. 123. — Orl. Malavolti, 1st. di Siena, 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 425 
 
 all he might deem expedient for the republic. His letter to 
 the Seignory of Florence is as follows : 
 
 " Exalted Seigniors. If I have not otherwise explained to 
 " yom' highnesses the reason of my departure it has not been 
 " from presumption but because I thought that in the existing 
 " troubles of your city, deeds and not words are most required : 
 " it seems to me that that city desires and has the gi'eatest 
 " need of peace ; and as all other means have failed it seems 
 " better to place myself in some danger than allow the whole 
 " community to remain so. Wherefore I have resolved with 
 "your highnesses' permission to repair at once to Naples; 
 " because I being the person who am principally persecuted by 
 " our enemies, 1 may perhaps be also the means, by delivering 
 " myself into their hands, of restoring peace to your common- 
 " wealth. I consider one of two things to be certain : that is ; 
 " either the kings majesty loves tliis city as he has declared 
 " and as some have believed, rather seeldng our friendsliip by 
 " means of war than to deprive us of liberty : or verily his 
 " majesty desires the ruin of our republic. If his disposition 
 " is favourable there is no better way of proving it than to 
 " place myself voluntarily in liis power ; and this I will ven- 
 " ture to say is the only method of obtaining peace on honour- 
 '* able conditions. And if on the contrary his majesty wants 
 " to deprive us of liberty, I tlien think it will be well to ascer- 
 " tain it quickly, and rather with injury to one than all ; and I 
 '• am well satisfied to be that one, for two reasons. The first 
 •' because I, being the person that am chiefly persecuted by 
 " our enemies, will the more easily be able to test the king's 
 " intention, as it may be that they seek nothing further than 
 " my individual ruin. The other is that I having had more 
 " honour and consideration in the city, not only beyond my 
 '* merits but perhaps more than any other citizen of our own 
 " time ; I therefore consider myself more bound than all the 
 " rest to act for my country, even at the peril of my life. With 
 
426 
 
 FXOKENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 " this good disposition I leave you : perhaps it may be God's 
 " will that as this war began with mine and my brothers 
 " blood it may also finish by my hands : and I only wish that 
 " my life or death, my prosperity and adversity may ever be 
 ** for the people's benefit. I will therefore follow up my reso- 
 " lution, which if it succeed according to my wishes and expee 
 '* tations I shall have the satisfaction of benefiting my country 
 •' wliile I preser\'e myself. If however, evil overtake mv I 
 *' shall complain the less, it being for my country's good as it 
 " necessarily must be. For if our adversaries want only me 
 *' they will have me voluntarily in their power ; and if they 
 " are aiming at more it will be made manifest. To me it 
 *' seems certain that all our citizens will combine in defence of 
 *' liberty, and in such a way that by the grace of God it will 
 *' be defended as our fathers have always done. In this dis- 
 '* position I leave you, and without any other consideration 
 *♦ than the good of the city : may God give me grace to perform 
 *' that which is the duty of every citizen for the benefit of his 
 *' country. I humbly recommend myself to your highnesses. 
 *' From San Miniato the seventh of December 147'.). Your 
 " highnesses' good and obedient son and servant 
 
 Lorenzo de' Medict '" . 
 
 The humble conclusion of this letter in a tone so difi'ereiii 
 from the former is a striking proof of Lorenzo's extreme 
 caution and anxiety to conceal the master's hand under the 
 folds of the civic garment : after despatching it he proceeded 
 to Pisa where he received his full powers as plenipotentiarv. 
 and embarking at Leghorn was received at Naples with the 
 highest honours as well as the greatest curiosity by all 
 people from the monarch downwards, for his reputation great 
 in itself, had been carried by the late conspiracy far and wide 
 all over the civilised world. The King of Naples had in fact 
 
 * Lottere di Principi, vol. ii., p. 1, Venice Kaitioii, a.d. 1575. 
 
 CHAP. IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 427 
 
 no personal dislike to Lorenzo ; his objects were purely poli- 
 tical ; he wished to extend his sway over Lombardy and Tus- 
 cany and Florence was an obstacle : Genoa had fallen com- 
 pletely under his influence and the quarrels of Milan gave him 
 some hold of Lombardy : the Duke of Calabria was endeavour- 
 ing to establish his power over Siena wherefore he felt more 
 disposed to separate from Pope Sixtus whose objects were dif- 
 ferent, but who would nevertheless partake of all the good for- 
 tune that fell to the house of Naples. Sixtus on the contrary 
 still nourished a deadly hatred towards Lorenzo and the Floren- 
 tines, both for the injuiy he had done them and for what he had 
 failed in doing ; for the insults he had received ; for their bold 
 exposition of his conduct to the world, and their escape from 
 the subjection he had prepared : he therefore would listen to 
 nothing but absolute humiliation ; wherefore it became neces- 
 sar}' that Florence and Naples should treat separately and 
 Ferdinand calculated that a peace with that city would give 
 him time to establish his influence more surely in Siena while 
 the Florentines would be sufficiently occupied by their own 
 factions therefore less able to resist him when occasion arrived*. 
 
 A treacherous attack and the final capture of Sarzana by 
 the Fregosi of Genoa during the truce, alarmed Florence and 
 together with the decapitation of Bernardo Bandini, who had 
 through Lorenzo's influence been delivered up by the sultan, 
 finished the piddic transactions of the year 1479 f. 
 
 Lorenzo remained full three months at Naples attaching all 
 the leading courtiers to him by bribes under the 
 gentler term of gifts, and gradually gaining over 
 the cautious and politic Ferdinand by his diplomatic ability 
 and the charms of his personal qualities. He succeeded in 
 convincing that monarch that the general interests of Naples 
 and Florence as independent Italian states were too much 
 alike for either to benefit by war at that moment : he informed 
 
 A.D. 1480. 
 
 * 0. Malavolti, Parte iii., Lib. iv. 
 
 f Aramirato, Lib. xxiv., p. 144. 
 
428 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 (T 
 
 him of a treaty already in progress with Kegnier of Lorraine, 
 a claimant of the Neapolitan throne as grandson l)y the female 
 line of old Regnier Count of Provence who was still liviiifr 
 after having survived all his male descendants. This youn 
 prince had engaged to bring sLx thousand horse against tlie 
 house of Aragon and seconded by Louis XL (who tliough old 
 was still active and intriguing) would have been a formidable 
 antagonist. This negotiation was the work of Lorenzo ; but 
 both he and Ferdinand were sensible to the danj]fer of allo\Nin<' 
 Frenchmen to set their foot in Italy instead of opposing the 
 Duke of Milan to all their attempts of entering by the northern 
 provinces, yet Lorenzo, in concert with Venice, had been 
 forced to it for self-defence *. It was their interest also to 
 strengthen Venice against the Turks without leaving her am- 
 bitious projects of aggrandisement unwatched ; and at the same 
 time to curb the turbulent designs of Sixtus whose nepotism 
 was more than sufficient to convulse as it already had done, 
 the whole Italian peninsula. 
 
 All these things were discussed ; but Ferdinand s own 
 ambition although as dangerous as either the Pope s or Vene- 
 tians' was kept out of sight ; and the king before he came to 
 any conclusion resolved to try what effect Lorenzo's protracted 
 absence might have on the malcontents of Florence. He 
 therefore spun out these negotiations Nnth the Medici, for whose 
 safety his domestic enemies now began to express much anxiety 
 hinting what they might be supposed to wish, that he would 
 fall like Giacopo Piccinino by Ferdinand's treachery and never 
 return to Florence. But there was no commotion, no sign of 
 revolution, no approach to disloyalty : and therefore Ferdinand 
 consented to sign a treaty of peace on the sixth of March 
 1480 mider the following conditions. That they should re- 
 ciprocally defend each other's territories ; all captured places to 
 be restored to Florence ; the remaining Pazzi still prisoners in 
 
 * Sisraondi, vol. viii,, p. U9, 
 
 CHA 
 
 t: IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 429 
 
 the dunf^eon of Volterra were to be released, and the Duke of 
 Calabria to receive a specified annual salary from the Flo- 
 rentines in the character of condottiere *. 
 
 The pope and Duke of Milan became parties to the treaty, 
 though the former, as well as Venice, was indignant at the 
 want of consideration shown to him, and withdrew to coalesce 
 with that republic at the end of April : these things alarmed 
 Lorenzo who in consequence resolved to concentrate and fix 
 liis own authority more firmly in Florence : his power and 
 popularity were already much augmented by this imposing 
 stroke of political sagacity, not only at home but throughout 
 Italy : its secret history was not thoroughly known, wherefore, 
 wise and bold and successful as it proved, the danger and self- 
 devotion were exaggerated ; nor could his enemies underrate' 
 it because they had most loudly proclaimed their apprehen- 
 sions for his safety. The circumstances as already remarked 
 were somewhat diflferent from those in which Piccinino "s death 
 occurred ; yet there was something finely romantic and mag- 
 nanimous in this appearance of self-devotion to his countiy ; 
 in unhesitatingly placing himself in the hands of a treacherous, 
 crafty, and unscrupulous monarch who had just been conspiring 
 against his life by open force and secret assassination. 
 
 Thediscontentof Sixtus and Venice at first created great appre- 
 hension in Florence ; but the peace continued and many internal 
 changes, all destmctive of liberty, were begun and accomplished. 
 "On the twelfth of April ]4f!i0," says Giovanni Cambi (who 
 from this period becomes the historian of his own times) " the 
 citizens then governing led by Lorenzo ; who was so great that 
 lie might well be called the tyrant of Florence ; held the election 
 purse of the priors in their hands or as it was called ' a mano.' 
 They appointed the Accoppiatori, and these again selected any 
 one they pleased for the Seignory." The gonfalonier was 
 always nominated from amongst the ruling foction and the rest 
 
 Ammirato, Lib. xxiv., j>. 145. 
 
430 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [eoo 
 
 iv tl. 
 
 of the Seigiiory obeyed liim; for in the cabinet councils, a^s 
 they may be called, the gonfalonier alone represented all the 
 priors, their presence being considerately dispensed with. Tht 
 governing party also nominated the *' Otto di Balia " with the 
 concurrence of the colleges and council of a Imndred but put 
 only a certain number of select names to the vote whose elec- 
 tion was secure, because all those eligible t«> be or who had sat 
 as gonfaloniers of justice, belonged by right to the council ul" a 
 hundred and formed a solid party. Whenever the five Accop- 
 piatori had to nominate a Seignory two candidates were simul 
 taneously proposed for the gonfaloniership while those for tlu 
 priorate were unrestricted in number, and this always securtnl 
 two and perhaps more votes in the council of a hundred. To 
 strengthen himself still further Lorenzo was in a state of con- 
 stant machination, and just at this moment with the consent of 
 his party created a board of thirty citizens who along with th»- 
 Seignory and Colleges were empowered to compose a Iklia of 
 two hundred and ten citizens with the whole jiuthority of t\u' 
 republic for three months, and to establish a fresh scrutiny in 
 the following November. 
 
 After havmg moulded this formidable council to their will 
 Lorenzo 6 party caused it to issue written orders for the dis- 
 bursement of a hu-ge amount of public money to save his credit 
 at Bruges and other places as already mentioned, and ihn> 
 says Giovanni Cambi, " the poor coninmnity paid for every 
 tiling ; because tlie ambitious members of the Balia enticed h\ 
 the expectation of becoming scrutineers in the forthcoming 
 scrutiny, (an office of great power and privilege) carried all that 
 w^as proposed to them. This was too powerful an instruuinit 
 to abandon soon or lightly, and the scrutiny appears to have 
 been postponed by successive adjournments for four years: 
 thus was the community uuderaiined and corrupted day by day. 
 the citizens gradually abased, and a whole people reduced tn 
 servile obedience by the mere force of their own ambitious and 
 
 CHAP. IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 431 
 
 selfish craving, if the name of ambition that ennobUng when 
 unabused passion, may be applied to sordid aspirations undig- 
 nified by worth honesty or independence of character. 
 
 When this powerful machinery was duly arranged and set in 
 motion accorcHng to the will of Lorenzo, his party began dis- 
 puting with each other for the right of entrance into the council 
 of thirty, so that to restore tranquillity forty more were chosen l)y 
 the two hundred and ten from amongst themselves and added 
 to that body the whole being appointed for life, half of them 
 governing for the first six months, and the rest for the remain- 
 der of the year. This was a great change ; no less than the 
 absolute creation of a senate in which every public measure 
 was to originate and pass before it went down to the council 
 of the people, to the municipal council, or to that of the com- 
 nmuity ; and finally to the new council of a hundred. And 
 in order to hold the citizens well in hand by means of their 
 cupidity and ambition, a decree passed which rendered all 
 future gonfaloniers of justice who were not already members 
 of the seventy, eligible to that dignity in right of their office 
 l>y a vote of this i)repotent body ; and this expressly to insure 
 the subserviency of those magistrates ■'-. 
 
 In this council which was to supersede the odious name of 
 Balia the absolute power of the whole conunonwealth was con- 
 centrated, and through it hi Lorenzo ; nor were there wanting 
 many who from the first had asserted what was now proved, 
 that he did not peril life and liberty for the public good, 
 hut merely l)y that bold and somewhat hazardous stroke of 
 policy to recover his decUning credit and strengthen his per- 
 sonal influence over the Florentines. This thev declared 
 would ere long be made manifest when he would be seen steal- 
 thily drawing to himself the mass of public business together 
 with all the authority of the laws until without opposition he 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxiv., p. 145. — copo Pitti, Lib. i", p. 25. — Jacopo 
 Gio. Cambi, Istor. Delizic dcgli Em- Nanli, Lil*. i", p. I'l. — Ar. 8tor. Ital., 
 diti Toscani, vol. xxi., p. 1-3. — Ja- Documeuto i", and note. vol. i. 
 
432 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 liiially made himself master of everything. Another con- 
 firmation of this was the reduction of the provisional board 
 of the Decemvirate of war to a permanent council called the 
 ** Otto di Pnttica " or privy council with the same duties but 
 more regulated and restricted authority, whicli emanating 
 from the same source brought this powerful magistracy ; 
 hitherto independent ; entirely under the all-absorbing control 
 of Lorenzo *. 
 
 While these events were passing in Florence and others in 
 Romagna by which Sixtus got possession of Forli for Count 
 Girolamo Riario. Alphonso duke of Calabria was busily nrghv^ 
 forward liis fathers and grandfather's policy to get possession 
 of Siena, and hnally succeeded in establishing that inilucnce 
 which had been one great object of Nenpolitan ambition since 
 king Alphonso s invasion in 1410. The restoration of the 
 " Fuontsciti '' or banished citizens and the exile of all those who 
 opposed him, together \N-ith the creation of the " Monte " or party 
 of the " Afjtjreiiati,'' which aggregated idl parties not advei*se 
 to Neapolitan ascendancy, gave Alphonso so preponderating a 
 power in that city that not only the Senese repiddicaris Init even 
 Florence began to tremble for the safety and hidependence of 
 Tuscany f. Lorenzo in his eagerness for peace had overlooked 
 or more probably had l)een compelled to shut his eyes on the 
 ambitious projects of Ferdinand, which the continuance of war 
 would rather have favoured than arrested, and the abasement 
 of Florence most surely have been consummated ; and hence 
 he has been perhaps unjustly blamed for concluding a treaty 
 on the basis of his personal interests that opened so direct a 
 road to the subjugation of his country. But it was not Lorenzo's 
 private interest to have Florence lose her independence or be 
 subjugated by anybody Ijut himself: lie had tlie choice of a 
 ruinous and disastrous war that threatened the very existence, 
 
 * Aniniirato, LiU. xxiv., p. 145. 
 t Mulavolti, Lib. v., Parte iii*, tol. 78. — Maci-hiavclli, Lib. viii. 
 
 CHAP. IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 433 
 
 of his country as an independent nation along with his own 
 certahi min ; or else allow the victor to dictate a peace that at 
 least staved off the present danger, gained time for Florence 
 and therefore gave a greater chance of ultimate safety ; for the 
 question was not between a good or a bad peace, but between 
 peace and war, and perhaps final subjugation. The increasing 
 power of Alphonso in Siena no doubt assumed a formidable 
 attitude, and in consequence of the pope s enmity and close 
 alliance with Venice together with the unsettled state of Milan, 
 there seemed to be no remedy, no hinderance to the Duke of 
 Calabria's soon becoming lord of Siena, and ultimately of Flo- 
 i-ence ; for at no other period according to Macchiavelli was 
 she ever in sucli danger ; when the sudden capture of Otranto 
 iy Mahomet II. most opportunely saved her-. 
 
 A Turkish armament under the command of the grand-vizier 
 Achniet Gieclick consisting of one hundred vt^ssels full of troops 
 suddeidy disembarked on the coast of Otranto on the twenty- 
 eighth of July 1480 ; and after a vigorous defence by the gar- 
 rison took that city on the eleventli of August by storm with the 
 slaughter of twelve thousand inhabitants and great subsequent 
 crueltv. This invasion was attributed to the Venetians' hatred 
 of Ferdinand, and Pope Sixtus was supposed to be cognizant of 
 it; both were to join in bringing over Kegnier of Lorrain as 
 generalissimo of their forces, and if possible to min Ferdinand. 
 But Sixtus was probably no party to the Turkish invasion, for 
 it struck him with deep fear ; more especially as there then 
 existed a strong disposition amongst many Italians to join the 
 infidels for the purpose of Itreakhig down both political tyranny 
 and priestcraft. This event compelled Al2">honso to withdraw 
 all his forces from Tuscany, which he said an evil fortune had 
 snatched from his grasp ; and also disposed the pontiff to a 
 reconciliation \rith Florence : to effect this thev were advised 
 
 * Bnito, Lib. vii., p. 357. — Sisnumdi, fol. 78. — Camillo Porzio, Congiura de' 
 vol. viii., p. 132.— Macchiavelli, Lib. Baroni di Napoli, Lib. i^ p. 5. 
 viii.— Orl. Malavolti, Lib. v., Parte iii", 
 VOL. III. F F 
 
434 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [koOK 11. 
 
 by Ferdinand to humble themselves before the latter and an 
 embassy of twelve leading citizens was appointed accordingly : 
 these repaired to Rome, entered that city l)y night unaccom- 
 panied by noise or show, presented themselves next day at the 
 portico of Saint Peter where Sixtus on his throne, suiTounded 
 by a numerous assembly of prelates and cardinals was expecting 
 them : all the twelve immediately threw themselves at his feet 
 and humbly demanded pardon for the crimes of their countiy, 
 while they expressed their readiness to submit to any punish- 
 ment that his holiness might please to inflict. The pontiH" 
 touched each lightly on the shoulder with a wand, and after 
 causing to be read some sacred forms of absolutiuu usual in such 
 cases, absolved them altogether from past errors, and readniitte.l 
 them to the bosom of the church and her divine offices. They 
 were then allowed to be accompanied home by the prelates, 
 courtiers, and the cardinals' attendants ; not as scliismatics and 
 disobedient cliildren, but as good Christians ; and thus every 
 contention finished with the termination of the year 1 l^O; yet 
 it was not mitil Guidantonio Vespucci returned from a mission 
 to France that the Florentines were enabled by his diplomatic 
 talents to procure absolution from the heavy penance of main- 
 taining fifteen galleys against the Turks while they kept their 
 
 footing in Italy-'''. 
 
 The king of Naples also in addition to the late treaty with 
 Florence made a new league with that republic to which the 
 Duke of Ferrara, the Marquis of Mantua, the Duke of Milan, 
 and even Louis XL of France became parties. Thus strength- 
 ened, the only remaining cause of inquietude wa> Agostino 
 Fregosos continued occupation of Sarzana to which neighbour- 
 hood a body of men-at-aims, each then consisting of live soldiers, 
 besides other forces were despatched ; but after some blows 
 Alphonso of Calal)ria who had not as yet left Tuscany promised 
 to ai-range the dispute in an amicable way and restore the 
 
 • Ammirato, Lib. xxiv., p. 14G.-Bruto, Lib. vii., p. 373.-Maccbiavclli, 
 Lib. viii. 
 
 CHAP. IV.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 435 
 
 town*. The restoration of all the captured Florentine places 
 by the Duke of Calabria, which was partially carried into effect 
 early in tlie following spring, raised the indignation of Siena 
 and diminished his influence while the fame of Lorenzo was 
 proportionately augmented l)y this favourable turn in national 
 affairs : he was now exalted to the skies for skilfully regahiing 
 by friendly negotiation what had been lost in unsuccessful war, 
 and overcoming the powerful and crafty sovereign of Naples by 
 the mere force of superior talent. All his great ability would 
 however have availed but little with Ferdinand if the Turkish 
 invasion liad not suddenly arrested every hope of Tuscan con- 
 quest and enabled him to grant as a favour what he was in 
 reality unable to retain f. 
 
 Nevertheless Lorenzo received the praise, as he would 
 equally liave borne the blame of these events had they turned 
 out less fortunate, and perhaps without meriting one more 
 than the other ; so much more do people look to results than 
 an inquiiy into the means that produced them. 
 
 Thus ended the troubles consequent upon the Pazzi conspi- 
 racy ; out of which, after seeing himself reduced to the most 
 perilous condition both personally and politically ; Lorenzo 
 de' Medici rose like a giant refreshed witli wine ; in augmented 
 strength, with more penetrating influence, and almost absolute 
 sway over Florence. 
 
 CoTEMPORARY MoNARCHS. — Ell til .1 ml : Edwaid IV. — Scotland: .Tames III. 
 — France : Louis XL — Castile and Ara^nn : Ferdinand and Isabella from 
 1479. — Portugal: Alphonso V. — Burgundy: Maria and Maximilian. — Ger- 
 man Emperor: Frederic IIL — Naples: Ferdinand. — Sicily: a Province of 
 Aragon. — Pope : Sixtus IV. — Ottoman Empire : Mahomet IL 
 
 Ammirato, Lib. xxiv., p. 146. f Bruto, Lib. vii., p. 375. 
 
 F F 2 
 
436 
 
 Fl.ORENTlNE HISTORY. 
 
 [book ii. 
 
 en 
 
 AP. v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 437 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1480 TO A.D. 1.492. 
 
 When we compare the traiKiiiillitj of Florence uiul. r 
 
 the elder Medici with its previous turbulence, in our 
 
 iroiorance of the real condition of the popular iiia>> 
 
 A.D. 1481. ^^ ^^^^^ ^^^.^ periods we are tempted to con^idev 
 
 the ascendancy of that family as a relief if not a blesshig to 
 the peoide : for whatever may have hecii tho loss of real 
 liberty, the public peculaticai, the interested and useless wai-s, 
 or the excessive taxation under ^ledician rule ; all these evils 
 existed more or less directly, or in other forms, during some 
 of the best periods of the Florentine re])ublic. It is true that 
 they gradually became shai-per and more concentrated under 
 Cosimo, riero, and Lorenzo ; more easily inilicted ; and mor.- 
 invariably directed into exclusive channels ; but the forms cf 
 liberty, and even some of its most beneticial consequences, as 
 far as they had ever existed in the commonwealth ; the appa- 
 rent equality of the citizens ; the freedom of human euer^'v 
 in its ever-var}'ing aspect ; all these were apparently lett 
 untouched by any positive enactments ; and the confinement ot 
 political power and patronage to an ascendant faction abso- 
 lutely ruled by the Medici, was the only real, though most 
 impoitant, restriction, beyond what had ever been common in 
 the state. Even this was more notable from its stability than 
 any real difference of character ; for as Florence had been ever 
 governed by friction the same exclusiveness had always existed, 
 only with greater mutability as it shifted from party to party 
 
 according to the direction of the storm. But this very muta- 
 bility circulated an energetic though turbulent spirit in the 
 community, a spirit in constant struggles against hidividual 
 supremacy, until it was undernuned by the Albizzi and ulti- 
 mately mastered by the ]\Iedician chiefs ; it was this canker 
 that formed the great evil of their government though its 
 demoralising influence was not in the first instance apparent. 
 
 Lorenzo de' Medici began the year Usl with greater power 
 and better prospects than at any former period : his reputa- 
 tion was high, his success acknowledged, his popularity imdi- 
 minished ; yet without being now able to detect motives, or 
 discover how for private enmity and how for general discontent 
 may have operated we perceive strong symptoms of dissatis- 
 faction brealdng out from time to time, the causes of which are 
 slurred over or entirely unnoticed by historians*. Giovanni 
 Cambi a cotemporary writer and a decided enemy to Medi- 
 cian power walks over nearly five years in silence ; perhaps 
 fearful of writing his real sentiments ; and Lionardo Morelli 
 confines himself during the same period to a dry and meagre 
 record of a few insulated and generally unimportant facts 
 without any passing remark. Ammirato, commonly so diffuse, 
 who wrote for and under the Medici was not a cotemporaiy 
 and is ever cautious in his strictures on that family : Macchia- 
 velli, then a boy, enters but little into the civil history of 
 Florence after this period, but hastily threadhig a lal)yrinth of 
 small Italian wars jumps to its conclusion in 11 0-2. He also 
 wrote for a Medici. Bruto, always a doubtful mthoritj a r/a Inst 
 that race, is during most of this period a mere paraphrast of 
 ]\Iacchiavelli ; Jacopo Nardi and Jaciqio Pitti are the only 
 two Florentines that give a clear and decided opinion on 
 Lorenzo's internal government, and by both of these historians 
 we are impressed with the belief that he was as unscrupulous 
 in the exercise of his politictd influence as he was cautious in 
 
 ♦ Maccliiavelli, Lib. viii. 
 
438 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORT. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 CHAP, v.] 
 
 FLOEENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 439 
 
 M 
 
 exhibiting any appearance of personal superiority over bis 
 fellow-citizens. Seizing with a bold and skilful hand on the 
 substance of power he turned its glitter on the magistrates tuid 
 veiled his supreme and sovereign autliority under the quiet garb 
 of a simple citizen. He had so remodelled and modiiied the 
 ancient constitution that little was now to be apprehended from 
 popular feeling except the choice (in times of great suffering 
 and dissatisfaction) of a chief magistrate who apparently a 
 devoted adherent should reallv be inimical altliouf^h chosen 
 with his own consent. For in contradiction to all appear- 
 ances and precautions men suddenly and frequently change, 
 no one knows whv, and are sometimes hard to unravel and 
 guard against ; as will soon be apparent in the account of a new 
 attempt on Lorenzo's life which began the present year. 
 
 To prevent the possilnlity of such an occurrence as we have 
 above alluded to, he is said to have conceived a xevy simple 
 and effective plan which would have made him the acknow- 
 ledged and legitimate prince of the republic under all the 
 ancient forms of democracy ; a plan subsequently executed by 
 the free choice of the citizens although not in the person of a 
 Medici. It has been before observed that Lorenzo had already 
 reduced the Priors of Liberty to a mere cabinet council de- 
 pendent on the gonfalonier of justice, and that this magistrate 
 in fact was invested with the whole power of the Seignory : his 
 present plan was to create a gonfalonier for life and have 
 himself elected to that ofiBcc. This however could only be 
 prepared for because according to the ancient regulations of 
 the state, which as it would seem he had not in this instance 
 attempted to annul, no citizen was eligible to the gon- 
 faloniership under five-and-forty years of age ; but when that 
 period did arrive it was his intention to appoint a new and 
 concentrated Balia for the refonnation of the state and by 
 means of this convenient instrument create a gonfdonier of 
 justice for life to which none but himself could well have been 
 
 elected and thus remove all future fears arid difficulties. This 
 with a long life would probably have established the sovereignty 
 in Lorenzo's family but he died the year before he would have 
 become eligible ; and it is a curious circumstance that the 
 same man who had despotically ruled the Florentine republic 
 for three-and-twenty years, should never have been old enough 
 to hold the chief magistracy of his native country, although for 
 a great part of that time he also governed the political fabric of 
 Italy and even spread his influence amongst the great trans- 
 alpine nations * ! 
 
 In the interim Lorenzo continued to make a private use of the 
 pecuniary resources of Florence without any opposition and so 
 effectually that he remedied the disorder of his family affairs 
 which until the time of Piero was excessive, and had since 
 increased by the effects of his own magnificence and the negli- 
 gence or dishonesty of foreign agents. Taking advantage of 
 his position Lorenzo was in the habit of drawing upon the 
 public purse by what Nardi sarcastically denominates the fol- 
 lowmg '* Jionest nteans.'^ He borrowed through his agents, say 
 1000 florins from one of the four great treasurers of the 
 republic, and whether from fear or affection no man dared any 
 longer refuse him, and when this treasurer's period of ofiBce 
 was on the point of expiring Lorenzo ordered his successor 
 nominafly to make good the deficiency by charging himself 
 with the amount of money thus taken ; additional sums were 
 then borrowed from him, and thus a succession of loans was 
 made on the treasury, the fraudulent books being handed 
 regularly over to each new official servant in the four revenue 
 departments; namely, the ''Mount,'' or public funds; the 
 " Salt Office;' the " Customs^' and the " Contract Office," 
 all of whom served him without difficulty on the certainty 
 of future reimbursement. Whether any of the money so pecu- 
 lated were ever repaid is not recorded because the secret 
 
 » Jacopo Pitti, Lib. i^ p. 25. 
 
440 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 It. 
 
 ledger of the pei-petual " Proved itorc " could never be found 
 amongst the papers of the Mount during the state revolution 
 of the year 1404, and it was believed to have been purposely 
 hidden or destroyed by the principal actors on that occasion. 
 But in other books of the same office wert- Juund the names of 
 many private pensioners of the ]\Iedician faction who were paid 
 from the public purse besides foreign chiefs of party |)rin- 
 ripally of Romagna : neither was there wanting in those 
 days, especially after the troubles of 1478, many mercantile 
 men who were eager for Lorenzo's name and countenance 
 in order that he might seem a partner in their business, 
 and for this favour he shared their protits. ( Hlier citizens in 
 the exercise of offices conferred on them Ity the Mediei made 
 great fortunes by public supplies and eontraets coiiiRcted in 
 various wavs with the armv, and thus he attaehed himself bv 
 a thousand ties to almost eveiy citizen of consequenee in 
 Florence -. 
 
 These proceedings were sure to raise up personal enemies, 
 wherefore the lirst six months of 14s 1 had nut yet passed when a 
 new plot against the life of Lorenzo was discovered and the actors 
 executed. Battista Frescobaldi, Filippo Baldinucei and a na- 
 tiu-al son of Guido Baldovinetti had settled to assassinate him 
 in the church of the Carmine, Francesco the lirother of Filippo 
 Baldinucei being also implicated. Frescobaldi was apparently 
 an adherent of the Medici ; he held the high office of Floren- 
 tine consul at Constiintiuo2->le when Bernardo l^andini was 
 arrested for the murder of Giuliano, and as he beeame activelv 
 employed in that negotiation it was a subject of some astonish- 
 ment why he should so soon have involved himself in a more 
 dangerous and less promising enterprise. Nor are tlio motives 
 of liis coadjutors more patent although Girolamo liiario ha> 
 been named as their instigator : Francesco lialdinueii is said to 
 have spoken strongly against the deed, lait Ije was hanged with 
 
 Jacopo Nardi, Stor. Fiorent., Lib. i", p. 13, Ed". Fircnza, 1504, 
 
 CHAP, v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 441 
 
 the rest for keeping the secret too well, and the whole conspi- 
 racy fiiiled because certain armour ordered to be made for the 
 occasion was not completed in time ! On such cobwebs rests 
 the destiny of nations-! The death of Mahomet IL enabled 
 Ferdinand when he least expected it to recapture Otranto 
 which surrendered on the tenth or twelfth of September, to 
 the great relief of all the Itiilian powers w^ho had unwillingly sus- 
 pended their dissension.^ while under the dread of so powerful 
 an enemy. Fifteen hundred Turks entered the service of 
 Naples and showed themselves as faithful in extremity as the 
 Saracens of former days had proved to Manfred ; the rest re- 
 joined their countrymen after some breach of faith on the part 
 of Alphonso Duke of Calabria who commanded at the siege. 
 As there was a general league against the infidels between 
 Mathew Corvinus King of Hungary and all the Italian powers 
 except Venice who would take no part ; as well as with the 
 nionarchs of Aragon and Portugal, and as the two Ottoman 
 l)rothers were strugglhig for tlie throne of Mahomet, the 
 Christian soldiers shouted to be led against Constanthiople ; 
 but dissensions broke fortli which along with Count Pdario s 
 intrigues for self-aggrandisement in the following year 
 defeated every attempt of the pontili^ and the whole combined 
 armament fell to pitH-es f. 
 
 Tranquillity was thus restored for a moment and only for 
 a moment : after Bona Duidiess of IMilan liad by means of 
 Prospero Adorno and a strong force uiulor Pobert of San Seve- 
 rino, regained the lordsliip of (ienoa in 1 177, tlie quarrels of 
 the reigning family of ^lilan assisted by Ferdinand engendered 
 fresh troubles in the former citv whicli revolted under the same 
 Prospero in 147s. The whole population exasperated by the 
 licentiousness of Milanese garrisons threw themselves on Fer- 
 dinand, who eager at that moment to Inunble both Milan and 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxv., p. 148. — Pignotti, Lib. iv., cap. xv., p. 2H3. 
 
 t Muratorij Aumili. 
 
442 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 11. 
 
 CHAP, v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 443 
 
 li 
 
 Florence most cheerfully met their wishes. The revohuion 
 being completed Robert of San Severino, then an exile at Asti, 
 was made general of the Genoese, and the popular faction 
 under Prospero Adorno and Lodovico Fregoso triumphed over 
 the nobles who were driven in great numbers from the city. 
 A ^Milanese annv was soon after defeated without the walls 
 while fresh troubles raged within. The nobles returned : and 
 Battista Fregoso carrying in his hand the promise of Bona to 
 restore the fortresses winch she still held and with them the 
 independence of Genoa, was declared Doge of that republic and 
 with re^^tored freedom became an ally instead of an enemy of 
 Milan *. After this revolution San Severino who with Pros- 
 pero Adorno was still powerful in the Genoese territory joined 
 Sforza Duke of Bari and Lodovico the Moor : the former died 
 suddenly, not without suspicion of poison from his brother who 
 succeeded to that title, and along with San Severino marched 
 from Tu^'^any in August 1470 and got possession of Tortona. 
 He soon managed to attach the governor of Milan Castle to his 
 party, was admitted into that fortress, etfected a forced recon- 
 ciliation with Bona which the old and favourite minister Cccco 
 Simonetta foretold would be his own death and her ruin and she 
 ■soon felt its ti-uth: Simonetta was imprisoned, tortured, and 
 executed in October 1479, at Pavia, and Lodovico became sole 
 governor of Milan and keeper of his nephew's person. After 
 removing all Bona's ministers he declared Gian-Galeazzo 
 Maria to be arrived at his majority and invested him with the 
 ensigns of government on the seventh of October 14H0, although 
 only twelve years of age. The duchess retired from Milan in 
 disgust, and San Severino who had been general of the forces 
 and one of Lodovico's counsellors quarrelled with him early in 
 1481. An affray took place in Febmary between their fol- 
 lowers, other causes of distrust and quarrel supervened, and 
 San Severino also retired from the capital. King Ferdinand 
 
 * Interiano, Storia di Genoa, Lib. viii., fol. 216. 
 
 and the Florentines attempted to reconcile them but in vain 
 and Costanzo Sforza lord of Pesaro was sent by the latter to 
 succeed him*. 
 
 Venice, ever eager for self-aggrandisement at any price, 
 longed for Ferrara and with one of those flimsy pretexts for 
 a quarrel whicli are always at hand, threatened the min of the 
 house of Este. Ferdinand, Lodovico and the Florentines all 
 united in trying to interest the pontiff in this Duke's defence ; 
 but they spoke to a wolf in the lamb's behalf, for Sixtus 
 swaved bv the interested counsel of Riario who in concert 
 with Venice wanted to add part of the Ferrarese territory to 
 Imola and Forli, not only refused to defend his vassal s cause, 
 but in the month of August, even before the recapture of 
 Otranto, secretly joined the Venetians against him ; and as 
 part of the dominions of Este was an imperial, and part an 
 ecclesiastical fief, it was agreed that they should be thus par- 
 titioned between the republic of Venice and the sovereign 
 pontifl'. 
 
 Italy therefore was now divided into two great parties by 
 existing alliances ; for all felt that war was inevitable ; the 
 pope and Venice with the Genoese, Senese, and several minor 
 powers on one side ; Naples, Florence, Milan, Bologna and 
 some petty states and princes on the other. The i'lorentines 
 with these prospects renewed the " Otto di Pratica " instead 
 of appointing a decemvirate of war whicli was now reserved 
 for more pressing emergencies, and in this feverish state of 
 affairs terminated the year 14^^1 f. 
 
 Hercules of Este, after having tried in vain both to appease 
 the Venetians and engage his liege lord the sovereign 
 pontiff to protect him, prepared fur a war which was 
 proclaimed by the doge Giovanni ]\Ioncenigo in the name of 
 the Venetian republic on the third of May 1482 ; and simul- 
 
 * Mnratori, Ann.ili, Anni 1479-81. 
 t Ammii-ato, Lib. xxv., p. 148. — :Muratori, Annali. 
 
444 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II 
 
 taneously by Sixtiis IV. and Girolamo Riario lord of Forli and 
 Imola who was to divide the spoil with Venice by a previously 
 arranged convention. War thus burst forth like the explosion 
 of a bomb-shell and its fiery fragments flew to all parts of 
 Italy: the Colonna broke from their fostnesses and carried 
 lire and sword throughout the adjacent lands ; the Savelli soon 
 joined their desolating course ; the Orsini with hereditary 
 hate opposed their fury, holding hard by the church ; and the 
 streets of Rome were often red with the blood of tlie combatants. 
 The Duke of Calabria marched without delay to the relief of 
 his brother-in-law, but was met by the papal forces and another 
 dismal arena of son-ow and desolation was established witliin 
 forty miles of Ilome. Not for on the other side Florence had 
 reestablished Nicholas Vitelli by force of arms in the lordship 
 of Citta di Castello by driving out Lorenzo (iiustini the papal 
 governor who ravaged all the adjacent country in revenge. 
 In Romagna Giovanni Bentivoglio was warring witli the usual 
 devastations against Girolamo Riario the original author of 
 the war: Ibletto Fieschi from the Ligurian Alps harassed the 
 Milanese frontier : the octogenarian Piero Maria de' Rossi of 
 Parma carried all the hon-ors of partisan wai-fare into the same 
 territory, in despite of age, and when he died in the followhig 
 autumn his son Guido proved himself no less zealous in a 
 cause which was made more palatable to both by an annual 
 pension from the Venetians expressly to vex and annoy the 
 Duke of Milan -. 
 
 " The minutely written journals of this war," says Sismondi, 
 '• exhibit all the anarchy that reigned in those countries 
 governed in the Duke of Milan's name, the continual plunder- 
 ing to which they were exposed and the impossibility of 
 obtaining justice. All these details escape the general historian 
 because there is not a single great touch of virtue or generosity 
 of sentiment to awaken an interest for these small towns after 
 
 * Sismondi, vol. viii., cap. Ixxxviii.— Porzio, Congiuradc' Baroni, Lib, i«, p. 20. 
 
 CHAP, v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 445 
 
 having once lost their lil)erty ; but we are convinced by the 
 tedious perusal of such records, that the silence of historians 
 on the destiny of enslaved communities is no indication of 
 either their happiness or security. The people of Parma at 
 this epoch suffered all the vexations of the most factious 
 republic without the relief of a single instance of noble or 
 elevated sentiment ; without having a will that could be called 
 their own ; and finally, witliout deserving tliat the historian in 
 seeing their sufferings should stop to record them '''^•'. 
 
 The principal seat of war was on the frontiers of Ferrara 
 including most of the country between that city, Venice, and 
 Ravenna ; a district intersected in all directions by numberless 
 canals, ditches, rivers, lakes and swamps ; the last too shallow 
 for boats and too deep for any militaiy operation. This 
 description of country, formed by the alluvial depositions of 
 many great rivers descendhig from the Alps and Apennines, 
 obtains more or less Ik 'tween liologna and Ferrara, near 
 llovigo, around Mesola, Adria, Comaechio, and all that portion 
 of the great Lombard Delta ; and tlie islands, as they may be 
 called, tliat are formed by tlie union of the Po, the Adige, the 
 Tartaro and other streams comprising most of the plains 
 between Venice, Padua, ]\Iaiitua and Verona with part of the 
 present legation of Ferrara, are called the " Polesine,'' the 
 chief and most fertile of tlieiii being that of Rovigo. The 
 conquest of all the numerous towns and burghs securely seated 
 amidst these watery meshes was an enterprise of no small 
 difficulty but what Venice looked confidently to achieve. 
 
 We have already said that Robert of San Severino had 
 retired in disgust from Milan in consequence of a quarrel with 
 Lodovico, which probably arose from the different estimate 
 placed on his services by himself and that prince ; but from 
 whatever cause, San Severino and his seven sons, all able to 
 bear arms, w^ere proclaimed rebels hi January 14s^. On this, 
 
 * Sismondi, Rep. Itul., vol. viii, cap. Ixxxviii,, p. 145-7. 
 
446 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II 
 
 at the head of eighty horsemeu and a strong hody of infantry 
 he broke from Tortona, cut his way through a small ^Milanese 
 force that besieged him, gained the Genoese mountains, and 
 thence hastened to Venice where he offered his services against 
 Lodovico. The aid of such a commander was eagerly accepted, 
 and he soon mastered the towns of Mellario, Trecento, Brigan- 
 tino and Adria ; Comaccio then fell, besides some redoubts on 
 the Po at Pelosella. The Duke of T rhino who was opposed 
 to him on the part of the League could accomplish little against 
 tlie younger, more vigorous, and probaldy superior genius of 
 his enemy ; it was necessarily a war of detachinonts, and per- 
 haps depended much on the skill and promptitude with which 
 either i)arty threw bridges over the numerous rivers and 
 canals that barred their progress. There were no great 
 encounters, but a frightful mortality of all ranks and descrip- 
 tions in both armies, from the fevers of those pestilent marshes 
 which between soldiers and labourers are said to have destroyed 
 twenty thousand men. 
 
 The Duke of Ferrara himself fell sick in the moment of 
 greatest need, but his wife Leonora of Aragon supplied his 
 place with masculine counige and feminine enthusiasm : she 
 called the ardour of religion to her aid, sent for a hermit from 
 Bologna who by his preaching encouraged the people to iiglit 
 as in a holy war. Teeming with enthusiasm and exciting tlic 
 attentive crowds he began at length to fancy himself a prophet 
 and promised to raise up a squadron of twelve g;illeys to defeat 
 the enemy then besieging Figheruolo. After some absurd 
 ceremonies he arrived at the Duke of T'rbinos camp wlieiic*- 
 he was dismissed somewhat crest-fallen l)y that general, who 
 told him that the Venetians not being possessed l)y the devil 
 required no exorcising, but that he might inform tlie duchess 
 it was artillery, men, and money ; not prayei*s that were 
 needed to overcome the enemy : these not being forthcoming. 
 Figheruolo, Lendenara, La Badia, and finally Kovigo ; the 
 
 CHAP, v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 447 
 
 capital of the '' Polesine " and ancient patrimony of the house 
 of Este ; successively capitulated *. 
 
 The allies meanwhile determined to hamper Sixtus at home 
 and so leave the campaign in Lombardy entirely on Venetian 
 resources : Alphonso therefore made incursions to the gates of 
 Rome and was first opposed by Fdario, gonfalonier of the church, 
 but the aspect of affairs soon altered when at the pontiffs re- 
 quest Pioberto Malatesta of Rimini with a reenforcement of two 
 tliousand four hundred men took charge of the papal anny. He 
 almost forced Alphonso to battle at Campo Morto near Villetri, 
 and giving the command of his right \ring to Giovanni Gia- 
 corad Piccinino whose fiither had been murdered by Ferdinand 
 felt secure of his efforts, which indeed materially contributed to 
 the victory : the battle was bloody and obstinate beyond what 
 was then usual ; more than a thousand men remained dead on 
 the field ; the Neapolitans were totally routed, and Alphonso 
 was saved only by the fidelity of his Turkish soldiers. Three 
 hundred and sixty gentlemen and a great mass of inferior note 
 were made prisoners ; amongst them several companies of 
 Turks who strange to say were instantly taken into the pontiff's 
 service and employed as a militaiy police without any attempt 
 to convert them. Malatesta died at Rome from a fever occa- 
 sioned by impmdently drinking cold water as was reported ; 
 but in his family records and the public behef, by poison from 
 the hand of Girolamo Riario |. 
 
 As Roberto left no legitimate issue, Girolamo who had long 
 coveted now endeavoured to seize his dominions, but was kept in 
 check and finally prevented by the Florentines. Malatesta 
 had recommended liis mfant son to the protection of Frederic 
 Duke of Urbino who connnanded fur the enemy; and this 
 prince dying the same day at Bologna, had also reconmiended 
 his own son and family in general, to the care of his daughter's 
 
 * Sismondi, vol. viii., p. 148-51. —Mil- i", p. '22.~Maccliiavclli, Lib. viii.— 
 ratori, Annali. Sisniondi, vol. viii , p. 151. — Ammi- 
 
 t Poraio, Congiura de' Baroni, Lib. rato, Lib. xxv., p. 151. 
 
448 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 husband Malatesta, while she hearing the news of both events 
 at the same time was compelled to ask and receive protection 
 at the hand of her husband s adversaries against the very per- 
 son in whose service he had died, and whose states lie had just 
 saved from destruction ! 
 
 The rapid progress of Venice in Lombardy ; the influence 
 of the imperial ambassador, and the threats of a general 
 council, finally opened the pontiff's eyes to his real interests 
 and induced liim to conclude a treaty of pr-no and alliance whh 
 Naples Florence and Milan in December ii^'-t, leaving a place 
 for the Venetians which they not only refused to accept but 
 pushed the war on so vigorously that after defeating the Duke 
 of Ferrara in a pitched battle they encamped in the ducal 
 park under the ver}' walls of his capital. The Florentine^, 
 who had now changed the " Otto dl Prohcd " into a decern 
 virate of war, determined in concert with the King of Naples 
 to avail themselves of this peace to succour Ferrara : and 
 Alphonso with a small force passed through Florence on his 
 way to that city in the beginning of January 148:] -. 
 
 The impetuous Sixtus having on(;e decided, followed up his 
 resolution with vigour by sunnnoning Venice to accede 
 to the pacification of Italy and instantly evacuate tin 
 Ferraresetenitorv wliich was now declared to be under ecclesias- 
 tical protection ; but she paid little attention either to this com- 
 mand or a subsequent excommunication, and exerted hei-self more 
 strenuously to carrj^ her object against idl tlie efforts of the 
 " Most Iwhj League ; " an appellation wliich the pope's recent 
 accession had bestowed upon it. A congress of the allied 
 powei-s had met at Cremona where Lorenzo de' ^ledici repre- 
 sented Florence ; but while they debated, the Venetians had 
 captured Gallipoli, Nardo, and other parts of the Terra di 
 Otranto besides several places within a mile of Ferrara. Flo- 
 rence and Bologna were hastily preparing succours when 
 
 A.D. 1483. 
 
 Macchiavclli, Lib. viii. — Ammirato, Lib. xxv., p. 154, et seq. 
 
 CHAP, v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 449 
 
 Alphonso unable to bear the Venetian audacity attacked and 
 defeated them near Argenta, took the Proveditore prisoner, 
 and checked their alarming progress. Startled by so vigorous 
 a resistance from a beaten enemy, and seeing the great force of 
 the league, Venice took the Duke of Lorraine into her service, 
 orged on the Genoese to more exertion, encouraged the Rossi 
 of Parma, and assisted the Senese exiles ; the first to alarm 
 Ferdinand ; the second Florence ; the third to be a thorn in 
 the side of Milan, and the fourth to keep both the pope and 
 Florentines in anxiety. On the other hand Florence seeing 
 events thicken, renewed the decemvirate of war by a vote of the 
 seventy and then despatched Guidantonio Vespucci to Sixtus, 
 and Piero Nasi to Ferdinand, to unite the league more closely 
 by impressing on the pontiffs mind that the fall of Ferrai'a 
 would be the ruin of Italy. 
 
 A new league was accordingly made by which Niccolo Vitelli 
 was abandoned as subordinates always are wiien it suits the 
 interest of principals ; and Citta di Castello restored to the 
 church ; Vitelli however defied both and defended his posses- 
 sions ; but tliis gave little inquietude to Florence who made a 
 second league with Siena that secured a complete restitution 
 of the captured places to which there had been some lingering 
 opposition, and thus Florence recovered her former integiity 
 except the possession of Sarzana which Agostino Fregoso still 
 continued to hold and occasioned much trouble and aiLxiety to 
 the republic *. 
 
 The pope meanwhile without any alteration of circumstances, 
 except his own secession, since the time he was an ally of 
 Venice, launched forth a terrible anathema against that republic, 
 which was calmly answered by appealing to a general council ; 
 pending which all religious ofEces were ordered to be performed 
 as usual. In the interim Lodovico gained some ground in 
 Lombardy and the Duke of Calabria finally carried war into 
 
 VOL. III. 
 
 A.mmirato, Lib. xxv., p. 156. 
 G G 
 
450 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [cook ii. 
 
 A.D. 1484. 
 
 the Venetian territory, while Hercules of Este routed the Duke 
 of Lorraine at a place called La Stellata*. At this time 
 Louis XL of P^rance interfered as a peacemaker; but one of 
 his ambassadors died at Florence, and the rest could do nothing 
 in consequence of the death of Louis himself and the accession 
 of Charles VIIL a prince of no talent, but wlio with great per- 
 sonal courage and an empty pompous ambition wrought greater 
 chanjtes m Italy than any other monarch of the age. The loss 
 of Sarzana still troubled Florence who was vigorously 
 preparing to reduce it when negotiations commenced 
 which promised a speedy settlement; but in the midst of them 
 intelligence arrived that it had been sold to tlie Bank of Saint 
 George, and a garrison from that powerful company soon 
 occupied tlie place, which with that of Pietra Santa and a 
 strong squadron of galleys gave considerable annoyance to the 
 
 Florentines. 
 
 Most of the belligerents began now to tire of war, and the 
 death of Frederic Marquis of Mantua who had hitherto kept 
 Lodovico and Alphouso from quai-reUing accelerated its conclu- 
 sion : Lodovico began the negotiation on his own accoimt, for 
 he was short of funds and moreover feared the etforts of Al- 
 phonso to place the government of Milan in the hands of the 
 young duke who had married his daughter. Tlie other allied 
 powers joined in this treaty, and the Duke of Ferrara as tlie 
 weakest and most injured suffered accordingly : he was de- 
 prived of Piovigo and the Polesine, in exchange for which 
 Gallipoli and Nardo were restored to Naples ; but he recovered 
 a few small towns, and all that the Venetians had lost they as 
 usual most dexterously re-acquired even to the very rights that 
 formed the ostensible excuse for war K The iillies although 
 antny at this peace were compelled to accept it from exhaustion, 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxv.,p. 158. (Icnics this, by an appeal to the treaty 
 
 t Ammirato, generally so accurate, itself, as given in Du Mont. Corp. 
 
 says that Rovigo and the Polesine were Diplomat, 
 restored to Ferrara ; but Muratori 
 
 CIIAl'. v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE UISTORY. 
 
 451 
 
 and it was concluded at Bagnolo on the seventh of August 
 1484. On the twelfth it was brought to the pope who indig- 
 nantly refused his benediction, and in this excited state he died 
 on the night of the thirteenth -i^ 
 
 The Florentines who gained nothing by the war but an 
 mcrease of debt, were well satisfied at its termination, not only 
 for the relief it afforded, but also because it enabled them to 
 direct all their efforts on Sarzana, the loss of which was sen- 
 sibly felt but more especially by Lorenzo as a slur on his 
 administration which thus diminished instead of augmented the 
 public domains. One of theii' first steps was to despatch an 
 embassy of congratulation to Giovanbattista Cibo Cardinal 
 of Saint Cecilia, a Genoese, who succeeded Sixtus IV. on the 
 twenty-ninth of August 1 484, under the name of Innocent VIIL 
 which he was supposed to have assumed as an indication and 
 gage of his pacific intentions f . The treaty of Bagnolo left all 
 Italy in peace except Home and Florence ; the first was dis- 
 tm'bed by civil wars the last by that of Sarzana. 
 
 We have already said that this important place was now the 
 property of the celebrated bank of Saint George a far more formid- 
 able enemy than the Fregosi. This bank arose out of a debt 
 incurred by Genoa in one of her obstinate conflicts with Venice : 
 at the conclusion of the war those citizens who had advanced 
 money to goveniment were put in possession of the port duties, 
 and the palace over the custom-house w^as given to them as an 
 office. They immediately formed themselves into a deliberative 
 council of one hundred members, and a court of directors of 
 eight: the whole debt was then divided into shares called 
 " Luoghi " or places, and the new corporation was denominated 
 the Bank of Saint George. Genoese wars were frequent ; 
 money was continually wanted ; it became easier to borrow than 
 
 * Porzio, Congiurade'Baroni, Lib. i'', p. 24. — Ammirato, Lib. xx v., p. 162. — 
 Macchiavelli, Lib. viii. f Ammirato, Lib. xxv., p. 1 62. 
 
 G G 2 
 
452 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 impose new taxes ; the bank was always ready to lend ; so that 
 debt augmented until almost every town of consequence fell to 
 this powerful company which ruled them absolutely and inde- 
 pendently as a sovereign state. 
 
 As the bank was wisely directed and its rule impartial and 
 light, there was an eagerness to be placed under its dominion ; 
 for whatever political changes occurred either from foreign war 
 or domestic factions the company studiously kept aloof mitil 
 all was over, and then stepped forward in augmented strength 
 to insist on a confirmation of their privileges. This could 
 hardly be refused without danger, for the factious were gene- 
 rally exhausted and the bank strong in troops, in money, and 
 in justice. Thus says Macchiavelli, in the same circle, 
 amongst the same citizens and at one and the same time, 
 were to be seen liberty and tyranny, '' simple manners and 
 corrupt ; justice and licentiousness :" m a word, good and bad 
 government ; for that company even in :\Iacchiavelli"s time kept 
 Genoa *' full of ancient and venerable customs "'«. 
 
 This then was the body to whom Fregoso sold Sarzana and 
 they resolved to defend it : they already occupied Pietra Santa 
 about half way on the high road to Pisa, and the Floren- 
 tines aware that the possession of this place was not only nece<- 
 saiy to the capture of Sarzana as commanding their Ime oi 
 communications, but also essential to the presentation of the 
 latter when reduced ; cut off as it was from their tenitoiy an.l 
 bordering on that of Genoa. The capture of Pietra Santa had 
 been before recommended but Florence having no quarrel 
 with the Bank of Saint George at that rpcch would not listen 
 to this advice : now the case was altered, for that company 
 had not only bought her property but had shown a hostile dis- 
 position towards her subjects ; yet according to Macchiavelh a 
 trick was resorted to in order to give a better colour to the pro- 
 ceeding. A valuable convoy with a slender escort was despatched 
 
 * Macchiavelli, Lib. viii.— The resemblance of this bank to our E.L Company 
 i8 striking. 
 
 CHAP, v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 453 
 
 to the Florentine camp before Sarzana which having to pass 
 under Pietra Santa an attack on it was expected, and so it hap- 
 pened ; the temptation was too powerful and the convoy was 
 taken. Upon this the army raised the siege of Sarzana, marched 
 direct on Pietra Santa and after a long and sickly campaign in 
 which Lorenzo de' Medici's presence coupled \vith the bravery 
 and kindness of Antonio Pucei, kept up a good military spirit, 
 Pietra Santa surrendered on the eighth of November 1484. 
 But during this time a naval w^ar and a fruitless attempt on 
 Leghorn l)y the Genoese tried the expenses and anxiety of 
 Florence, and the reduction of Sarzana became still a work 
 of time*. 
 
 The Florentines hoped much from Pope Innocent's peace- 
 able disposition, and influence at Genoa to restore 
 tranquillity with the possession oi Sarzana; but a 
 long time past in fruitless negotiations, and the whole of 1485 
 wore away without any active operations of consequence against 
 it. This was occasioned partly liy Lorenzo's bad state of 
 liealth from hereditary gout and the commencement of that 
 stomach complaint which afterwards Idlled him. His illness 
 obhged him to use the baths of Roselle and being therefore 
 compelled to remain for a considerable time far distant from 
 Florence he was unwilling to engage in any affair of great 
 moment. A war, which about the same period broke out between 
 Innocent and Ferdinand, proved also another obstacle to the 
 active prosecution of that between Florence and Genoa seeing 
 that it involved the foiTuer republic in this new and vexatious 
 quarrel. 
 
 The pope although a Neapolitan prelate and indebted to 
 Ferdinand for his primitive advancement in the church, was 
 nevertheless a decided enemy to both him and his more 
 ferocious son Alphonso Duke of Calabria; he affected, or really 
 
 * Gio. Cambi, p. 24.— Bruto, Lib. viii., p. 433-5. — Ammirato, Lib. xxv., 
 pp. 162-166. — Macchiavelli, Lib. viii. 
 
454 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 \i 
 
 felt a detestation for their cruelty and rapacity and such 
 hatred was not a little embittered by party spirit, for his 
 father had held a high and distiDguished ofifice under the 
 house of Anjou. Besides this the supposed or real attachments 
 of subject and dependent prelates have seldom accompanied 
 them to the throne, where new feelings, new interests, and 
 new passions impatiently await their arrival. Innocent too 
 was the first pontiff who either from sincerity or audacity 
 disdained the flimsy mantle of nepotism and unblushingly 
 acknowledged his illegitimate offspring, making no secret of 
 his intentions to advance their fortune. In this disposition he 
 was not displeased to see a general spirit of rebellion spring 
 up amongst the Neapolitan barons against the rapacious and 
 accumulating extortions of Ferdinand and the more open and 
 unscmpulous ferocity of Alphonso of Calabria ; nor were these 
 feelings unkno\\-n to the insurgents many of whom lost no 
 time in imploring his protection. The king too had refused 
 to pay tribute to the pope as liege lord of Naples and Sicily, 
 asserting that he was sovereign of Naples only; and the 
 pope in revenge wished to dethrone him and exalt a prince 
 that would not only acknowledge the supremacy of Rome but 
 assist in establishing his favoiurite son Franceschetto Cibo ; 
 who afterwards married Lorenzo's daughter Maddalena de' 
 Medici ; in some principality of that kingdom. Innocent was 
 strenuously encouraged in these objects by the cardinal of 
 Saint Piero in Vincula, as much from jealousy of the cardinal 
 of Aragon (a son of Ferdinand ) as from a naturally ambitious 
 and warlike character which afterwards showed itself in the 
 celebrated Julius II. and through him it is supposed that 
 the potent Prince of Salerno was induced to take part in the 
 insurrection. The pope finally concluded a league with the 
 msurgent barons engaging them openly to supplicate his 
 protection ; which was meant not only as a pledge of their 
 fidelity but also as a testimony for all Christendom that to 
 
 CHAP, v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 455 
 
 defend others, and not on his own private account, this war was 
 
 undertaken *. 
 
 The Dulve of Calabria soon became aware of these negotia- 
 tions and resolved that if other wai's had impoverished the state 
 this one should by confiscation enrich it : he therefore deter- 
 mined to meet the barons at Civita di Chieti in the Abruzzi 
 ostensibly to arrange with them an augmentation of the salt- 
 tax and other financial matters, but really to arrest Count 
 Montorio of the Camponischi, Chief of Aquila, and thus secure 
 that city.. Aquila is a town of the Abruzzi, situated in the 
 midst of a lofty range of mountains, and which at that epoch 
 was so much augmented in men, arms, and general riches, as 
 only to yield the palm to Naples herself ; it was on the confines 
 of the ecclesiastical states and self-governed, although not 
 entirely independent. Amongst the civic families, that of 
 Camponischi had risen to such power and influence that it 
 ruled the community and even rendered a previous application 
 to its chief by the Neapolitan kings absolutely necessary ere 
 they could feel sure of obtaining their local objects : hence it 
 was less oppressed than any other city, and to maintain this 
 high position became the policy as it was the natural bent of 
 tliat family. They were adherents of the house of Anjou, had 
 assisted both Regnier and John, and to secure their fidelity 
 or rather that of Aquila itself, Piero Campouisco was created 
 Count of Montorio a title which once belonged to his family 
 but had been forfeited in former rebellions. This however 
 made no difference in Camponischi's patriotism who never 
 allowing his native city to be oppressed by taxation like the 
 rest, was accused of ingratitude : nevertheless confiding in his 
 innocence he with a wife and two sons went boldly to meet the 
 Duke of Calabria who instantly sent them all prisoners to 
 Naples. Suspecting the consequences the prmce occupied 
 Aquila with some troops, insufficient to coerce the citizens but 
 
 • Porzio, Congiura de' Baroni, Lib. i°, pp. 29-54. 
 
456 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 enough to rouse their indignation to its height ; wherefore they 
 instantly proffered their allegiance to the pope who as lord 
 paramount had some legal right to see justice done to his 
 vassals, and therefore accepted their offer *. 
 
 Troops were immediately marched into the Abruzzi, the 
 barons were called upon to defend their liberty in a general 
 confederacy of which Innocent declared himself the head, and 
 war was everj'where in preparation. Ferdinand endeavoured 
 to calm the rising storm by releasing the Count of ^lontorio in 
 November ; but Innocent relaxed nothing of his activity and 
 while he called the barons to arms the king summoned them 
 to hold a parliament at Naples. Only three attended ; the rest 
 feared his treachery and the loss of their own heads ; but they 
 nevertheless assembled at the castle of Melfi under pretence 
 of honouring the mamage of Trajan Caracciolo the Duke of 
 Melfi's son : iUphonso however was not deceived and struck 
 the first blow by pouncing upon the Count of Nola's territor} 
 reducing his strongholds and sending his wife and two sons 
 prisoners to Naples f . 
 
 His intention was to crush rebellion in the bud, but it burst 
 the sooner for this stroke and spread with a strength and 
 violence that startled him ; yet as neither party was ready for 
 the trial a succession of hollow negotiations commenced on 
 purpose to gain time for more vigorous action. Ferdinand 
 despatched ambassadors in August to demand from both Milan 
 and Florence those succours which their engagements bound 
 them to supply : Lodovico Sforza long avoided a reply but 
 Florence under Lorenzo's influence at once promised her aid 
 and finally both joined the royal cause. On the second of 
 November these states engaged the Count of Pitigliano with 
 four more of the Orsini, besides the Lord of Piombino and 
 Count Rinuccio di Marciano, to command the confederate 
 
 ♦ Giannone,vol.3rii.,Lib. xxviii.,cap.i. + Giannone, Lib. x.xviii., cap. i. — 
 — Brute, Lib. viii., p. 445. — Porzio, Siimoudi, vol. viii., p. 180. 
 Congiura de' Baroni, Lib. i", p. 62. 
 
 CHAP, v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 457 
 
 troops, all under the supremacy of Pitigliano, Count Marsilio 
 Torello being the Duke of Milan's general. The pope relieved 
 Venice from excommunication and endeavoured to excite her 
 to vengeance agamst Ferdinand ; but uuwiUing to exalt the 
 church and abase the king too much she contented herself with 
 allowing Robert of Sanseverino to enter the papal service with 
 thirty- two squadrons of cavalry- and a body of footmen *. Am- 
 bassadoi-s were also despatched to offer the crown of Naples to 
 Regnier Duke of Lorraine who was just then quitting the 
 French court in disgust at being refused the inheritance of old 
 Regnier of Anjou his grandfather. He accepted the gift, 
 received some miserable aid from the French regency, for 
 Charles VIII was yet a minor but pampered with high-reach- 
 ing claims upon the throne of Naples : a squadron of galleys 
 awaited liis arrival at Genoa and the warlike cardinal of San 
 Piero in Vincula was already there impatient to receive him 
 on board; but he delayed until too late and the war tenninated 
 without him f. 
 
 The opposition of many powerful chiefs to one monarch unless 
 with a despotic leader, is rarely successful at any time, and was 
 still less likely to be so at a period when every baron was an 
 independent prince who had his o\mi private objects and petty 
 jealousies in addition to the one great and universal grievance. 
 In such a league union is commonly ephemeral, and the dis- 
 putes of the Prince of Salerno and the Count of Samo, the 
 two leading barons ; and of the pope with San Severino ; soon 
 vitiated and weakened this confedemcy. The universal belief 
 that Alphonso of Calabria was resolved to destroy the barons 
 had united and compelled them to revolt ; the Anjou party were 
 rejoiced at this from a hope of recovering lost power and pro- 
 perty ; that of Aragon was in dismay from the fear of losing 
 both: such were the sentiments of the Neapolitan people, 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxv., p. 171. — f Mem. de Philippe dc Comincs, Lib. 
 Porzio, Congiura de' Baroni, Lib. i", vii., cap. i. 
 p. 69. 
 
458 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 amongst whom there was wide and universal disorder: the 
 roads were broken, trade arrested, the tribunals closed, and 
 every place full of terror, hope, and confusion. After a while 
 both parties became alarmed at each others strength, and the 
 increasmg discord between Sanio and Salenio generated in- 
 trigue suspicion and apprehension amongst the barons. Fer- 
 dinand had expressed a desire to meet his nobility in amicable 
 conference and after some difl&culties sent his second son 
 Frederic, a prince of totally opposite character to either father 
 or brother, to hear their demands at Salerno. Ferdinand's 
 offers were far too mild and gentle for his nature ; the barons 
 would not tnist and scarcely listened to them, but on the con- 
 trar}^ offered the crown to Don Frederic himself. Shocked 
 even at the bare idea of the crime they were thus tempting him 
 to commit he replied on the follo\Ning day in a bold and spirited 
 oration, by indignantly refusing to countenance any such pro- 
 posal and was instantly made prisoner. Little was done in the 
 field for the rest of the year, but San Severino audaciously 
 threw himself between the Duke of Calabiia and the Florentuies 
 whom he had gdlantly advanced to meet. In this state of 
 things with an army under Ferdinand's grandson to watch the 
 barons at home while his sou in concert with Florence and 
 Milan canied war into the ecclesiastical states, the year 1485, 
 terminated *. 
 
 By Florence this war was prosecuted more with negotiation 
 and intrigue than by force of arms : the Baglioni 
 were to revolutionize Perugia ; Vitelli was dead ; but 
 his sons were to make an attempt on Citta di Castello ; Gio- 
 vanni de' Gatti was urged if possible to assert his family 
 rights in Viterbo : Assisi, Foligno, ]Montefalco, Spoleto, Todi, 
 and Orvieto were all expected to follow the example of Peru- 
 gia, The pope checked them with great difl&culty and such a 
 division of force that all his efforts in favour of the barons were 
 
 A.D. 1486. 
 
 Porzio, Congiura de' Baroni, Lib. i", p. SH. — Ammirato, Lib. xxv,,p. 17L 
 
 CHAl'. 
 
 v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 459 
 
 paralysed *. It was May before any efficient movement of the 
 combined armies of Florence and Milan took place ; they were 
 now under the command of the Duke of Calabria, and on the 
 eif^hth of that month a battle was said to have been fought be- 
 tween liim and San Severino at Ponte Lamentana in which 
 after many hours of play the combatants separated with the 
 loss of a few prisoners on the papal side and the retirement of 
 San Severino ; not a smgle man being killed or wounded by 
 eitlier party; yet these bloodless battles did not render war less 
 fearful to the miserable peasantiy and poor defenceless people ! 
 The allies advanced towards Home which was thrown into con- 
 sternation by the Orsiiii, and Innocent's alarm was augmented 
 by Lorenzo de' Medici who with forged letters made him sus- 
 pect the fidelity of San Severino himself: peace was now 
 talked of; the sacred college with one exception urged it; 
 Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain whose union gave them vast 
 influence, strenuously endeavoured to promote it and the more 
 so because their possession of Sicily imparted both a right 
 and direct interest in the pacification of Italy especially to 
 stave off the threatening claims of France : other powers also 
 offered their mediation, and a treaty was finally concluded on 
 the eleventh of August I486, by which Ferdinand engaged to 
 pay the church an annual tribute for his kingdom as before ; 
 to acknowledge as her immediate vassals, the city of Aquila 
 with all the rebellious barons who had done homage for their 
 fiefs; and not only to pardon the other barons but dis- 
 pense with any personal homage at Naples and give sufficient 
 guarantees for their safety f . This unwonted clemency was 
 a mere tiger-like stratagem to gain time and opportunity 
 for a better spring : assured that neither Ferdinand and Isa- 
 bella, nor the Duke of MDan, nor Lorenzo de' Medici, who 
 were their sureties, would hold him hard to his promise, he ere 
 
 ♦ Ammirato, Lib. xxv., p. 1 73. Lib. xxv., p. 1 76.— Sismondi, vol. viii., 
 
 t Gio. Cambi, p. 38. — Ammirato, p. 185. 
 
460 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book ir. 
 
 CHAP, v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 461 
 
 A.D. 1487. 
 
 many months made sad havoc of their lives and property and 
 even arrested the wives and children of these unhappy and con- 
 fiding princes*. 
 
 No sooner had this peace relieved Florence than Loreiizi. 
 with his allies' assistance hent eveiy nerve to the re- 
 cover}- not only of Sarzana but Sarzanello, which had 
 been surprised this year by the Genoese ; he very soon satis- 
 fied his countn-men by the restoration of a place whose loss 
 had stained the national honour, and the Genoese war itself was 
 speedily terminated by that republic s submission to the Duke 
 of Milan f. Florence was now once more in repose and Lo- 
 renzo after marrying his daughter to Franceschetto Cibo turned 
 all his attention to the arts of peace and the encouragement of 
 literature. At this maniage a cardinal's hat was promised to 
 Giovanni de' ^ledici then but fourteen yeai's old ; an important 
 event in Florentine history, as it led to his early pontificate 
 under the name of Leo X. to the complete destmction of Flo- 
 rentine liberty, and to the subsequent exaltation of that family 
 as hereditar}^ princes of Tuscany % 
 
 On the fourteenth of April 1488, a tmgedy occurred in 
 Eomagna which if really instigated or abetted ly 
 Lorenzo as some authors have suspected and by 
 which he afterwards profited, would show that he fidly shared 
 the vindictive feelings of an age in which neither time nor 
 circumstances mitigated the deep desire of vengeance. Yet if 
 vengeance, which says a French author, '^ only aihh crime Uj 
 misfortune,'' were ever justifiable ; Lorenzo perhaps might have 
 been excused, exclusive of the attempts on his own life, for not 
 consigning his brother's murder to oblivion, had he not already 
 been sufficiently bathed in blood, the blood too of victims either 
 totally innocent, or infinitely less culpable than Piiario. Lo- 
 renzo's conduct is open to more suspicion because the result of 
 
 • Sismondi, vol. viii.,p. 187. — Porzio, •}* MacchiavelH, Lib. viii. 
 
 Congiura de' Baroni, Lib. iii. p. 189, X Ammirato, Lib. xxv.,pp. 179, 80. — 
 
 &c. SisTDondii voL viii., p. 192. 
 
 A.D. 1488. 
 
 tliis crime was to establish a strong Medician influence over 
 both Forli and Imola ; and the failure of his original designs 
 on the latter was beUeved to be one cause of quarrelling with 
 
 SLxtus IV. 
 
 Girolamo Riario Count of Forli and Imola, after the pope's 
 decease had retired from Rome to that principahty where he 
 fully maintained the cruel and tyrannical character of the 
 Romagnian tyrants and was accordingly murdered by three 
 officers of his own body guard in connection with only six other 
 conspirators. 
 
 Cecco del Orso, captain of the guards, with two more officers 
 named Louis Panzero and Giacomo Ronco entered his chamber 
 and poniarded him while the rest of his attendants Avere at 
 dinner : they then, after parting his vestments amongst them, 
 cast the naked and bloody corpse into the street where 
 the people, who were loudly incited to revenge, instantly 
 dragged it in triumph through the town. His widow Catha- 
 rine Sforza and her children were forthwith arrested, and the 
 whole city remained in the insurgents' possession, the citadel 
 alone remaining faithful ; nor would the governor listen to any 
 orders except from Catharine herself when fairly at liberty. 
 She accordhigly promised to give these orders, and was there- 
 fore allowed to enter the fortress her children being kept as 
 hostages ; but no sooner had she entered than in defiance of 
 her word the guns were turned on the citizens : they instantly 
 threatened to kill her children : " and if you do," said she 
 indignantly, " I have still a son at IVIilan and another within 
 me who wiU live to revenge the deed"*. 
 
 * Muratori, Annali. — Corio, Parte vi., 
 fol. 446. — Sismondi, vol. viii., p. 210. 
 — Ricordanze di Tribaldo de' Rossi, 
 Del. Erud. Tosc, torn, xxiii. — Mac- 
 chiavelli, Bruto, and Muratori, (the 
 last x^ith some hesitation) give a less 
 modest account of this rcjdy; but I 
 have followed Sismondi for the reasons 
 
 which he gives, (vol. viii. p. 210, 
 note.) Baylc is silent on it ; but 
 Bcmbo (Lib. iv., fol. 51) tells us that, 
 in 1 4.98, Venice counted on driving Ca- 
 torina Sforza from Forli, partly through 
 the faction of Antonio Ordelaffo within, 
 and partly " ow the hati^ed that the 
 citizens lore to that immodest woman,'^ 
 
462 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [UOOK II 
 
 The people proved more tender or less resolute than Catha- 
 rine and the threat was not executed ; but the conspirators 
 implored protection from Pope Innocent and Lorenzo de' 
 Medici, both of whom they thought might benefit by the deed. 
 Innocent commanded the governor of Cesina to render them 
 every assistance, and Lorenzo pressed by Lodovico Sforza and 
 Florentine interests, instantly despatched a strong force under 
 the Count of Pitigliimo and Rinuccio Faniese, ostensibly to 
 aid Caterina, but really to recover possession of the fortified 
 town of Piancaldoli in their way a place which Paario had 
 captured in the late wars ; and the object of both Pope and 
 Medici there is some reason for supposing was to secure Forh 
 for their son Franceschetto Cibo the husband of Maddaleua*. 
 
 In Marino Sanuto's chronicle, or diary, it is noted that 
 Marco Barbo podesta and captain of Ravenna wrote to the 
 Seignory of Venice an account of the whole conspiracy only 
 two days after it happened, in which it " was said to be the work 
 of Giovanni BentivoffUo and Lorenzo de Medici, in order to 
 give those towns to Franceschetto Cibo son of Pope Innocent 
 VIIL, who is the son-in-law of the said Lorenzo de' Medici." 
 But this is evidently one of the hurried reports of an excited 
 time which prove the general opinion then entertained of what 
 Lorenzo would or might be guilty of, rather th:in his real cul- 
 pability : he never directly assisted the conspirators though he 
 refrained from opposing them, and Bentivoglio who was the 
 Duke of Milan's soldier, actually despatched a large force to 
 the aid of Caterina while her uncle Lodovico lost not a moment 
 in sending further reenforcements from Milan, yet it is 
 curious that Manfredi of Faenza who was in Florentine pay 
 would not let him pass to attack the conspirators without 
 Lorenzo's permission f. 
 
 * Ricordanze di Tribaldo de' Rossi, p. tcmporan-, says in his diary, after re- 
 
 04i_Dei. Erud. Tosc, torn, xxiii. lating the above fact, "i^or <A€jt)rft?fn« 
 
 — Ammirato, Lib. xxvi., p. 1 82. / will say no mover " Per ora 7ion 
 
 t On this Tribaldo de' Rossi, a co- dicho altror Evidently intimating 
 
 CHAP, v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 463 
 
 These prompt succours soon reduced Forli to order but the 
 conspirators escaped to Siena: Ottoviano Riario was proclaimed 
 lord of Forli and Imola; Caterina regent; and the popes 
 troops, after having been diminished by some slaughter, were 
 exchanged for Riario's children. Not long after this Lorenzo 
 succeeded in marrying his cousin Giovanni de' Medici, a de- 
 scendant of Cosimo's brother Lorenzo and grandfather of the 
 Grand Duke Cosimo I. to this same Caterina Sforza, which 
 made Forli and Imola in a manner dependent on the Medici. 
 That Lorenzo had sufficient previous knowledge of this con- 
 spiracy to implicate him as an accomplice seems scarcely pro- 
 bable more especially as his son-in-law Cibo gained nothing by 
 ii ; but that it was confidently believed he would rejoice in th( 
 event the following letter addressed to liim from Lodovico an( 
 Cecco del Orso, two of the conspirators, affords undoubtec] 
 testimony if not something more ; and can scarcely be takei 
 as exculpatory. 
 
 •' Our most Worshipful and Magnificent Lorenzo. We art 
 " certain that ere this your magnificence will have been in- 
 '* formed of the death of this iniquitous and cursed ; I will not 
 *• say ' lord of ours ;' because he did not merit to be so. But 
 *' partly to perform our duty although we could not before do 
 " so, it seems good to us, considering liis presumptuous rash- 
 •' uess and brutal conduct in audaciouslv wishinjr to imbrue his 
 " hands in the blood of ijour magnificent and exalted house^ to 
 *' inform you of the cruel death tee have justly inflicted on him. 
 " Yom- magnificence is probably aware how this tyrant besides 
 " his household attendants maintained a hundred soldiers. The 
 *' Almighty so inspired us that braving every peril however great 
 *' we were firm in our resolution either to execute what we have 
 " done or never to return. For considering the strong guard 
 
 that he could, if he wished, tell some- such solemn innuendos are always to 
 
 thing more on the subject. (Vide be received with caution, as being 
 
 Ricordanze, Delizie degli Eniditi frequently mere cloaks for pompous 
 
 Toscanif torn, xxiii., p. 241). Yet ignorance or timid malice. 
 
464 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [eook 1I« 
 
 «( 
 
 (( 
 
 i( 
 
 (C 
 
 «i 
 
 It 
 
 *( 
 
 (( 
 
 t( 
 
 that this miscreant maintained, and we not being more than 
 nine persons to effectuate what was contemplated, we con- 
 sider it rather a divine than human work, as your magni- 
 ficence may conjecture ; because, excepting tliis cursed man 
 and another like himself, not a drop of blood has been spilt ; 
 a tiling beyond belief ! Nothing can be better disposed or 
 more firmly united than this community. We wish to inform 
 your magnificence of all these things because you have been 
 deeply injured and we are certain that you will take sbujular 
 pleasure in them. We shall never be able to inform you of all 
 his doings, yet partly to declare them, know then, that he not 
 only hated the citizens, but utterly disregarded both God and 
 the saints : he was a blood-sucker of the poor, regardless of 
 his word, and in short loved nothing but himself. He had 
 brought this town to the extremity of need, and in such a way 
 that even our very breath was scarcely left to us. At length 
 it has pleased the omnipotent God to liberate our people 
 from the hand of this Nero, and what he wished to do with 
 us God has enabled us to execute first on the tyrant's own 
 head, because he would no longer permit such malignity 
 and treachery as possessed this man. For his evil deeds, 
 and for love of your magnificence of wliom we are the 
 servants ; and for the good of the republic, and for our pro- 
 per interest we have done the deed and liberated this our 
 people from hell. Wherefore we pray your magnificence 
 that in this our necessity you will lend that aid and favour 
 that we hope from your magnificence, as well as your advice 
 as to what we are to do in tliis our need, otfering ourselves 
 to your magnificence for as much as we are worth, to execute 
 everything it may please you to command. We recommend 
 ourselves to your magnificence, quce bene valeat. And to 
 the end that you may rest satisfied with all tins we will con- 
 sider how this cursed race may never more take root. And 
 as regai'ds the citadels we hope that in the course of this day 
 
 CHAP. V.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 465 
 
 '• we shall have one, and besiege the other so as to force it to 
 '' capitulate. From Forli the IDtli day of April 148!^ "*. 
 
 About a month afterwards a scene more shocking and unna- 
 tural occurred at Faenza : Galeotto de' Manfredi lord of that 
 city was married to the daughter of Giovanni l>eutivoglio of 
 Bolof^na, but her first aflection was shortly changed into bitter- 
 ness and ultimate detestation by his illicit amours ; or as some 
 say, histigated by her father who at (ialeottos death expected 
 to gain possession of Lis property : be that as it may, her mind 
 was worked up to so wild a pitch that the most dreadful deeds 
 were desperately resolved upon. Concealing four murderers hi 
 her bedchamber she feigned illtlispo^iliun and invited Galeotto 
 to visit her; on his entrance they rushed suddenly from their 
 lair and after a hard battle, for he ^\a^ remarkable for strength 
 and activity, would have l)een ultimately baffied had not his wife 
 leaped from her bed and plunged a sword into his l»ody during 
 the stiiiggle. IkMitivoglio who still occupied Forli flew to her 
 assistance with the Bolognese and Milanese forces; Francesca 
 had taken refuge with her son in the citadel where the people 
 besieged them : for the latter, >t range to say, were attached to 
 the ^lanfredi, and exasperated at tlie unnatural murder ; and all 
 the vassals of jManfredo from \'d\ diLamoiie crowded tumultu- 
 ously into the city suspicious of lientivoglio s intentions, and 
 resolved to figlit fu- their independence : a conllict accordingly 
 took place in which Bergamino the ^Milanese general was killed 
 and Bentivoglio made prisoner. Antonio Boscoli the Flo- 
 rentine commissioner at ]\lanfredo"s court was then at Faenza ; 
 from liim the citizens instantly demanded protection and 
 Lorenzo, already alarmed lest Venice or ]\Iilan should possess 
 themselves of this state listened readily to their prayer, the 
 more so because Galeotto had before been disposed to part with 
 it to that wily rei)ublic, which would have brought a powerful 
 and dangerous neighbour conterminous with Florence. 
 
 * Roscoe, Life of Lorenzo, Appendix, Lib. xxi. 
 A'OL. in. H H 
 
466 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book u. 
 
 All her disposable forces under the Count of Pitigliano 
 immediately moved on Faenza and arrested the march of 
 fifteen thousand Holognese who had risen to deliver their chief 
 from captivity : Bentivoglio was however only detained as 
 a hostage at ]\Iodigliana until Lorenzo settled the affairs of 
 Faenza, for Florence as well as the 1^'aentini, was suspicious of 
 his intentions about that city. Eight citizens (.f Faenza ami 
 eight from Val di Lamone were j»laced in iliarge of young 
 Astorre ^lanfredo then onlv three years old wliile Franceses 
 was given into her father s hands ; after this Bentivoglio was 
 relejised and recommended to meet Lorenzo at his villa of 
 Cafaggiolo in the ^lugello where these friendly chieftain^ 
 discussed their affairs at leisure ; but the tragedy of Faeuzu 
 increased Lorenzo's power and influence in Ilomagna t(^ a 
 greater extent than ever*. 
 
 The acts of Caterina Sforza and Francesca Bentivoglio are 
 two impressive examples of female resolution and intensity of 
 feeling: the one was driven by unrequited afTection, real ui 
 imagined injur}' and perhaps some paternal influence, to an 
 act of the deepest vengeance : the other was exalted by mis- 
 fortune to a supernatural heroism : the husband of one was an 
 odious tyrant pui-sued by the curses of a sufl'ering people ; that 
 of the other a prince beloved by his subjects. Caterina risked 
 some of her chfldren's lives through devotion to her husband s 
 memory and the duty of securing his inlieritauce to the rest ; 
 Francesca with her own hand sacrificed both her lord and 
 every conjugal duty to her vindictive jealousy ; yet the im- 
 pulse of intense momentaiy feeling seems to have been the 
 moving principle in both, and a rightly-maimged Francesca 
 might have equalled or even sui-passed a Catharine. 
 
 During this period Genoa became the sport of civil war and 
 incessant revolution. An alUance between Clara Sforza, natural 
 
 • Ammirato. Lib. xxvi., p. 182.— —Roscoe, Life of Lorenzo, chap, viii., 
 Macchiavelli, Lib. viii.— Muratori, p. '228.— Michele Biuto, Storia Fior., 
 Annali. — Sismondi, vol. viii., p. 211. Lib. viii., p. 491. 
 
 WW 
 
 CJIAP. v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 467 
 
 daut^hter of Galeazzo-Maria the late duke of Milan, and Fre- 
 gosino the illegitimate son of Cardinal Paulo Fregoso the 
 reigning doge, had once more given that restless connnonwealth 
 into Milanese hands : this excited great anger, and Ibletto 
 and Giovan-Luigi de' Fieschi two distinguished brothers con- 
 spired to dethrone him : after a succession of the most fierce 
 and destructive combats in the streets of Genoa, Lodorico 
 interfered with such effect as to place Agostino Adorno in the 
 doge's chair with the title of ducal lieutenant for ten years ; and 
 in October 1488 Genoa became again a Milanese dependancy. 
 The storms of Genoese faction violent and frequent as they 
 were, exceeded not the continued anarchy of Siena from the 
 moment that Alphonso removed tlie weight of Neapolitan autho- 
 rity : exiles, proscriptions, violent and sanguinaiy executions 
 filled the annals of that boisterous republic ; every faction and 
 order in the state was successively abolished, proscribed, or 
 pei'secuted, and at every new revolution there were fresh mas- 
 sacres. The exiles, no longer scattered were now collected 
 in large masses, tlie earlier victims of anarchy being reconciled 
 in misfortune with the very men who liad expelled them : 
 they comprised all denominations, all llietions, orders, and 
 shades of politics, and agreed to fuse every hostile feeling 
 amongst themselves into one present implacable and glowing 
 indignation against their counnon enemy. Treaties of oblivion 
 and amity were signed by different knots of them in different 
 countries, various attempts were sul)sequently made for their 
 own restoration, and all these ended successfully in 1487. 
 One small party from Staggia; a petty fortress on the Floren- 
 tine frontier made a bold assault and got into Siena more 
 by good fortune than skill and seized the government ; and in 
 this enterprise was it that the celebrated Pandolfo Petrucci first 
 began to take that lead in Senese politics which ended in his 
 long-continued and absolute authority *. 
 
 * Sismondi, vol. viii., p. 203.— Orlaii. Malavolti, Parte iii% Lib. v°, fol. 81-03. 
 
 II H 2 
 
468 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book k. 
 
 CHAP, v.] 
 
 FLORENTINF. HISTORY. 
 
 469 
 
 The condition of these two republics was not displeasing to 
 Lorenzo who made alliances with hotli ; a neighbouring ex 
 ample of well-regulated freedom alarmed him more than eitlu r 
 anarchy or absolute sovereignty, for tlie former was unlikely 
 to excite any dangerous feelings amongst the industrious 
 masses of Florentine citizens, and the latter was too congenial 
 to his own. 
 
 In the gonfaloniership of Nero Cambi towards the end 
 of thib year, when the new elections were to take idace, it was 
 discovered that in despite of the usual prohibition to quit tlie 
 city during this period, several gonfaloniers of companies were 
 missing ; and as without a certain number the election of tlio 
 Seignory could not proceed although the people were already 
 assend)led, all Florence was thrown into disorder. An express 
 was promptly despatched for Piero Borghini, one of that body 
 who was known to be at his villa, but he thinking there would 
 be enough without him disregarded the order until a second 
 horseman brought him up, booted and spurred as he was and 
 sp'laslied with dirt, into the presence of the Scignoiy wlio 
 insUmtly punished his disobedience by admonition from every 
 public office for three years. On the same occasion three other 
 gonfoloniers of companies were also admonislied from the three 
 higher magistracies for being absent against orders. All this 
 seemed a veiy just and natural exercise of authority in the 
 supreme magistracy, especially as tluy had previously asked 
 advice from the *' Otto di Pratica," a council of high authority, 
 which had left the whole matter to their own discretion. But 
 when the new Seignory assumed their functions it was declared 
 extremely presuwptuous that ivitliont the jtarticipation 
 of Lorenzo de' Medici, *' prince of the f/t)vernment :' 
 who was then amusing himself at Pisa ; such an exer- 
 cise of authority should have taken place. Complaints were 
 accordingly made to him by the sufferers and their friends ; and 
 he listening to one statement alone peremptorily commanded 
 
 i. 
 
 the " Otto di Pratica" and the Senate of Seventy not only to 
 reverse the sentence, but to admonish tlie gonfalonier Nero 
 Cambi from all his rights of citizenship for having passed it ! 
 Such was Lorenzo's power, and such his jealousy of the 
 slightest shadow of independence in the public actions of his 
 fellow-citizens ! For independent of other things the punish- 
 Tiient of Nero Cambi was in direct violation of every privilege 
 of the Seignory who were responsible for nothing but pecula- 
 tion after their official dignity had ceased -. 
 
 From this period until the death of Lorenzo Italy remained 
 at peace and little of any moment occurred at Florence; his 
 power augmented daily, and like a deep and rapid stre:nn 
 looked clear and smooth and beautiful until crossed by some 
 obstacle ; then its force mounted up and swept everything vio- 
 lently away. Nor was it alone in Florence tluit its strength and 
 volume were felt ; Lorenzo's true object luid interest like Fer- 
 dinand's was peace and they h(d(l the balance in their hand : 
 the unquiet nature of Al[)liouso was doubtful and dangerous, 
 but Lorenzo ruled the unextinct energitv- of a powtn-ful republic 
 with the decision and unity of an al)solute monarch and would 
 allow no seeds of discord to be sown without an instantaneous 
 effort to destroy: he influenced all the smaller states, and 
 the vast weight of Florence cast on the side of one or other of 
 the greater was never without its consequences. Disputes for 
 instance occurred this year between L(»dovico Sforza and Al- 
 phonso of Calabria about the formers virtually usuri)ing the 
 whole sovereign authority of ^lilan from his nephew: and 
 these, partly by persuasion, and partly by threats of placing 
 himself on the side of the injuriul party. Lorenzo settled as 
 he did most others; for he was well convinced that nothing 
 would prove more dangerous to his own :uithoiity than any 
 increase of power in either of these potentates. By such 
 
 * Gio. Cambi, Stt>iia, Fior. Del. Kr. Tos., Unu. xxi.. \\ 3!).— Auimirato, Lib. 
 26, p. 183. 
 
470 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [UOOK II. 
 
 judicious management he maintained tlie peace of Italy, well 
 knowing, that no ties, whether of relationship, or ohligation, or 
 personal attachment would ever have tlie benelicial effects that 
 are produced hy fear on sovereign princes --. 
 
 If Cosimo purchased the liberties of I'lorence Lorenzo re- 
 ceived back the money with interest, not in power 
 alone but in gold and silver : under the gonlalonier- 
 sliip of riero Alamanni in July and xVugiist 1 IDO the disorder 
 of his finances had become so great as to make a fresh grant of 
 public money absolutely necessary to restore them, and in tlie 
 year 1401, other fraudulent means were adopted to make up 
 the deficiency. His extensive commercial establishments were 
 necessarily left in the hands of agents who pulled up with the 
 importiince of their master's name, squandered his substance 
 while they neglected his atTairs : from the beginning his credit 
 had been sustained by occasional grants of public uiuiuy to a 
 large amount ; but now the evil was so alarmingly increased 
 that a \iolent effort of the commonwealth beeame necessaiy to 
 remove it, and that effort no less than puldic bankruptcy.' 
 On the thirteenth of August 141)0, a Balia of seventeen mem 
 bei-s with the full powers of the whole Florentine nation was 
 created to examine the condition of the coinage, the state of 
 the various " Gahellc,'' and the public tiuanees as connected 
 with the private necessities of Lorenzo ; to ascertain also what 
 was spent on the occasion of making his son a cardinal, whicli 
 with subsequent donations amounted to r)(M)OU florins. The 
 disorder both of the public revenues, and the private resources 
 of the Medici was extreme, the former having even been anti- 
 cipated and spent by his own and his agents' extravagance : the 
 portions of young women, already mentioned as forming a public 
 stock based on national faith and moral integrity were the first 
 and greatest sufferei-s ; this branch of the public debt whicli 
 previously paid three per cent, per annum was at once reduced 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxv., p. 184. — Jacopo Pitli, Lib. i", p. 26. 
 
 CHAP. V.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 471 
 
 by the authority of the commission to half that interest ; and 
 the instantaneous fall of public credit reduced the " Luofjhi 
 di Monte,'' or shares of a hundred florins of public stock, from 
 twenty-seven to eleven and a half! The young women who 
 married were allowed a sufficient sum from their portions to 
 pay the contract duty, which of course immediately returned to 
 the treasury : the remainder was reserved, and a payment of 
 seven per cent, promised at the end of twenty years ! 
 
 One consequence of this was Ji sudden check to marriage ; 
 and when the portions were invested in public securities dowers 
 of fifteen hundred, eighteen hundred, and even two thousand 
 florins were given by parties of equal rank to make up the 
 deficiency between real and nominal portions where eleven 
 hundred' had previously served. There were consequently 
 few marriages except those accomplished by force of reiuly 
 money, and even for these Lorenzo's permission became 
 
 necessary' ! 
 
 " Now," says (iiovanni Cauibi, with all the indignation that 
 might be expected from the sou of the persecuted Neri, " now 
 " let all reflect on what it is to set up tyrants in the city and 
 " create Balias, and assemble pariiaments *." The depreciated 
 curreiiiies of Siena, Lucca, and I^ologna affected that ^ ^ ^^^j 
 of Florence, so that to keep the silver coin in the 
 country it was in like manner depreciated : this measure was 
 considered fair and necessary at the moment by many; but for 
 the people's quiet, who first and most sensibly feel sucli evils 
 and who now justly began to murmur ; it was announced as a 
 measure for enabling government to pay those marriage por 
 tions which had been stopped the previous year. The public 
 for a season appear to have acquiesced in this, not immediately 
 perceiving that they were paying Lorenzo de' Medici's debts ; 
 but when this new money, called the " Quattrino bianco'' was 
 issued at one-fifth more than its real value and not taken by 
 
 * Gio. Cambi, Del. Erud. Tos., torn, xxi., p. 54. 
 

 FLORENTINE HISTORY, 
 
 [cook !I. 
 
 the treasury for more than its actual worth, the citizens saw 
 plainly that they were defrauded and that every species of tax- 
 ation was A-irtually augmented by it to that amount, whereupon 
 a deep murmur of indignation pervaded tlie community. Their 
 anger was vain ; Lorenzo's private necessities required tlie 
 sacrifice and his power enforced it ! Thus was this despot's 
 fortune and mercantile credit reestablished at the expense of 
 his country more especially of his poorer fellow-citizens =- 
 but after these cruel and scandalous i)r( mcc, linos it is falselv 
 said by Macchiavelli and other historians tli;it he abandoned 
 all commercial enterprise, ch)sed his estabhshments, and ex- 
 pended his ill-gotten cajntal in the purchase (.f land and the 
 pui-suits of agriculture f . 
 
 When Innocent VIII. made Giovimni de' Medici a cardinal 
 
 A.n. 14JJ2. ^^*® *^^^ ^^y ^^^ comi^leted the age of fourteen, being 
 rather ashamed of his work he accomi)anied this 
 honour by a stii)ulati()n that the hat was not to be worn for thror 
 years. That time had now elapsed, Innocent sent the long- 
 desired insignia and thus prepared the way tor a pontificate 
 which encouraged Italian genius, and estahlishe<l Medician 
 grandeur. The ceremony of assuming this hat was performed 
 with great pomp on the tenth of March 1 111-^, and on the ninth 
 of the following April Lorenzo breathed his last at Careggi in 
 the forty-fourth year of his age ;. 
 
 * Gio. Canil.i, Del. Ennl. Tos., torn. 
 xxi.,pp. 60-Gl. — Amiiiir:ito,Lil).xxvi., 
 p. 18.5.— Sisniondi, vol. viii., p. -23.5. 
 — Ricordanze di Trtbaldi de Rossi, 
 toni. xxiii., p. '277.— Del. P:rud. Tos- 
 rani. 
 
 t This ciTor is proved not only by 
 fiuicciardini (Lib. i., p. 65) but niorc 
 ronrlusively by three original docu- 
 ments, of their bank at Lyon. One 
 dated I47f{, in the n.imes of Lorenzo, 
 frlultano,andSamt(i; anotherin 1 48.5, 
 with Lorenzo's name alone of the .Me- 
 dici ; and a tliird. the most important, 
 
 in 1404 on the '27th Manh, only a 
 short time In ;>iv Picro's fall, in his 
 own and his near kiti<nian Lorenzo 
 Tornabwoni's name. (Xule Doruincjiti 
 di Sforia] Italia na, v-d. i", ]>. 18, No. 
 III.) A valuable piibliratioii by the 
 learned,ent('rpiisino;, ;,iid indefatigable 
 Giuseppi Afolini of FloRine. from the 
 original MSS. in the Roval Library at 
 Paris, with >hort, cleiir, and eharac- 
 teristie notes by the able and learned 
 Marchcse Gino Capponi, a worthy re- 
 presentative of a great name. 
 X Such an event as Lorenzo's death 
 
 nur. v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE IIISTOKV 
 
 473 
 
 On his deathbed Lorenzo is said to have sent for Girolamo 
 Savonarola, (wliom he had always unsuccessfully courted), to 
 confess and grant him absolution. The monk first demanded 
 whether he placed entire iiiith in the mercy of God ? and was 
 answered in the affirmative. He next asked if Lorenzo were 
 ready to surrender all tlie wealth which he had wrongfully 
 acquired '? And this, after some hesitation was also answered 
 in the affirmative. The third question was if he would reesta- 
 blish popular government and restore puVdic liberty? but to 
 this he would give no answer, or according to others gave a 
 decided negative ; ui)on which the uncompromising churchman 
 quitted him without bestowing absolution-. 
 
 This anecdote is contemptuously treated by lloscoe as only 
 worthy of being noticed for the sake of confutation : but he does 
 not confute it ; and besides its insertion hi the Life of Savona- 
 rola by the nephew of Loreiiz(»"s great friend and companion Pico 
 della Mirandola, it is in keephig with the character of both men. 
 The character of Lorenzo de" Medici has been so fre(piently and 
 so variously drawn that it becomes as difficult to know where to 
 arrest the praises of his eulogists as the censure of his detrac- 
 tors. He, like every other celebrated man of a distant age and 
 countrv, mu^t be judged with full allowance for the maimers 
 and customs of the time, the force of habit, education, and cir- 
 cumstances, the prevailing ideas and opinions, and the definition 
 of ri^ht and wrong as they were then generally understood and 
 admitted. lievenge tmd ambhion were in those days pasMons 
 universally allowed to be not only justifiable but honourable and 
 necessary, and human life of little comparative value : nay a 
 skilfully executed voiigeanco ( ven unto death was esteemed a 
 
 might be sup]>osed to have been cor- pie, insulated, and notorious a fliet ! I 
 reedy recorded in Florence. Yet it have foll(»wed Giovanni Cambi because 
 is variously given bv dilferetit authors his attention was esi.eciully called to the 
 (three of' them cotemi)()raries) us date from his superstition about prog- 
 having occurred on the oth, 7tli, i5th, nostics. (Tide G. Cambi, pp. ^^-(il)-) 
 and 9th of April ! So difficult is it to * Storia di Gir. Savonarolo^da Ferrara, 
 discover the truth even about so sim- p. 32, iv" Edit. Livorno, 1782. 
 
474 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOUY. 
 
 [book ii. 
 
 proof of boldness and skill and called forth the approbation 
 rather than the abhorrence of society : to a certain point it sup- 
 plied the place of modern duelling, yet with this marked differ- 
 ence, that it was used to vindicate real injuries, not mere verbal 
 insults. But if life were held thus cheap, liberty and property 
 were still more lightly considered in the opinion and triumph 
 of a successful faction. Taking such things into the account it is 
 probable that Lorenzo was neither the sanguinary usurper of Sis- 
 mondi nor the perfection of human nature and model of princes 
 that Roscoe would wish us to believe. His most sanmiinan' 
 act was allowing a massacre on his own personal account to 
 continue for upwards of four days when he had the power to 
 arrest it ; and that alone may be deemed sufficient to justify 
 Sismondi's strictures. But something even on this head may 
 be said for a man who had just seen his only brother stabbed 
 to the heart, himself wounded, and with dillicultv saved ; who 
 knew that his own and his family's ruin was determined ; who 
 was uncertain of the extent of the conspiracy ; and w ho excused 
 such vengeance in some degree to his own conscience by the 
 delusive idea of having left his cause in the people's hands. 
 Sismondi records a number of events which he thinks are suffi- 
 cient to justify the epithet of sanguinary executions, but whicli 
 cannot all be fairly charged against Lorenzo in that odious sig- 
 nification. The banishment of hostile citizens under his father's 
 direction in 1460 at eighteen years of age when treating witli 
 Luca Pitti can hardly be laid to his charge and was after all 
 a mere following up of the usual Florentine course after the 
 suppression of a most dangerous conspiracy. The death of Papi 
 Orlandis son in 1408 for an attempt to betray Tescia was also 
 during his father's life and perfectly justifiable, inasmuch as the 
 conspiring to deliver a fortified town into the hands of rebels 
 and enemies is treason against the country whoever may be 
 its ruler*. The attempts on Castelonchio and Prato were 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxiii., pp. 100-110. 
 
 
 ClIAP. v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 475 
 
 for the same reason justifiably punished ; and the pillage and 
 consequent massacre at A^oUerra was one of those unlucky 
 accidents that war is subject to, but tlicn more especially so 
 from the difliculty of restraining an undisciplined army of mer- 
 cenaries-. It was never intended by the commander nor does 
 it appear that Lorenzo was even present wlicn it occurred. 
 The death of some Florentine exiles at San (^lirico in J 485, 
 w:is merely a conflict of civil war of so trifling a nature as not 
 to be considered worthy of notice in the foregoing hislory ; and 
 the letter written to Elena Orsini Countess of Soana and (Juido 
 Sforza Count of Santa Fiore, to remove the Sencse exik^s wlio 
 had encamped round Saturnia in 1181^ is of a simihir clunactcr, 
 but belongs almost exclusively to the Senf^sc history |. The 
 reason why Sismondi calls them Florentines is not more easy to 
 conjecture than that of his garbled extract from Lionardo ]\lorelli 
 which relates entirely to the came of Vol terra's revolt and the 
 l)loodshed whicli followed it iimomjM thrpfojilc thrmsclrcs^hni not 
 to the military massacre, as he woidd wish to make it appear J. 
 That the ]\ledici purchased the liberties of their country is 
 
 ♦ L. Morclli, pp. 180-189. 
 + Ainiiiirato's uoids arc, " l''ii srritto 
 a I-Ilciia Orsina Contrssa <li Soana e a 
 ruiido Sfniza Coute di Santafioic, clic 
 cspondo loro vicini s' iiiiicgnapscro ic- 
 rarsdi diuairzi.'" Ami Sismondi tnkt-s 
 this last pliiasc as meaning to dcsputrli 
 tlicm. This is certainly one of ItB 
 sijjnifications ; Init it also means to re- 
 move tlicm from the jdace tliey oci n- 
 pied, and in this sense is evidently 
 intcndcil bv Ammirato; beennsc they 
 were mncli too numerous and well 
 armeil for murder, lieinp the remains 
 of a strontj body of Hencse exiles 
 wlio.sc dislodpement would ** do [p'vtU 
 itrrvicc to the hafjuc and Uvrjit 
 their own tcirifor]/."" Hut the his- 
 torian adds, " tluy dispersed of them- 
 selves^ not harimj rcsourees.'" (Am., 
 Lib. XXV., p l/ill.) iMorelli's words 
 arc " Addi 26 d' Aprilc 1472, o' Vol- 
 
 terrani si rubellorono da' J'^iorentini 
 per eerto fdepno tli rajjionc di Allumi, 
 elic per inven/.ione si trovo no' loro 
 tcrreni. Mpli nrieno volnto 1' utile in 
 eomuno loro, ehe venno in privati eil- 
 tndini qui dclla eitti\ ; dove chc nc 
 sepui della term loro, morlc d' uoniini. 
 Snrehbe lunr/o il dire dcUc cose; e 
 perd e hen taeere. (^ui si fete xx. 
 uomini di guerru, c presono per Capi- 
 tano, rl Conte tl' Trbino, c nnindovisi 
 cl Campo, c a di l(j di (iiugno 1472, 
 si riebbc, c nndi) a faeco ; c dice chc 
 c* Hanese ri furono molti mnlcsta, c 
 chc ehhono il eambio, per la eavalrata 
 del C'tmto t'arlo da Montona C\)itano 
 di Volterra,iScr\ (p. !»!).) 
 X Ammirato, liib. xxv., p.l^n. — M.ila- 
 volti, I^il>. v., folio JIU. — Sismondi, vol. 
 viii., cap. xc., p. 250, note. — Lionardo 
 Morclli, p. lUi). 
 
476 
 
 FLOIlENTINi: IIISTOUY. 
 
 [nooK II. 
 
 undoubted, and tlmt the majority were willing to dispose of 
 them is equally true ; that the pinchase-monoy was repaid with 
 interest is not to be denied, and that Lorenzo put no bounds 
 to his ambitious love of dominion will be universally admitted 
 by the readers of Florentine history. His great object was 
 himself and the aj^grandisement of his family ; and to these as 
 far as he was able he made everything subservient, from the 
 general politics of Italy to the domestic government of Florence. 
 So great was his reputation that both the king of Naples and 
 Lodovico of Milan feared his power, not alone, but as inchn- 
 iug the balance towards an adversaiy, and ho has gencriilly 
 been considered as tlie guardian of Italian tranquillity*. It 
 was his interest to be so, because war was costly and augmented 
 discontent ; it was perilous and encouraged rebellion, and every 
 hour of peace consolidated more and more the weight of his 
 personal authority. His iidluence with Lodovico and his general 
 foresight might probably have preserved peace for a season ; 
 but whether he would have been able to avoid the wars that 
 arose at his death is problematical, for they sprang from other 
 causes over wbich he had no control and which were not ready 
 for action while he ruled Florence. Certainly no prince or 
 citizen, not even Cosimo, had more inlluence or reputation in 
 Italy. To two things he is supposed prhjcipally to have directed 
 his most earnest attention ; namely to preserve such an equality 
 amongst the mass of iuiluential citizens that neither in private 
 fortune nor public power any single individual should become 
 formidable ; while he at the same time endeavoured by cveiy 
 outward mark of moderation, familiarity, and respri^t, as well as 
 by equity in the adnnnistration of justice (no political object 
 intervening) to disarm jealousy and gain public favour. The 
 second was that the petty states of Tuscany allied to Florence 
 should be mainUiined in linn union with each other so as to 
 oppose a steady front to greater and more distant potentates : 
 
 • Aunnirato, Lib. xxvi., p. 187. — Gio. Caiul)i, p. C7. 
 
 CHAP, v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 477 
 
 by such policy he doubled the power of his country and made 
 her formidable to all her neighbours as a defensive state, and 
 in this way by wielding with skilful and steady hand the ener- 
 gies of Morence without molesting any, he hoped if life had 
 lasted to unite under his own single influence the states of 
 Lucca, Siena, Perugia, Bologna, Citta di Castello and all the 
 lords of l!oiiiagna, so as to form a powerful confederacy against 
 any violence. On the Genoese frontier he was saf(\ because 
 independent oi that republic's lost hidependence, the possession 
 of Sarzaua, Sar/anella, and Pietra Santa prevented any appre- 
 hensions: against danger on the Bolognese side he had strength- 
 ened Fircnzuola in the Apennines ; and Siena was kept at 
 bay by the newly restored fortress of Poggio Imperiale, now 
 Poj]f<^il!onzi'''^ 
 
 Lorcn/o spent large sums of money in continually-recurring 
 games and festivals which were freely and politically given to the 
 people ; and as they were arranged and conducted by the first 
 artists and literary men of tlie day they gradually reiined the 
 public taste and inspired a relish for something beyond the 
 mere buflVxjnery of a connnon crowd : tournaments were not 
 unfrecpient, and all the public games partook of a classical, mag- 
 nificent, and manly character. His patronage of literature and 
 the arts need not be here spoken of ; his own talents were uni- 
 versal and powerful, and nnisic painting, poetry, sculpture and 
 architecture had no better judge or patron than Lorenzo. His 
 mode of life at home was simple and frugal as was still the 
 general custom; in public he was grand and magnificent: 
 whenever he left his house he was attended by ten servants with 
 cloaks and swords as a guard, and after the Pazzi conspiracy he 
 for three years was acconq^anied by four armed citizens besides 
 the twelve guards that were decreed to him by the republic f . 
 In discussion he was acute and eloquent ; wise and pradent 
 in resolve and rapid in execution. He delighted in men of a 
 
 * Macchiavelli, Lib. viii.— Briito,Lib. viii., p. 495. f Gio. Cainbi, pp. 65-7. 
 
 Tf^Hiff'' 
 
478 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 biting and satirical turn, and loved all boyish sports and 
 amusements to a degree that alarmed the gravity of more 
 formal statesmen. He ^vas often found romping with his cliil 
 dren and mixing in all their games ; so that, says ^[actliiavilli 
 who probably knew him personally, " When we consider iLl 
 light and careless, the grave and considerate, tlie free and vti- 
 luptuous life of this man, two different beings united in almost 
 impossible conjunction were distinctly perceptible." 
 
 A sudden peal of thunder and flash of liglitning without rain 
 in the clear and starliglit night of tli.^ sixth of April 140-^, 
 startled the inhabitants of Florence; and their superetition 
 was fui'ther excited next morning when it was known that the 
 lantern of the Duomo had been struck wnth terrific force and 
 the fall of a marble block of three thousand pounds weiglit 
 which breaking through the solid cupola like paper destroyed 
 the banner of the ]Medici in its course and fell on the i)avement 
 without a fracture. Lorenzo liaving for some time previous 
 been confined at Careggi in great suffering tliis event was 
 rceived as a sure prognostic of his death *. 
 
 He was attended in his last moments by Piero Leoni a cele- 
 brated physician of the day, and, says (iiovanni Cand)i, "The 
 night that Lorenzo died two voung citizens of his satelhtes 
 took Leoni to a little distance from the place by night and as 
 is reported cast him into a well which was a great pity ; after- 
 wards it was said that he had thrown himself down in a lit of 
 despair. God pardon them." There seems to be still some 
 doubt of the real author of Piero Leoni's death, and Lorenzo's 
 eldest son Piero de' Medici has not c>i:ip»d suspicion though 
 Trebaldo de' Ptossi denies it, and asserts that Leoni committed 
 suicide f . 
 
 Lorenzo left three sons ; Piero the eldest married Alfonsina 
 
 * Gio. Cambi, torn, xxi., p. 63, Del. f Ricordanzc tli Tiib. de Rossi, torn. 
 
 Er. Tos. — Ricordaiize di Tribaldo de' xxiii., pp. 275, 27'', Del. Kru. Tos- 
 
 Rossi, Del. degli Eru. Toscan., torn. cani. — Ammirato, Mb. xxvi., p. \IG. 
 
 xxxiii., p. 274. — Gio. Cambi, p. 61. 
 
 CHAP, v.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 479 
 
 Orsino ; Giovanni, afterwards Leo X. and Giuliano who was 
 a child when his fother died. His eldest daughter Lucre- 
 zia married Jacopo Salviati, another, Maddalena, became the 
 wife of Franceschetto Cibo. A third, Contessina, was united 
 to Piero Ilidolfi, and a fourth Luisa, who married her cousin 
 Giovanni de' Medici, died early ='-. " Piero," exclaims Cambi, 
 *' was guilty of every vice, wherefore we may hope that by the 
 grace of God, the city will soon be free from tyrants ; for the 
 citizens are aware of their error '" f. 
 
 CoTEMPORARY MoNARCHs. — England: Edward IV. to 1483, then Edward 
 V. for scarcely three mouths, then Richard 111. until 1485, then Henry VII. 
 — Scotland: James III. until 1487, tlien James IV. — France: Louis XI. 
 until 1483, then Charles VIIl. — Naples : Ferdinand. — Spain: Ferdinand 
 and Isabella. — Conquest of Granada, I4ir_\-— German Emperor, Frederic III. 
 — Burgundy : Maria until 1482, then Piiilip. — Pope, Sixtus until 1484, then 
 Innocent VHI. — Ottoman Empire: Muhumet II. until 1481, then Bayezid 
 or Baja/et II. who was the first Sultan inclined to peace. 
 
 * Macchiavelli, Lib. viii. 
 t The histories of both Maccliiavelli 
 and Bruto terminate with the death of 
 Lorenzo ; but the works of Macchia- 
 velli in various ways continue the his- 
 tory of his time. Bruto is no great 
 loss, and seems overrated as an his- 
 torian ; he draws from few sources, is 
 prejudiced, and not to be trusted in 
 
 his abuse of the ^ledici without the 
 authority of others. Living much 
 witli tiic Florentine refugees at Lyon, 
 he imbibed their passions prejudices 
 and party sjtirit as is said, and thus 
 tainted his writings. He lived from 
 1513 to 1594. Macchiavelli from 
 about 1469 to 15-26. 
 
4S0 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book [1. 
 
 CIlArTEK VI. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1492 TO A.D. I4 9S. 
 
 AJK U!)2. 
 
 The dentil of I^oreiizo de' Medici forms an important epoch 
 m Italian bistorv, for from tliat time forth a dark and aiifTjrv 
 torrent drove furiously down on the Peninsula until 
 
 ft' 
 
 every vestige and even the verv n.iinc of independence 
 was swept into oblivion. It may he said tliat Venice alone 
 escaped; for the temporal sovereignty of Konic was distracted 
 and controlled by the great transalpine^ irinnarclii' > : yrt just 
 before, excepthij:? some remains of hostility bctwotn I'lorenc 
 and Genoa wliich were speedily obliteratt ^l, all Italy was in 
 profound repose-'-'; she was niled more orles^ widely by Itnlini! 
 princes, unshackhMl by strangers, guarded by native soldiers, 
 and collected within her own natural limits 4. She is descril*ed 
 at this epoch as abounding in riches, population, and commerce ; 
 as studded with splendid cities, each the gHttc ring ca[dtal of a 
 small principality or the metropolis of a j'-u. rfid state; as the 
 temple of religion ; the seat of arts and >Lj<;in.f : the academy 
 of literature ; the school of philosophy ; and the bower of taste 
 and retinement ; and had her morality only kept pace with her 
 intellect she would have proved ti glorious example to the 
 world. Yet the melancholv fact is nowhere more visible than 
 in Italian history, of the slight influence, independent of re- 
 ligion, which is exercised over our moral nature by the single 
 
 * Home it appears that Genoa, as these still rcinaininir hostilities wt-ic 
 
 before, >till retained a certain power of terminated by the uuJiatiou of Lo- 
 
 independeiit action which her subjec- dovico. 
 
 lion to Milan did not destroy ; and f Ainmirato, Lib. x.wi., p. 187. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE niSTORT. 
 
 481 
 
 force of learning, refinement, and intellectual cultivation : some 
 of the very men avIio are most execrated for their w^anton 
 cruelty, tyranny, and unscrupulous licentiousness, are to be 
 found amongst the greatest patrons and lovers of those arts and 
 sciences which are supposed to soften and civilise mankind. 
 
 Many causes at this time united to produce and preserve 
 Italian tranquillity ; dynasties had been changed or separated 
 from ancient connections, states had lost their liberty; the 
 fiercer pontiffs had ])ast away, and long wars had exhausted 
 the Peninsula; but gener;d opinion mainly attributed it to the 
 pervading iniluence of I...renzo de' Medici, and the calami- 
 ties that immediately followed his death brought this reputa- 
 tion into bolder and brighter relief tban it perhaps really 
 deserved; for who will assert that Lorenzo de' Medici could 
 have averted the sal!se(picnt misfortunes of his country •-;=? 
 
 Before we enter on the narrative of this new and momentous 
 era, momentous not only for Italy but the whole civilised 
 globe ; an era marked by ambition, war, science, geographical 
 discovery, noble inventions, religious innovation, and a bold 
 spirit of adventtn-e and intellectual inquiry that gushed with 
 unwonted prodigality upon the soil of iMn-ope and streamed in 
 painful si)lendour over the new discovered world. Before we 
 enter upon this epoch it may be convenient to give a rapid view 
 of the ])(ditical state of those nations that sooner or later were 
 to be ailectrd bv the cominijf ch.-ni'te. 
 
 The Asiatic and African states bordering on Europe were 
 ruled by the Soldan of i:gypt juid Syria and the Tui-kish Ba- 
 jazet: this sultan's sway was extended over Greece, Thrace, 
 and Macedonia, part of Sclavonia, and tliose countries border- 
 ing the I^lack Sea. His armies were numerous, permanent, 
 and strictly disciplined ; an<l his power would have deepened 
 the alarm already excited by Amurath and I\Iahomet, had lie 
 
 * Gio. Canihi, p. 07. — Gnicciardini, Istoria de' Italia, Lib. i., pp. 3-10.— 
 Jacopo Pitti, Lib. i«, p. 2C, 
 
 VOL. III. I I 
 
482 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 not, after tranquillising his owii states, exhibited a more pacific 
 disposition than either. His militaiy enterprises were almost 
 exclusively against the warlike Soldan of Egj'pt from the con- 
 tines of whose state to the Atlantic ocean the African hills 
 and plains were ruled for the most part by potentates of little 
 force or consideration. The chief of them at this epoch and 
 far beyond the rest in power, riches, and extent of domiriion. 
 was ^lahomed King of Tunis: the sovereigns of ^larocco and 
 Fez were next in political importance but h lienor to Mahomed. 
 
 The recent conquest of Granada had just given all Spain, 
 turbulent and disjointed as it wjis, to Ferdinand and Isabella; 
 she Queen of Castile, he King of Aragon and Sicily-. 
 They had conquered Granada, humbled the Spanish aristocracy, 
 introduced the inquisition under Ximenes, driven eight hun- 
 dred thousand Jews, the most industrious of their subjects, 
 from the comitr}% and in 1 l.^^i, exhibited the first '" Auto ih Ft,'' 
 to a superstitious and trembling multitude. 
 
 Portugal under John IT. was last advancing in civilisa- 
 tion and constitutional improvement wlule reviving the bold 
 spirit of geographical disco veiy and commercial enterprise. 
 Charles VIII. young, presumptuous, vain, and untalented, 
 reigned over France, which with the annexation of Artois 
 Brittany and Burgundy became a compact and powerful king- 
 dom : the feudal svstem was nearlv destroved as it affected 
 regal authority, and the French barons under their brave but 
 empty monarch were ready for every enterprise. 
 
 In England the sagacious Heniy VII. now reigned para 
 mount ; he had terminated the civil wars on l^osworth held, 
 united the adverse Roses by maming tlie fifth Edward's sister. 
 and while holdin<:j the nation more firndv hi hand bv a diiui- 
 nution of feudal potency and turbulence, he exalted the royal 
 dignity, vindicated the supremacy of law, (iicom'aged com- 
 merce and discover}^ and maintained his own independence bv 
 a rigid and even parsimonious economy. 
 
 * Lettere di Principi, vol. ii., p. 2, Venice Edit., 1.575. 
 
 CHAP. TI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 483 
 
 Scotland too at this epoch enjoyed under James IV. a little 
 respite from her troubles, during which, civilisation made some 
 advance and learning was promoted by the foundation of a 
 native university. 
 
 Holland Flanders and Burgundy were ruled by Phihp son 
 of Maximilian emperor of Germany; but this last monarch 
 great in rank and title was poor in riches and authority ; for 
 besides the independent princes of his land, no less than 
 seventy free cities united in one indissoluble league, asserted 
 their right to liberty and self-government. 
 
 Mathias Corvinus the celebrated son of John Hunniades died 
 in 1400, and was succeeded on the throne of Hungary by Vla- 
 dislas King of Bohemia who ruled both kingdoms while his 
 nephew Alexander held the Polish sceptre. 
 
 The Swiss confederacy existed in its usual state of domestic 
 liberty and foreign mercenaiy warfare ; not always true to the 
 gold for which they sold their blood and callous to evejj' 
 nobler sentiment beyond their rugged frontier. 
 
 From her wealth, territory, internal union, and unflinching 
 constancy of pui-pose, Venice was the most formidable state 
 of the Italian peninsula. Ambitious, powerful by land and 
 water ; impregnable ; wise ; severe but comparatively just in 
 legislation ; subtile ; prudent in success ; firm in misfortune ; 
 her strength was employed with fixed regards on her own 
 aggrandisement, unscrupulous of means and heedless of conse- 
 quences to others. From the sphere of her own domestic tran- 
 quillity she quietly watched the turns of her neighbours' fortune, 
 and even when unsuccessful in war was sure to make up for it by 
 skilful negotiation, for she exhausted patience by a stedfast per- 
 tinacity. Besides her possessions in Istria, Sclavonia, Dalmatia, 
 and much eastern dominion ; she was now mistress of Treves, 
 Padua, Verona, Vicenza, Brescia, Piavenna, Bergamo, Crema, 
 Ilo\igo and the Polesine with all their fair and rich domains 
 in Lombardy ; and thus she became a just object of alarm to 
 
 I I 2 
 
484 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 all the Italian states. She inspired the more fear because a 
 change was hopeless ; Venice was not ruled by one ephemeral 
 man ; an everlasting council with one object, one policy, one 
 concentrated force unceasinirly influenced her movements, and 
 from this there was no retreat : kings died or changed ; re- 
 publics were convulsed, weakened, and disordered ; pontiffs 
 followed each other in rapid succession ; all these brought 
 changes, but Venice never quitted the lield. 
 
 After Venice Naples was then esteemed the most powerful 
 state, not so much perhaps from its extent or opulence as from 
 the sagacity of Ferdinand joined to Alphonso s warlike talents 
 and euerg\' ; indeed with an able military sovereign she must 
 have been superior to Venice because unsusjucious and uncon- 
 trolled, whereas the latter was ever distrustful and jealous of 
 her own mercenary commanders. Naples abounded in natural 
 riches, in a long and tortuous coast with numerous ports and 
 havens commanding three quarters of the compass, while on 
 the fourth from Terracina through the Abruzzi and Sabine hills, 
 and by the city and domains of Aquihi it was conterminous with 
 the papal territory and strongly influenced that state's internal 
 movements. 
 
 The temporal power of Home was never adequate to con- 
 quer Italy though always sufficient to prevent others from 
 doing so, and at this epoch depended more on the character 
 of the reigning pontiff than on the nominal extent of ecclesi- 
 astical territory : an able and conscientious pope imtainted with 
 nepotism and judiciously combining priestly influence with 
 the temporal power of a skilful ruler, miglit have swayed all 
 Italy ; and any pontiff however weak, had the means, and 
 generally the inclination, to disturb it-'-. If we may judge 
 from the jn'oportional scale of her contributions to a general 
 league the church was at this period considered equal to 
 Venice Naples or Milan in her financial ability : her domi- 
 
 * Maccliiavelli, Discorsi, Lib. i°, cap. xii. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLOREN'TINE HISTORY. 
 
 485 
 
 nion extended from the Neapolitan frontier over the Campagna 
 of Rome, the March of Ancona, Umbria, llomagna, and a 
 great part of Tuscany ; but it was more nominal than real, 
 because almost every great city was ruled independently 
 by some potent citizen or long established seignior, and the 
 pontiff was only acknowledged as lord paramount. 
 
 Amongst these petty sovereigns who are described as so many 
 leeches sucking the blood of Italy, Guido da Montefeltro 
 governed Urbino : Giulio \'araiio, Camerino : Bentivoglio was 
 the chosen lord of Bologna : Caterina Sforza and Giovanni de' 
 Medici ruled Imola and Forli for her son Riario : young 
 Astorre ]\Ianfredo was protected at Faenza by the Florentines ; 
 a Sforza still swavod the destinies of Pesaro ; the Malatesti 
 reigned in Rimini but shorn of their ancient splendour ; the 
 fierce Baglioni were uncontrolled at Perugia ; the Vitelli 
 in Citta di Castello ; in Ferrara were the Esti ; who also held 
 the imperial fiefs of Reggio and Modena ; but all the rest 
 was ecclesiastical property. 
 
 Rome itself was divided and often mifrovernable : the Orsini 
 and Colonna were the great adverse leaders of faction ; with 
 these last were the ancient and powerful Savelli ; with those 
 the Conti or Grapelli, almost their equals in riches antiquity 
 and splendour. Virginio and Niccola Orsini ; Prospero and 
 Fabrizio Colonna ; dacopo Conti and Antonello Savelli were the 
 most renowned chiefs of these destructive parties. The pon- 
 tiffs and Colonnesi had been always enemies ; but the general 
 ecclesiastical policy was to encourage contention in both 
 fections until mutually exhausted by hostilities, when the pon- 
 tiff was certain to pounce upon some of their possessions adja- 
 cent to the capital. For these and other reasons the gi'eat 
 Roman barons could never quietly suffer a sovereign, espe- 
 cially a foreign priest, and frequently manifested their aversion, 
 as many a pontiff had unpleasantly experienced*. 
 
 * Fran. Cci,Mem. Stor.,dal 1494 al 1523, MS.— Paulo Giovio,Tstorie, Lib. i". 
 
484 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 all the Italian states. She mspired the more fear because a 
 change was hopeless ; Venice was not ruled by one ephemeral 
 man ; an everlasting council with one object, one policy, one 
 concentrated force unceasingly influenced her movement^, and 
 from this there was no retreat : kings died or changed ; re- 
 publics were convulsed, weakened, and disordered ; pontiffs 
 followed each other in rapid succession ; all these brought 
 changes, but Venice never quitted the field. 
 
 After Venice Naples was then esteemed the most powerful 
 state, not so much perhaps from its extent or opulence as from 
 the sagacity of Ferdinand joined to Alphonso's warlike talents 
 and energy ; indeed with an able military sovereign she must 
 have been superior to Venice because unsuspicious and uncon- 
 trolled, whereas the latter was ever distrustful and jealous of 
 her own mercenary commandei*s. Naples abounded in natural 
 riches, in a long and tortuous coast with numerous poits and 
 havens commanding three quarters of the compass, wliile on 
 the fourth from Terracina through the Abruzzi and Sabine hills, 
 and by the city and domains of Aquihi it was conterminous with 
 the papal territory and strongly influenced that state's internal 
 movements. 
 
 The temporal power of Piome was never adequate to con- 
 quer Italy though always sufhcient to prevent others from 
 doing so, and at this epoch depended more on the character 
 of the reigning pontiff than on the nominal extent of ecclesi- 
 astical territory : an able and conscientious pope untainted with 
 nepotism and judiciously combining priestly influence witli 
 the temporal power of a skilful ruler, miglit have swayed all 
 Italy ; and any pontiff however weak, had the means, and 
 generally the inclination, to disturb it*. If we may judge 
 from the proportional scale of her contributions to a general 
 league the church was at this period considered equal to 
 Venice Naples or Milan in her financial ability : her domi- 
 
 * MaccbiavcUi, Discorsi, Lib. i°, cap. xii. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 485 
 
 nion extended from the Neapolitan frontier over the Campagna 
 of Rome, the March of Ancona, Uml)ria, llomagna, and a 
 great part of Tuscany ; but it was more nominal than real, 
 because almost every great city was ruled independently 
 by some potent citizen or long established seignior, and the 
 pontiff was only acknowledged as lord paramount. 
 
 Amongst these petty sovereigns who are described as so many 
 leeches sucking the Idood of Italy, Guido da Montefeltro 
 governed Urbino : Giulio Varano, Camerino : Bentivoglio was 
 the chosen lord of Bologna : Caterina Sforza and Giovanni de' 
 Medici ruled Imola and Forli for her son Riario : young 
 Astorre Manfredo was protected at Faenza by the Florentines ; 
 a Sforza still swayed the destinies of Pesaro ; the Malatesti 
 reigned in Rimini but shorn of their ancient splendour ; the 
 fierce Baglioni were uncontrolled at Perugia ; the Vitelli 
 in Citta di Castello ; in Ferrara were the Esti ; who also held 
 the imperial fiefs of lieggio and Modena ; but all the rest 
 was ecclesiastical property. 
 
 Rome itself was divided and often ungovernable : the Orsini 
 and Coloinia were the great adverse leaders of faction ; with 
 these last were the ancient and powerful Savelli ; with those 
 tlie Conti or Grapelli, almost their equals in riches antiquity 
 and splendour. Virginio and Niccola Orsini ; Prospero and 
 Fabrizio Colonna ; .Tacopo Conti and Antonello Savelli were the 
 most renowned chiefs of these destructive parties. The pon- 
 tiffs and Colonnesi had been always enemies; but the general 
 ecclesiastical policy was to encourage contention in both 
 ftictions until nuUually exhausted by hostilities, when the pon- 
 tiff was ceitain to pounce upon some of their possessions adja- 
 cent to the capital. For these and other reasons the great 
 Roman barons could never quietly suffer a sovereign, espe- 
 cially a foreign priest, and frequently manifested their aversion, 
 as many a pontiff had un^^leasantly experienced ^J^. 
 
 * Fran. Cei, Mem. Stor.jdal 1494 al 1523, MS.— Paulo Giovio,Istorie, Lib.i". 
 
486 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 Siena, now greatly degenerated in riclies power and political 
 influence, after a period of the fiercest anarchy had just fallen 
 under the strong hand of Pandolfo Petrucci who with all 
 the strength of a vigorous mind and unscmpulous conscience, a 
 concentrated authority and a forced union of the citizens, 
 revived in some degree the ancient credit and political import- 
 ance of his countrv. Lucca, decaved, weak, laimuid and insi^x- 
 nificant, and ever jetdous of Florentine interference; clung 
 rather to Milan and the emperor whom she paid for his protec- 
 tion, than existed as an independent state, yet as regarded 
 Florence was always capable of mischief"-. 
 
 Genoa, divided into the aristocratic, the popular, and 
 plebeian factions, had been torn to pieces by the struggles 
 of the Adomi and Fregosi, both of the popular order and Gliibe- 
 line party : this broke in upon the two great Italian sects, for 
 Guelphs assisted Ghibelines, and Ghibelines Guelplis, according 
 to circumstances ; the consequence was violent struggles, 
 anarchy, exhaustion, and ultimate subjectitui to ^lilun. 
 
 Vercelli, Augusta, Turin, Ivrea, and all Piedmont belonged to 
 the then infant Duke of Savoy and ^ith his transalpine posses- 
 sions fonned a powerful and important principality connecting 
 the Italian states with the French monairhy. Tlie Marquis of 
 Monferrato then also a minor, governed a small principality on 
 the confines of Milan and Piedmont, as the ^larquis of ^lantua 
 did on the Venetian frontier : but ]\Iantua was important from 
 the strength and position of its capital and the general military 
 character of the Gonzaghi who so long had possessed it. 
 
 Milan was nominally governed by Giovan-Galeazzo Sforza 
 now about twenty-four years old ; but really by Lodovico the 
 " Moor ; " a crafty, vain, and cmel, but sagacious and ambi- 
 tious prince who grasped at eveiythiug and was as unscmpu- 
 lous in his means as relentless in their employment : but his 
 
 ♦ Fran. Cei, Memorie Storiche, dal 1494 al 1523, MS. in the author's 
 |»08se3sion. 
 
 CHAP. VI. j 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 487 
 
 rule though severe was not generally unjust, wherefore he 
 crathered popularity from the mass whose joys and sorrows 
 are but seldom noticed in history ; and unpopularity from the 
 great who form the prominent points of it. 
 
 The Duke of Milan was imbecile or nearly so ; but his wife 
 Isabella's father Alphonso regarded with an impatient eye 
 every movement of Lodovico and always asserted his son-in- 
 law's right to govern alone, in which event he himself would 
 have virtually ruled the duchy. This jealousy led to continual 
 altercations, and one of Lorenzo's hardest tasks was to maintain 
 tranquillity between them. Lodovico's brother Ascanio, one of 
 the richest and most powerful cardinals in Rome, had great in- 
 fluence with the college and Pope Alexander VI. ; but was in 
 strong opposition to the fiery della Rovere Cardinal of San Pietro 
 in Vincoli, and deeply influenced the subsequent politics of the 
 papal court. The Duchess Isabella of Milan, a woman of un- 
 common beauty and spirit, saw clearly through Lodovico's dupli- 
 city and alarmed for the duke entreated her father and grand- 
 father to interfere : much intercommunication followed without 
 any successful result, and in this state of jealous agitation were 
 the courts of Milan and Naples at the death of Lorenzo. 
 
 Florence had as yet lost none of her commercial energy there- 
 fore profited by universal peace and dipped and rose again with 
 pla>^ul buoyancy above the waves of misfortune. A rapid increase 
 of riches spread through the community ; new and magnificent 
 edifices sprung up, amongst which the Pitti and Strozzi palaces 
 were preeminent ; arts and artists, literature science and 
 philosophy flourished ; a higher and more refined style of living 
 was making progress, and peace and civilisation mixed hand in 
 hand with almost every transaction of the community *. 
 
 Lorenzo de' Medici's close family alliance and strong in- 
 fluence with Innocent VIII. added greatly to his personal 
 weight amongst the Italian states aiid secured him a voice 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxv., p. 180.— Paulo Giovio, Stone, Lib. i®, pp. 1—11. 
 
483 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 potenticU in all discussions on general politics. Aware that his 
 own and his country's salvation would be endangered by the 
 nicrease of power in any native state, he sedulously endeavoured 
 as we have said to preserve the existing balance, wliich was only 
 to be gained by the continuance of peace, and this last only by a 
 lynx-eyed inspection of every accident however trilling' that 
 might tend even remotely to destroy the general equilibrium. 
 For similar views and reasons Ferdinand of Naples, when unsti- 
 mulated by the restless spirit of his son, entirely concurred 
 with him : he had subdued his barons, but as fire, and the 
 ^>niouldering remains were ready to flare up at the slightest 
 breath of war. Alphonso s just indignation against Lodovico 
 Sforza although fully shared by Ferdinand was not enough to 
 shake his policy which opposed the alarming power of Venice 
 together with the pretensions of France to Naples, while he 
 knew that the hatred of his own nobility would by French in- 
 trigue most surely be roused into action and he therefore cor- 
 dially joined Lorenzo in preserving the closest alliance with 
 Milan. Lodovico himself, intriguing and miquiet as he was. 
 l)ecame too sensible of this necessity ; too fearful of Venice : 
 and too anxious for self-preservation to make any difliculty, not- 
 withstanding his distrust of both these princes : he was con- 
 tident of Lorenzo's support whom he knew to be equally 
 jealous of them, and believed that the inveterate hatred between 
 Venice and Naples would prevent any combined attack on 
 Milan which was his only fear ; for single-handed neither of 
 them gave him much apprehension. 
 
 This triple union in the bond of peace based on reciprocal inte- 
 rests, though sometimes interiiipted had never been destroyed : it 
 was no new policy of the Sforzeschi or Medici, and tlie league as 
 we have seen was renewe.l in 14^0 for five-and-twenty years : 
 this was principally with a view to check the Venetians who were 
 attentively watching for every accident likely to disturb it and 
 open a road for themselves to the final subjugation of Italy. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 489 
 
 The confederacy was sufficient in physical strength to curb such 
 ambition ; and the very suspicion and jealousy that existed be- 
 tween its members, who keenly watched and promptly checked 
 each other's motions, tended to maintain tranquillity : of such 
 necessity is one real, single, and common object for the mainte- 
 nance of international peace, whatever be the motives that lead 
 to it ; and where this is wanting, adieu to treaties, which being 
 only the formal expression of mutual interests are violated at 
 the pleasure of the strongest. 
 
 In this state was the Italian peninsula and with every pros- 
 pect of uninterrupted calm when the premature death of 
 Lorenzo de' Medici rolled over it like a peal of thunder 
 and commenced the storm. " He stood between Milan and 
 Naples as the Corinthian isthmus between the ^gean and 
 Ionian seas, arresting the tumultuous mixture of their angry 
 waves " -. 
 
 Lorenzo had scarcely been dead three months when Pope 
 Innocent followed and this gave a second shock to public 
 tranquillity ; because independent of the Medici's beneficial 
 influence that pontiff, made cautious liy his first war and occu- 
 pied with self-indulgence, was indisposed to disturb it. Not so 
 his successor lloderigo l^orgia who was chosen sixteen days 
 after and assumed the tiara on the eleventh of August 149:2 
 under the denomination of Alexander VI. 
 
 A native Spaniard, and nephew of Calixtus III, he was the 
 oldest and richest of the sacred college and gained his election 
 partly by the disputes between the Cardinal of San Piero and 
 Ascanio Sforza, but more decidedly by the force of his own 
 wealth and liberal promises. He with tlie most open and shame- 
 less effronteiy corrupted every influential person that would be 
 bribed in Rome, where scarcely a man withstood his influence ; 
 Ascanio Sforza unscrupulously sold himself and his religion 
 and resolved to associate so many others in his iniquity as 
 
 * Guicciardini, Lib. i% p. vii. 
 
490 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book u. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 491 
 
 to avoid any peculiar reproaches. He was promised not only 
 the vice-chancellorship, the highest ecclesiastical office, but also 
 churches and castles and even Borgia's private palace, filled as 
 it was with the rarest and most valual)le articles of furniture-. 
 
 Bribery had, doubtless been often before resorted to under 
 various forms in papal elections ; but never until now, according 
 to cotemporary authors, was it so openly, so unblushingly, so 
 indiscriminately, or so audaciously exercised ; and the public 
 were still more scandalised because of Borgia's iiifainous cha- 
 racter which though not univei-sally apparent was well known 
 to many and suspected by all. In him, we are luld by Guic- 
 ciardini, were united a singular diligence, attention, and sagacity, 
 with excellent counsel, wonderful powers of persuasion, and in 
 the despatch of important business incredible care and dexterity. 
 But these virtues were far outdone by his vices : no sincerity ; 
 no shame; no truth; no fidelity ; no religion : the most obscene 
 habits ; insatiable avarice ; immoderate ambition ; a more than 
 barbaiian cruelty, and the most intense desire of exalting, no 
 matter how, his natural children, of whom there were many and 
 some of them no less detestable than the father himself f. 
 
 Piero de' Medici was but twenty-one vears of ai^e when his 
 father died, therefore ineligible to the offices held by the for- 
 mer ; but such was Lorenzo's authority and so tempered was 
 the free spirit of Florence that he instantly succeeded to eveiy 
 public employment, and to liim were addressed, and by him 
 received, the condolence and congratulation of foreign ambas- 
 sadors as if he had ascended an hereditary throne ; but as 
 talent is not hereditary the different character and abilities of 
 father and son were soon apparent to the world. 
 
 tina says that the palace was Cei, Memorie Stonche, dal 1494 al 
 to Battista Orsino, who was 1523 MS.— Gio. Canibi, p. 71.— 
 
 * Platina 
 
 given to 
 
 afterwards put to death by Alexander, Platina, Vite de' Pape. — Muratori, 
 
 and thus differs from Guicciardini. Annali. — Guicciardini, Stor. d'ltalia, 
 
 t They were, Ccsare, Francesco, Giuf- Lib. i", p. 9.— Paulo Giovio, Stor., 
 
 fre, and Lucrezia Borgia. — Francesco Lib. i", p. 8. 
 
 Strong, active, and agreeable in liis manner, with a harmonious 
 voice and fluent speech, the young lord of Florence was devoted 
 to youthful pleasures unmodified by graver occupations : he 
 excelled in every manly sport and amusement and made their 
 professors his companions, so that while Lorenzo was encom- 
 passed by all the learning and talent of the age his son was 
 surrounded by the most famous players of Calcio, Pallone, 
 wrestling, boding, and other athletic exercises. This was nei- 
 ther surprising nor blameable, and had it been redeemed by 
 more solid qualities would have been praiseworthy : yet Piero 
 was by no means deficient in literary acquirements or poetical 
 taste and feeling; Poliziano who was his tutor had made him a 
 good classical scholar; he was not a bad " Improvisatore T his 
 conversation was varied and agreeable, but his pride intolerable. 
 The seeds of haughtmess sprouting in the heart of a Medici 
 could scarcely fail to receive their full development in the son 
 and husband of an Orsini. 
 
 Piero was that which in the present day would be called a gal- 
 lant and accomplished gentleman ; but he was also an example of 
 the worthlessness of all these ornaments in a statesman if not 
 based on more estimable qualities, as well as their delusive indi- 
 cation of real talent : in Lorenzo they were the highest polish of 
 sohd gold ; in Piero the false glitter of flimsy tinsel. The state 
 had bound itself to receive his orders ; but the thought and appli- 
 cation necessary to give them strength and vitality was beneath 
 him : his confidence was perhaps justly placed in Lorenzo's secre- 
 tary Piero Dovizio of Bibbiena an experienced man, but one whose 
 exaltation and excessive pride had given offence to the old repub- 
 lican magistracy, and Piero by leaving the public business in his 
 hands, and devoting his own time entirely to amusement and the 
 most culpable debauchery, increased this discontent. Piero da 
 Bibbiena s own arrogance also embittered the natural irritability 
 of the haughty Florentines at seeing the obscure denizen of a 
 subject and insignificant town commanding them with absolute 
 
 / 
 
492 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book ir. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 493 
 
 authority. An incident that occuiTed about this time exhibits 
 both the individual spirit and general subjection of the citizens : 
 Paulo Antonio Sodeiini, son of the famous Tommaso and 
 closely connected with the Medici, wishing' to marrv his son to 
 a daughter of Filippo Strozzi had connuunicated his intentions 
 to Piero de' Medici not only to ask his iidvice but to procure 
 his leave for the match, without which lict ikc, (so complete was 
 the public subjugation) no marriage could take place hi Flo- 
 rence! The ]\Iedici willingly acquiesced, l»ut when this reached 
 the eai-s of Piero Dovizio he remonstrated on the grounds that 
 it was directly in the teeth of Lorenzo's policy, who never would 
 have thus consented to unite riches and political power in the 
 same family, for the Strozzi were a very noble and opulent race : 
 nor was he content with this, but on hearinfj that the wedding 
 was already over he with tiiie official insolence rated Paulo 
 Antonio so harshly as to receive a box on the ear in return ; 
 and with this spirited answer withdrew in indignation from 
 Soderini's presence. It was not then or at any time the custom 
 amongst republican Florentines to resent such injuries nor yet 
 insulting language by a challenge : the Idow might occasionally 
 produce a stab, but verbal insidts even of the grossest nature 
 were either returned with hiterest or treated with the coolest 
 and most philosophical contempt. Dovizio therefore powerful 
 as he was, dissembled for the moment but took the earliest 
 means of removing Soderini from his sight by appointing him 
 to the embassy at Venice ''•. 
 
 The more Piero felt his own unpopularity the more was his 
 jealousy excited against those who with greater talent approached 
 nearest to him in rank, fortune, and public consideration, and 
 his own third cousins, Lorenzo and Giovanni, the descendants 
 of old Cosimo's brother, were among the first to experience it. 
 This branch of the ^ledici had been quietly accumulating riches 
 by commerce and hitherto seem to have taken no part in public 
 
 ♦ Jacopo Nardi, Hist. Fioren., Lib i°, p. 15.— Fil. Nerli, Lib. iii», p. 58. 
 
 affairs. Giovanni was the widower of Luisa, Piero 's sister, after 
 whose death suspicions and differences began, which were kept 
 up by those that were already plotting the ruin of Piero, and 
 soon broke out into open hostility: the exact cause, though never 
 accurately ascertained, was supposed to l)e Piero s jealousy of 
 their extreme popularity *. This quarrel had serious political 
 consequences, and though begun soon after Lorenzo's death if 
 not before, only broke out with full violence at a later period, 
 the account of which to avoid future interruption may here be 
 anticipated. 
 
 Giovanni di Pierfrancesco de' Medici was considered by for 
 the handsomest as well as one of the richest of the Florentine 
 youth; he was held in distinguished honour from his family 
 connexions, enjoyed great popularity, and thus became a sort of 
 rival to his cousin Piero in everything but political power. It 
 happened one night when these two accidentally met at a masked 
 ball that both w^ere occupied with the same lady, but the pride 
 and impetuosity of Piero brooking no rival, he in feigned 
 ignorance of Giovanni's person not only treated him with scorn, 
 but threw the contents of an inkbottle over his cloth of silver 
 tunic. Giovanni either from a desire to remain unknown, or 
 not mshingjust at that moment to break with Piero, took this I 
 outrage quietly ; but on meeting him at a second festival in 
 similar circumstances near the same lady, Piero tore the mask 
 from his face, upon wliich Giovanni drew a dagger and in his 
 l)rother's presence struck Piero on the breast : a cuirass saved 
 him : but his supposed fate threw the whole house into con- 
 fusion and next morning both brothers were denounced before 
 the magistracy with Piero 's commands for condign punishment. 
 His first object was their lives ; but at the instance of more 
 prudent friends who represented the dangerous example that 
 would be shown to others if he shed the blood of his own 
 family, this was changed to banishment ; Giovanni to his villa 
 
 • Fil. Ncrli, Lib. iii«, p. 58.— Jacopo Nardi, Lib. i., p. 16. 
 
 I 
 
494 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 495 
 
 of Trebbia and Lorenzo to Olmo-a-Castello. Tbey quitted 
 Florence on the 14th of May apparently reconciled with Piero, 
 after having been accompanied to their houses by a large 
 number of citizens and other inhabitants with strong expres- 
 sions of public sympathy. 
 
 Soon after this in secret concert they simultaneously broke 
 their confinement, crossed the frontier, and by means of Lodo- 
 vico Sforza took refuge at the court of Charles VIII. who was 
 then in Italy*. The public sympathy so openly and unequi- 
 vocally expressed for his cousins increased Piero s malevolence, 
 and their subsequent flight diminished his reputation and con- 
 centrated the public hatred against him : this was the first and 
 one of the principal causes of his ruin ; for after Lorenzos 
 death a strong party of distinguished citizens had alienated 
 themselves from his son not from love of liberty but disap- 
 pointed ambition ; and through their exertions were Giovanni 
 and his brother saved, either from the scaffold or pei-petual 
 imprisonment and confiscation of property | . 
 
 Piero de' Medici neither from his age nor other qualifica- 
 tions was adequate even to the steady government of Florence 
 in her calmest mood, still less so in the face of such a stonn 
 as now began to threaten Italy. Scarcely had he assumed 
 the government when in direct opposition to Lorenzo's policy 
 and what was infinitely more dangerous to him, without refer- 
 ence to the principal citizens as had ever been the family 
 
 * Guicriardini, Lib. i", p. 64. — Filip. 
 Nerii, Lib. iii., p. 58. — Ammirato, 
 Lib. xxvi., p 197. — Jacopo Nardi, 
 Lib. i°, p. 16, — • Ricordanze di 
 Trcb. de' Rossi, torn, xxiii., Del. 
 Erud. Tos., p. 291— 295.— Origine e 
 Discendenza de' Medici, p. 90, MS. — 
 Jacopo Pitti attributes this quarrel and 
 condemnation of the two Medici en- 
 tirely to their ha\ing given a public 
 affront to the Seignorv and Piero bv 
 inviting the Bisliop of Saint Malo to 
 
 their villa instead of the public lodg- 
 ing prepared for him by order of the 
 government. They excused it as being 
 gentlemen of the King of France's 
 household which connexion alarmed 
 Piero and his party. (Vide /. Pitti, 
 Lib. i", p. 28.) He also asserts that 
 the mitigation of the sentence was due 
 entirely to Piero, but in this he differs 
 fiom cotemporary authors. 
 + Jacopo Pitti, Lib. i.,p 27.— Filipp«> 
 Nerli, Commen., Lib. iii., p. 58. 
 
 custom ; he at once drew much closer than was politic, the ties 
 of connexion with Naples, and thus gave just cause of alarm to 
 Lodovico Sforza who foresaw his own ruin in the union of these 
 two powers against him^-. 
 
 This step was taken through the influence of Virginio Orsino 
 one of Piero sown relations and a dependant of Ferdinand and 
 Alphonso ; but though at first kept secret it could not long 
 be concealed from the jealous regards of Lodovico and was the 
 seed of all subsequent misfortunes. Thus two evils had already 
 arisen from Lorenzo s death. Lodovico 's great weakness was 
 vanity ; he believed himself superior to the rest of the world in 
 prudence, wisdom, sagacity; and affected new and original 
 modes of action. In arranging the accustomed embassies of 
 congratulation to the new pontiff he proposed with much ap- 
 parent reason, that those of the league should unite as one 
 mission with one orator and one common oration ; this was in- 
 tended as a visible sign of their close internal union, not only 
 to check any hostile designs of Alexander on the general tran- 
 quillity, but also to intimidate Venice and repress foreign 
 cupidity or interference in Italian affairs. Such counsel, in- 
 trinsically good, was enforced by the recent example of Inno- 
 cent VIII. who because the various embassies were disunited 
 believed that the whole league was so, and thence ran blindly 
 into the error of attacking one of its principal members. 
 Lodovico s project was therefore accepted by Ferdinand and the 
 Florentines, against Piero's secret wishes but without any 
 publicly expressed opposition. 
 
 The natural vanity of youth unsteadied by judgment inclined 
 him to magnificence and ostentatious display, and so fair an 
 occasion could scarcely occur for such exhibitions, as that of being 
 the principal leader of a solemn embassy from the Florentine 
 republic to the high priest of Christendom. A union of all the 
 embassies would have confounded his particular spark in the 
 
 * Jacopo Pitti, Lib. i«, p. 27. 
 
 J 
 
496 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 CHAP. V 
 
 '•1 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 497 
 
 general blaze, as a single speaker would also bave deprived 
 the Florentine orator Gentile Bishop of Arezzo s more cul- 
 pable vanity of an occasion to display his powers of eloquence 
 before the pope and cardinals. He therefore, as we are in- 
 formed by Guicciardini, strange as it may appear in Lo- 
 renzo's tutor, sedulously encouraged the volatility of Piero 
 who with some plausible reasons secretly hiduced Ferdinand to 
 acquiesce in his desire. The king although politically anxious 
 to satisfv this vouth's vanity, bv no means wished to do it at 
 the expense of a quarrel with Lodovico and therefore informed 
 him of his reasons for changing. 
 
 The circumstance was intrinsically of trifling moment except 
 as an index to more serious facts ; but the Moor was indignant 
 at this slight, and alarmed at so clear a proof of that intimacy 
 between Florence and Naples which became daily more paljjable. 
 Another and more serious incident increased the excitement 
 and accelerated the catastrophe. Franceschetto Cibo then resid- 
 ing at Florence, by Piero 's advice sold the fiefs of Anguilara, 
 Cervetri, and several smaller castles near I o tine to A'irginio 
 Orsiui who received a great part of the punhasc-monoy from 
 Ferdinand. These places as well as most of the Orshii estates 
 being situated about Pome, Viterbo, and Civita Vecchia, main- 
 tained a line of political intercourse with Naples, and the pope 
 thus saw himself bearded in the heart of his dominions bv one 
 of his most powerful barons supported by two unfriendly sUites 
 in close family connection ; for Orsino was related l>otli to the 
 Medici and Naples ; and it had always been one of Ferdinand's 
 objects to possess some strongholds in the papal territory that 
 might connect him with the factious nobility. 
 
 Now Ascanio Sforza being all-powerful at the court of Rome 
 Lodovico considered any detriment to the papal authority as a per- 
 sonal affair, wherefore in conjunction with this cardinal he urged 
 the pontiff to prevent such encroachments, for it became apparent 
 that Ferdinand and not Virginio, was the real possessor of the 
 
 property. Alexander as liege lord refused to sanction the pur- 
 chase or submit to be so bridled by Ferdinand, but Orsino was 
 firm though secretly advised l)y both Sforzas to compromise 
 the affau-, while Ferdinand coimselled the reverse. 
 
 The latter, after having given Orsino his cue, entered into a 
 hollow negotiation with the pope, acceded to terms that he had 
 instructed Virginio to refuse , amused Alexander with the hopes 
 of a marriage between Alphonso's natural daughter and his son, 
 and held the matter for a while in suspense and uncertainty. 
 Lodovico at the same time endeavoured to impress on the 
 light-minded Piero the soundness of Lorenzo's policy ; he was 
 earnestly advised to follow it out and become the peacemaker 
 of Italy ; and to use all his influence with Virginio in order to 
 prevent any disturbance of the general tranquillity. Seeing all 
 his efforts vain, that Piero blindly and exclusively resolved to 
 follow Ferdinand and Alphonso, knowing also that his own safety 
 depended mainly on Florentine support, which now failed him, 
 he determined to search for other means of self-preservation.' 
 One of the first symptoms of this resolution was liis paying 
 half the expense of Alexander's army just then raised under 
 Giovanni Sforza of Pesaro and Giulio Orsino to chastise Virginio, 
 without the usual previous notification to other members of the 
 league*. 
 
 Alexander VI. was not more disposed to be blinded by Fer- 
 dinand's wiles than Lodovico by Piero 's insincerity; 
 nor was he driven from his purpose even by the for- ^'^' ^^^^' 
 mer's humility, who seeing things take a more serious turn had 
 finally used his influence to overcome the pertinacity of Orsino. 
 A league between Venice Milan and Rome, which Ferrara sub- 
 sequently joined, was published in April 1493. Ostensibly a 
 defensive one for general safety and as such open to any 
 power that chose to join it without impinging on existing 
 treaties ; but really against Naples and Florence. Venice, and 
 
 * Guicciardini, Lib. i", pp. 1-18.— Ammirato,Lib. xxvi., p. 189. 
 VOL. III. K K 
 
 / 
 
498 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 especially the Doge, from distrust of the pope, had been so shy 
 and lukewarm in this negotiation that neither Florence nor 
 Naples believed it would ever be concluded, wherefore their sur- 
 prise was excessive when the truth became public, and they 
 instantly engaged Guido Duke of Urbino and the lord of 
 Camerino in their senice. The principal cause of all this was 
 Virginio Orsino's obstinacy in despite of all Ferdinand and 
 Piero's remonstrances, whereupon Alexander without more 
 delay began to concentrate his forces about Rome, gave his 
 daughterrmisnamed Lucrezia, in marriage to the lord of Tesaro 
 who°commanded them, and determined at once to crush Virginio 
 Orsino. Counter-preparations were made at Florence ; all the 
 militia were ordered to be in readiness for defence ; and Oi-sino 
 becoming alarmed, offered to leave his cause to tlie decision of 
 four cardinals ; but the pope refused, and Ferdinand brought 
 up his forces towards the lloman frontier *. Meanwhile Lodo- 
 vico blinded by his fears and doubting the stability of a league 
 the views and interests of whose members were different from 
 his own ; alarmed also by his decreasing popularity at Milan 
 where harsh taxation and pity for the state of their young 
 sovereigns had alienated the people ; aware moreover that the 
 King of Naples had never renounced his pretensions to Milan, 
 pretensions which Alphonso would be always prompt to assert 
 on the strength of the last Visconte's will in favour of his grand- 
 father f; all these considerations brought him to the fatal 
 resolution of raising a spirit that he could not aftenvards con- 
 trol and conjuring up the fiery legions of France to his assist- 
 ance : but the spell proved far too potent and the audacious 
 wizard sunk under the unmanageable strength of his own danger- 
 ous incantations. 
 
 The long-cherished pretensions of Anjou to the crown of 
 Naples which had been so baneful to Italy were now concen- 
 
 * Ammirato, T.ib. xxvi., p. 190.— Guicciardini, Lib. i° 
 t Paulo Giovio., Lib. i^ p. 14. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 499 
 
 trated in the throne of France : old Regnier dying without 
 any existing male issue left Provence to his nephew the Duke 
 of Maine who made a will in favour of Louis XI. his rights 
 descending both by this will and as lord paramount to Charles 
 VIII. and thence arose the latter's claims on Naples. It was 
 easy to foresee from the moment that a young ambitious mo- 
 narch ascended the French throne that such an inheritance 
 would not be allowed to remain in oblivion, and as Charles was 
 now come to that age when monarchs Phaeton-like usually 
 began to amuse themselves by setting the world in flames, 
 France became a sort of Pandora's box, on which the regards 
 of Italy were turned with apprehension ; for eveiy sagacious 
 man who loved his country's good saw the necessity of a 
 national defensive alliance against coming aggression. Such 
 a union already existed on paper, as the treaties of Bagnola 
 and Rome were still in being, although not made with this view ; 
 but powerless from that never-dying suspicion which has been 
 and will always be the bane of Italy until provincial jealousies 
 have l)een obliterated by the pressure of one powerful monarchy 
 and the Italians feel themselves once more a single nation : 
 then will be the time to throw off the superincumbent weight 
 and remodel their monarchy, or else become a strong federal 
 republic, but in either case assume tlieir legitimate place in the 
 great European family. 
 
 The imbecility of Giovan-Galeazzo Sforza who bore the ducal 
 crown would probably have rendered him contented with its 
 empty honours had not Isabella of Aragon been of a different 
 mould : her complaints as we have before said produced divers 
 remonstrances from Naples and ultimately a formal demand 
 that Giovan-Galeazzo should be put into full possession of his 
 authority. This however was far from Lodovico's intention, 
 wherefore he purchased from the needy emperor Maximilian a 
 formal deed of investiture as Duke of Milan for 400,000 ducats 
 in the foi'm of a dowry with his niece Bianca Maria, whom he 
 
 K K 2 
 
500 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORV. 
 
 [book il. 
 
 offered to him in marriage. Francesco Sforza had never been 
 formally acknowledged, therefore it was as easily arranged as 
 any other piece of injustice, that Lodovico should have the 
 duchy ; hut after this security for the inheritance of his own 
 children he remained satisfied with solid power, and keeping the 
 transaction a profound secret allowed his nephew to enjoy the title. 
 At the moment under consideration he was well aware that 
 any attempt to depose Giovan-Galeazzo would be opposed by 
 Naples without hope on his ovra part of assistance from the indi- 
 gent and unsteady emperor : he also began to discover that 
 Alexander VI . was less easily managed than he expected by 
 Cardinal Ascanio Sforza and the Venetians were not to be de- 
 |)ended upon, as they had ever been enemies to his family 
 and all the lords of Milan. Piero de' IMedici was already alien- 
 ated ; and there was reason to expect that the Milanese citizens 
 themselves would not tamely see their young prince deprived 
 of his birthright:. In this state of things Lodovico, following 
 the many examples of his countrymen, sought a foreign pro- 
 tector but under very different circumstances, for the power 
 of France had never before been so formidable nor her monarcbs 
 so ambitious of Italian conquest. Charies VIII. had just 
 emerged from the tutelage of his eldest sister to whom the go- 
 vernment had been intmsted during his minority by Louis XL 
 He was wilful, obsthiate, light, and impetuous; with little 
 money and less sense, and surrounded by companions as empty 
 as himself instead of the wisdom of his sister Anne and her 
 eounselloi-s : he scarcely knew liis letters and was incapable of 
 any application, but eager to command, for which he was utteriy 
 untit, and for military gloiy, of which a combination of circum- 
 stances scattered over him more than he was able to bear *. 
 
 To this prince, Lodovico sent (Jarlo di Barbiano Count of 
 Belgioiso and the Count di Caiazzo son of Roberto di San Seve- 
 
 ♦ Guicciardini, Lib. i", pp. 48-87.— Phil, de Comines, Lib. vii.— Sisraontli, 
 voL viii., p. 311. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 rino to bring about an hivasion of Naples ; many seductive and 
 authentic stories were told liim of the unpopularity of the reign- 
 ing dynasty, and all the bribery and cunning of diplomacy was 
 put in action, and backed up by the Neapolitan exiles to insure 
 success. The wise and patriotic amongst the great lords were 
 averse to war, and thought the sacrifices necessaiy to insure the 
 quiet and consent of neighbouring states would more than 
 balance any success : but the young and thoughtless carried 
 everything with a youthful weak-headed prince, so the con<p-iest 
 of Naples was resolved on ^'. Henry VII. who had just 
 disembarked a formidable army of English was quieted by the 
 treaty of Etaples with a subsidy of 745,000 golden crowns, and 
 the emperor was lulled into repose by the cession of several pro- 
 vinces named in the treatv of Senlis in 1493. Ferdinand the 
 Catholic was propitiated by the gratuitous restitution of Perpig- 
 nan and other territories which had been held in pawn by Louis 
 XL and this was settled by the treaty of Barcelona in 1493 f 
 After these costly preliminaries it was agreed between Charles 
 VIII. and Lodovico that the latter was to give the French army 
 a passage through his territoiy, reenforce it with five hundred 
 men-at-arms, allow the equipment of what vessels the king 
 pleased at Genoa, and lend liim 200,000 ducats on his depar- 
 ture from France. For tliis Lodovico's personal authority and 
 dommions were to be protected against all enemies and a body 
 of troops left in Asti at his orders, besides a promise of the city 
 and principality of Tarento when Naples should be conquered. 
 These conditions were kept secret for several months and when 
 
 * Paulo Giovio and Corio sav that the 
 parliament held on this occasion ad- 
 vised the expedition. Guicciardini on 
 the contrary says as above. Philip de 
 Comines is silent, and neither he nor 
 Giovio mention the treaty of Etaples ; 
 on the contrary, Giovio says that there 
 were no fears from England because 
 Charles had so recently aided Henry 
 VIL in overcoming Richard lU. at 
 
 Bosworth. — (Vide P. Giovio^ Lib. i", 
 pp. 17-22, and (Corio, Parte vii., 
 folio 455, who asserts that Anne of 
 Bourbon approved of it. 
 + Rapin, Hist. d'Angleterre, Vol. iv,, 
 Lib. xiv., p. 455. — Guicciardini, Lib. 
 i% and ii'', cap. i^, p. 34. — Ammirato, 
 Lib. xxvi.,p. 191. — Phil, de Comines, 
 
 Lib. vii., 
 vol. viii. 
 
 cap. ii. and iii. — Sismondi , 
 
FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 the enterprise became public Lodovico assured the states of 
 Italy that he was as fearful as themselves of the expedition *. 
 
 Ferdinand was not idle either in preparations for war or ne- 
 gotiations ; he publicly condemned the expedition as rash and 
 ill-advised against a state like Naples which was provided with 
 troops, fortresses, fleets and generals, the heir-apparent being 
 one of the most distinguished of the age ; but he was too wise 
 and experienced not to comprehend the full measure of his 
 danger against one of the most warlike and powerful nations of 
 Europe ; a nation superior to him in eveiy arm of war ; burn- 
 ing with the desire of military gloiy ; and so confident of victory 
 that the chiefs had already parcelled out his whole kingdom 
 amongst them even before the enterprise was completely 
 resolved upon f. 
 
 On his own side hatred and suspicion were prevalent ; the 
 rule of Aragon was generally disliked and a change gi'eatly 
 desired ; the banished lords were powerful, the barons justly ex- 
 asperated ; the fii-st blast of war would sweep off all the revenues : 
 the royal forces had more reputation than real strength ; the 
 royal treasuiy was insufficient to cope simultaneously with 
 foreign invasion and domestic rebellion ; the Italian enemies 
 of Ferdinand were many, his friends few and trustless, for his 
 cunning policy or his open hostility had offended all : from 
 Spain he could expect nothing but vaunting promise without 
 performance ; and in addition to all this ; ancient prophecies 
 were rife about coming destmction ; things says Guicciardini. 
 which are unheeded in prosperity and when misfortune 
 approaches too readily believed. 
 
 Under such influence his ambassadors at Paris were m- 
 structed to offer almost any terms, even to the payment of 
 tribute, to stave off this war ; while in Italy he renewed the 
 negotiations for a marriage between Alphonso's daughter 
 
 * Guicciordini, Lib. i", cap, K 
 t Guicciardini, Lib. i", p. 42. — Corio,Stor. Mil., vol. vii., folid 455. 
 
 CHAP, vu] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 503 
 
 Donna Sancia and Alexander's youngest son Giuffre Borgia, 
 and urged Orsino, whom he called the author of all tliis mis- 
 chief, to come to terms with the pontiff : but above everything 
 he exerted himself to gain over Lodovico even by the sacrifice 
 of Isabella's and Galeazzo's interest and against Alphonso's 
 counsel. The two first were successful ; peace was reestablished 
 between Naples and the pope, who however refused to join in 
 a defensive league ; the Milanese and Venetian auxiliary 
 forces were dismissed from the Roman states, and Ferdinand's 
 prospects assumed a more favourable aspect. Nor were his 
 expectations of gaining Lodovico hopeless ; for with the most 
 artful reasoning the latter excused his own conduct by the 
 necessity of the case ; expressed sorrow and dissatisfaction at 
 the result from its dangerous tendency ; declared that the 
 French king's offers were first made to him and that it was 
 impossible to decline them; and he finally promised Ferdinand, 
 Alexander, and Piero de' Medici separately the exertion of all 
 his influence at the court of France to restrain the ardour of its 
 monarch. This was all false : meant only to secure himself from 
 any attack before the anival of Charles of which he did not yet 
 feel certain ; and thus the whole summer was expended in 
 these negotiations which neither assured nor deprived any party 
 of whatever hopes they entertained of his reconciliation *. 
 
 Ferdinand tried also to rouse the Venetians to a stronger 
 sense of the impending danger as well as to remove Duke 
 Hercules of Ferrara from his son-in-law Lodovico by poison f ; 
 nor were the assurances of support from Spain wanting ; but 
 Charles also despatched ambassadors across the Alps under 
 Perron de Baschi who first addressing the Venetians, demanded 
 " their assistance and counsel for his king." These aristocrats 
 
 * Guicciardini, Lib. i«, p. 42. soned by her husband instead, and his 
 
 + Malipiero asserts that he attempted alliance became more close with Lodo- 
 
 to poison Hercules by means of his vico and Charles VIIL in consequence, 
 
 wife who was Ferdinand's own sister; —(Vide Archivio Storico Italiano, 
 
 but this being discovered she was poi- vol. vii., p. 319). 
 
504 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 ever cautious in their proceedings, although well pleased to see 
 Naples humbled yet wishing to avoid reproach, and doubtful 
 whether they might not be ultimately abandoned by the French, 
 replied that it would be presumption to advise a monarch sur- 
 rounded by so many sage counsellors ; and tliat their fears of 
 the Turk, against whom it was Charles's hitention fiually to 
 move, would prevent their rendering him any ussistiince--. 
 
 Perron^ now alone, but subsequently with his three col- 
 leagues, Stuart of Aubigny, Bri9onnet, and the President of 
 the Parliament of Provence, in a second mission, after finish- 
 ing his business at Milan, repaired to Florence which republic- 
 had already despatched Gentile d' Arezzo and Piero Soderini 
 t^ France in order to discover Charles's real intentions f. 
 
 The demands and the answers at Florence were as civil and 
 as equivocal as at Venice, all parties declining to connnit them- 
 selves before Charles had crossed the Alps. The Florentine 
 ambassadors in France were however forced to a more explicit 
 answer in favour of Charles by a threat against their commerce 
 which pervaded tlie whole kingdom and always served as a ready 
 and powerful instrument of evil against Florence in times 
 when the resulting self-injury was not so well iniderstood by 
 France as at present, and which even now requires to be more 
 generally and clearly appreciated amongst nations. Piero vainly 
 attempted to convince Ferdinand that a compliance with the 
 demands of France for a passage through Tuscany and the 
 supply of a hundred Florentine men-at-arms to the roval army 
 as a pledge of his amity, would rather do good than harm to 
 Naples, while it would save Florence from great injuiy and Piero 
 himself from universal odium. Ferdinand reproached him with 
 wavering, and Piero resolving to stand by liim said that he 
 would reply to the propositions of France by another embassy:. 
 
 Mem.Phil.deCommes,L.b.vi,.,cap.v., : Ammirato, Lib. xxvi.,pp. 191-2.- 
 
 + A*!,^- .TV . . Guicciardini, Lib. i«,cap. ii.,p.53. 
 
 t Ammirato, Lib. xxvi., p. 192.— ' i »i 
 
 / 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 505 
 
 In addition to these difficulties the good understanding 
 between Ferdinand and Alexander began to liiil, either from 
 the pope s wish to profit by adding to the difficulties of Fer- 
 dinand, or to malie him for the sake of preserving it reduce the 
 Cardinal della llovere (who as Bishop of Ostia held that 
 important fortress) to obedience and compel him to appear in 
 Piome. The Idng excused himself ; complained of Alexander s 
 malevolence and was bitterly and even menacingly answered ; 
 so that their late reconciliation was almost shaken to pieces at 
 a moment of the greatest peril for Khig Ferdinand. This 
 monarch was however spared the misfortunes he anticipated 
 and died as he was going in person to Milan with the most 
 humble proposals in the beginning of 1 404. He left a mottled 
 character of good and evil in which the latter far predominated ; 
 but also some of the wisest laws and most beneficial institutions 
 of his country *. 
 
 In tliis state of universal agitation the year 1404 commenced 
 and we have endeavoured to exhibit the j^eneral occa- 
 
 A.D. 1494. 
 
 sion of it ; but there was an eternal and separate 
 working in Florence that began under Lorenzo and became a 
 powerful instrument in the dispersion of his family, a fermenta- 
 tion in which religion and politics were so curiously blended in 
 its progress and consequences as to form an important and 
 instructive part of the Florentine histoiy. 
 
 Libertinism, seldom f;ir removed in those davs from the chair 
 of Saint Peter, mounted that throne with Sixtus IV. and Inno- 
 cent VIII. and shone conspicuous with all its vices under 
 the auspices of a Borgia. The high ecclesiastics of sincere 
 fciith and rigid morality, and their more humble followers, 
 could hardlv without a shudder behold murder, lasciviousness, 
 adultery, and even incest itself, waving their bloody and immodest 
 arms over the high priest of Christendom and directing the moiuls 
 
 Ammirato, lib. xxvi.. p. 194. — — Giannonc, Stor. Civile di Napoli, 
 Guicciardini, Lib. i",cap. ii., pp. 5-i-56. Lib. xxvii., cap. ii., p. 45. 
 
506 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [■OOK II 
 
 of the world I But the vices of popes were by conscientious 
 persons attributed to the individual, not the system, and their 
 profound reverence was still due to the saintly office and the 
 law, by whomsoever administered : they wished to banish the 
 evil, drive the buyers and sellers from the temple, cleanse the 
 sanctuar}', but not destroy the edifice. Before that more inti- 
 mate mixture of European people which followed the wars of 
 the great transalpine nations in Italy, a veil of mystery and 
 veneration covered the papal throne and preserved the respect 
 of strangers ; but in Italy itself, where as a temporal prince 
 the pope was in everlasting contact, and generally collision 
 with his flock, and unscrupulously prostituted the sacred to the 
 profane; there was no mysteiy. Politics and religion went 
 hand in hand and were almost equally affected by the stormy 
 passions of the day, the latter being made subservient to 
 the former, to priestly vices and cupidity : the self-arrogated 
 authority of heaven was degraded to the serv ice of hell while 
 morals, virtue, religious and social order, were all theoreticallv 
 understood and all equally despised and cornipted in practice. 
 The object of any reformer who might appear at this epoch 
 must therefore have necessarily been to purify these consti- 
 tuents of society, and in the person of Girolamo Savonarola we 
 find all the enthusiastic boldness of sincerity combined with 
 that powerful eloquence which springs from an over-excited 
 and imaginative mind. 
 
 Girolamo Francesco Savonarola was bom at Ferrarain 145--i, 
 of Michele Savonarola of Padua and Annalena Buonaccorsi of 
 Mantua both of illustrious families. Early distinguished amongst 
 his companions for rapidity of acquirement and particularly 
 for a love of theology, he secretly quitted his family, moved by 
 an imagined vision, and entered with all his natural enthusiasm 
 into a Dominican convent at Bologna where he assumed the 
 habit of that order in 1475 *. His talents soon attracted notice 
 
 ♦ Storiadi Girolamo F. Savonarola, p. 5.— (Livorno, 1782, 4°). 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 507 
 
 and in the course of time procured him the plaxie of public 
 lecturer on pliilosopliy ; but with a hard yet feeble voice, a 
 disagreeable utterance, and a frame reduced by severe absti- 
 nence, he found more admirers of his erudition than his elocu- 
 tion. None then suspected the slumbering powers of an 
 enthusiastic mind for the subjugation of impediments that 
 Nature herself seemed to have planted against him ; and those 
 whose senses were afterwards rapt by the regulated cadence of 
 his melodious voice as it rolled through the vaulted aisles of 
 the Florentine cathedral, could scarcely believe him to be the 
 same sickly monk whose vocal infirmities had before paralysed 
 his vast erudition. in that very capital. Savonarola himself 
 almost believed the change to be miraculous, and fearful of 
 human pride loved to attribute his success to the immediate 
 inspiration of Heaven as its chosen messenger, the impulse of 
 which inspiration he felt for the first time in 1483. Savonarola 
 fancied himself appointed to preach repentance to every Chris- 
 tian while denouncing tlie calamities which his own sagacity 
 foresaw were likely to be inflicted on church and state through- 
 out the whole of Italy. After failing at Florence in 1481, this 
 singular man began preaching at Brescia in 1484, especially 
 on the Apocal}T)se, and prophesied that its streets would be 
 bathed in blood ; a prediction supposed to have been accom- 
 plished when Gaston de Foix massacred the inhabitants in the 
 year 1500, twenty-four months after Savonarola's death. In 
 1489 he was invited to Florence by Piero de' Medici at the 
 earnest recommendation of ( iiovanni Pico della Mimndola who 
 liad always been his friend, but who was more forcibly im- 
 pressed with his extraordinary talents and character during 
 some religious disputations at Beggio in 1485 *. 
 
 He travelled on foot as a pilgrim with scrip and staff', fell 
 ill on the road from exhaustion, was relieved by a mysterious 
 stranger, who accompanied him to Florence, took his leave at 
 
 » Storia di Savonarola, pp. 6, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17 and 18. 
 
508 
 
 FT.ORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book ir. 
 
 the gates, and was never seen afterwards. The monks of San 
 Marco received him with no less joy tlian wonder at his im- 
 provement in learning and eloquence, his tone of voice, and 
 imposing gestures and manner ; and from this moment lie 
 thundered forth his denunciations of coming woe and worked 
 for eight years successively with the most persuasive eloquence 
 on the excited minds of the Florentines. 
 
 From the first he seems to have disliked Lorenzo de' :\Iedici, 
 who nevertheless admired his talents and used every means to 
 propitiate liim hut in vjiin : Savonarola was stern, resolved, 
 and dignified; but respectful; he prophesied that gi-eat as Lo- 
 renzo was and he an humble stranger the formcT would be 
 compelled to leave his native city before him. Lorenzo at last 
 became irritated at the monk's obstinjicy, and authoritatively 
 restrained his too exciting eloquence after vainly endeavouring 
 to put him down by a rival preacher. Savouarula w;is however 
 unsubdued, and for some time braved all Lorenzo's authority 
 although he afterwards, whether from compulsion or reflection, 
 changed the tone of liis discourses to a simple and continued 
 but clear and eloquent exposition of the Old Testament. He saw 
 church discipline corrupted, the shepherds negligent, the sha- 
 dow of Gods wrath overspreading all the land, and he preaclied 
 repentance and reform ; but he never for an instant doubted 
 the tenets of the church itself, or dreamed of submitting them 
 to examination; yet he believed himself inspired, and was in 
 the habit of authoriUitively asserting from the pulpit tliat 
 " God willed thus and thus, and it must be done "*. 
 
 Against the abuse of human institutions hv brought reascm 
 to his aid as well as religion, and fought with a two-edged 
 sword : in all these he would acknowledge no other end than 
 utility to the human species ; " the greatest good of the greatest 
 number " was already a maxim of Savonarola's long ere Bec- 
 caria reduced it to that verbal form; and a respect for human 
 
 * Stor. di Savonarola, pp. 17, 22, 24, 27, 32.— Nerli, Com., Lib. iv., p. 64. 
 
 CHAI'. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 509 
 
 rights was the compass by which he originally steered. Liberty 
 in his mind was only second to religion (if indeed it could ever 
 exist without her) and its destmction by any individual, a crime 
 that placed his salvation in jeopardy : hence his sternness to 
 Lorenzo whom he otherwise admired : hence his constant refusal 
 to visit him or to pay him even the common courtesy due to the 
 patron of his convent : hence his contemptuous reception of 
 every overture ; and his IV'urs lest the slightest mark of respect 
 from him might be construed into a recognition of Medician 
 authoiity. But if the great name and talents of Lorenzo were 
 unable to soften this republican severity there was still less 
 likelihood that Piero's unlledged weakness should remove it ; 
 for it was this danwrous libenditv of sentiment, this incon- 
 venientpliilanthrojiV; coml)ined with Savonarola's popularity and 
 all-exciting elocpience whivh alarmed Lorenzo and made him 
 check the public expression of an iionesty he could never 
 bribe : and though the unliending priest refused to acknowledge 
 his sovereij:fntv he was vet forced to obey him as head of the 
 commonwealth jmd so abstain from such doctrine as might 
 excite the puldic passions through his free and powerful elo- 
 (pience. The moral etlect of his preaching was penetmting ; 
 it altered manners, repressed female vanity, restored ill-gotten 
 gains, and introduced such modesty of deportment and dress 
 amongst the women as had never before been witnessed. The 
 political discourses repressed by Lorenzo were resumed under 
 Piero and mainly assisted in shaking his authority ; for Savona- 
 rola's reasoning was sound, his eloquence persuasive, his prophe- 
 cies alarming, his boldness imposing; and all these acted like 
 magic on an acute and discontented, but a feaiiul, excited and 
 superstitious people *. 
 
 His visional-}' enthusiasm, or his clear perception of the hold 
 that he had on the public nund, led him to assert most auda- 
 
 * Storia di Savonarola, p. 31, note 3. — Fil. Ncili, Commentarj de' Fatti civil, 
 di Fireuze, Lib. iii., p. 58. 
 
510 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 fiously from the pulpit that he had been to heaven as ambas- 
 sador from Florence and that Jesus Christ himself had in con- 
 sequence assumed the sovereignty of the Florentine republic. 
 " And yet," says Macchiavelli, " this man persuii<led the Flo- 
 rentines who were neither dull nor ignorant, that he spoke with 
 God." And then adds : " I will not preteml tu judge whether 
 it were true or not, because of such a man ui must speak with 
 reverence ; but I do say that an infinite number believed liim 
 without having seen anything extraordinary to make them be- 
 lieve ; because his life, his doctrine, the subjects of his dis- 
 coui'se were sufficient to inspire faith " -^". 
 
 Savonarola was undoubtedly an able man ; probably a clear 
 sighted politiciim as well as an enthusiast, and made this saga- 
 city subservient to his real objects ; yet in point of fact but littb^ 
 foresight was required to see the probability of unsettled times ; 
 and when after Lorenzo's death he observed a strong disposition 
 to shake off the concentrated power of the Medici he at once took 
 the ball in his own hand, and preached, and reasoned, and 
 threatened ; and exposed the designs of those who wished for a 
 restricted government with such vehemence, both publicly and 
 privately, that he gained universal credit and unbounded powers. 
 No sooner was Ferdinand dead than Ali)honso sent an embassy 
 to Rome which, after some double-dealing on Alexander s part 
 in favour of France, concluded a favourable treatv and attached 
 liim to the league : nor was he less sedulous in the midst ot 
 existing difficulties to continue his father s negotiations with 
 Milan and by sacrificing his daughter's cjiuso to his alarm, 
 bring her back to Naples and owe his safety entirely to Lodo- 
 vico. The latter went on temporising both with him and Piero 
 de' Medici while he unceasingly urged the French monarch to 
 hasten his preparations: Charles Vlll. sent another embassy 
 of the already-named lords to renew his demands of a free pas- 
 
 * Scgni, Storie Fiorent.. Lib. i", pp. 23-25. — Maahiavt Hi, Discorsi, cap. xi. 
 
 t Fil. Neili, Comment , Lib. iv., p.U5. 
 
 CHAP. Tl.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 511 
 
 sage from Florence and publish his reasons for invading the 
 kingdom of Naples. They then proceeded to Rome ; but 
 neither public threats nor private promises to Piero, could 
 induce him to abandon Alphonso, although against the here- 
 ditary policy of his family, and contrary to the wishes and 
 opinions of the people whose numerous commercial relations 
 with every part of France were a strong bond of union. Neither 
 were the ambassadors more successful with Alexander who had 
 now tiiken a decided part in favour of Naples and resolved to 
 abide by it, as long as it suited his interests *. 
 
 The result of all we have endeavoured to explain amounts to 
 this : that after Lorenzo's deatli Florence swerved from Milan,, 
 unsettled the political balance, and leaned to Naples : that 
 Milan being alarmed, united with the pope and Venice in a 
 league against them, all three wishing, for different reasons, to 
 see Naples humbled. That Lodovico suspicious of his allies and 
 doubting his own safety, invited Charles VIIL to assert his 
 claims on Naples, invade Italy, give his protection to Milan, 
 and receive her assistance in return ; that Alexander after in- 
 triguing with both sides ultimately held to Alphonso f; that 
 Venice, not indisposed to let all parties be weakened, remained 
 ostensibly neutral ; and that Piero de' Medici still clinging to 
 Naples drew down on his country the indignation of France by 
 pertmaciously refusing a passage that her monarch was able 
 and detei-mined to effect. We will now proceed to the more 
 stirring events of the war|. 
 
 Alphonso made his preparations for the defence of Italy in 
 such a w^ay that all the peninsula to the northern confines of 
 
 • Guicciardini, Lib. i*^, cap. ii", pp. 55 
 to 63. 
 
 t Domenico Malipiero in his " Annali 
 Vencti" (p. 318, vol. vii., Archirio 
 Storico Itallano) says that Ascanio 
 Sforza persuaded the pope to invest 
 Lodovico with the lordship of Bologna 
 on condition of expelling the Bcnti- 
 
 voijli and the payment of 70,000 
 ducats and 10,000 more annually as 
 tribute to tlie church. This does not 
 appear to be noticed by other histo- 
 rians, 
 
 X Fran". Cei, Mem. Stori.he, p. 4G, 
 MS. in the author's possession. 
 
512 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 1!. 
 
 Tuscany, Bologna, and the petty states of Romagna were united, 
 and Lucca and Siena disposed to join. The principal army was 
 sent hito Romagna under Ferdinand Duke of Calabria with the 
 hopes of raising a revolt in Lombardy : Alplionso's brother. 
 Prince Frederic, commanded the fleet which was stationed at 
 the port of Pisa to watch the enemy's movements at (^lenua 
 while the king remained within his own frontier and Virginio 
 Oi-sino with a strong force held the Colonnain check about Rome. 
 
 The Ecclesiastical states and Neapolitan frontier were further 
 protected by another army in the Abnizzi, and Cardinal Paulo 
 Fregoso Archbishop, and fonnerly r)oge of Genoa, oftered in a 
 council of the allies at Vicovaro near Tivoli to raise a rebellion 
 in his native city and expel the Milanese and x\dorni, if he 
 could only manage to reach it with the Neapolitan squadron 
 before the French arrived. The proposal was accepted and he 
 sailed for Genoa; but all his intrigues had already been disco- 
 vered by the restless spirit of Giuliano della Rovere : that pre- 
 late leaving Ostia well garrisoned under his l»rother, made the 
 best of his way to France and finding the king at Lyon suc- 
 ceeded in fixing the unsteady mind of this weak prince who 
 after all his sacrifices was principally through the influence of 
 his sister about to give up the expedition. Mainly l)y Giuliauos 
 exertions some reenforcements were despatched to Genoa and 
 Don Frederic was defeated at Porto Venere ; the Genoese insur- 
 gents and three thousand infantry under Ibletto de' Fiescbi 
 were destroyed at Piapalla by a French and ^Milanese division. 
 and the whole enterprise failed *. 
 
 Meanwhile great preparations were making at Genoa under 
 the direction of his grand equerrj' Pierre d' Urfe for the 
 French monarch's reception ; a fleet commanded by the Duke ol 
 Orleans was rapidly equipped consisting of twelve great trans- 
 ports capable of containing fifteen hundred horse, nmety-six of 
 
 * Malipicro, Annali Vencti, p. 318. — jirdini, liih. i", cap. ii", p. 67. — Paulo 
 Phil, tie Comines, cap. iv. v. — Guicci- Giovio, Lib. i", pp. 31-35. 
 
 CHAP. TI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 513 
 
 smafler size for infantry ; seventeen " Speronate " *, twenty-three 
 vessels of five hundred and sixty, and twenty-six of five hundred 
 and eighty tons ; one great galeas or double galley that carried 
 a hundred horses ; thirty armed war galleys, and finally the 
 royal galley with a gilded poop and a silken awning extending 
 from stem to stem. These were merely intended as auxiliary 
 to the French squadron and the whole number of horses em- 
 barked was under eighteen hundred ; but Charles with his 
 usual wavering, " not being provided," says Philip de Comines, 
 " \rith great sense or much money, nor with anything necessary- 
 for such an enterprise," changed his mind and crossed the Alps 
 by the pass of Mont Genevre in August 1494 with an army 
 amounting after the junction of Lodovico Sforza to sixty thou- 
 sand men of all arms and conditions including followers f. 
 
 The Duke of Savoy and the Marquis of Monteferrato were 
 both minors under the care of their respective mothers, who 
 fearful of the storm and perhaps not imfriendly to Charles 
 opened all the passes and cities of their territories : the duchess 
 met him at Turin, the marchioness at Casale ; he bori-owed the 
 jewels of both ; pledged them for 24,000 ducats ; and then 
 took his leave of the two female regents of Savoy and Monte- 
 ferrato ; ! At Asti, which belonged to the Duke of Orieans in 
 right of his mother Valentina Visconte, Charies was joined by 
 Lodovico with his wife Beatrice of Este and her father Her- 
 cules Duke of Ferrara l)esides a selection of the most beautiful 
 women of Milan, who it is said were more celebrated for their 
 fascination than their severity, and by whose aid Lodovico hoped 
 to influence the young and voluptuous monarch. The king 
 however fell ill of some disease resembling the smallpox, and 
 the Italians it is said were indebted to this army for the 
 
 A sort of light galley or despatch- niaiii, An. de GcBoa,. Lib. v., Carta 
 boat ; now pulling about twenty oars, ccxlix.— Interiano, Lib. viii., p. 228. 
 and used in the latter character ulone. — Sismondi, vol. viii., p. 336. 
 t Jacopo Nardi, Lib. i", p. 28.— Phil. 1^^ Phil, de Comines, cap. v. 
 de Comines, cap. iv., p. 425— Giiisti- 
 ^OL. III. L L 
 
514 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 11. 
 
 introduction of another illness before unknown in their country. 
 At Pavia Charles visited the unfortunate Giovan-Galeazzo 
 and his unhappy duchess : the former was fast siukmg, as was 
 believed, by slow poison ; the latter even in Lodovico's presence 
 for no private inteiTiew was allowed, implored the king on her 
 knees to spare Alphonso and her brother Ferdinand ; he was 
 moved but had gone too far to change, and breaking away from 
 so painful a scene forgot his unhappy cousin and continued Lis 
 march to Placentia*. 
 
 While at Placentia Lodovico heard of his nephew's death on 
 the twentieth of October, and immediately returned to Milan : 
 the young duke left two children, a son and daughter, the former 
 but five years of age ; this minority was a good excuse for usurpa- 
 tion, wherefore Lodovico by the senate's advice availed himself of 
 
 ' ft 
 
 his secret investiture by Maximilian and thereupon was pro- 
 claimed Duke of Milan. He immedijitely after rejoined tlie 
 king, giving rise to great suspicion disgust and detestation 
 amongst the Frenchmen, and with the general reputation of 
 having poisoned his unfortunate kinsman f . 
 
 There were those however who attributed the young dukes 
 death to immoderate sensual indulgence l)ut the general belief 
 was poison, and at the French court people expressed their 
 opinion openly that this deed had been long premeditated and 
 that the real cause of his inviting Charles VI II. into Italy wa.s 
 to prevent all opposition by his presence I. 
 
 The French armv was now ready to march through Tus^cany : 
 
 ^ ft *^ 
 
 it consisted of three thousand six hundred men at-arms : six 
 thousand foot-archers from hretagne ; six thousand cross-bow 
 men from the central provinces; eight tlmusand Gascon ni- 
 fantry at that time the most esteemed in 1 lanee ; all armed 
 with arquebuses and two-handed swords ; and eight thou- 
 
 • Guicriardini, Lib. i'\ cap. iii., pp. .%, — fiuirtianliiii, Lil.. i", rap. iii", p. 09. 
 
 98. — Phil, de Cominea, Lib. vii., — Jacojx. Nardi, Lib. i", p. 19. 
 
 cap. vi. :J: Ibid., p. 100. 
 t Phil, de Comincs, Lib. vii., cap. vi. 
 
 CHAP. ▼!.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 515 
 
 sand Swiss or German pikemen and halberdiers. An immense 
 number of attendants followed and increased this splendid force 
 which was led by the king, the Duke of Orleans, afterwards 
 Louis XII. the Duke of Vendome ; the Count of Montpensier; 
 Louis de Ligue Lord of Luxembourg ; Louis de la Tremouille 
 and other great seigniors, besides the Seneschal of Beaucaire ; 
 Briyonnet Bishop of Saint Malo both confidential advisers of 
 Charles, and though last not least, his father's old and 
 faithful counsellor Philip de Comines Lord of Argenton who 
 has left so interesting and instinctive a liistory of his own times 
 t^i posterity *. Tlie French man-at-arms or lance (a name which 
 seems to have been gradutdly dropped in Italy after the cessa- 
 tion of transalpine condottieri by whom it was introduced) con- 
 sisted of six horsemen, of which two were archers : they were 
 nearly all French subjects, and all gentlemen, who were neither 
 enrolled nor removed at the general's pleasure nor paid by him 
 as in Italy, but received their salary direct from the crown : 
 their squadrons were always maintained conii)lete and every 
 man was well e<]uipped l)0th with arms and horses ; for their 
 circumstances were equal to it ; and there was a good spirit and 
 an honourable emulation to distiiii^uisli themselves not onlv for 
 the sake of glory but promotion, and the same spirit existed 
 amongst the leaders and generals, who were all lords and 
 barons or of illustrious lamily and nearly all native French- 
 men. None of the subordhiate chiefs commanded more than 
 a hundred lancen and when these were complete, they looked 
 only to glory and promotion whieh were pursued with a singular 
 devotion to tlie king whom they considered the source of both. 
 The result of this spirit and this e(piality, was a steadiness in 
 tlieir service, an al)sence of any desire, whether from avarice 
 or ambition, to change their masters, and a similar absence of 
 any rivalry with other captains for a largei- command. 
 
 All this ditlered from the Italian army in which the men-at- 
 
 ♦ Mem.de Louis dc la Tremouille, rited by Sitmoudi, vol. viii., p. 344. 
 
 L L 2 
 
516 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book n. 
 
 arms were at this time priucipdly composed of the lower ranks 
 of society, of strangers from other suites, the subjects of other 
 princes ; all depending on the condottieri, with whom tliey 
 agreed for their salary and hy tliem alone wab it paid, yet 
 without any generous stimulus to honour, glory, or good service ; 
 but on the contrary' the ceitainty of an unfeeling dismissal 
 when no longer wanted. The generals themselves were rarely 
 the subjects of those they sened and frequently had different 
 ends and interests, which were sometimes even directly inimical. 
 Amongst each other there was abundance of hatred and rivalry 
 and consequent absence of discipline : nor had they always a 
 prefixed period of service ; wherefore being entire mastei-s of 
 their troops they left their numbei*s incomplete, though paid 
 for; defrauded their employers ; demanded shameful contribu- 
 tions from them in emergencies, and then tired of the service, 
 or stimulated by ambition or avarice or some other temptation 
 they were not only tickle but unfaithful. Nor was there less 
 difference in the infantrj^ of France and Italy : the latter fought 
 ill compact and well-ordered battalions, but scattered over the 
 country and taking advantage of its banks and ditches and all 
 its local peculiai-ities : the Swiss in French pay un the contrary 
 combated in large masses of an invariable number of rank and 
 file, and never breaking tliis order th»y presented themselves 
 like a strong, solid, and iilmost unconquerable wall wliere there 
 was sutficient space to deploy their battalions: with similar dis- 
 cipline and similar (U'der did the Frnn li and (Gascon iiifantrv 
 fight, but not with ecjual bravery. In tlieir ordnance however 
 the French were far supeiior to the Itidiaus and sent so great 
 a quantity both of battering and field artillery to Genua fur this 
 war, and of so superior a nature, that the lUilian officers were 
 astonished. Hitherto in Italy this warlike arm whether usedui 
 the field or fortress had been of a very cumbrous construction ; 
 the largest were denominated " Boiaharde " and were made 
 both of brass and iron, but of great size : difficult of transport ; 
 
 CHAP. V!.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 517 
 
 difficult to place ; and difficult to discharge : much time was 
 consumed in loading; a long interval passed between eveiy 
 round ; and the effect in general was comparatively trifling with 
 reference to the time and labour employed, there being alwavs 
 a sufficient interval between each discharge for the garrison to 
 repair the damage at their leisure. The French had already 
 cast much lighter pieces of brass ordnance to which they se( in 
 to be the first who gave the name of cannon, and used iron shot 
 instead of stone balls : these were placed on lighter carriages, 
 and instead of bullocks as in Italy, they were drawn by horses 
 and kept pace with tlie army. They were placed in battery 
 with a rapidity that astonished the Italians, and their fire was 
 so quick and well-directed that what had previously been many 
 days' work amongst the latter was accomplished in a few hours 
 by the Frenchmen ; so that this alone made their army formid- 
 able to all Italy independent of their native ferocity and valour*. 
 With such soldiers Charles VII I. entered Tuscany by Pon- 
 tremoli which then belonged to Milan, and descending the left 
 bank of the Magra, took Fivizzano, as the first of his Florentine 
 acquisitions, put the whole garrison and a great part of the 
 inhabitants to death, and si)read terror through a land unused 
 to Idoody wars and indiscriminate massacre : from Fivizzano the 
 invaders resumed their march and unwilling to leave such a 
 place as Sarzana in their rear invested that town with all the 
 army which was now augmented by the Swiss auxiliaries and the 
 artilleiy from Genoa. Sai'zana was strong, Sarzanella situated 
 on the hill above, infinitely stronger ; but neither properly pre- 
 pared for a siege, mid alarmed even at the very name of a French 
 army. Yet the enterprise was difficult ; the country was sterile, 
 confined, and unhealthy, and provisions scarce ; much therefore 
 might have been done by a strong opposition here ; or if the king 
 left the siege to advance on Pisa or enter the states of Lucca, 
 (which through Lodovico s intrigues now secretly favoured him) 
 
 • Guicciaidiiii, Storia d' Itiilia, Lib. i", cap. iii", p. 91. 
 
513 
 
 FLORENTFNE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 or to advance direct on Florence, the failure of his attempt 
 would have had a had moral influence and encouraged further 
 resistance*. The Duke of Calahria had in tlie meantinie 
 occupied Romagna hut with an inadequate force, and heing 
 young, commanded under the advice of Orsino Count of Piti* 
 ♦diano and Giovanni Jacomo Trivulzio ; the former cautious to 
 u fault the latter fier)' and impetuous. The result was ill suc- 
 cess and a rapid retreat before Stuart Duke of Lennox and 
 Aubicmv, and the subsequent secession of Caterina Sforza from 
 the league f . All this ill-hick began to damp the courage of 
 Piero de' Medici, and the terror of his fellow-citizens redoubled 
 public indignation against him : the French monarch had com- 
 pelled his banking establishment at Ljon to break up, but left 
 all other Florentines unmolested, in order to show the world 
 aftainst whom his anger was directed. This circumstance com- 
 bined with their teiTor at the approaching danger drew the 
 citizens into closer union against Piero, who was accused of 
 e.xciting a war for another's quarrel with a nation to whom they 
 had ever been warmly attached. Mm'murs increased ; Lorenzo 
 and Giovanni de' Medici had already taken refuge at the French 
 court and were urging Charles to overturn a system of govern- 
 ment that had become odious to the majority of Florentines . 
 there was no sympathy with Piero, even amongst the populace ; 
 his fathers friends who from self-interestedness were now 
 estranged from him, had been long courting the inferior citizens 
 in the fear and expectation of a change ; and he, alarmed at the 
 unwonted signs of trouble, simk where a man of genius would 
 have risen, and burst like the frog in the fable with his mistaken 
 efforts to imitate a greater man ^ 
 
 Lorenzo in his extremity did, with much precaution, the 
 boldest and wisest act that circumstances allowed ; but these 
 were as different as the two men, and the result was accord- 
 ingly : after much secret preparation and extreme pmdence 
 
 ♦ Guiccianlini, Storia d' Italia, Lib. i", cap. iii., p. 102. 
 + Ibid., p. 108. t Jacopo Pitti, Lib. i", p. 27. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 519 
 
 Lorenzo with difficulty succeeded, and Piero had been 
 accustomed to hear his lather's conduct lauded to the skies : 
 prompted by his own folly he inconsiderately determined to 
 imitate him ; wherefore appointing an embassy he resolved to 
 proceed at its head to the French comt and endeavour to nego- 
 tiate. So far was politic, an overwhelming force was on the 
 frontier; little hope of effectual resistance remained; the city 
 was discontented; his own authority was tottering; he could 
 not fight, and therefore he did right to treat. But after some 
 secret agreement with French agents he abruptly quitted his 
 colleagues on the pretence of first visiting Pisa and hastened on 
 to the royal camp in the hope of conducting the negotiation 
 more unreservedly and with greater attention to private than 
 public interests than he could possibly do ^rith a set of jealous 
 discontented companions. At Pietra Santa he stopped for his 
 passport, (or safe-conduct as it was then called) having heard 
 that three hundred horse who attempted to reeuforce Sar- 
 zaiia had been cut to pieces : proceeding to the royal camp he 
 was received with apparent graciuusness ; and further to propi- 
 tiate Charles he immediately and almost voluntarilv ordered 
 Sarzana, which could have made a good defence, to be surren- 
 dered and Sarzanello to follow its example. The French 
 monarch astonished and delighted at this easy acquisition of two 
 strong fortresses commanding the entrance into Tuscany, 
 boldly increased his demands and was still further suqn-ised by 
 having Pietra Santa, Leghorn, Librafatta, and even Pisa placed 
 in his hands with no other security than the king's note of 
 hand, or mere verbal promise of restoring them after the con- 
 quest of Naples should be achieved. When the rest of the 
 ambassadors arrived they were astounded at Piero's folly, their 
 utmost intention having been to concede what they could 
 no longer refuse ; a free passage through the Florentine terri- 
 tory. When in addition to this it was Imown that Piero had 
 engaged the republic to lend 5^00,000 ilorins for which the king 
 
520 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 was to take them under liis protection l)ut only on the securit\ 
 of his simple word mitil he arrived at Florence, puhlic rage and 
 astonishment became unbounded, and a reception was prepared 
 for the Medici that he little expected. They saw theii* domi- 
 nions laid open to the mercy of an exasperated foe ; their 
 strongholds surrendered without conditions or security, and tlie 
 very forms of republican liberty most insolently trampled upon 
 by one whose arrogance had already disgusted them and whom 
 they were previously determined to pull down ; but having no 
 power to defend Pisa and Leghoni they still hoped to save them 
 by denpng Pieros authority to make any such concessions*. 
 
 To disavow his acts they at once despatched another emliassy, 
 composed of those most adverse to Medician power, and led by 
 Girolamo Savonarola: it found Charles at Lucca but was 
 unable to obtain an audience until the next day at Pisa where 
 the discourse of Savonarola made some impression and would 
 probably have been more efficacious had not the influence 
 of *' Le grand Lombard'' as the French called Piero, been still 
 most mischievously paramount f. 
 
 On the intelligence of these events reachmg the Duke 
 of Calabria in Romagna, and Don Frederic who still com- 
 manded the fleet, the latter instantly retired from Porto Pisano 
 and Leghorn, and the fonner being deprived of Florentine aid 
 quitted Imola and Forli, resolved to defend Naples on her o\ni 
 soil as he could not maintain himself in a stranger *s ^. Lodovico 
 
 * Phil, de Comincs, cap. vii. — Paulo 
 Giovio, Lib. i", p. 41. — Guicciardini, 
 Lib. i**, cap. iil, p. 104. — Jacopo 
 Nardi, Lib. i**, p. 15 — 18. — Ammirato, 
 Lib. xxvi., p. 203. — All these facts arc 
 also corroborated bv three old MSS- in 
 my possession, viz. : ** Francesco Cci, 
 Meniorie Storiche, dal 1494 a/ loQS." 
 " Relazione della Espuhione di Piero 
 de' Medici e di altre novita scguitc 
 in Firenze riel 1494." " Memonc delle 
 mutazioni e ordinazioni seguite lul 
 
 (jovemo di Firenze dopo t csjndsionr 
 di Piero Medici.'^ These are writ- 
 ten by Guido Giovanni di Zanobi 
 Guidacci (date 1G49) or rather copied 
 from a more ancient and apparently :i 
 cotcmporary MS. 
 
 + Guicciardini, Lib. i", p. 110. — Stoiia 
 di Savoiiarcda, p. 68. — Nardi, Lib. i", 
 p. 18. 
 
 :J: Ibid., p. 20. — Ammirato, Lib. xxvi.. 
 p. 203. 
 
 CHAF. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 521 
 
 at tliis time although he received the investiture of Genoa from 
 the king for himself and his descendants, left the French camp 
 and returned to Milan, sulky with Charles because Pietra Santa 
 and Sarzana were not also according to promise, placed in his 
 custody as Genoese possessions, but which he really coveted 
 as weapons for the future conquest of Pisa*. 
 
 Piero seeing in the anger of Florence a determination to 
 throw off" his yoke, instantly ordered his cousin Paulo Orsino 
 then in Florentine pay to assemble troops and be ready for 
 action, and Paulo accordingly occupied a position at Sant' 
 Antonio del Vescovo near the city. Piero then returned 
 to Florence making his entiy on the eighth of November 
 1494 and went straight to the palace determined to establish 
 his power by force of arms and send all his enemies to death 
 or banishment, but he was unequal to the taskf. Citizens had 
 grown up in Florence of a bolder cast ; men who from early 
 habits, and respect for the great abilities of Lorenzo had been 
 content to serve, but scorned the puerile insolence and feeble- 
 ness of his son's character: a character made still more 
 obnoxious by his trampling on those forms of liberty which 
 so many of the citizens still clung to even while they felt 
 their emptiness. At the head of these was Piero di Gino 
 di Neri Capponi, who with all the integrity, the courage, and 
 the talent of his family, urged upon liis fellow citizens 
 the necessity of immediate and vigorous action ; a prompt 
 assertion of public liberty against the designs of Piero de' 
 IMedici in the first instance ; tuid an unanimous effort for 
 the national independence against foreign invasion in the 
 second. Capponi was supported by Luca di Bertoldo Corsini 
 and Jacopo di Tanai de' Nerli, both openly declarmg that then 
 was the moment to rid themselves of child's government. A 
 Seignory, all but one inimical to Piero, was accordingly chosen 
 
 * Guicciardini, Lib. i**, cap. iii., p. 1 10. — Phil, de Comines, cap. vii. 
 f Jacopo Nardi, Lib. i", p. 20. 
 
522 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 523 
 
 >S| 
 
 ihrougli this influence on the first of November 1494 by a 
 large meeting of citizens in conjunction with the " Otto di 
 Pratica," and under Giovanni Francesco Scaifi as gonfalonier 
 of justice-. 
 
 To the bold attempt of making himself absolute prince of 
 Florence in existing cii'cumstances, it is said that Piero was 
 persuaded by his wife Alfonsina and other relations of the 
 ( )i'sini race ; but however that may be, on Sunday the ninth of 
 November he went direct to the palace, which was closed, and 
 was infoiTued of the Seignoiy's command tliat he alone should 
 be admitted, and only through the wicketf . Piero withdrew much 
 disconcerted, but after retiring a few paces he was recalled by a 
 messenger from Antonio Lorini who that day happened to be 
 '' Prcposto^' or President of the Seignory and still in some 
 degree attached to the Medici. Lorini would therefore allow 
 no proposition to be made in that council against Piero, nor 
 even peimit a general meeting of the citizens by sounding the 
 great bell of the palace ; he would even have at once admitted 
 Piero had not Luca Corsini, Jacopo Nerli, and others hurried 
 to the gate and refused him an entrance with high words and 
 pei'sonal insult*. The people present seeing him thus con- 
 temptuously driven from the gate shouted in derision as he 
 passed, nay the very children took up this hue and cry and 
 even pelted liim, so that Piero although naturally courageous 
 and in the midst of his armed attendants, was overcome with 
 
 * They were Luca Corsini, Giovanni 
 Uguccionc, Francesco Niccolini,Filippo 
 Sacchetti, Giuliano Lenzone, Chimenti 
 Sciarpellonc, Antonio Lorini and Fran- 
 cesco Taddei — with the above-named 
 gonfalonier of justice. — Francesco 
 Cei, Mem. Stor., p. 1 3, MS. 
 1* "Vita di Savonarola, cap. vi., p. Gl. 
 t Nerli spit in his face (Vita di Sa- 
 vonarola, cap. vi., p. 21, Gencvra, 
 1781). The MS. history of Francesco 
 Cei says that Piero icas admitted with 
 
 a few attendants on his Jirst applica- 
 tion ; that he excused himself before 
 the Seignory ; was admonished and 
 ordered to send Paulo Orsino away, 
 and desist from every act that might 
 give rise to suspicions against him — 
 (p. 15.) and that the above insults 
 happened at his second visit on the 
 9th November. — Jacopo Pitti's account 
 agrees with this but makes out three 
 visits to the palace and two admissions 
 there by the Seignory. — (Lib. i", p. 31.) 
 
 fear : the Bargello Pier Antonio dalF Aquila, who came with 
 a guard to his assistance was at once disarmed and rifled, and 
 then conducted quietly l)ack to his residence. Piero soon 
 reached the Medici palace in Via Larga while the Bargello was 
 compelled to release his prisoners, and these with the arms of 
 his guard were the first men and the first weapons used to 
 overthrow a tyranny of sixty years' duration -^^ 
 
 These unequivocal signs of public feeling encouraged the 
 Seignory, who hearing that Piero had denounced them and being 
 fearful of Oi-smo's troops, immediately tolled the campana : this 
 soon brought the citizens together with such old-fashioned 
 weapons as they could lay their hands upon ; for in those days 
 few were allowed to cany arms, and only in the houses of the 
 j\Iedician party could any be found, so jealous was their rule f ! 
 On reachhig home Piero lost no time in summoning Paulo 
 Orsino to his aid while Cardinal Giovanni issued out at the 
 head of his followers, making way towards tlie palace with 
 the Medician ciy of " Palle Palle ;" until it Avas overcome by 
 the now more formidable shouts of " Popolo, Popolo ; Libertdy 
 Liberta,'' and the cardinals progress was arrested at Orto-San- 
 Michele. This increased Piero s alarm who hastily fled to- 
 wai'ds Porta Sangallo endeavouring to raise that quarter in his 
 favour by flinging money amongst the people and using every 
 other means that he and his brother Giuliano could command. 
 But the population of Sangallo ; of yore devoted to his house ; 
 were now insensible to everything l)ut the sullen sound of the 
 campana tlien rolling over their heads the parting knell of 
 the Medici : Piero listened to it and fled, and like a startled 
 deer rushed through the city gates which then closed and shut 
 him out for everj. 
 
 * Jacopo Nardi, Lib. i", p. 20. — Phil, dc Comincs, Lib. vii., cap. viii. 
 Piuicciardini, Lib. i", cap. iv., p. 1 1 1. — f Jacopo Nardi, Lib. i^ p. 21 . 
 
 Ouicciaraini, Lib. i", cap. iv., p „_..j, , , , 
 
 Animirato, Lib. xxvi., p. 204. — Fran. X l^'^i- Cei, MS., p. 16. — Jacopo 
 Cei, p. 16, MS.— Gio. Guidacci, Es- Nardi, Lib. i", p. 22.— Vita di Savon- 
 imlsione di Piero di Medici, MS. — arola, cap. vi., p. 22. 
 
524 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOKY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 525 
 
 I 
 
 The Cardinal de' Medici who had stopped at the Cantoiip 
 del Giglio ; sending his majordomo on to Orsanniichele where 
 he was left for dead ; on learning that the Seignorv had declared 
 him a rehel disguised himself as a monk and along with Giuli 
 ano followed the steps of his elder brother*. The latter Hed 
 in the first instance to Careggi and then towards Bologna : l»iit 
 his companions became territied and after a few miles Piero w.is 
 nearly deserted : even Orsini on seeing the troops disperse, con- 
 sulted his own safety and perhaps his friend s, by taking a 
 different route leaving Piero to arrive almost miattended at 
 Bologna f. He was there somewhat coolly received by Gio- 
 vainii Bentivoglio and sarcastically asked who had driven him 
 from Florence? " If you should ever by chance hear," added 
 the vain Lord of Bologna, '* If you should by chance hear that 
 I were driven from this city believe it not, rather believe that 
 I am cut to pieces." His time however came and like Piero 
 he died in exile, for no man is master of liis destiny : it is 
 easier to vaunt and blame than set a heroic example or judge 
 of the moment when such an example may be necessary : the 
 living though beaten head of an able chieftain is worth many 
 self-immolated heroes, and more courage is necessary to stem 
 the dark current of living troubles than to meet a glorious deatli 
 in honourable combat. 
 
 It was however believed by many that if Piero had made a 
 stand at his own palace with Orsini's troops and his family ad- 
 herents none would have dared to attack him, and his cause would 
 have prospered : and when we consider that only his former par- 
 tisans had arms, and that these from early habits of deference 
 and perhaps some lingering sentiments of respect for the race 
 which had so long protected them, would have been langiud in 
 their use such a conjecture is not improbable. It was one ol 
 
 * Vita di Savonarola, cap. vi., p. 22. — including Giuliano and the Cardinal on 
 
 Fran. Cei, MS., Mem. Storiche,p. 16. 14th November (Mallpuro, Anmli 
 
 t Nardi, Lib. i., p. 22.— He however Vencti, vol. vii., p. 324, Arc/ilvlo 
 
 reached Venice with fourteen followers Storico ItaliaiM.) 
 
 those decisive moments when a great mind leaves common mles 
 and whis by the intuitive perception of superior genius'!^. 
 
 Once up and excited the Florentines as usual broke into 
 excesses : the dwellings of many persons, the reputed authors 
 of a *»riuding taxation, were instantly plundered : the Medician 
 t^ardens at San Marco where Buonaroti s genius lirst attracted 
 the notice of Lorenzo, next fell under their fury ; and Cardinal 
 Giovaimi's house at Saint Antonio with many other palaces 
 would have suffered if the Seignory had not taken immediate 
 measures to stop the tumult : this saved the splendid residence 
 of the Medici (now Hiccardi) in Via Larga, only however to 
 1»e afterwards sold by order of govenmient or sacked by the 
 Kuig of France s followers who subsequently lodged there 
 and helped to disperse or destroy the magnificent collection 
 of books, maimscripts and works of ait that the Medici had been 
 collecting for three generations f . 
 
 On the same day all the effigies of those who had been 
 declared rebels by that family in 14lU were swept from the 
 walls of the podesta's palace as well as those painted over 
 the doors of the custom-house in 1 178 ; the families of Neroni 
 Dietisalvi, the Pazzi, and all other enemies of the Medici were 
 restored, amongst them Lorenzo and Giovanni de' Medici, who 
 immediately renounced their family name and arms, for those 
 of " Popohon,'' with the device of the Florentine people (a 
 red cross in a white field) conferred on them by public decree \. 
 So ended for a season the Medician rule in FI rence after 
 sixty years' duration, but only to be revived with greater vigour, 
 greater tyranny, and more fatal permanence : for two-and- 
 lifty years before had the exclusively Guelphic sway of the 
 Albizzi endured, and thus two private families domineered 
 over the Florentine republic for the long period of a hundred 
 and twelve years : the Albizzi rided with some consideration 
 
 * Jacopo Niirdi, Lib. i", p. 22. — Es- dc Comincs, Lib. vii., cap. ix. — Paulo 
 
 pulsi<»nc de Piero di Medici, MS. p. 10. Giovin, Lib. i", p. 43. 
 
 t Jaoopo Nardi, Lib. i*^, p. 22.— Phil. Z Jacopo Nardi, Lib. i", p. 22. 
 
526 
 
 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II 
 
 for public liberty in all that did not directly affect tbeir political 
 power, and certainly with less vindictiveness than the Medici ; 
 the latter with an incipient moderation that gradually swelled 
 into a total contempt even of the meagre forms of liberty. 
 The ambition of the first was to be chiefs of a republican 
 community, to direct the energies of a free people, but not 
 reduce them to servitude : they were a fiictiou, but one of great 
 vigour, great alnlity, and some real patriotism. The desire of 
 the last was to become sovereign princes of Florence and, for 
 self-aggrandisement, the destroyers of its political liberty : the 
 one marched boldly and openly to their object strong in talent 
 and general influence : the other more covertly ; and with 
 equal talent and greater sagacity gained theirs by a gentle 
 sapping of the \er\ foundations of independence. Both became 
 too much elated with a long and successful rule, too confident 
 in its stability, and therefore too careless in its management ; 
 until at last, forgetting that they were citizens, they atteui})ted 
 more and lost their venture : the Albizzi more rapidly because 
 they had a powerful rival watching for every chance and im- 
 proving every error to his own advantage ; but the Medici wise 
 from their own success, cut do\Mi the tallest poppies in the 
 field and stood alone above the bending multitude. They 
 were both expelled ; but rather from too oj)enly exhibiting their 
 power than from its actual possession : the tiger's paw may be 
 laid on as soft as velvet but if he unsheath his claws he scares ; 
 so if the curb and rein be set in silk and gold a nation may go on 
 quietly champing the bit, and ruminating upon its freedom until 
 a sudden jerk of the bridle proclaim tlie danger. 
 
 The rapid changes of Florentine character from subser- 
 vience to cruelty were perhaps never more apparent than in the 
 immediate offer of 2000 crovvns of gold to any who would bring 
 the head of either of the two elder Medici to Florence, and 
 5000 if delivered up alive. This, it is true, was the custom of 
 the age and in accordance with Florentine law; but there was, 
 
 CHAP. VI.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 527 
 
 even for that time and country, something diabolical in tempt- 
 ing every villain in eveiy state to murder these youthful 
 fugitives, against one of whom at least little or nothing couhl 
 be alleged beyond the momentaiy effort to preserve his 
 brother's authority -. Nevertheless some allowance must be 
 made for the personal hatred that was borne, and justly borne 
 to Piero de' Medici whose father even had always been fearful 
 of his ruining Ihe family, and in all the writers of that day there 
 are strong indications of his more than common depravity. 
 Cambi declares him to have been " stained with every vice " 
 for which reason he adds, " It is to be hoped by the grace of 
 God that the city will soon get rid of tyrants ; for the citizens 
 now see their error." Francesco Cei calls him a proud, vicious, 
 cruel, and licentious man who was more hated than feared ; 
 and Giovanni Guidacci in his relation of Piero 's expulsion 
 \vrites as follows f. " Florence remained free (from him) by the 
 grace of God and not by human \\isdom, as they know and 
 saw who were present at this great event ; because the fear 
 with which God filled Piero 's heart and those of his confederates 
 did much more than arms and forces. He had assumed the 
 power of ruling the people as he listed, and nominated the 
 Seigiiory and all the magistracies, such as the 'Otto dl Bal id,' the 
 ' Ujizio del Monte,' the ' Conserrotors of the L((tr.<i,' and other 
 important magistrates entirely at his will, so that he held the 
 government completely in hand. And by little and little his 
 lather Lorenzo and his (Lorenzo's) mother Lucrezia in their 
 lifetime had so reduced the state of Florence that every petty 
 office was given away by them or through their means ; and even 
 every domestic servant who wished to serve as an attendant in 
 the offices of the various trade corporations was forced to apply 
 to ]\Iadam Lucrezia. The very citizens about to enter office, 
 
 * Istoric (li Ciov. Cambi, p. 79.- 
 Cniicciardini (aip.iv.) says that Ciuliai 
 
 fldcr brothers. 
 , . iano t Cio. Cambi, p. GO. — F. Cei, Mem,, 
 
 was declared a rebel like the others M8. p. G. 
 but Cambi only mentions the two 
 
1 
 
 528 
 
 FLOKENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 529 
 
 before they received it were compelled to visit Lorenzo and 
 obtiiiii bis approbation ; and tlius the way to every post was 
 commanded ; and in the same manner was this contmucd by 
 Piero, and even exceeded ; for of the revenues of the city of 
 I'lorence, all, or nearly all were paid into the bank of the 
 IMedici ; and tdmost all the public treasurers were nominated 
 by Piero from the clerks of his o^^^l bank. The soldiers' }>ay 
 also was disbursed by tliis bank, and all moneys payable by the 
 otficers of wai- or the ' Dieci di Baha ' were paid throu<,»h tlie 
 same channel ; and thus each office and ever}^ branch of 
 revenue, or the major part of them, came into the hands of 
 Piero ; and no man was bold enough to raise his voicr against 
 it ; and so he managed his friends by love and his enemies by 
 force. The greater part of the marriages contnicted in Flo- 
 rence during his time were made according to his fancy, an<l 
 husbands and wives arbitrarily given away by himself and 
 friends ; and if his rule had lasted he would shortly have been 
 lord of Florence. 
 
 '' But because he was devoid of talent and every soil of good- 
 ness, yet full of libiduiousness and immodesty towards the 
 Florentine youth of both sexes whether belonging to friends or 
 enemies, if the fancy came or that he was peradvcuture taken 
 with any, he did his utmost to gratify his desire and had many 
 ways of accomplishing it. Wherefore God, seeing and knowhijz 
 him to be a young man without fear of heaven and reckless of 
 his neighbours honour, would not allow him to i)roceed and 
 so withdrew his hand, and thus losing his intellect Piero 
 was driven from Florence " *. 
 
 On the self-same day that Florence recovered her liberty 
 
 * Guidacci, " Espulsionc di Pifio dc' doubtful however whether Piero wa> 
 
 Medici, p. 6, MS It is in this sense so devoid of tuleut :is this author «U- 
 
 ihat Dante uses the same expression scribes him. — See his k'tter to Dionigi 
 
 (Inferno, Canto iii.) "Che vedrai le Pucci, Documento 2 and note by Guu' 
 
 genti dolorose, chc hanno perduto il Capponi, vol. i., Ar. Stor. Ital. 
 liu ddC intdkttoy — It seems very 
 
 Pisa demanded the restoration of hers ; and Charles VIII. as 
 Comines says not exactly binder standing what liberty meant, 
 granted their boon : the Pisans he adds might well be excused 
 for wishing to throw off the Florentine yoke for though the 
 inconstant Italians were always eager to please the most 
 powerful, Pisa was mled with extreme rigour by Florence and 
 the citizens treated with a degree of cruelty only practised upon 
 slaves -. More than eighty-eight years had elapsed since Pisa 
 was conquered and the early government of Florence had been 
 comparatively mild: Gino Capponi as we have seen endeavoured 
 to conciliate them by his justice and moderation and this is 
 said to have been continued under the Albizzi, but as that city 
 is scarcely mentioned from the moment of its fall until its 
 revolt under Charles VII 1. it is hard to tell when and how the 
 change began though an early specimen of the spirit of Flo- 
 rentine rule has been already given f . It is also asserted that 
 when Florentine liberty declined under Cosimo a system of 
 illiberality and persecution gradually poisoned the better feel- 
 ings of an independent people and a suspicious jealousy 
 overcame humanity, justice, and sound policy. Pistoia it was 
 said had been reduced to subjection by alternately favouring 
 its factions, and Pisa was to be held in bondage by its citadels \. 
 Two of these were erected there, and under their shadow 
 cruelty and injustice revelled unquestioned and unchecked : 
 oppression, private exaction, public inii)osts, official tyranny, 
 exclusion from office, insolence, contempt, everlasting sus- 
 picion ; hostages exacted on every trifling accident ; prohibition 
 Irom wholesale connnerce, from the maniiiiictures of silk and 
 wool, and other injustice, all served to maintain the ancient 
 and everlasting spirit of hatred to the Florentines, a hatred 
 that has not even now completely subsided in Pisa §. Nay it 
 is confidently asserted that the veiy drains and canals of the 
 
 * Phil, de Comines, Lib. vii., cap. vii. chiavclli, Discorsi, Lib. ii", cap. 
 
 t See note to chap.xxix.,p.23,Book i. xxiv., xxv. 
 
 + Sisniondi, vol. viii., p. 359. — Mac- § Guicciardini, Lib. i", cap. iv.,p 113. 
 
 VOL. III. MM 
 
530 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY 
 
 [book u. 
 
 marshv delta of the Arao were purposely neglected to spoil 
 their agriculture and thus introduce disease and misery in their 
 most deadly forms for the purpose of more quickly breakhig the 
 spirit of this proud indignant people, and tanung them to the 
 voke of Florence*. The profound silence of the Florentine 
 writei-s about Pisa while under their sway, the sullen taciturnity 
 of the Pisans themselves ; who, thus caged, refused to smg their 
 own misfortunes : and the unmitigated bitterness of feelmg on 
 both sides, render it almost impossible to judge ot the exact 
 nature extent and motives of Florentine oppression; and the 
 e^ddcnt impolicy of depopulating a country by the mtroduction 
 of sickness and the ruin of agriculture would be monstrous il 
 we had not the eveiT-day experience of what " fantastic tricks 
 man plays when dressed in a little brief authonty," and ho^v 
 governments mistake their own interests when blmded by 
 passion fanaticism and national prejudice f. 
 
 Like Ireland in our own times, Pisa was then to be held 
 onlvby frowns and coercion : hence citadels were bmlt;an( 
 though her commerce and manufactures might have interfered 
 with^Florence. her agriculture could not, except benehcialy; 
 and the ruin of her drainage is of so barbarous and suicidal a 
 character that culpable negligence mther than malicious in- 
 tention might be inferred if it were not for the letter quoted 
 above, more especially as an office of canals and drains was 
 established in 1477, perhaps to remedy the sell-created mis^ 
 fortune. " Pisa," says Macchiavelli, - should Lave participa e 
 in all the rights and privileges of Florence and thus have beei 
 attached by companionship, or else after the Roman fashion U 
 walls should have been destroyed; but it never should Im 
 been coerced by citadels, which are useless in the occupatu) 
 of a conquered town and injurious to a native one . tH^ 
 neither fortress nor oppression could extinguish the hatred nor 
 
 • Ouicciardmi, Lib. ii«, cap. i«, p. 1 49. t Macchiavelli de Discorsi, Lib. ii", 
 t See note in last page and Fabroni, cap. -4. 
 vol. ii", p. 8, 4to edition. 
 
 CHAP. VT.] 
 
 FLOllENTINE H ISTORY. 
 
 531 
 
 break the spirit of Pisa ; with marvellous elasticity her citizens 
 shook off their burden at the king's approach, and buoyed by 
 the hollow counsel of the Moor who wished to add her to his 
 state, resolved to make one bold effort for liberty. Amongst 
 all the Pisan citizens Simone Orlandi was most noted for his 
 detestation of blorence, and his house became the rendezvous 
 for all the disaffected spirits : he was bold, eloquent, and sin- 
 cere, and speaking the French language as fluently as Italian 
 they selected him for their advocate : Charles occupied the 
 palace of the Medici, and there Orlandi presented himself 
 accompanied by a concourse of his compatriots of both sexes : 
 the king issued out on his way to mass and was loudly hailed 
 with the cry of Liherta, Lilnrta, the whole assembly entreating 
 him with streaming eyes to grant it. An advocate of the court 
 whose office was to receive petitions, either bribed by the sup- 
 plicants or not well understanding the Italian language ; for in 
 the account of this transaction Comines and Giovio vary ; assured 
 Charles that their case was pitiable and their prayer well 
 worthy of being granted, for no people had been so infamously 
 treated as the Pisans. The king as we have said not well com- 
 prehending the exact meaning of the word Liherta, a thing 
 which he could not justly give them because the city did not 
 belong to him, nevertheless signitied his most gracious assent, 
 which was received with shouts of joy by the multitude. 
 " France " and " Libert}/ " resounded through the streets ; the 
 Florentine officers were expelled even against the khig's inten- 
 tions ; the ''Marzocchi " or Stone Lions, the emblem of Flo- 
 rentine rule, were dashed into fragments, a statue of Charles 
 himself trampling them under his horse's feet was raised on 
 their rums, and Pisa once more respired the air of freedom in 
 the self-same hour that her oppressors drove their own tyrant 
 from the walls of Florence '^. 
 
 * Guicciardini, Lib. i°, cap. iv., p. 113. dc Comines, Lib. vii., cap. vii. — Mc 
 — Paulo Giovio, Lib. i**, p. 45. — Phil, inorialedi Giovan. Portoveneic,vol. vi. 
 
 M M 2 
 
532 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 The Florentines fearing that Charles would attempt to 
 restore Piero de' Medici, made a merit of necessity and not only 
 surrendered the citadel and fortress of Pisa but also delivered 
 Porto Pisano into his hands, which never would have been done 
 but from the fear of refusing what he had so treacherously 
 promised ^^. The old citadel was immediately given up to 
 the Pisans ; the new and more important one received a strong 
 French garrison, and then the king with a haughty and threat- 
 eninct aspect pursued his march to Florence. At the Villa Pan- 
 dolfini near Signa, within eight miles of that capital the French 
 army halted in order to afford time for Stuart of Aubigny to 
 rejoin the king with all but his Italian auxiliaries and so give 
 more weight to the terais which he now meant to impose on the 
 Florentines. Here several embassies were received, nor did he 
 hide his intention of compelling them by the terror of his arms 
 to give him the absolute sovereignty of the republic. He hated 
 Florence for the opposition he had experienced although he 
 knew it was Piero s individual act, and there were plenty about 
 him tempted by the prospective plmider of so rich a city who 
 joined in the universal cry for its punishment. Neither was 
 Piero without his partisans : Briconnet Bishop of Saint ]\Ialo. 
 the Seneschal of Beaucaire, and Pliilip de Bresse, uncle to the 
 Duke of Savoy, were all in his favour ; and by the two latter 
 Charies was induced to send a despatch inviting him to return, as 
 it was the king s intention to restore him : but Piero disgusted 
 with his reception at Bologna had proceeded to Venice where, 
 after considerable hesitation, he was by the advice of Philip de 
 Comines most honourably received. On the king s letter ioV 
 lowing him there he immediately took the dangerous step ot 
 asking counsel of the Seignory who now alarmed at Chariess 
 power and the permanent authority which Piero's reestabhsh- 
 ment would give him, strongly advised the latter not to tnist 
 
 Parte ii% Ar. Stor. Ital., p. 287.-Ri- * Fran. Cci, Mem. Stor., p. xviii., 
 rordi di Ser Perizolo di Pisa, Ar. Stor. MS. 
 lul., vol. vi., Parte ii% p. 391. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 533 
 
 himself in the hands of an offended monarch ; and to enforce 
 their counsel surrounded him with secret guards while their 
 cordial aid when the occasion favom-ed him was unhesitatingly 
 proffered. It is good to ask advice, but better to make 
 yourself well acquainted with the adviser : in this instance 
 says Guicciardini the Venetians advised themselves, not Piero 
 de' Medici *. 
 
 In Florence neither the government nor the people were at 
 their ease : an arrogant monarch with an imposing army was at 
 their gates, and on the seventeenth of November entered the 
 city with great pomp in all the vanity of a conqueror ; " Missus 
 a Deo " upon his colours, his lance upon his thigh, and sur- 
 rounded by a brilliant chivalry. He was received at the Porta 
 San Friano under a golden canopy held over him by the young 
 Florentine nobles and attended by the clergy, the Seignoiy, the 
 various magistracies, and an immense concourse of people, with 
 acclamations more politic and apprehensive than universally 
 cordial ; thence was he conducted in a sort of triumph to the 
 Medici Palace which Piero had already prepared for his 
 reception f . 
 
 The forebodings of the Florentines were not lessened by 
 Charles s arrival or the warlike aspect of his troops, for ab- 
 sorbed in mercantile pursuits and long unused to military exer- 
 cises they were struck with apprehension at the scene before 
 them : strange dresses, language, and manners ; unusual fierce- 
 ness and impetuosity, formidable weapons, and above all, the 
 terrific appearance of a numerous artillery kept them in conti- 
 nual dread J. 
 
 Nevertheless they were not disheartened : they were as fully 
 determined to defend as Charles was to attack their independ- 
 ence : every citizen was prepared and had his house filled with 
 
 * Guicciardini, Lib. i", cap. iv.— Phil. 117.— J. Nardi, Lib. i«, p. 23. 
 
 de Comines, Lib. vii., cap. viii. J Guicciardini, Lib. i", cap. iv., p. 
 
 t Malipiero, Annali Veneti, p. 325. 117.— Paulo Giovio, Lib. ii", p. 47. 
 —Guicciardini, Lib. i«, cap. iv., p. 
 
534 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 armed followers, or troops in the pay of Florence ; every man 
 had orders how to act at the sound of the campana, and the 
 whole civic force was kept as much out of sight as possible. Tliis 
 however could not be completely accomplished and the French 
 were accordingly alarmed at the multitude of people, at the 
 augmented boldness of the government, and at the public report 
 that when the campana sounded an innumerable peasantry 
 would rush in from the adjacent countiy to the aid of their 
 fellow-citizens *. 
 
 After a reasonable time having been devoted to the monai'ch s 
 amusement, negotiations began ; but so haughty and extrava- 
 gant were his terms that the Seignory would not listen to them 
 for a moment: Charles insisted that having entered Florence 
 with his lance upon his thigh it became his by right of con- 
 quest and that he would hold and govern it by deputy : he 
 next mentioned the return of Piero de' Medici, but the minute 
 this became known the people flew to arms, the city was in a 
 tumult, and a quarrel arising at the moment between some 
 French soldiers and Florentine artisans in Borgo Ognissanti a 
 shai-p sti-uggle ensued which was finally stopped by the exer- 
 tions of both nations ; but this spirited demonstration of public 
 feehng facilitiited and even earned the subsequent negotiations!. 
 
 The Seignory had deputed Piero Capponi and three other 
 citizens to treat with Charles and tell him that they were re- 
 solved to defend their liberty and die sooner than submit to the 
 house of Medici, and public indignation was exasperated by 
 a suspicion that Piero 's wife Alphonsina Orsini, the Torna- 
 buoni, and other Medician partisans had been the cause of 
 these insolent demands : the city remained agitated, lights 
 were kept through the night in all the windows, and everj^hing 
 tended towards insurrection, but neither party wished for it, 
 and Piero Capponi fomid Charles and his prompter's much more 
 
 * Guicciardiiii, Lib. i**, cap. iv. 
 t Ja^'opo Nardi, Lib. i", p. 24. — Vita di Savonarola, cap. vii., p. 25. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 535 
 
 reasonable though still disposed to make haughty and inadmis- 
 sible demands. After much discussion the articles of conven- 
 tion were drawn up on the twenty-fourth of November, but 
 before all was concluded a dispute arose about the amount of 
 contribution with which Charles was dissatisfied, wherefore sud- 
 denly starting up he indignantly exclaimed that he would 
 sound his trumpets and not abate one jot of his demand. 
 " Then," said Piero Capponi, while he tore the paper to pieces 
 before the kings face, ''sound your trumpets and our bells shall 
 " answer them:'' and so quitted the apartment*. 
 
 The boldness and impetuosity of this conduct took the king 
 by surprise, and the prevailing fear of a general rising at the 
 sound of the campana gave strong reason to think that Cap- 
 poni had well calculated the chances ere he ventured on so 
 audacious a proceeding f. He was immediately recalled, and 
 Charles who had known liim well in France, exclaimed with a 
 good-humoured smile, ''Ah Ciappon, Ciappon, vous etes ua 
 " mauvais ciapponr Thus facetiously turning it off, the articles 
 were drawn as originally agreed on, and a contribution of 
 120,000 florins assigned to Florence as her contingent to the 
 
 war expenses |. 
 
 By this convention all commercial relations were restored 
 between the two countries, but Charles was still to retain the 
 fortresses until a truce, a peace, the conquest of Naples, or his 
 departure from Italy should occur. The Pisans were to receive 
 a pardon the moment they laid down their arms ; the price 
 set on the head of the Medici was annulled, iuid Alphonsina was 
 
 * Guicciardini, Lib. i'\ cap. iv., p. 120. Savonarola, cap. vii.— It is to tbis that 
 — Ammirato, Lib. xxvi., p. 205.— Macchiavclli alludes in his Decennali : 
 Jacopo Nardi, Lib. i", p. 25. — Vita di 
 
 « Lo strepito dell' anni e de* cavalli 
 Non pote far si the non fosse udita 
 La voce d'un Cappon fra tanti Galli" (J)ec€nrmli\'',Startm 12.) 
 
 Nor could the noise of arms and horses stifle the voice of one capon among so 
 many cocks. 
 
 t Ammirato, Lib. xxvi., p. 205. % Jacopo Nardi, Lib. i. p, 25. 
 
536 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 to receive her dowrv' and have free leave to reside in Florence. 
 These and the prohibition to nominate a genendissimo of their 
 armies without the king's leave dm*ing the continuance of his 
 entei-prise were the principal conditions of this treaty, which 
 was solemnly ratified during high mass in Florence cathedi-al *. 
 
 After some delay and an earnest and bold admonition from 
 Savonarola, Charles by the advice of Aubigny departed on 
 the twenty-eighth of November and with undiminished forces 
 marched to Siena and thence to the Ecclesiastical states : after 
 some negotiations with Rome which was garrisoned by the 
 Duke of Calabria, he successively took Acquapendente, Viterbo, 
 Sutii Nepi, and entered the Eternal City in triumph on the 
 thirty-first of December, while the Neapolitan army simultane- 
 ously marched out of the opposite gate with a royal safe-conduct. 
 Charles himself remained at Rome nearly a montli, but sent 
 a portion of his troops to the conquest of Naples ; after con- 
 cluding a treaty with Pope Alexander he followed on the twenty- 
 ninth of Januar}% and with but slight opposition entered Naples 
 as a conqueror on the twenty-second of Februar}- 1 lOof. 
 
 During this progress Alphonso had abdicated, and all the 
 talents popularity and ability of Ferdinand were insufficient to 
 compensate for the tymnny of the two last monarchs : there was 
 consequently a general revolt, whereupon after dohig his utmost 
 he retired to the island of Ischia and waited for better times. 
 Charles VIII. whose course was by some strange freak of for- 
 tune one long-continued triumph, soon abandoned himself to 
 amusements and disgusted ever}'body ; the cioisade against 
 Turkey was forgotten, and king, princes, captains, and soldiers, 
 were all plunged in sensual pleasures, when suddenly a stonn 
 
 • The orijfinal treaty was published 
 probably for the first time by the 
 learned Marquis Gino Capponi in the 
 Ar. Stor. Ital., vol. i., in the year 
 1842 — Docuniento iii", — and in it 
 Charles assumes a very high tone such 
 The King pardons his People of 
 
 a», 
 
 Florena; for the faults they have com- 
 mitted^ as Gody of whom kimjs are 
 the iinayCf pardons the sins of iiieii" 
 and other grandiloquence, 
 t J. Nardi, Lib. i", p. 28.— Vita di 
 Savonarola, cap. vii., p. 26. — Giannone, 
 Lib. xxiz., p. 128. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 537 
 
 burst m the north which roused them from eveiy enjoyment : 
 but this belongs to a later period =!=. 
 
 The expulsion of Piero and Charles's departure left the Flo- 
 rentines once more in freedom and at leisure to form a consti- 
 tution of their own choice ; but the king's advent was disastrous ; 
 it half-ruined Florence, destroyed the peace of Tus(!any, and 
 bet^an a war of sixty-five years' duration in the Italian peninsula. 
 Siena and Lucca were then the only independent Tuscan states 
 all the rest being more or less under Florentine jurisdiction or 
 influence ; the ancient factions of the different cities had either 
 ceased to exist or continued in so modified a form as to be 
 harmless ; yet these two republics weakened by tyranny, war, 
 and faction, could no longer openly oppose the power of Flo- 
 rence and wisely remained as quiet as the nature of the times 
 would permit. But the passage of Charles VIII. revived 
 Genoa's claims to Sarzana and Pietra Santa, imparted a long- 
 forgotten boldness to Lucca ; restored a liberty to Pisa tliat she 
 had the spirit but not the strength to maintain, and encouraged 
 Siena to revive all her national hatred. Sixty years of subjec- 
 tion had worked a great change in the old republican notions of 
 the Florentmes ; obedience to a single paramount authority had 
 become habitual in the lower and middle classes ; public order 
 and tranquillity were more relished ; the sweets of exclusive 
 power had penetrated the mass of higher citizens, and all moved 
 in various orbits round the sun of the Medici. The notions of 
 hbeity in those days were dissimilar to ours : if a state were 
 nominally ruled by the many it was called a republic, and free- 
 dom was supposed to reign, while the acknowledged rule of one 
 person, under whatsoever denomination, became the terror of 
 free states, and the form of government that kept this phan- 
 tom at the greatest distance for the longest period was con- 
 sidered best. This principle was sound and wise ; but while 
 
 • Paulo Giovio, Lib. ii°, p. 721.— Sismondi, vol. ix., p. 37.— Phil, de 
 Guicciardini, Lib. i", cap. iv., p. 130- Comines, Lib. vii., cap. xv. 
 140, and Ub. ii«, cap. ii«, p. 170-8.— 
 
538 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 they thus sought to maintain political liberty or the admission 
 of all citizefis, not all classes, to public office, they seem to have 
 blindly submitted to the infringement of their civil and personal 
 freedom on both ordinar}- and extraordinary occasions ; or rather, 
 not to have comprehended its nature as we now know it ; for 
 we liave shown that whenever it suited the executive to use 
 an authority, which was also legislative in its working, torture, 
 line, exile, imprisonment, even the loss of life itself, with con- 
 ' fiscation and plunder of property ; any or all of these might be 
 inflicted by the Seignory without a murmur being heard from 
 the general mass of citizens ; their liberty being that of the 
 community not of the individual. It is true that this unli- 
 mited irresponsible power was originally the gift of the citizens 
 themselves, each of them hoping in his turn to enjoy it, and if 
 the nation chose to submit itself to a. succession of bimensal 
 dictators nothing could be objected, we can now only marvel at 
 such notions of civil liberty ! 
 
 These popular governments were however well calculated to 
 develope the nation's faculties : the people by being admitted 
 to pohtical power foimd it necessar}^ to qualify themselves for 
 it ; their minds were gradually polished and refined, and their 
 pleasures and amusements raised to something above those 
 mere sensual enjoyments which are so often a measure of happi- 
 ness where the mind of many bows to the authority of one, and 
 where all who disdain to move in the given course are made to 
 feel the leaden mantle of despotism more grievously. The 
 human mind natui-ally abhors control ; reason alone confines 
 it ; and certainly those institutions are the best which not only 
 seek what will impart happiness to the greatest number, but 
 which also raise the standard of that happiness by as liberal a 
 mixture of intellectual freedom, and as high an exaltation above 
 the mere human animal as can be accomplished. The power, the 
 riches the tranquillity, the long duration of Venice ; her steady 
 policy and jealous spirit, which maintained a somewhat gloomy 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 539 
 
 domestic tranquillity without destroying external energy and 
 entei-prise, was daily gaining ground in the estimation of the 
 Italians. Tired of civil broils and tlie clash of factions they 
 contemplated the internal calm of Venice with envy, and Flo- 
 rence amongst others turned her eyes on the queen of the 
 Adriatic when newly recovered liberty rendered a thorough 
 reform of her institutions indispensable *. 
 
 Paulo Antonio Soderini, Bernardo Uucellai, and Guidan- 
 tonio Vespucci were the great advocates for an aristocratical 
 government ; that is they wished to change the chief but not 
 the system ; and as the first deserted Piero from personal 
 motives rather than patriotism, the same motives induced liim 
 subsequently to advocate the more extensive popular govern- 
 ment so enthusiastically supported by Savonarola f. 
 
 On the second of December 1494 the Florentine citizens 
 were summoned to one of those general parliaments that invari- 
 ably sanctioned every resolution proposed to them, because the 
 ascendant party took care by a judicious employment of armed 
 men with various other means, that the place of assembly 
 should be well filled by their friends before any promiscuous 
 admission were allowed to the citizens. A small but select and 
 noisy party stationed immediately round the Ptinghiera either 
 led the whole assembly or drowned the expression of its opinion ; 
 feariul powers were then blindly conferred l)y the multitude ; and 
 such was their liberty ! In the present histance the companies 
 under their respective banners were ordered to assemble Avithout 
 arms : " but to avoid discord and in order that the place might 
 not he filled with plebeians and enemies of the new government 
 there were armed men together with some young Florentmes 
 posted at every corner of the square." And this too at a.moment 
 when after the expulsion of a tyrant the people at large were 
 invited to consult on a plan of universal freedom J! The 
 
 ♦ Guicciardini, Lib. ii", cap. i«,p. 158. f Nerli, Comment., Lib. iv«, p. 64-5. 
 — Gio. Guidacci, Espulsioue di Piero t Gio. Cambi, p. 82. — Ammirato, 
 de' Medici, MS. Lib. xxvi., p. 206. 
 
540 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 usual ceremony then proceeded, and this solemn mockery 
 finished l>y the election of a Balia to which absolute authority 
 was granted. The principal changes now made were the aboli- 
 tion of Lorenzo's council of seventy, and that of the hundred ; 
 the election of twenty accoppiatori, and the creation of a general 
 council composed of all those citizens whose fathers grandftithers 
 or great-grandfathers had enjoyed the honours of the state in 
 the three greater councils, of which the number amounted to 
 three thousand -:=. 
 
 Paulo Antonio Soderiui and Guid- Antonio Vespucci, a famous 
 lawyer of the day, were the chief advocates, the former for a 
 popular government the latter for a continuance of the close 
 ]Medician system ; and this last would probably have prevailed 
 in the councils, naturally reluctant to resign their power, had 
 not divine authority through the eloquence of Girolamo Savo- 
 narola been invoked to favour the liberal opinion. Savonarola 
 had now gained the name of a prophet amongst a great majority 
 of citizens because in a time of perfect peace he liad foretold 
 the miseries that subsequently occurred, Itesides many other 
 events, and as he asserted and probably believed, by imme- 
 diate revelation from Heaven. He had amongst other things 
 indicated ; as well he might without any peculiar proplietic in- 
 spiration ; that great changes were about to occur in Florence ; 
 and on the discussions touching the new council he declared it 
 to be divinely ordained that a popular government should be 
 established on such a basis that the liberty and security of the 
 many might not be injured by the few. His great influence 
 uniting with the almost genend wish proved too strong for the 
 aristocrats ; the great council was decreed as the foundation of 
 national liberty, and all minor considerations left for future 
 consideration f . 
 
 The idea of this council it is said originated with Savonarola 
 who took every advantage of public opinion to promote his own 
 
 • Guidacci, EspuUione di Piero, &c., MS. f Gukciardini, Lib. ii., cap. i. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 541 
 
 views of civil government, not in its detail, or official branches, 
 or little intrigues ; all of which it would appear that he stu- 
 diously avoided ; but in its broad principles as they affected 
 religion, morals, order, and social happiness. His benevolence 
 was extended to the popular mass, not to any particular sect or 
 order : the church and the pulpit whether in lectures or ser- 
 mons were his places of action : his advice was public, frank, 
 and fearlessly given ; and considering the close connection be- 
 tween good govennnent and religion, he assumed the right of 
 promotuig one by means of the other, and establishing that 
 reciprocal action between them and morality, which can alone 
 work out the real happiness of nations. In one of these ser- 
 mons preached before the Seignory and all the public magis- 
 tracies ; but from which women and children were excluded ; 
 after generally urging the necessity of peace and goodwill, he 
 proposed four things for immediate and especial adoption. 
 
 First, the fear of God and a mutual encouragement to refor- 
 mation of manners, with a rigid attention to the precepts of 
 Christianity in the social intercourse and dealmgs of the citizens 
 amongst each other. 
 
 Secondly, the love of their countiy ; putting that before every 
 private consideration of pleasure, interest, or utility. 
 
 Third, universal peace, with the oblivion of all injuries pri- 
 vate or public ; and by this he intended that all crimes or errors 
 of the Medician party should be pardoned up to the very day 
 in which that ftunily was exiled but reserving the public right 
 to all debts due from individuals of that faction : these were 
 however to be recovered without harshness or indiscretion, and 
 all pains and penalties freely forgiven. 
 
 The fourth proposition was to constitute such a government 
 as would comprehend those citizens who according to custom 
 were ehgible, yet with the necessary modifications that pru- 
 dence might dictate, so that no citizen should be able to exalt 
 himself above his equals as had too often happened in the civil 
 broils of by-gone days. 
 
54'2 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 He then proposed the great council of Venice as a model, 
 but modified to suit the habits and customs of Florence. There 
 was great opi^osition to this, especially amongst the accoppia- 
 tori, but such was his influence that another sermon, where he 
 declared it to be God's will that Florence should be governed 
 by the people and not by tyrants carried the proposition trium- 
 phantly against ever}- obstacle *. 
 
 These accoppiatori had been elected for one year with full 
 powers to hold the election purses " a mam,'' or in other words 
 to appoint whom they pleased to the Seignory, following the 
 Medician system : one of them was Lorenzo de' Medici, now 
 Popolano, m whose favour as under the legal age a special ex- 
 ception had been made by the aristocratic faction which wished 
 to place him in a rank equal to that previously held by Piero. 
 The " Otto di Pratica" according to Ceis Manuscript, was now 
 altogether abolished ; an assistant council of eighty was chosen 
 from the great council by the whole mass of citizens into 
 which none under forty years of age were admitted ; and instead 
 of the Decemvirate of War, a new Board of Ten ; or according 
 to Cei, Twelve; was substituted under the milder title of 
 '* Liberty and Peace,' but with all the usual powers of its pro 
 totj-pe : the " Otto di Balia" were dismissed and a fresh magis- 
 tracy ordered to be elected by the Seigu'irv', Colleges, Accop- 
 piatori, and " Ten of Peace and Liberty, " besides other minor 
 reforms, all of which the Council of the people was to see 
 carried into execution f. 
 
 It was qiuckly felt that the accoppiatori were far too deeply 
 imbued with old Medician leaven to suit the altered notions of 
 the people : their legal power was inordinate but they were 
 disunited and therefore weak ; one party amongst them was for 
 
 • Phil.de Coniiiies,Likviii., cap. ii— p. -29. 
 
 Storii di Siivonarola, p. 87 aiul/>a««w. t Oio. Guidjicci, MS.— Jacopo i^aidi, 
 
 — Viu de Savonarola, cap. viii., p. 30. Ub. i", p. 30.— (Jiovanni Cambi, p. 83. 
 
 Guidacn, Espulsione di Piero de' — Anmiinito, Lib. xxvi., p. 206.— 
 
 Medici, MS.— Jacopo Nardi, Lib. i% Fran. Cci, Mem. Stor., MS., p. 25. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 543 
 
 death, exile, admonitions, and all the old course of severity ; 
 and ui fact they did execute Antonio di Miniato Proveditore 
 del Monte, a universally detested instrument of Lorenzo and 
 Piero, who had been in office smce 1478. Through his hands 
 almost all the public revenue passed, and he turned it into any 
 channel that either Lorenzo or Piero commanded : he was the 
 iustmment made use of by the former for depreciating the coin, 
 and had by his sole favour risen to such power as subjected every 
 citizen in a manner to liis will for Lorenzo esteemed no citizen 
 equal to him, wherefore it seems to have been with universal 
 satisfaction that his long unbridled course of peculation in 
 favour of the Medici was thus aiTested. Another victim would 
 have accompanied Antonio di Miniato to the gallows had not 
 Savonarola, who deprecated revenge or bloodshed, interfered to 
 save him : this was Giovanni di Bartolomeo da Prato Vecchio 
 chancellor and notar^^ of the office of Reformations, who exer- 
 cised a complete but surreptitious control over the public palace 
 and all the magistracies belonging to it according to the plea- 
 sure of Lorenzo and Piero by whom he was unscnipulously 
 supported. Thus was the entire government concentrated in 
 these two instmments of Medician tyranny ; one controlling 
 the revenue, the other the executive and neariy all the legis- 
 lative powers of the state. Giovanni was condemned to death 
 but as above said, at the instance of Savonarola his punishment 
 was commuted to imprisonment at Yolterra : another portion 
 of the accoppiatori were against severity ; this produced disunion, 
 quarrels, enervation, and universal disrepute*. 
 
 Savonarola's sennon finally put an end to their authority by 
 forcing them to create the great council and they so staggered 
 under the force of public ophiion that when their power of elect- 
 ing the Seignoiy was withdrawn and placed in the general 
 council they became uer\^eless ; most of the members resigned 
 
 ♦Francesco Cei, Mem. Storiche, p. 29-30, MS —Guidacci, Espulsione di 
 Piero di Medici, MS. 
 
544 
 
 FLORENllNE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 11. 
 
 ere their period of ofl&ce expired, and being thus rendered im- 
 perfect the rest were compelled to follow*. 
 
 This resignation however did not terminate before May 1495 
 nor was it until after that date that the great council became 
 actually fonned and a popular government broadly established. 
 The great council-chamber above the present custom-house was 
 built or altered on this occasion Nvith such rapidity as almost to 
 verify Savonarola's remaiik, " That antjels had occupial them- 
 ''selves on the work instead of masons and iabuurers, in order to 
 ''finish it the more quickly." At least one thousand citizens were 
 to people that magnificent saloon for six months, and thus be 
 periodically renewed until the whole three thousand who had 
 been declared eligible had had their turn : none were so elected 
 under thirty yeare of age unless the gross number of candidates 
 fell short of fifteen hundred, in which case the scale of yeai-s 
 descended to four-and-twenty ; and that number of minor 
 candidates might also be added for the rest of the year : but to 
 prevent this council from ever beuig too limited, half, instead 
 of a third of the whole number eligible, might sit if that num- 
 ber should ever be less than fifteen hundred unobjectionable 
 
 citizens +. 
 
 These were assuredly the real representatives of a free com- 
 munity ; but it was still a connuunity of aristocrats ; neither 
 populace nor plebeians if not citizens, found a s( at there nor 
 had any voice in its constmction ; although its detractors (and 
 this shows the spirit of the time and pe.ii>b') eiideavoiu'ed to 
 disparage it by asserting its exclusively plebeian cliaracter;. 
 On this assembly, which brought political power duwn to the 
 lowest classes of citizens, was imposed the charge of scrutinis- 
 ing, electing, and distributing all the minor offices and greater 
 magistracies ; a quarter part of them according to established 
 custom going to the minor arts, except some external appoint- 
 
 * Fil. Nerli, Lib. iv., p. 65. Cei, Mcmorie SDiiche, p. 31, MS. 
 
 t Fil. Nerli, Lib. iv., p. G6.— Fran. :;: Filip. Nerli, Lib. iv., p. 66. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 545 
 
 ments such as vicars and governors of cities and large towns, 
 which were exclusively enjoyed by the others. 
 
 To hold these elections, all citizens eligible to the great 
 council had their names inclosed in a bag called the *' Borsa 
 Generate " or General Purse, and from this the members of the 
 " Consir/lio Mafi<jiore " were drawn by lot with a fine of half a 
 florin for non-attendance when summoned by the sound of the 
 campana. From this purse also were drawn the names of those 
 electors who were charged with the choice of citizens fit for 
 the various magistracies within and ^rithout the town, and 
 whose names were afterwards " Squittinati " and " Mandati 
 a Fartito;'' or in our own language scrutinised and put to 
 the vote. This discretionar}- choice was afterwards most jea- 
 lously diminished by substituting the taking of those names 
 which were to be put to the vote, by lot instead of selection for 
 all external offices as well as the minor magistracies within. 
 It was effected by drawing the names of thirty citizens from 
 the general purse as candidates for any specified posts then 
 vacant and putting them successively to the vote ; after which, 
 all who were acknowledged to be eligible by a majority of 
 hluck beans were inclosed in another purse and redrawn by 
 lot for the office to be disposed of. After this arrangement 
 few electors were deemed necessar}^ for naming magistrates to 
 the reserved offices, some of which also were subsequently 
 conferred by lot instead of nomination. 
 
 Besides tliis general purse there were two others for every 
 quarter of Florence : in one were contained the names of all 
 the citizens belonging to the minor arts ; in the other those 
 belonging to the major, for every quarter of the town ; in order 
 that in the elections of the Seignoiy and other magistracies 
 wliich were made successively from each quarter the proper 
 electors might be distinctly drawn quarter by quarter and trade 
 by trade. Twenty-four citizens for each qutirter were drawn 
 from the purses belonging to it, as electors of the eight Priors. 
 
 VOL. HI. N N 
 
546 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book ir. 
 
 and three less for the Gonfalonier of Justice : and when the 
 Colleges, the Ten of Peace and Liherty, or any other magis- 
 trates of the first order were nominated, the electors were also 
 dmwn from these eight purses to the number of from six to 
 ten electors for each individual magistrate. But tliis mode 
 although continued for a while was not sufficiently extended to 
 suit the growing spirit of the time and especially tlie less 
 powerful citizens, as will be hereafter seen. In the general 
 council all laws were finally passed and private petitions received 
 and discussed ; but only after having gone through the Seig- 
 nory and Colleges, who had the initiatory power, and the Council 
 of Eighty called " // ConsiyUo dei/li Srelti " or '' Pregiai;' the 
 select or invited Council, which was renewed half-yearly from 
 the greater by the admittance of persons not less tlian forty 
 
 yeai-s of age *. 
 
 Besides the discussion of laws this council had the nomina- 
 tion of ambassadors and conmiissaries ; they debated on the 
 necessity of peace and w^ar ; investigated the conduct of gene- 
 rals and condottieri, and had a voice in almost ever}^ other 
 great business of state. By a subsequent law : passed through 
 the influence of Savonarola to prevent the Seignory and " Otto 
 di Baha " from lightly condenming citizens to death, exile, and 
 other severe punishments by six votes alone ; appeals were 
 allowed lo the general council : this however occasioned con- 
 siderable ditference of opinion and commotion wliich Savonarola 
 at last ended by repeatedly declaring from the pidpit that God 
 willed the law and therefore it mmt he passed! and it was so f. 
 Thus the Florentine constitution was finally plaicd on a broad 
 democratic basis as regarded the citizens, for they were com- 
 plete masters of the state ; but there was a tar more numerous 
 class of unprivileged inhabitants who like the " Plchs " of Rome 
 and under the same denomination, were mere subjects, aud had 
 
 • Gio. Guidacci, Espulsionc di Piero de t Fil. Ncili, Lib. iv., p.G7.— Guidacci, 
 Medici M8. Espulsionc di Piero, MS. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 547 
 
 no part in the government ; yet the state was now essentially 
 free. With Uberty came political power ; and freedom of 
 thought and expression ; and a fresh infusion of party spirit ; 
 and clasliing opinions ; and private interests ; and repeated con- 
 tention on every change of magistrates : and all these inevitable 
 appendages to free institutions generated new tricks and new 
 disorder amongst the aspiring and unscrupulous Florentines -. 
 
 The whole city, and therefore its representative the Great 
 Council, became divided into parties of which the three follow- 
 ing were the principal. The flrst and most numerous was 
 composed of Savonarola's followers and thence called " Fra- 
 tcsclti,'' and " P'uKinoit'i" or Mourners, for they were grave in 
 demeanour and adhered to the " Frate " who preached repent- 
 ance and reform : they were a sort of Catholic Puritans, desired 
 free government on a broad and popular basis ; enjoyed un- 
 bounded credit both for number and respectaljility and had a 
 majority in the Great Council : they wished for liberty, mo- 
 rality, reform in both church and state, and hated Medician 
 tyranny. 
 
 The '' Arrahhiati'^ aud "* Conipnifnacci,'' or the "Madmen," 
 and "Evil-Companions," formed the second party: they de- 
 rived the second name from a company of young nobles who 
 hating the severity of Savunarola's discipline joined, his adver- 
 saries, and were of great service, l)y drawing after them a 
 numerous train of the more youthful aristocracy, who would 
 have been still more effective if their leader Dolfo Spini had 
 been a more able man. They detested the Medici, revolted 
 against the rigid morality of the monk, and desired a more con- 
 centrated government with a distribution of power amongst 
 the higher ranks of citizens alone. Neither could they brook 
 the arrogated authority of the adverse chiefs, especially Fran- 
 cesco Vallori, nor their influence in the council, nor Savona- 
 rola's constant theme from the pulpit, "/or the people to favour 
 
 * Fil". Nerli, Lib. iv., p. 68. 
 N N ^ 
 
548 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 the good;'' meaning his own party which from its superior 
 energy and influence inspired fear*. Guidantonio Vespucci 
 at the head of a few able men made use of this party without 
 joining it ; nor had the Arrabiati any excuse for a colHsion with 
 the Frateschi, because both were of one mind about the two 
 great objects, of keeping the city free and the Medici beyond 
 the walls. 
 
 The third party called the ''BiffT or Greys (probably from 
 their desire of keeping retired and out of sight in their political 
 movements) wished for the Medici's return and government, 
 but knowing themselves weak and much suspected by other par- 
 ties they held back and avoided all collision, yet worked secretly 
 and silently in the councils, and rather with the Frateschi as 
 the most powerful, and as containing many who were of their 
 own party before Piero's expulsion, from whom they naturally 
 had more to hope than from the others. This silent aid was 
 not unknown to either of the adverse parties and increased the 
 power of the Frateschi while it ahinued the Arrabiati, some of 
 whom were imprisoned for canvassing votes in favour of those 
 candidates for the magistracy who were known to desire the 
 ruin of Savonarola. The fears of the Arnd)iati therefore in- 
 duced them at once to dissolve this unnatural attachment by 
 supporting the Medician candidates for ofhce, and so give them 
 spirit to withdraw from the Frateschi and act more openly and 
 independently as a party f. 
 
 Some of these transactions have been rather anticipated, but 
 such was the general state of parties at Florence in 1405 ; and 
 it is worth obsen ing that this revolution, complete and violent 
 as it was ; attended with the loss of dominion, the revolt of a 
 subject state and city, tbe distressing exaction of a heavy sub- 
 sidy, the occupation of the capital, and the mortification of 
 national pride and consideration ; was, unlike all others, and 
 
 • Filip. Nerli, Lib. iv., p. 68. — Sismondi, v. ix.,p. 47. 
 t Ibid., pp. 68-70. 
 
 CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 549 
 
 principally through the hitluence of a simple friar unattended 
 by a single death or exile from party spirit or revenge ! * 
 
 It is true that Antonio di Miniato was hung and Giovanni da 
 Prato Vecchio imprisoned, his house burned, and his sons 
 banished : but this was only in the regular course of justice for 
 official fraud and malversation, inflicted on men whom a ty- 
 rannical power had hitherto protected ; but it was not the ven- 
 geance of facti(jn. On tlie contrary a strong and unusual spirit 
 of humanity was shown, by the creation of a Board of Grace to 
 absolve public del)tors as well as to pardon delinquents who had 
 been condemned in lines ; and so largely was this grace distributed 
 that in despite of all the public financial difficulties and pecuniary 
 pressure of the times ; few debtors or fiscal delinquents remained 
 unpardoned. How difl^erent was this conduct from the Medician 
 persecutions to say nothing of Lorenzo's especial rapaciousness 
 and extravagance; and more particularly as a loan of 100,000 
 florins was, from necessity, in a manner forced from both citi- 
 zens and Jews, and a new tiLx of ten per cent, imposed on real 
 property according to its rental, under the name of ''Decima\.'' 
 This tax was generally popular except with those who under 
 Medician rule had tasted the sweets of a partial and ill-regulated 
 taxation : hence arose divisions, quarrels, and enemies to popular 
 government, yet not all from this source ; but an open well-organ- 
 ised and vigorous opposition to Savonarola now commenced with 
 such violence as nearly to drive him for a season both from the 
 city and his political apostleship \. 
 
 CoTEMPORARV MoNARCHs. — No cliangc cxccpt in Naples, as narrated in the 
 
 History. 
 
 * Fran«. Cei, p. 33, MS. MS.— Fran. Cei, Mem. Stor. MS. 
 
 t Jacopo Nardi, Lib. ii'\ p. 5L— Gio. % Fran. Cei, Memorie Storiche, p. 35, 
 GuidaccijEspulsionediPierode'Medici, MS. — Jacopo Nardi, Lib. ii., p. 32. 
 
550 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOUY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1494 TO A.D. 1500. 
 
 The expulsion of Piero cle' Medici left Florence in freedom 
 the departure of Charles VIII. left her once more independent; 
 and both combined gave her time and opportunity for 
 reculatina her internal affairs ere she attended to 
 the more difficult enterprise of reconquering Pisa. We have 
 shown that she lost no time in commencing the former, and the 
 public mind was ripe for a change if not for improvement, yet 
 it was eager also for this. The inlluence of Savonarola was at 
 its height and had stricken deep and forcibly among the root- 
 of society. It was not only the poor the lowly and the ignorant, 
 that submitted to his rule ; but the rich, tlie enlightened, the 
 ablest, the most distinguished of the connnunity were infected 
 by his enthusiasm and bowed to the power of his genius : nay 
 the very children in the streets felt and acknowledged his per- 
 suasive influence and confonued to his will. Their ancient 
 national and periodical games called the ' Potcuze'' which had 
 become a public, and even a very dangerous nuisance, and 
 which hitherto the whole civil authoritv had been insufficient 
 to suppress, all melted away under the warmth of Savoniu'ola's 
 exhortations, and their violent character and habit of plun- 
 dering for individual gain were softened into that of a gentle 
 solicitation for suffering poverty*. 
 
 But his moral power, based as it was on religion and sin- 
 cerity of purpose tmd quickened by enthusiasm, was not con- 
 
 * Jacopo Nardi, Lib. ii., p. 48. — Storia di Savonarola, p. llGaud passim. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 vii.j 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 551 
 
 fined to individual reformation or mere church discipline ; or 
 even to the simple improvement of moral principle in the mass 
 of society. He well knew that sound political institutions were 
 the offspring of hitelligence and good moral feeling, and that 
 they in their turn reacted on pubUc integrity ; but that no 
 human laws would turn a corrupt people into a moral and 
 religious one, and that bad and tyrannical institutions began 
 and continued the progress of corruption until misery, hypo- 
 crisy and an undisguised derision of all that is noble or 
 chivalrous overspread and vitiated society. Savonarola's prin- 
 ciple was universal good and as his learning was extensive 
 and deep ; his knowledge of human nature and public affairs 
 that of a statesman and man of the world, not the cramped 
 perceptions of a cloistered monk ; he had long meditated on 
 the cliarueter of the natives and government of his adopted 
 country and indignant at IMedieian despotism pondered the best 
 means of emancipation and improvement-. 
 
 He was long-sighted and even prophetic in political events, 
 and probably fores-aw that the advent of Charles VIII. would 
 give a rude shock to the unpopular supremacy of a man like 
 Piero de' ]Medici ; whereui)ou he prepared for a change. The 
 profound respect witli wliich ]\Iacchiavelli,Xardi,Ferdinando del 
 Migliore, Guicciardini and Philip de Comines speak of him 
 would leave no doubt of his extraordinary character, even if we 
 had not his own actions and his inlluence over an acute, en- 
 lightened, and investigating people in the highest state of 
 existing civilisation to prove it f . 
 
 ♦Storia di Savonarola, pp. 104, 109, (dated March 1497), suspects lum of 
 
 1 1 0. suiting; his actions and principles to his 
 
 t Macchiavclli, Dis., Lib. i'\ cap. xii. own particular interests on a particular 
 
 —Phil, de Comines, Lib. viii , cap. vi. occasion ; but in the place cited above, 
 
 —Guicciardini, Lib. ii., cap. i", j). 1 65. written probably longafter Savonarola's 
 
 —Jacopo Nardi, Lib. iii., p. JU.— death, his reverence is striking. (Vide 
 
 Ferd«. del Migliore, Firen?.elllustrata, Lctttre Familiare, Opere, Lettera 2, 
 
 S. Marco, p. '2'2i. — It is true that ''a un Aniico.''') 
 Macchiavclli in a letter to a friend 
 
552 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 Comine3 in relating his interview with Savonarola says, 
 " He always spoke confidently of the king's coming (whatever 
 might be said or written to the contrary) affirming that he was 
 sent by God for the punishment of Italian tyrants and no force 
 could oppose him, no power defend itself from liim : that he 
 would enter Pisa, and on that day the state of Florence would 
 fall ; as it afterwards happened ; for Piero de' Medici was ex- 
 pelled the same hour; and many other things did he predict 
 before they occurred, such as the death of Lorenzo ; and de- 
 clared that he knew all by revelation. As to me, I believe him 
 to be a fjood wan. I asked him if he thought that the king 
 would ai-rive in France without any pei-sonal danger from the 
 great preparations of Venice and her allies against him, with 
 all of which he (Savonarola) was better acquainted than I was 
 who had only just come from there &c.'' "^^ All this and much 
 more equally strong language, are not the sole testimonies from 
 Louis XL's clear-headed minister in favour of Savonarola, and 
 proves not only the imposing character of his genius but his 
 minute and correct intelligence of what was passing around ; 
 so that between the espionage of his order without, and his know- 
 ledge of people's minds as a favourite confessor within ; added 
 to his own natural sagacity and clear understanding of ItaUaii 
 politics ; he was probably enabled to foretel events in a way 
 that to less penetrating and naturally superstitious mmds 
 assumed the mantle of prophecy |. Probably convinced of his 
 own mission he was eager to impress its reality on the world 
 and always spoke as from authority ; affirming with confidence 
 that his measures were the will of God ; and generally with 
 truth, because they were proposed for and adapted to the uni- 
 versal good. Inspired by such sentiments Savonarola took up 
 his generally acknowledged character, that of high religious 
 feeling and strict morality, frugal and temperate habits and an 
 utter disinterestedness about money, as the foundations of all 
 
 * Phil, de Comines, Lab. rlii., cap. ii. f Fran. Cei, Mem. Stor., p. 52, MS. 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 553 
 
 his political influence ; and he was justified even as a church- 
 man, because invited by his fellow-citizens, and because that 
 influence was used openly and broadly, not in party puq)Oses, 
 political intrigues, or self-aggrandisement*. By him (at least 
 in the beginning) it was directed to the promotion of enlarged 
 and philanthropic measures of social government aimed at exist- 
 ing abuses and forming a shield against future evils by his endea- 
 vours to restore an overreached and oppressed people to social 
 happiness, in the revival of their legitimate rights and privileges. 
 
 With these objects he encouraged at the suggestion of public 
 authorities the rising spirit of liberty consequent upon Piero 's 
 expulsion ; and as a wide foundation for subsequent reforms and 
 a perniiuient basis of freedom, was as already said mainly instru- 
 mental in establisliing the great council, not as a perfect thing 
 but a mere bud wliicli had yet to blossom f. Having thus 
 established a legitimate and concentrated organ of the universal 
 will he renewed liis public exhortations for the estabhshment 
 of social peace and a general amnesty up to the expulsion of 
 Piero de' ^ledici, and simultaneously attacked the most corrupt 
 and t}Tannical part of Florentine government with wliich no 
 real liberty could exist ; namely the power of the Seignory and 
 " Otto di Balia " to kill, banish, or imprison any citizen at 
 their pleasure ;. This, which was vulgarly called the " appeal 
 of the si J' hhu'k heans,^' was perhaps Savonarola's most difficult, 
 most humane, and most useful public act, inasmuch as it se- 
 cured personal safety from the tyraimy or subserviency of timid 
 and obsequious magistrates §. 
 
 Savonarola, says Guidacci, " preached that order should be 
 
 * Storia di Savonarola, pp. 26, 28, 72, 
 83,86,94,104,106,109, 110. 
 t Fer. del Migliore, p. 224. — Savo- 
 narola, Predica iv., e. viii., Storia, p. 
 89. 
 
 t Fran. Cei, p. 42, MS.— Donato 
 Giannotti, della Repub*. Fiorentina, 
 p. 82. — Jacopo Nardi, Lib. ii., p. 34. 
 
 — Jacopo Pitti., Lib. i", p. 40. 
 § Fifteen davs were allowed in which 
 to make tlie appeal, and this appeal 
 was ])ermittcd to be repeated six times 
 in two days i.e. three times each 
 day. (Vide Fran'', Cei, Mem. Stor.j 
 p. 42, MS.) 
 
554 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [bock ii. 
 
 introtlaeed into the powei's of the Seignoiy so that they might 
 not thenceforth so despotically drive citizens into exile, put 
 them to death, or send them as rehels into per})etual hanish- 
 ment by the sole authority of six black beans, and therefore 
 that the privilege of appeal should be granted ; so that who- 
 ever felt himself aggrieved might plead his right in siuli a ^vay 
 that the Seignory could no longer punish men on slight grounds 
 and at the importunity of other citizens as had previously 
 been the case, especially since the year 14J^->. And he demon- 
 strated with most powerful reasoning that such things had 
 ruined the city of Florence. But about these two subjects 
 of an amnesty and the diminution of the Seiii^mory's power 
 there were contradictory opinions amongst the citizens and 
 much discussion through the town ; some were for, others 
 against them, but the Frate still urged his point, saying you 
 must execute them because intended for the general good and 
 therefore pleasing to the Almighty ; and you will have to do 
 them at last, for so God wills it ; and you must carry them as 
 you have carried other reforms either by good-will or compul- 
 sion. Thus the affair remained amidst diificulties, while in the 
 Seignory there was great dissension between those who wished 
 and those who wished not for the law, so that during the time 
 of this Seignory the business remained without any conclusion." 
 * * * ^- :.c " But their office having terminated the others for 
 March and April 1495 succeeded who were elected by the 
 before-mentioned twenty Accoppiatori with Tanai de'Nerli for 
 gonfalonier, the names of whose colleagues may be seen in 
 the Priorista. In their time was revived the discussion about 
 the amnesty and appeal from the power of the Seignoiy ; and 
 some approved, and some disapproved : wherefore Frate Giro- 
 lamo recommenced preaching and proved by the strongest 
 arguments that an amnesty with domestic peace and union 
 ought to be proclaimed and the appeal decreed. To caiTy 
 these he ordered prayers and masses and fasts in order 
 
 CHAP, vn.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 555 
 
 God might impress upon the minds of the citizens that 
 they were bound to complete so useful a work both for his 
 honour and the universal good. Hence it resulted that 
 after long disputes a decree was passed in the great council 
 declaring peace amongst the citizens and that no crime against 
 the state committed l)y any member of the fallen government 
 previous to the expulsion of Piero de Medici on the ninth of 
 November 14114 should be noticed." 
 
 The only exception was against those suspected of peculation, 
 wherefore a board of five officers was appointed to examine the 
 accounts of all concerned in the administration of public 
 llMaiiccs. " And in this decree," continues Guidaeci, " was 
 included the appeal by which any one condemned to death or 
 banishment by the Seignory for political offences, or to a fine 
 of more than m)0 florins ; whether in purse, life, or exile, might 
 have recourse to the appeal within a given time ; and the great 
 council was to hear and determine, and condemn or absolve, 
 as head and princi[)al of the whole people and community of 
 Florence. And this plaiidy appeared hi the said law, and the 
 great benefit and union amongst the people which were effected 
 by the said law was afterwards more cleariy acknowledged ; 
 because the citizens now began to feel themselves secure and 
 had no longer any fear of being condemned unjustly, nor had 
 they any need to make divi>i()ns in the city: and in like 
 manner the Seignory would have no fear of being compelled by 
 powerful citizens to banish either friends or enemies, or of pro- 
 nouncing a just sentence, as had l)een the case in former times. 
 This reform was much commended, especially by those who 
 wished to live honestly ; and by Fra Girolamo it was said, that 
 the Lord had thus conferred a great benefit on the city of Flo- 
 rence and that this pacification and appeal pleased God wonder- 
 fully ; he therefore ordered new prayers and thtmksgivmgs for so 
 great a boon, as without His aid it would not have been granted ; 
 and in this manner the Seignory terminated their office." 
 
I 
 
 556 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 The great change effected by Savonarola in the political 
 morality of Florence, if we may credit one of his adherents, is 
 very remarkable and may possibly be a faithful picture of the 
 first moments of patriotic enthusiasm drawn by an honest man 
 who wished for what he describes. '* Because,'' savs ( iuidacci ; 
 himself a member of the great council; " iHcau^e even-thing 
 being under the people's control it is necessary that he who 
 aspires to j)ublic otfice or employment by election should bear 
 a virtuous and unimpeachable character with sol»er habits, and 
 be publicly known as an able man of business : it is also neces- 
 sary to be well acquainted with the Florentine citizens, their 
 mutual connexions, interests, and dependance, in order when 
 in council to know how to elect others and to have honour in 
 so doing ; because the calling of fit and efficient men to public 
 office is requisite, first for the honour of (iod and the world, 
 and then to mainUiin the noble character of our country and the 
 common good. And let no man with any other intention 
 aspire to such employments, nor think to succeed by the influ- 
 ence of private connexions, or friendships, or party spirit, or 
 hatred, or rivalr}', or any such reasons ; but solely for God's 
 honour and the public good " *. 
 
 During these transactions the Pisans who had driven everv 
 domiciled Florentine from the city and seized their property 
 had been busy reestablishing their own govennnent on its 
 ancient footing f. It was not a Florentine custom to change 
 
 * " Relazione deW Espulaione di 
 Piero de* Medici et altre navlta 
 seguite in Firenze nel 1494, siTitta 
 da Giovanni Guidacci per via di 
 Ricordo ad un »uo lihrttto.'"' This 
 MS. is cited by Fenlinando del Mig- 
 liore in his " Firenze lUustrata (p. 
 2*24, Edit. Firenze , 1 6H4 — cap. San 
 Marco) and was copied along with 
 another MS. by the same author, 
 entitled, " Mtmorie ddle Mutazione 
 ed Ordinazioni seyuite ml govcmo 
 
 di Firenz' d'ij>o rEapidsionc di Piero 
 de* Mcdiri,"' Ity Stet'ano di Francesco 
 Kosselli in l<i'4.'> from the original 
 MSS. lent him by the Cavalierc 
 Giovanni ( Iuidacci. Tlie above copy, 
 with several other MSS. of the same 
 date, once belonging to the Viira/zano 
 Library at Florence, is now in the 
 author's possession. — The original MS. 
 was imperfect. 
 + Fran". Cei, Mem. Stor. p. 34, MS. 
 
 CHAP. VIl.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 557 
 
 the forms of local government in subject states and those of 
 Pisa had scarcely been touched, so that all the magistracies 
 were already embodied, and with the addition of a general 
 council of the people their ancient constitution was promptly 
 restored ; to this the determined undaunted spirit of a united 
 community gave life and vigour. From a government which 
 was the concentrated opinion and force of the commonwealth 
 
 a 
 
 all acts seemed good, and everything went smoothly, because do 
 what it might it was still the organ of public will and the depo- 
 sitaiy of public confidence ; the only sound principle of legiti- 
 mate sovereignty from pure democracy to absolute monarchy. 
 
 Like the fiery symbol of the Caledonian Highlanders the red- 
 crossed banner of Pisji flew through every town and village of 
 their ancient state and roused the people to war and liberty ; 
 by every one w\as it hailed and sped with enthusiastic shouts, 
 and in a few days almost all the republican territory was up in 
 such arms as circumstances allowed them to command *. The 
 Florentines absorbed in their domestic revolution had neither 
 time nor means, nor hiclination to stem this first burst of 
 liberty but were soon compelled to arrest its progress : for this 
 pui-pose Ercole Bcntivoglio and other condottieri were engaged 
 with a large body of troops wliich under the direction of Piero 
 Capponi and I'rancesco Valori, as Florentine commissaries, 
 recovered almost all the Pisan territoiy from a badly armed 
 and undisciplined peasantry, the sole defenders as yetassembled 
 beyond the walls of Pisa ; so that in a short time Vico Pisano, 
 Cascina, and Buti were the only places that still sustained her 
 independence. The Pisans still exerting themselves to retain 
 tlie favour and countenance of Charles VII T. were strongly 
 supported by every French courtier except the Cardinal of San 
 Malo, who steadily insisted on justice to Florence : all the rest, 
 whether from Pisan gold, Pisan misfortunes, or the fascination 
 
 * Fran. Cci, Mem., p. 34, MS. — Jacopo Nardi, Lib. ii , p. 33. — Ammirato, 
 Lib. xxvi. p. 207. 
 
 I 
 
558 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book ii. 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 559 
 
 t 
 
 of Pisan women, but probably all three ; were animated with a 
 feelmct of generous sympathy towards a helpless nation implor- 
 ing their protection • and with all that chivalrous spirit that so 
 frrquentlv flashes even from some of the darkest spots in the 
 French character, they warmly and earnestly advocated the 
 Pisan cause. The wavering monarch, embarrassed by his in- 
 considerate promises to Pisa and his solemn engagements to 
 Florence, vibrated hke a pendulum between doubt and inclina- 
 tion and knew not what to do : the ambassador, on both sides 
 were commanded to plead, and Charles with an evident leaning 
 to Pisa was vet so strongly urged by the other side to fulhl his 
 solemn engagements that T^nconnot Cardinal of Saint Malu 
 proceeded to Florence with a commission to arrange the 
 business bv negotiation, and if possible induce the Florentines 
 to pav up the remainder of their contribution although not yet 
 due ^ n.> partly succeeded in the latter, but failed in the for- 
 mer object of his mission if it were ever really contemplated ; 
 and the intelligence of Naples having fallen ran.o m a happy 
 moment to extricate him from the pretended dilli.ulty in which 
 Pisa's refusal to listen to any terms of accommodation had 
 placed him ; for the king's object was money not restitution ^K 
 Lucca and Siena although afraid to declare themselves openly 
 arrainst Florence sent succours clandestinely to Pisa ; the lirst 
 supplied her with grain and three hundred soldiers, the second 
 troops alone +. Lodovico the ]\Ioor who bad at tnst encouraged 
 the Pisan revolt, although afraid openly to violate his engage- 
 ments with Florence, referre-1 the Pisans to (.cnoa uluch not- 
 withstanding its dependance on Milan still rctiuned a certain 
 liberty of national action. Their ambassadors ma.b' a simple 
 and pathetic appeal to the Genoese senate and cxpu-d their 
 countrN's wrongs with such eloquence before the aiKient riviUs 
 and biuerest enemies of their once gloiious republic that a 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxvi., pp. 207-'210. f Marmosa, Storia di Lucca, vol. ii., 
 — Jacopo Nardi, Lib. ii., p. 33. p. -/ . 
 
 board of eight citizens was immediately created with authority 
 to supply both arms and money, while Alessandro de' Negroni 
 was commissioned to see that all Genoese places in the Pisan 
 neighbourhood rendered every assistance in their power to that 
 republic *. The generosity of Genoa was stimulated by the 
 authority of Lodovico and the promise of recovering Sarzana 
 and Pietra Santa, more than by any real sympathy with an 
 oppressed people, for this is rarely an insulated cause of 
 friendship or hostilities between any nations within the pale of 
 civilisation f . 
 
 Two hundred men-at-arms, two hundred light cavalry^ and 
 four hundred infantry under -lacopo d'Appiano served the 
 Pisans at the expense of Lucca, Siena, and Genoa ; and thus 
 the descendant of one of their greatest tyrants now acted in 
 defence of their liberty along with the very nation whose arms 
 had formerly broken their ancient power and led to their 
 subjection. The Pisans had also engaged Luzio Malvezzi an 
 officer of some reputation entirely under the influence of Lo- 
 dovico and a determined enemy of the blurentine commander 
 Bentivoglio, whom he defeated with the loss of all his infantry 
 at the Ponte del Serchio '. While this bad fortune attended 
 the Florentine arms in the Pisan territory Montepulciano be- 
 came discontented at a salt-tax, which was increased one-fourth 
 by Lorenzo's base currency, and aided by secret plots on the 
 part of Siena revolted in ]\Iarcli and obtained the protection 
 of that republic notwithstanding its alliance with Florence. 
 
 When the Florentines : naturally inclined to France and 
 kept more faithful by Savt>narola ; requested Charles the 
 VIIL's interference in this matter accordhig to treaty, by 
 which he had guaranteed the integrity of Florence and her 
 dominion : they were answered by a sarcasm that might be 
 appositely applied to kingdoms much nearer home " What can 
 
 * Giustiniani, Annali di Genoa, Lib. Archiv. Stor. Ital , vol. vii. 
 
 v., Caitaccli. ^ Guicrianlini, Lib. iii., cap. i". 
 
 t Malipiero, Annali Vencti, p. 348.— 
 
560 
 
 FLORENTINE mSTORT. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 / do for you;' exclaimed Charles, " tj you treat your subjects 
 so ill that they all revolt ayalnst you^^ T The rebuke was just, 
 and merited, but came ill from one so folse as Charles ; a 
 man so far from justice, treaties, or good faith, tliat he at this 
 very time despatched an auxiliary force of six hundred S\nss 
 and Gascon infantry by sea to Pisa. Willi this reenforcement 
 Malvezzi recovered almost all her territory, drove the Floren- 
 tines from Pontadera and from the strong and lofty, though 
 small fort of Veri*uco, built on the south-eastern end of the 
 mountain range which divides the Lucchese states from the ter- 
 ritory of Pisa ; and commanded an extensive view of the whole 
 plain by which the Florentines were compelled to approach, 
 and was thus enabling him to discover and anticipate all 
 their movements f. 
 
 * Guicciardini, Lib. ii",cap. ii",p. 177. 
 
 Jacopo Nardi, Lib. ii", pp. 34-36. 
 
 f Aminirato, Lib. xxvi., pp. 211-12. 
 The sides of this hill arc nearly 
 covered with pine woods. It rises in 
 a conical shape to nearly three-fourths 
 of its height, with a very steep ascent, 
 and then flattens for a space to the 
 northward into a narrow shelf, and 
 then a second cone of steep weather- 
 worn rocks shooting up in pinnacles. 
 On this, as on a cluster of stone piles, 
 stands the now ruined fort, one mass of 
 rock shooting up within its walls. The 
 entrance is still somewhat difficult, and 
 the fort is vaulted into extensive cis- 
 terns, in which the water springing as 
 is said from the rock below, never 
 fails. The view from the ramparts is 
 magnificent. Close under, on the north- 
 ern plain, lies the enormous convent 
 of Certosfa, with its many cloisters, 
 where sixteen lonely monks are now 
 lost amidst the dwellings of its once 
 numerous inhabitants. This monas- 
 tery is sheltered by the high-reaching 
 range of the Saint Julian hills, which 
 le.vd the eye along the shores of 
 
 Genoa until they melt into air. Still 
 further to the left Corsica rises like 
 a vision, nearer is Elba ; (both me- 
 morials of the fickleness of fortune) 
 jutting out to meet it appears the 
 old Etruscan Populonia. As the eye 
 sweeps round tlie picture, it rests on a 
 wide-spread fertile plain, bounded by 
 ranges of hills, until it reaches the dis- 
 tant Apennines and Pistoian Alps, and 
 follows the Arno from the Golfolinato 
 the sea. There, and not far from its 
 mouth, is seen the Scrchio like a young 
 serpent by the side of its mother. Hard 
 by, Capraia and Gongora s»ein ready to 
 comply with Dante's wish, and drown 
 the guilty Pisa whose marble palaces 
 lie sparkling in the plain below, 
 doubling their beauties in the Amo 
 as it sweeps their base. No army 
 could move in any part of these plains 
 without being pcen from the Verraca, 
 which would be difficult to take, because 
 it is commanded by nothing near 
 enough to do mischief, but command- 
 ing no approach to Pisa is of little use 
 except as a signal station. 
 
 CHAP, vii.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 561 
 
 Meanwhile a powerful league was gathering in the north of 
 Italy against the French monarch : Lodovico and the Vene- 
 tian republic chief movers of this the strongest confederacy 
 ever made in Italy, invited Florence to join it ; and dis- 
 gusted by Charles's conduct the nearly exhausted patience of 
 that state would have given way altogether had not the spirit 
 of Savonarola animated most of the community. The extraor- 
 dinary influence of this man, his continued prophetic tlu'eaten- 
 ings, his constant declaration that Charles was the chosen 
 instrument of Heaven to punish crime and reform the Church, 
 altogether niaintiuned the French alliance against every at4:empt 
 to shake it both external and domestic, and in defiance of 
 priests and monks and adverse citizens who had combined 
 to ruin both the treaty and enthusiast. Savonarola boldlv 
 and pertinaciously continued to declare that notwithstanding a 
 foreign invasion which was to rause infinite misfortunes, it still 
 behoved tliem to support the minister of God's wrath although 
 he liad not yet full ill ed the whole extent of his mission ; and 
 the Lord's hand would lead him safelv out of every dancer be- 
 cause he was still a divine instrument and an appointed 
 
 messenger- 
 
 The strong impression made by an earnest and incessant 
 repetition of these j)rf»pliocies in eloijuent language, was felt bv 
 the comnuuiity ; even many governing citizens believed, or 
 pretended they believed ; and were therefore unwilling to place 
 themselves in the first rank of opposition to the French mo- 
 narch's return, but on the contrary followed Savonarola's enthu- 
 siastic and visionary councils, y<t without neglectmg human 
 means. 
 
 Like the Calvin of after days Savonarola bent the pub- 
 lic mind to his will by working on their superstition ; but 
 Calvin and his followers were harsh and sanguinary bigots, 
 unjust, mimerciful, intolerant, and severe ; whereas the 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxvi., p. 214. — Jucopo Nuidi, Lib. ii., p. 36. 
 VOL. III. o 
 
562 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [BtiOK II. 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 663 
 
 -^l 
 
 Italian was an enliglitened well-meaning enthusiast and ho 
 persecutor. 
 
 The rapid progress of Charles ; the niin of the Neapolitan 
 house of Aragon ; the pretensions of Louis Duke of Orleans 
 to Milan ; the scarcely dissemhled ambition of the French to 
 conquer Italy in almost every part of which they occupied 
 strongholds ; all united to alarm her various potentates. Besides 
 the king s complete command of Tuscany, the poiititY the Or- 
 sini and even the Colonna had been stripped for the moment 
 of their strongest places of arms as pledges of fidelity, and 
 all the peninsula seemed to lie prostrate liefore him. The Duke 
 of Milan was refused possession of Tarento until Naples were 
 entirely reduced*; Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain, besides 
 a national hatred of Fmnce, deplored the evil fortune of their 
 cousin whose power had sustained the family reputation; 
 Sicily too became endangered by the aml)ition of Charles, and 
 to prevent a further abasement of the Holy See was in all eyes 
 sufficient reason for any breach of faith with that monarch. 
 The wrath of :\Iaximilian still ran high against the man 
 who had repudiated his daughter and snatched an affianced 
 bride from his arms, and Venice beheld with alarm the 
 rapid march of events : Lodovico in particular became keenly 
 sensible of his mistaken jwlicy, saw a formidalde domestic 
 enemy in the brave and aspiring Orleans, and trembled for 
 Milan. The consequence was a secret meeting of all their 
 ambassadors at Venice even while Charles was still in Flo- 
 rence, but on its detection by Philip de Coniines they dropped 
 the mask and formed a powerful league against France in 
 March 1495 by which thirty-four thousand horse and twenty 
 thousand foot were to be immediately raised at the general 
 expense, with a Heet if necessary. The league was to hold 
 good for five-and-twenty years between the Pope, the King of 
 the Fwomans, (for Maximilian had never been crowned at Ilonie) 
 
 ♦ Paulo Giovio, Lib. ii., p. 73. 
 
 the two sovereigns of Spain, the Venetian republic and the 
 Duke of Milan. Three objects were proposed. First to defend 
 Christendom against the Turks ; but this was a mere veil, for 
 the Turkish ambassador took an active part in it and offered to 
 attack the French by land and sea : the second for the defence 
 of Italy, and the third for the preservation of their several 
 dominions*. To accomplish this the pope engaged to jiay 
 four thousand horse ; Maximilian six ; and Spain, Venice, and 
 Milan, each eight thousand while the mass of infantry was 
 equally portioned amongst them. These were the published 
 articles; but a secret understanding changed the whole character 
 of this convention to an offensive league agamst the king of 
 France f . On the side of Spain this was soon apparent, for a 
 small fleet and army ere long made its appearance off the 
 coast of Sicily under the renowned Gonsalvo de Cordova with 
 the intention of aiding Ferdinand of Naples to recover a throne 
 which the weakness of Charles and the arrogant oppression of 
 his barons had already rendered insecure I. The Venetians 
 were to attack the south and eastern coasts of Naples ; Lodo- 
 vico to cut off the land commmiication with France and drive 
 the Duke of Orleans from Asti ; and the Idngs of Spain and 
 the Ilomans were to invade that kingdom on the northern and 
 southern frontier. But Maximilian could never be trusted 
 even when really well inclined to a cause ; his own dominions 
 were in disorder ; the German princes would not assist him, 
 and three thousand men were all that he ever raised for the 
 confederacy. The Florentines and Duke Hercules of Ferrara 
 remained timidly aloof; but the latter permitted his son Al- 
 phonso to join the allied army with a body of cavaliy as a 
 private condottieri of the Duke of Milan §. The league's offer 
 
 • Malipiero, Annali Veneti, pp. 333- f Guicciardini, Lib. ii.,cap. ii., p. 176. 
 
 pf;"", 3? ^'**'''''' ^'^- "•' P- '^^■— — Sismondi, vol. ix., p. 70. 
 
 l-hii. de Comines, Mem., Lib. vii., * Paulo Giovio, Lib. ii., p. 73. 
 
 cap. XV., passim. § Guicciardini, Lib. ii«, cap. ii«, p. 1 77 
 
 2 
 
5154 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 to Florence was a powerful army to defend her territor}^ and 
 and every after assistance to recover Pisa and Leghorn : 
 Charles's faithless conduct had irritated the citizens ; all their 
 bribes to the Cardinal of Saint Malo procured only a cold ad- 
 vocate who preferred peace with the great French lords that 
 opposed him to friendship with the Florentines ; they had been 
 plundered, and scoffed, and insulted ; but they repressed a 
 dangerous anger, and independent of all superstition expected 
 more from the actual holder of their property, however faith- 
 less, than from tlie national enmity of Venice or the suspicious 
 declarations of a man like Lodovico who was himself intriguing 
 for the possession of the very places that he thus guaranteed 
 to Florence *. 
 
 Charles VIII. and liis army were now equally impatient to 
 return home ; the reputation of both had diminished ; the Turk- 
 ish expedition was forgotten in the pleasures of Naples ; ease, 
 luxury, and a genial climate had enervated them ; the king, 
 always inefficient, became yet more so from undeserved success, 
 and governed carelessly ; the Aragonese were still suffered to 
 hold Brindisi, Reggio, and other places whence they could have 
 been easily expelled, and the conquest remained incomplete : 
 there was a lavish alienation of the public revenues to insatiable 
 followers ; state business was abandoned to favourites ; the 
 Neapolitan nobles were slighted; audiences were difficult; 
 ranks levelled ; merits unacknowledged ; the enemies of Ara- 
 gon neglected ; difficulty and delay were opposed to the resti- 
 tution of their confiscated estates ; grace and favour were sold 
 for bribes; deprivations were ordered without occasion, gifts 
 without reason, offices filled exclusively by Frenchmen ; crown 
 
 * Guicciardini, Lib. ii", cap. i°, p. 
 1 78. Malipiero, however, asserts that 
 Florence actually coalesced with the 
 league and concluded a treaty at 
 Genoa in June, by which she engaged 
 to impede Charles VIII. 's passage into 
 Loiubai'dy and was to be aided by 
 
 Genoa in the recovery of Pisa, Genoa 
 receiving Sarzana, Sarzanella, and 
 Pietra Santa, from the League as the 
 price of her own accession, (vol. vii., 
 Arc. Star. ItaL, p. 349.) But 
 Guicciardini could scarcely have been 
 ignorant of this treaty, if ever concluded. 
 
 \ 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 5Ci 
 
 lands absorbed by them and crown vassals oppressed, against 
 all promise and against all custom. In addition to this, a more 
 than national pomp and pride and insolence and injuries 
 marked the steps of France : at Naples and elsewhere the 
 Italians were despised and made to feel it, so that a hatred 
 as intense as past desire began to bum against the invaders, 
 while pity and retuniing sympathy for the acknowledged merits 
 of Ferdinand became every day more ardent. Such, as we are 
 assured by Guicciardini, was the temper and condition of Naples 
 and its conquerors ; nay, so great was the reaction that even 
 Alphonsos name was received with kindness; liis former 
 cruelty was now exalted into a just rigour and his arrogance 
 and pride were softened into frankness and sincerity. '* And 
 such is the nature of man;" adds Guicciardini, "always in- 
 clined to hope for more than he ought ; to tolerate less than is 
 necessar}% and never to be satisfied with the present;" but 
 the Neapolitan nation above all others in Italy was at this 
 epoch notorious for instability and love of change*. 
 
 The account given by Philip de Comines of the northern 
 confederacy augmented Charles's desire to return, for it was 
 the most formidable combination of Christian powers that had 
 been known for centuries and placed him and his army in 
 jeopardy. The kingdom was unsettled ; neither would Alex- 
 ander VI. consent to invest him with its sovereignty so he pro- 
 claimed himself, assumed the crown in May, and on the 
 twentieth of that month marched at the head of half his army 
 towards Tuscany leaving the remainder under Gilbert de 
 Montpensier and Stuart of Aubigny to settle the conquest. 
 The first was viceroy, a man of no ability ; the second constable 
 of the kingdom, full of military talent and experience f. Alex- 
 ander had applied for succours from the league, which at first 
 were promised but afterwards declined through fear of weaken- 
 
 * Phil, de Comines, Lib. viii., cap. i°. — Guicciardini, Lib. ii", cap. ii°, p. 179. 
 + Phil, de Comines, Lib. viii*', cap. i". 
 
5G6 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOBY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 iug the army, and the pontiff was advised to retire from Rome 
 at the approach of Charles who only remained three days in 
 that city but restored Terracina and Civita Yecchia while his 
 army was suffered to depredate all the neighbouring country. 
 
 At Siena the king wasted several days although Philip de 
 Comines assured him that no less than forty thousand soldiers 
 of the league were gathering in arms to stop his passage ; but 
 says the old statesman, " he was suiTounded by young men who 
 fancied that none but themselves carried arms." Here he re- 
 ceived the Florentine ambassadoi's who came to claim the per- 
 formance of liis promise, and who offered not only to pay the 
 ;}0,000 florins still due of their contribution, but to lend him 
 70,000 more and even let their experienced geneml Francesco 
 Secco with three hundred men-at-arms and two thousand in- 
 fantry accompany him to Asti. These were tempting baits and 
 Comines strongly urged the king s acceptance of them ; but the 
 same youthful court had been so struck with generous sympathy 
 for the Pisans that this offer was refused and national honour 
 sacrificed to natural feeling*. 
 
 The affcdr was postponed until Charles arrived at Lucca, and 
 the Florentines startled by these open and continued symptoms 
 of aversion became apprehensive of admitting the French again 
 within their walls or of even allowing them to march through 
 the countr}' : this last was more than they could prevent ; but 
 their fears were confirmed by an intercepted letter from Piero 
 de' Medici who was in the French camp to Piero Corsini, 
 which left no doubt of his intention to take that occasion of 
 making a bold attempt at his own restoration. This exhausted 
 their patience ; they at once armed themselves, filled the city with 
 troops, barricaded their streets, and finally called the Venetian 
 forces to their aid but without joining the league : they moreover 
 roundly declared that Piero should neither enter Florence or 
 pass through its territory, wherefore the king ordered him to 
 
 • Phil.de Comines, Lib. viii., cai. ii., pp. 485-7. 
 
 CHAP, vn.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 567 
 
 proceed to Lucca accompanied by two Florentine officers and 
 a mace-bearer of the Seignory without crossing the frontier in 
 his journey*. *' It was marvellous," says Nardi, "to behold 
 in what little time a vast provision of offensive and defensive 
 arms, and an enormous quantity of every sort of victuals were 
 accumulated : every citizen strove in private emulation who 
 should be most successful in supplying such necessaries, which 
 were ordered without restriction by the Seignory and those 
 commissaries who were deputed both without and within to see 
 this duty performed, so that the whole population almost to 
 the very children were armed "f. 
 
 Girolamo redoubled his prayers and preaching ; public and 
 private devotions filled the town ; the sacred image of " Santa 
 Maria delV Impruneta " was brought in solemn state to Florence 
 as a panacea for every woe ; she was followed in procession by all 
 the secular clerg}% all the religious orders, all the companies 
 and fraternities of Florence and finally by the whole population 
 in two long lines of male and female penitents. But the most 
 remarkable feature in tliis ceremony was the total absence of 
 old accustomed pomp and magnificence : the simple spirit of 
 Girolamo pervaded all : no gold, no silver, no rich vestments, 
 no great presents from the magistrates, no gifts from the peo- 
 ple ; but large sums of money were freely given for distribution 
 to the poor, and a calm and decent solemnity overshadowed all |. 
 
 Many other preparations were made for public security in 
 case of Charles's entering Florence : some of the city gates 
 were closed and built up ; the private houses and towers were 
 supplied with stones ; guards patrolled the streets by night, 
 and eleven thousand cuirassed infantry independent of soldiers, 
 besides the private friends and retainers of the citizens, of 
 which each house was full, were collected in the streets and 
 suburbs of Florence by the time Charles had entered Siena. 
 
 • Malipiero, Annali Vencti, p. 348. — p. 213. 
 
 J. Nardi, Lib. ii., p. 37. — Sismondi, + Jacopo Nardi, Lib. ii. pp. 37-38. 
 
 vol. ix., p. 85. — Ammirato, Lib. xxvi., % Ibid. 
 
568 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book It. 
 
 Few of the conJottieri or their followers were admitted : the 
 citizeus had learned caution from the infidelity of their merce- 
 nary troops and leaders in treating with the French about the 
 affairs of Pisa, and therefore tnisted to Florentines alone*. 
 These formidable preparations to receive an ally no doubt 
 affected the king's line of march ; nevertheless after leaving a 
 guard of four hundred soldiers in Siena he moved on Posrsri- 
 iK)nzi and there gave audience to Girolamo Savonarola on the 
 seventeenth of June. Although requested to accept it, Girolamo 
 refused the dignity of Florentine ambassador, choosing the 
 more awful character of a divine messenger and tmsting to 
 heavenly inspiration for the force and efficacy of his discourse. 
 Charles always listened eaniestly to Savonarola, who after re- 
 proaching him in his usmil eloquent and impressive language 
 suddenly assumed a more solemn and imposing tone and no 
 longer as an humble friar but in the bold severe spirit of pro- 
 phecy, exclaimed, " Beware O king of the divine anger which 
 *' will surely fall hke a thunderbolt on thy most precious objects 
 " with irreparable mm if that, for the performance of which 
 " thou didst call on God as thy witness and security, be not 
 " faithfully performed "1. 
 
 Savonarola had already said this to Philip de Comines at 
 Florence and impressetl that strong-minded statesman with a 
 profound and perhaps awful sense of his extraordinary cha- 
 racter, as is palpable in many parts of his Memoirs ; no wonder 
 then that the king's mind was somewhat shaken after a repeti- 
 tion of these denunciations at Castel Fiorentino where the friar 
 left him ; and at the Dauphin's decease which occm-red not 
 long after and was deemed a fulfilment of the prophec?}', they 
 were perhaps more keenly remembered J. 
 
 The king s visit to Florence was finally renounced ; he took 
 
 • Jacopo Nardi, Lib. ii., p. 38. + Philip dc Coinincs, Lib. viii., cap. 
 
 tGuicdardini,Lib. ii°, cap. iii«, p. 196. ii", p. 487 ; cap. iv., p. 493.; cap. vi^\ 
 
 —Jacopo Nardi, Lib, ii". p. 39.— pp. 505,509, 516; cap. vii., p. 52L 
 Ammirato, Lib. xxvi., p. 214. 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 569 
 
 the road to Pisa and reached that city when public excitement 
 was at its height : men women and children were in tears : 
 they hung round the officers and soldiers imploring their good 
 ofl&ces with Charles to save them from Florentine tyranny, and 
 even Comines asserts that they had been treated most aljomin- 
 ably like many other subject cities. The whole army even to the 
 meanest soldier Swiss or E'renchman, was moved to compassion 
 by their piteous lamentations and long tale of misfortune : 
 sorrow became contagious ; the excitement rapidly increased ; 
 the cardinal of Saint ]\Ialo and a few others who had shown a 
 disposition to keep faith with Florence were threatened by the 
 French themselves ; the president Gannai for three nights was 
 afraid to sleep at his own quarters, the Marshal de Gie was 
 insulted, and Comines himself saw an archer of the guard brave 
 the cardinal of Saint ]\lalo to his face ; and all for urging 
 Charles to keep a solemn oath pledged, in conjunction with the 
 sacrament, on the great altar of Florence! But they were 
 accused, perhaps truly, of being bribed with Florentine gold, 
 and therefore had no favour in Pisa. 
 
 Fifty gentlemen of the royal household with their battleaxes 
 on their shoulders entered the king's private chamber when he, 
 almost alone, was playing a game of chance with one of his 
 courtiers, and demanded protection for unfortunate Pisa. Mon- 
 sieur Sallizard who took the lead, implored him for the sake 
 of his own honour ; for the glory of France's crow n ; for the 
 consolation of so many of his own servants, all ready to die for 
 liim and who would give him more sincere counsel than men cor- 
 rupted by the Florentines ; not to withdraw that favour he him- 
 self had so lately conferred on the Pisans ; and sooner than any 
 want of money should induce him to commit such an act, they 
 offered him the silver chains and ornaments from their necks 
 with their arrears of pay and pensions ; so strong and generous 
 and universal was this feeling in the army-. Charles, weak 
 
 * Phil, de Comines, Lib. viii", cap. iii", p. 489. 
 
570 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [bock 
 
 II 
 
 and waTering as usual, dismissed them from his presence 
 without any reph' ; but while assuring the Pisans that he never 
 would deliver them up to Florence he told the Florentine 
 ambassadors who awaited him at Lucca, that what he coidd not 
 accomplish then and there he would arrange satisfactorily 
 at Asti*. 
 
 Charles then resumed his rout by easy marclies in order to 
 await the result of an attempt on Genoa; which ended in the 
 defeat of his forces both by sea and land ; and arriving before 
 Pontremoli gained it by a capitulation which the Swiss under 
 Giacopo Trivulzios command most treacherously broke, on 
 account of some former enmity, and setthig fire to the town 
 committed an indiscriminate massacre of the inhabitants f. 
 From Pontremoli the French anny crossed the Apennines with 
 infinite diflSculty, the Swiss troops endeavouring to atone fur 
 conduct so infamous by their voluntary exertions in dragging 
 the artillery over mountains which without their aid would 
 never have been passable. This breach of capitulation had 
 struck terror through the country and kept off every sup- 
 ply, and as the conflagration had destroyed all provision 
 stores Charles and his army were in a precarious state. 
 He nevertheless halted with tlie main l>ody near Pontremoli 
 while Marshal de Gie led the advanced guard over the liills and 
 placed himself in position opposite the allied army at Fornovo 
 on the river Taro, about twelve Italian miles from Panna. The 
 guns next followed over an almost pathless mountain, each 
 piece bemg dragged by from one to two hundred Swiss soldiers 
 with incredible exertion. No artillery except one or two 
 falconets of about five hundred pounds weight, had ever before 
 passed there and even this created wonder ; but now fourteen 
 guns of the heaviest calibre began to ascend a mountain so 
 
 • Jacopo Nardi, Lib. ii», p. 39. — p. 494. — Mcmoiiile di Gio. Porto- 
 Guicciardini, Lib. ii«, cap. iii^, p. 198. venere, p. 316', vol. vi., Parte ii., Ar. 
 t Phil, de Comines, Lib. viii, cap. iv., Stor. Ital. 
 
 CHAP. Tll.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 571 
 
 very steep that even mules could scarcely make their way*. 
 The descent was still more difficult; there was no resting 
 place at the summit ; and every horse and mule were necessary 
 to prevent the guns from rolling headlong down the steep and 
 shaggy mountain : many officers proposed to abandon the 
 heavier pieces but Charles would not hear of this, and after 
 three days of incessant toil the whole army^ rejoined their 
 advanced guard near Fornovo. 
 
 The allies had already been eight days encamped, and though 
 not all assembled had an overwhelming force : they might 
 have destroyed the advanced guard long ere the main battle 
 had passed the hills ; and the king on his part ; had he not 
 delayed at Siena Pisa and Pontremoli, might have reached 
 France in perfect security : but " God conducted the operations," 
 saith Comines, and their notable mismanagement by men 
 throughout the whole expedition coupled with its unparalleled 
 success seems to have impressed the Sieur d' Argenton and 
 many others with a deeper faith than he appears willing to 
 acknowledge in the inspiration of Girolamo Savonarola f . 
 
 The allies were encamped below Fornovo ; the French occu- 
 pied that place ; but the first position of both annies was in a 
 stony plain on the right bank of the Taro bared by the floods 
 and torrents of that river. There is nothing more puzzling 
 than an attempt to estimate the numbers of cavalry throughout 
 most periods of Italian histoiy, but perhaps still more so in 
 that now under consideration. The French lance was estimated 
 at six horses, two being mounted by archers ; and according to 
 Commes the Italian man-at-arms was composed of but four, of 
 which one was ridden by a crossbow-man : other authors vary, 
 and there seems to have been a sort of fashion in the mutable 
 strengtli of a lance, which would appear at least in Italy and 
 Savoy to depend entirely on the contract made with a condot- 
 
 * Phil, de Comines, Lib. viii., cap. iv. and v. 
 f Mem. de Comines, cap. v., p. 500. 
 
572 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II, 
 
 tiere, and therefore entirely conventional ; but at all times the 
 *' lance,'' or ** man-at-arms'' proper, would appear to be the 
 only heavy-anued steel-clad soldier of the number *. Accord- 
 ing to Comines the allies had about thirty-five thousand men 
 of all arms, and the French about nine thousand includhi'^ 
 valets and other armed attendants of the great lords f . 
 
 Charles arrived at Fornovo on the fifth of Julv, and on the 
 sixth he meant to have continued his march without a blow : 
 Lodovico and the Venetians would gladly have permitted 
 this, and both civil and military commanders were in doubt ; 
 but two such armies seldom draw so near to part in peace: 
 the king sent Comines to treat and simultaneously began to 
 move across the river while his artilleiy cannonaded the allies : 
 this of course broke off all negotiation and the battle beaan \ 
 The young Marquis of Mantua who commanded tlie league, 
 
 seeing that Charles had crossed the Taro and was marching in 
 
 ... ® 
 
 three divisions down its left bank ; stationed a powerful reserve 
 
 in (iamp and advanced with the remainder up the opposite side, 
 giving time for the enemy's advanced guard and main battle 
 to increase their distance from each other and from the rear 
 division. Sending a large body of Stradiotes, or Greek in-e- 
 gular horse in the Venetian service, to capture the French bag- 
 gage which wound its way amongst the hills, he ordered another 
 division of these formidable swordsmen with five thousand in- 
 fantry, and six hundred men-at-arms to follow him over the 
 river at Fornovo while Antonio di Montefeltro and a strong 
 reserve remained in position on the right liank ready to cross 
 and attack when called upon. As soon as he was well engaged 
 with the enemy's rear, a detachment of Stradiotes had orders to 
 pass the river and assail their left flank while the Count di Caiazzo 
 of San Severino with four hundred men-at-arms and two thou- 
 
 * Guicciardini, Lib. i«, cap. iii. — Pliil. f Comines, Lib. viii«, cap. ii« and vi". 
 
 de Comines, Lib. viii", cap. v«.— Cib- + Ibid., caps. v. and vi.— Guicciardini, 
 
 rario, Econ. I'olit. del Medio Evo, Lib. ii., cap. iv. 
 p. 104. 
 
 CHIP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 573 
 
 sand infantry also crossed the Taro and charged the French 
 advanced guard in front. Besides these, Annibale Bentivoglio 
 was also left on the Taro's right bank with another reserve of 
 two hundred men-at-arms. 
 
 Had no accidents happened this plan of attack with so supe- 
 rior a force, excepting that on the baggage, seemed well calculated 
 for success ; but in war above all other things tlie slightest 
 accidents are often fatal. The Marquis of Mantua led his men 
 on bravely, but after a while they gave way before the valour 
 and impetuosity of France ; the Stradiotes also overtook and 
 captured the baggage ; but this was far too alluring a prize 
 for their countiymen engaged in the fla^k attack, who imme- 
 diately left their worlv to share the plunder ; their example was 
 followed by many of the Italians both cavalry and infantry. 
 The Marquis of Mantua was most gallantly pressed by the king 
 in person ; Rodolfo di Gonzaga who was to give the signal for 
 Montefeltro 's advance was killed earl3^ wherefore the latter like 
 a good soldier remained immo\'eable and the marquis was com- 
 pelled to fly. Caiazzo advanced to the attack in front, but 
 turned and fled without breaking a lance : his antagonist the 
 Marshal de Gie suspected a feint and would not follow him for 
 which he was both blamed and praised ; but the repulse was com- 
 plete and the whole French army soon closed up on its hne of 
 march without further obstruction. They had lost but two hun- 
 dred men, the enemy three thousand five hundred - : many 
 of the men-at-arms after having been unhorsed were killed with 
 wood-axes by the camp followers : but so complete was their 
 defensive armour that Comines tells us he saw from three to 
 four of these ruffians attempting to kill one man : the French 
 made no prisoners, but their captive Count Orsiuo of Pitigliano 
 escaped during the combat and by rallying his countrymen 
 
 * This differs entirely from Malipiero, tlic allies — but Guicciardini and Co- 
 
 who makes the French loss from 1000, mines arc most trust-worthy: yet 
 
 and 600 prisoners to '2500, besides Malipiero goes as high as 6000 in the 
 
 wounded, and not more than 1000 of pursuit. 
 
574 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 saved the allied army from comj)lete disorder. Charles did not 
 renew the battle or he would have conquered ; his whole army 
 was too uneasy, and moreover ignorant of the enemy's confu- 
 sion. On the seventh of July he at:jain sent Comines to nego- 
 tiate but as this was postponed by the allies until the follo^^ing 
 moraing he decamped during the night, and closely followed 
 by the enemy arrived safely at Asti after considerable diffi- 
 culty and suffering, on the lifteenth of July 1495 *. 
 
 The Duke of Orleans at ♦his moment occupied Novara with 
 seven thousand five hundred men, and twenty thousand Swiss 
 troops arriving soon after, he became impatient for a renewal of 
 hostilities ; but Charles and his army were just as eager to 
 return, wherefore making a separate treaty of peace with the 
 Duke of Milan he quitted Turin and Italy, but left a world 
 of woes behind. 
 
 Thus ended the first act of this remarkable expedition, the 
 offspring of vanity, folly, and injustice : mi expedition which 
 contributed to entail everlasting pestilence and inflicted 
 long years of war on Italy f ; which made that beautiful 
 land an arena for the rivaliy of two great conflicting mo- 
 narchies; opened wide the portals of a Cluirles's ambition 
 and a Philip's tyranny, and finally reduced it (must we say 
 for ever?) under the hard domination of transalpine strangers! 
 Recalled by the public voice Ferdinand II. of Naples hastened 
 to regain his crown and succeeded ; the French army being un- 
 
 • Malipiero, Annuli Veneti, pp. 356 
 to 367. — Cagnola, Storia di Milano, 
 p. 199. — Paulo Giovio, Lib. ii", p. 88. 
 — Phil, de Comines, Lib. viii., cap. vi. 
 — Guicciardini, Lib, ii", cap. iv". — 
 Corio, Hist. Milan, Parte vii., fol. 481, 
 et seq. — Gio. Portovencrc, p. 317- — 
 Bembo, Historia Vinitian:i, Lib. ii", 
 fol. 24 [Vincgia, 1556]. 
 + This pestilence, probably, was not 
 brought into Italy by the French, but 
 into Spain by the seamen of Colum- 
 
 bus in Varch, 1493, and thence by 
 Spaniards to Naples while the French 
 were there .and their armies spread the 
 contagion over all Italy. In two years 
 from its first introduction into Spain, 
 it had extended over more than half 
 Enn)pe — a sjid index to human frailty ! 
 (Vide Simnondi, vol. ix., p, 118.) But 
 there arc various accounts of this ma- 
 lady. Portovenere, p. 337, and note, 
 voL vi., Parte ii**, Ar. Stor. Ital. 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 575 
 
 skilfully managed by the Viceroy became disheartened on seeing 
 themselves deserted by their king, and enemies thickening around 
 them. The expedition against Genoa had totally failed by 
 land, and the French squadron was entirely destroyed off Ra- 
 pallo by eight Genoese galleys which recaptured the town 
 and compelled their army to retire into Piedmont. About the 
 same time that Charles quitted Naples Ferdinand 11. had 
 landed in Calabiia with a small Spanish force from Sicily and 
 occupied Reggio, the citadel of which he had constantly held, 
 while at the same moment the Venetian fleet appeared off 
 Puglia under Antonio Grimani. At this time Ferdinand still 
 retained possession of Ischia, the Lipari Islands, Terranuova 
 and other strongholds in Calabria ; also Brindisi where his 
 uncle Don Frederic commanded, besides Galipoli, La Manzia, 
 and La Turpia; and he had moreover with the small Spanish and 
 Sicilian force under Gonsalvo de Cordova assembled about six 
 thousand men. Gonsalvo Hernandez d' Aguilar of Cordova had 
 signalised liimself in the wars of Granada but was only sur- 
 named the " Gredt Captain "on his arrival in Italy, according 
 to the usual inflated style of the Spaniards, merely to signify 
 his chief command over them ; his subsequent exploits how- 
 ever gave a sterling value to the appellation, and as it were, 
 stereotyped the previously unmeaning name '^'. 
 
 Aubigny hastened to quash this invasion and routed Fer- 
 dinand at the battle of Seminara where his new and inex- 
 perienced levies could make little head against the well-directed 
 discipline of France. In this battle Ferdinand s horse was 
 killed and his own life would have soon followed had not 
 Giovanni di Capua, wiio had been his page and was now 
 his friend, dismounted and given him his, with the certainty of 
 falling as he instantly did under the swords of the enemy. 
 Gonsalvo fled across the mountains to Reggio, Ferdmand to 
 the port of Palmi near Seminara and thence to Messina, 
 
 * Guicciardiui, Lib. ii", cap. ii", p. 184 ; cap. iv«, p. 223 ; and cap. v., p. 225. 
 
576 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [noOK II. 
 
 nothing daunted by misfortune and eager for another trial ere 
 the intelligence of this defeat should have cooled the general 
 wish of the Neapolitans for his return. Assembling an imposing 
 but scantily manned squadron he appeared off Salerno, and in 
 an instant not only that city but Amalti and La Cava lioisted 
 his royal banner ; then running into the Bay of Naples he 
 waited for some indication of revolt but in vain ; not from any 
 want of inclination but in consequence of I'rench vigilance. 
 
 While sorrowfully bearing away for Iscliia his hopes were re- 
 vived by a secret message from the Ncajiolitans urging him 
 lo land and bring everytliing to a crisis: upon this he ran 
 boldlv over to Maddalena at the mouth of the little river 
 Sebeto and l)egan disembarldng his people. Montpensier in 
 alanu marched out to oppose him, and then the bells of 
 the Carmine began to sound, and church after cburch took up 
 the peal ; the people Hew to arms ; the port was seized and 
 occupied, and the name of Ferdinand resounding through the 
 city was borne in a thousand echoes to the heiglits above. 
 Alarmed at this sudden outbreak and despairing of an entrance 
 by the gate from which they had issued, the French made a 
 long circuit of the walls and had thus given time for Ferdinand 
 to gain an entrance : he was soon on horseback and showed 
 himself in eveiy quarter amidst showei*s of roses and garlands 
 and odoriferous watei's. 
 
 Castelnuovo was instantly invested and a succession of attacks 
 and skirmishes kept Naples in movement but no impression 
 could be made on the people : Capua, Avt rsa, tlie citadel of 
 Mondragone, besides many other places began to waver and 
 most of the kingdom showed strong symptoms of uneasiness. 
 Gaeta actually revolted on the sight of some of Fenlinand's gal- 
 leys off the port, but was overpowered by the garrison with 
 great slaughter and sacked as a concjuered town. The Vene- 
 tians in the interim had landed in Puglia and taken Monopoli 
 and Pulignano; and four months after, Castelnuovo surrendered 
 
 CHAP. vn. ] 
 
 FLORENllNE HISTORY. 
 
 577 
 
 after the failure of two attempts both by land and sea to relieve 
 it : Castel dell ' Uovo soon followed ; the city of Nocera was sub- 
 sequently recovered ; and thus fortune seemed to smile once 
 more on the Neapolitan house of Aragon *. 
 
 The Florentine republic was the only friendly power that 
 Charles had left in Italy; a friendship, though false, in every 
 way important and almost indispensable to France in the pro- 
 secution of her Italian conquests, but equally so to Florence 
 as her widest and richest field of commerce. Yet so far 
 from trying to conciliate tlie latter, that monarch not only 
 broke his oatli and retained her tairest possessions but left his 
 wildest soldiers to protect her revolted subjects : liis Gascon 
 infantry when unchecked by the royal presence and imbued 
 with all the Pisan hatred of Florence, carried on their warlike 
 operations in a spirit of barbarity as yet unknown to the Italians. 
 Amongst other excesses tliey fancied that the Florentines 
 swallowed their gold and jewels before every encounter in order 
 to preserve something if taken prisoners ; wherefore all their 
 suspected captives were lulled and ripped open to make a tho- 
 rough search for these embowelled treasures : for such cruelty 
 however they paid full dearly when made prisoners at Ponte di 
 Sacco, in despite of every effort of the Florentine commissaries! . 
 This revenge was a considerable obstacle to any accommodation 
 with Charles at Turin where the Florentine envovs were still 
 urging their country's right to a restoration of Pisa and the 
 minor towns ; for promises, and oaths, and the sacred character 
 of treaties were here as much disregarded as elsewhere ; but the 
 necessity for money and the demands of Naples accomplished 
 what no sense of royal or national honour seemed likely to 
 achieve. An order wjis linally obtained for the immediate 
 restitution of Pisa and the fortresses ; but with an engagement 
 to deliver up Pietra Santa and Sarzana to the Genoese within 
 
 • J. Nardi, Lib. ii«, p. 42.— Guicciar- f Ibi 1., p. 241. — Ammirato, Lib. 
 dini, Lib. ii«, cap. v«, p. 225. xxvi., p. 216. 
 
 VOL. III. V P 
 
5?8 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOBY. 
 
 [euOK II. 
 
 (' 
 
 two years, if desired by the king on receiving an equivalent from 
 bim as lord of that republic. In return for this Horence was to 
 pay down the 30,000 florins still due by treaty, but receiving a 
 ertain amount of jewels in pawn lest any unforeseen occurrence 
 should prevent the above-named restitution : after which they 
 engaged to lend Charles 70,000 florins for the service of Naples 
 on the security of the four great farmers-general of French 
 revenues besides mainUiining two hundred and fifty men-at- 
 arms in that kingdom if Tuscany were at peace, with other 
 conditions of a similar nature: a free pardon to the Pisans, 
 some relaxation of their manufacturing and mercantile restric- 
 tions, and finally six Florentine hostages to insure the fulfil- 
 ment of all, completed the negotiation *. 
 
 Xiccolo Alamanui accompanied by ^lonsieur de Lille and 
 other French envoys arrived at Florence on the seventh of Sep- 
 tember with peremptory' orders to see the new treaty executed, 
 and Leghorn was immediately restored although not without a 
 fresh application of money : Paulo Vitelli also who was in 
 I'rench pay obeyed the royal command, and quickened by the 
 same means as the governor of Leghorn joined the Flo- 
 rentines before Vico Pisano with all his force. Tliey instantly 
 raised that siege and advanced on Pisa, whicli was defended 
 bv an outwork under the guns of the citadel and far too 
 strong, in the governor's opinion, for them to master; he 
 therefore permitted the attack, but seeing the outwork 
 carried without difficulty and the town in jeopardy he tunied his 
 own guns on the assailants, who though they still maintained 
 the suburb saw themselves debarred by such conduct from 
 gaining possession of the town. Entragiies governor of the 
 citadel, who was a creature of Ligny's and acting entirely under 
 his orders, pretended to have secret instructions from Charles 
 that had not as yet been cancelled, and lieing also hi love with 
 a daughter of Luca del Lanti, devoted himself with equal 
 
 • Guicciardini, Lib. ii**, cap. v. 
 
 CHAP. VII. J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 579 
 
 ardour to the Pisan lady and the Pisan cause. His example 
 was followed by the governors of Pietra Santa, Mutrone, Sar- 
 zana, and Sarzanella ; they all plainly informed the royal 
 envoy who summoned them, tliat in despite of the king's com- 
 mand, unless confirmed by orders from Ligny, they would still 
 retain their charge ; nor had the public proclamation by order 
 of Monsieur de Lille the royal commissioner and two of his 
 colleagues any more etlect on Entragues, although it declaimed 
 that unless Pisa were restored within four-and-twenty hours he 
 should be proclaimed a rebel and an enemy to the crown of 
 France. Fresh ambassadors were despatched to France and 
 fresh messengers arrived, but with as little success ; for En- 
 tragues either made despei-ate by his own disobedience, or 
 bound by Ligny's influence, or aware all along of Charles's 
 insincerity, still remained obstinate, while the Duke of Milan 
 was through his agent Fracassa increasing the difficulty by 
 secretly working amongst the citizens on his own account *. 
 
 Meanwhile these strange doings were noised abroad and 
 roused up the hopes of Piero de' Medici who hovering hke a 
 bird of ill omen on the frontier, expected with the aid of the 
 Oi-sini and Baglioni, the Bentivogli and Lodovico Sforza, to 
 make some impression on Florence while perplexed with the 
 war and enmity of Pisa Lucra and Siena. Bentivoglio refused 
 to act against Florence, and Lodovico denied any assistance to 
 the Cardinal of Medici ; but the Orsini passed into Val-di- 
 Chiana with a considerable foi'ce and had some skirmishmg 
 with the Florentines near Cortona. They were soon however 
 engaged in the pay of l^rance and despatched southwai'd to 
 oppose the Colonna who had Joined Ferdinand, while Florence 
 again set a high price on the head of Piero and Giuhano de' 
 Medici which sent the former to Home and the latter to Milan 
 for greater security f . 
 
 In Tuscany the war languished a while, for Pisa was at first 
 
 * Ammiicato, Lib. xxvi., p. 218. 
 
 r P '^ 
 
 t Ibid. 
 
5S0 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 11. 
 
 too weak for oifensive movements, and Florence always hoping 
 to succeed by treaty did not put forth any immediate vigour 
 until after Entragues had sold the citadel to the people who 
 razed it to the ground ; luitil he had sold Sarzana and Sarza- 
 nella to Genoa; Pietra Santa and Mutrone to Lucca; and 
 until ever}' complaint or remonstrance was treated I'V Charles 
 VI II. with e(iual duplicity and contempt. Meantime the Pisaus 
 despatched ambassadors to the Pope, the Emperor, Venice, 
 Milan, Genoa, Lucca, Siena, and other smaller states demand- 
 ing aid and protection; and from all received assurances of 
 goodwill and aid of some sort ; but from Venice and JMilaii 
 immediate succours, so that after various fortune they bocanu 
 superior in the field, wherefore Ercole Bentivoglio the Floren- 
 tine general (son to that Santi already mentioned) was com- 
 pelled to entrench himself in a strong position between the 
 castle of Pontadera and its river and contine his operations 
 to a mere checking of the enemy's movements*. 
 
 Reenforcements of Stradiotes from Venice and Germans from 
 the emperor swelled the Pisan nmks, and no war more cruel 
 was ever made than that now waged by these Greek auxiharies 
 between Pisa and the Florentines. The report of Charles 
 VIII. being about to revisit Italy with three gi*eat armies, under 
 himself, the Duke of Orleans, and Gian-Giacopo Trivulzio so 
 alarmed Lodo\ico that he invited Ma.ximilian to cross the Alps: 
 tliis prince accordingly arrived at Genoa in October and reach- 
 ing Pisa about the beginning of November trifled away two 
 months in debating how to caiTy on the war against Florence ; 
 he attempted to take Leghoni and failed, principally from the 
 rains, then quarrelled with the Venetians whom he accused of 
 insincerity, and returned, complaining and mglorious, into Ger- 
 many +. Lodovico and the Venetians were each personally in- 
 
 * Malipicro, Annali Veneti,p. 436.— + Amrairato, p. 236. — Guicciardini, 
 
 Arch. Stor., vol. vii.— Guicciardini, Lib. iii., cap. iv., p. 81. — Caqnoa, 
 
 Lib. iii", cap. i'\ p. 7.— Amniirato, Storia di Milano, Lib. ix., p. 207, who 
 
 Lib. xxvii., pp. 228-230. speaks somewhat more favourably of 
 
 CUAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORKxNTIN E 1 i I STORY. 
 
 r>8i 
 
 terested in the defence of Pisa, not from any sympathetic or 
 generous feeling, but because l>oth were eager to possess it : 
 seeing each other s objects they soon clashed, and the former 
 who notwithstanding his aid to Pisa always maintained an 
 amicable intercourse with Florence, now exhibited more un- 
 equivocal signs of friendship by intimating that he wished to 
 restore Pisa to Florentine dominion'''-. 
 
 Thus thwarted Venice began to repent of her interference, 
 and instead of a subject, resolved to maintain Pisa as a free 
 city through hate of the Florentines, so that the war was still 
 continued by a series of petty encounters skimiishes and insig- 
 nificant sieges ; in one of which, that of Soiauo, Piero Cap- 
 poni fell ; shot through the head as he pointed a cannon at tlie 
 walls and thus was inllicted a far deeper injury on his country 
 than the capture of a dozen sucli places could rejmir f. Hosti- 
 lities proceeded with various fortune but unmitigated barbarity 
 and constant loss to Florence until the end of April 1497, 
 when a truce for five months was suddenly made between 
 France and Spain in which the allies of both were included, so 
 that the hands of Florence remained shackled while all her 
 war expenses were necessarily continued and her army lay 
 idle :. 
 
 During these transactions Ferdinand pursuing a glorious 
 career of victory had recovered neai-ly all his kingdom, Tarento 
 
 tlie emperor.— Ricordi di Scr Perizolo, 
 p- 303, vol. vi., Parte ii., Ar. Stor. 
 Ital. — Foscari, Dispacci, Lib. xxxi., ct 
 seq., vol. vii., Ar. Stor. It.— Beinbo, 
 Histo. Vinit., Lib. iii", fol. 31-42, 
 et seq. 
 
 * Guicciardini, Lib. iii., rap. iv., p. 
 238. Malipiero says that Lodovico 
 secretly offered before this to assist 
 Florence if she would continue the 
 subsidy of 60,000 florins that she had 
 paid to his brother Galeazzo, and that 
 Florence alarmed by the interference 
 of Venice consented ; but Lodovico's 
 
 conduct showed that it could never 
 have been put into execution :it the 
 moment, althougli this sudden quarrel 
 would seem to countenance such an 
 agreement which however I do not find 
 mentioned by any Florentine author 
 although allusions to some secret inter- 
 course are occasionally made. 
 t Malipicro, Ann. Veneti, p. 439-40. 
 — Guicciardini, Lib. iii., cap. iv., p. 75. 
 X Malipiero, Annali Veneti, vol. vii., 
 p. 438. .\rch. Stor. Ital. — Guicciar- 
 dini, Lib. iii., cap. vi", p. 102. — Pietro 
 Bembo, Hist, Vin., Lib. iv", folio 4L 
 
5S2 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 A.D. 1497. 
 
 aud Gaeta being almost the only places in the enemy's posses- 
 sion, when he died after a short illness on the eighth of October 
 1400, with the universal reputation of an able and excellent 
 prince. He was succeeded by his uncle Don FnMlenc with 
 even more satisfaction to the nation thiui what b'erdinand's 
 restoration produced because the latter was beloved for ex- 
 treme mildness and amiability, while Ferdinand on the con- 
 trary was strongly suspected of an intention to persecute the 
 whole French party when he had completely established his 
 0^11 authority, but Frederic immediately conciliated every 
 faction by a prompt restoration of all sequestered property 
 and thus preserved his intluence -. 
 
 The newly-formed constitution and moral reformation of Flo- 
 rence under Savonarola's auspices would i)roi»ably have 
 worked well together for public good had the existing 
 revolutionaiT spiiit been essentially patriotic ; had it been im- 
 bued with the spirit of great principles, of correcting deep-seated 
 and general evils produced by political misrule, and not with 
 the narrow selfish interests of party and personal mortification. 
 Unluckily this was not so ; for amongst the chief citizens of the 
 Medician faction revolution was mainly caused by Tiero de Me- 
 dici's arrogance swelled by the proud breath of the Orsini to 
 a more inflated and presumi>tuous insolence. These haughty 
 barons could ill brook their kinsman's social equality with men 
 above whom he was in reality so much exalted, and wliom they 
 in all their Roman pride considered far beneatli them. Where- 
 fore those citizens who willingly bent to Lorenzo l)ecause he 
 let them gain all they could (including puldic hatred) at the 
 nation's cost : on seehig themselves sliglited turned suddenly 
 from Piero and endeavoured to regain lost popularity in 
 the full expectation of some great politick changes at the 
 advent of Charies VIII. A new and gracious demeanour was 
 adopted towai-ds the many whom once they scarcely deigned to 
 
 Guicciardini, Lib. iii", cap. iu",p. 63. 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORI-.NTINE HISTORY. 
 
 583 
 
 
 notice, and who were daily entertained by them with unrneasured 
 abuse of Piero, and iissurances of their own past efforts for public 
 good and public liberty during the great Lorenzo's day. Well- 
 meaning men judging of others from themselves were flattered 
 by their condescension, and unaccustomed to any deep investi- 
 gation of motives, put some faith in their words ; others more 
 penetrating were not deceived, but encouraged their alienation 
 from the Medici in order to make a future use of their services. 
 The union of these two political streams, although springin 
 from different sources and tending towards distinct objects, 
 sen'ed during their conihience to sap the authority of Piero 
 while they floated his two cousins to a higher level ; the former 
 party because under these youths they expected to recover their 
 lost authority; the latter because they saw, or thought they saw 
 in them the lineal descendants of Oiovanni di Bicci and all the 
 more ancient and popular Medici uncontaminated by power 
 and still glowing with the spirit of their ancestors. 
 
 This ^vide-spread popularity seems to have excited in the 
 young men's minds an ambition to second it by their own exer- 
 tions, and their disputes with Piero left no conscientious 
 scruples on the subject. Through Lodovico tlie ]\Ioor they 
 had recommended themselves to Charles VIII. and received 
 pensions as officers of the royal household : this as we have 
 seen ultimately led to their exile, flight, and junction with that 
 monarch whom they endeavoured to prejudice as much as pos- 
 sible against Piero ■'■'. 
 
 After Charles the Eighth's departure from Florence the 
 above faction, which had been accustomed to govern under 
 Lorenzo, completed this revolution by nominating the twenty 
 Accoppiatori already described, but with all the Medician 
 spirit at that moment possible. They however as we have 
 shown dissolved the Lorenzian councils of the " Hundred " 
 and the " Seventv ;" the " Procurators of the Palace," the 
 
 • Jacopo Pitti, Lib. i., p. 27. 
 
584 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [kook tl. 
 
 '• Otto di Pratica " and the old Accoppiatori ; and fashioned the 
 *• Otto di' Guardia and Balia " more in accordance with the 
 existing feeling ; nay, more than this ; they also reduced the 
 tolls on food and produce, and even the taxes due to the com- 
 munity, hy a fifth part ; and thus gained some deserved favour 
 ^ith the people. On the other hand they confirmed and even 
 increased the powers of the Seignory on purpose to attach them 
 more strondv to the charms of a close and exclusive govern- 
 ment, and they made Lorenzo Popolano de' Medici an accoppi 
 atore, although under age, as the fii-st step of exaltation to the 
 ancient authority of his race. All this was coiitirmed by a 
 people who it may be supposed after sixty years of a far more 
 rigid despotism could not at once comprehend the full force and 
 tendency of sucli measures: but having got rid of a tyrant 
 vainly imagined that liberty was sure, when, like the shreds of 
 a polypus, his every remnant still moved with innate vitality. 
 
 There were many that saw through all tliis and would have 
 joined it too had their individual interest been more consulted : 
 amongst these was Pagoloantonio Soderini who displeased at 
 being excluded from the Accoppiatori and seeing no chance of 
 raising the two p)polani to supreme power, suddenly changed 
 his politics and became the bold and successful advocate for 
 broad democratic government *. He proposed the great couiicd 
 in imitation of Venice, against the opinion of Vespucci and 
 other oligarchs, and with some as clear-sighted companions 
 at once joined Savonarola and urged him to preach with unre- 
 laxing vigour in fovour of a liberal constitution. Tliis produced 
 the " Great Council of the People ; " which considering that 
 it averaged one deputy from less than every hundred inhabitants 
 is probably an example of the most numerous deliberative 
 representation of a free peoi)le that ever yet existed. Yet its 
 legislative powers were neither exclusive nor unshackled, for it 
 only approved and passed laws, without the privilege of initiating 
 
 • Filip. Nerli, Lib. iv., p. 6'>.— Jacopo Pitti, Lib. i., p. 35. 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORE NTINK HISTORY. 
 
 585 
 
 them ; but every important office of the state, not excepting 
 the supreme executive government itself, were entirely of its 
 own appointment ; and thus the absolute sovereignty of the 
 people over their laws and rulers was, theoretically at least, 
 complete and uncontrolled *. 
 
 Still there was a strong aristocratic spirit pervading every 
 institution ; the lower trades shared in most public honours as 
 a right which they had often vindicated and had long firmly 
 established ; but it was never popular w^th the higher classes 
 of citizens, and even this unusually democratic council was 
 cautious, perhaps justly so, in its choice of candidates for office 
 from that order, by selecting only those whose wealth, in- 
 dustry, reputation and general knowledge had distinguished 
 them from their fellows : so far, if fairly worked, a powerful 
 stimulus was offered to individual merit, to industiy, and gene- 
 ral character ; fair prospects were opened for the ambition of 
 more aspiring minds, and an indirect guarantee for the pre- 
 servation of order amongst the inferior citizens. All these 
 regulations would probably have done nnich towards reviving a 
 purer spirit of patriotism if they had stood on a really virtuous 
 foundation, or rather if they had been nourished by a wide- 
 spread and deep-seated morality : l)ut the leading classes had 
 been too long and too genendly con'upted, hence after the 
 fii-st burst of enthusiasm was over, ambition, avarice, selfish- 
 ness, faction, and ancient enmities soon recommenced their 
 work; and we are told by Jacopo Pitti, that sound laws 
 and regulations, financial measures, appointments of generals, 
 levies of trooi)S, were all thwarted and ruined by faction ; nay 
 some citizens even secretly excited and assisted the Pisans in 
 their rebellion +. 
 
 ♦Thirty was the Ic^al age for tliis tv:o billets; and from forty-five up- 
 
 council, but in certain eireumstances wards <mi thrt billets: tluis^incn'asini; 
 
 twenty-five. To tdve the advantage elKinecs with years. (Vide GiO.Umbi, 
 
 to age in drawing the nanK>, those p. 92.) 07 r^ • 
 
 between twenty-five and thirty-five had + .Tacopo Pitti, Lib. 1", p. ^^7.— (tio. 
 
 their names written on one billet only ; Canibi, Stor., p. 98. 
 those from thirty-five to forty- five on 
 
586 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 These things generally proceeded from the oligarchical parly. 
 who finding their objects dissolved by the spirit of the great 
 council, they themselves become amenable to law and depend- 
 ant on popular will for their official and political existence ; 
 remained in a state of sullen discontent. Nor was this from 
 any deprivation of public honours, for they shared largely in 
 all, but only because they could not now as formerly, misuse 
 them for their o\mi personal advantage. They measured 
 honour and honestv, savs Pitti, bv self-interest and individual 
 gain, and could ill In'ook the mortification of receiving their 
 public appointments from those very citizens who had been 
 accustomed to come respectfully before them not only with 
 the humblest requests for high official employment but also 
 to obtain the most trifling public situations. These, although 
 old Medician partisans, at first clung exclusively together 
 and held no connection with the lynji, or (as they were also 
 named) Palleschi, the most dependent and devoted of Medi- 
 cian followers : thev hated Piero and all his house, but were 
 favoured by Lodovico Sforza, more especially after his incipient 
 coolness with Venice; because his protection of Pisa was a 
 mere step towards the future acquisition of that city when 
 he hoped by their means and the exaltation of the Popolani 
 Medici, to gain great influence over Florence *. Lodovico's 
 politics and those of the league had therefore been always 
 supported by the Arrabbiati in direct opposition to the 
 Frateschi, with whom the Bigi secretly acted as already 
 described. 
 
 The law of appeal had greatly exalted Savonarola's repu- 
 tation and spread the influence of his party ; whereupon 
 Francesco Valori, a clear-headed statesman who had been 
 keenly watching events without any expressed opinion, at once 
 joined the Frateschi not only from a natural bias, but as the 
 more powerful and popular party, and soon became its most 
 
 " G uicciardini, Lib. iii", cap. vi. p. 103. 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 587 
 
 strenuous and ablest conductor. Although the great mass of 
 citizens was not perfectly satisfied with this lacti«)n they 
 strongly supported them, especially from apprehensions of the 
 Arrabbiati or " Ducal Faction " (for faction gave a variety of 
 names to every branch of political conduct in its several 
 di^^sions) which with the aid of Lodovico and the league 
 might attempt a revolution in favour of oligarchical govern- 
 ment. Had a Milanese army once entered Tuscany it was 
 believed that the people would have been easily persuaded 
 by Lodovico's friends to give their hand to a prince who de- 
 clared no other wish tlian to benefit Florence by the restitution 
 of Pisa, an event at which he had already hinted, and simul- 
 taneously to promote the formation of a wise and steady govern- 
 ment under the auspices of the Medici Popolani. To such a 
 measure it was thought many would have consented from 
 pure timidity, others because they were blinded by the delusive 
 prospect of regaining Pisa, and many more from reawakened 
 hopes and personal interests. Against all this the Frateschi 
 struggled manfully and were victorious ; but in revenge the 
 Arrabbiati by a thousand arts endeavoured to ruin them in 
 public favour : they complained of the great and continued 
 expenses, the constant state of hostilities, the decline of trade 
 and manufactures, which were tlie life-blood of Florentine pros- 
 perity : all this was tnie ; and government was moreover bor- 
 rowing at sixteen per cent, while food bore a famine price *. 
 They asserted tliat the executive government had no public 
 experience, that everything was going wrong, and such like 
 topics, which whether true or false were as easily as they were 
 artfully emblazoned. With all this they skilfully contrasted 
 the long and profound tranquillity, the great profits of trade, 
 the flourishing condition and consummate wisdom of Lorenzos 
 time, and all this was managed with the hope both of enticing 
 and alanning people into a surrender of the government. They 
 
 * Gio. Cambi, p. 97 
 
588 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [kook 
 
 were disappointed ; but the open discontent of so large a i)arty 
 roused up the Bigi, and induced them to make an attempt at 
 the restoration of Piero de' Medici to his former state *. 
 
 During this agitation Francesco Valori became gonfalonier 
 of jastice for Januaiy and Febmaiy 1497, and as this was the 
 fourth time he had enjoyed that dignity he was neither young 
 nor inexperienced in public affairs : he was moreover accounted 
 virtuous, and generally respected for ability, l)Ut austere in 
 character and rigid in the exercise of authority ; he went heart 
 and hand with his party and kept their enemies in awe during 
 his whole period of office, so that through pure apprehen- 
 sion of another like him successful etforts were made for the 
 election of Bernardo del Xero a man of ditferent stamp entirely 
 devoted to the Medici f. 
 
 As gonfalonier, Valori's attention was more directly turned 
 to domestic politics; to the consolidation and perfection of 
 constitutional reform, and to the maintenance of a numerous 
 representation against every accident. Knowing that the great 
 council ; which he considered the citadel of Florentine liberty ; 
 might be easily diminished by the operation of the Specchiu 
 and excessive taxation; by sickness, senectude, absence, and 
 occupation in private business, so as to reduce it below one 
 thousand sitting membei-s, he secured this number by raising 
 the gross amount to two thousand two hundred deputies clear 
 of Specchio who were to be mustered thrice a year, and any defi- 
 ciency supplied by unexceptionable citizens, if necessary under 
 thirty, but always above twenty-four years of acje. If these were 
 found insufficient the blanks were to be filled even by others 
 who were a Specchio from arreai*s of taxation, so that the 
 whole number might be preserved complete. To those who 
 favoured popular goveniment such regulations were satisfactorj', 
 but violently attacked by the other factions, who insisted that 
 
 * Jacopo Pitti, Lib. i", p. 40. Jacopo Pitti, Lib. i", p. 41. — Gio. 
 
 t Ammirato, Lib. x.xvii., p. 238. — Cambi, p. 102. 
 
 HAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 589 
 
 this infusion of youthful inexperience and indiscretion could 
 never be of any real public service. Nevertheless Valori "s 
 great \risdom and experience carried everything and at all 
 times insm-ed him considerable influence in Florence, for he 
 imposed on the multitude by his lofty stature and his gi-ave 
 commanding air, and though already in years he was still 
 vigorous in mind and body, and energetic in eveiy thing. On 
 the other hand his waiTu support of the Frateschi had created 
 many adversaries amongst those who were displeased with the 
 excessive influence, authority, and severe morality of Girolamo -:-. 
 
 Notwithstanding Lodovico's acknowledged obligations to Ve- 
 nice for her powerful aid against Charles VIll. he could not 
 tolerate the idea of her filching Visa from his grasp which he saw 
 was imminent in conse<iaeii('e of her cunning and all-pervading 
 influence. Substituting diplomacy for force he persuaded Pope 
 Alexander VI. and the Idug of Spain, both jealous of Venetitm 
 greatness, that the only way of entirely liberating Italy from 
 French interference was to attach Florence to tlie league by 
 restoring Pisa ; because with separate hiterests she would un- 
 ceasingly cling to French support, and both her riches and 
 central position gave the power of doing infinite mischief f. 
 After communicating with the Archbishop of Aix, then French 
 ambassador, the Florentines by Lodovico s council sent a secret 
 mission to Home under Alessandro Braccesi to anvmge this 
 business ; but the Venetians who wanted Pisa either free or sub- 
 ject, proposed such terms as were sure to be rejected and after 
 some further negotiation the measure failed entirely through 
 their machinations. 
 
 But although not at the price of Pisa the Venetians still 
 wished for the adherence of Florence, and tliought with Alex- 
 ander that the restoration of Piero de' IMedici would be the 
 readiest way to accomplish it, looking for success to her civil dis- 
 cord, and distress amongst the poorer inhabitants. The new 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxvii., p. 238. + Guicciardini, Lib. iii., cap. vi., p. 103. 
 
590 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 Florentine constitution was too demoenitit* to please the higher 
 classes ; tliey felt themselves powerless and neglected heyond 
 what coiUd be patiently borne while an inexperienced nudtitude 
 sat paramouut at ever}- change of magistracy ; and this with 
 intinite confusion and discontent which were both increased l»v 
 seeinjyan undue share of office and authority distributed amonjjst 
 the followers of Savonarola. All Piero's hopes were based on 
 tliis constant clashing of ])arties coupled with the excessive suf- 
 fering of great masses from a searching fiunine, riots, outrages, 
 and many thousand deaths from sheer starvation lx)th in 
 town ajid counti*y : wherefore secretly stimulated by Venice, 
 abetted by Alexander VI. and Cardinal Sanseverino; not dis- 
 couraged by Lodovico, and invited and supplied with money by 
 his native adherents, he managed to collect near four thousand 
 men under Bartolonieo d' Alviano a young and enterprising 
 follower of the Orsini, and with the concurrence of Pandolfo 
 Petrucci proposed marching from Siena before the gonfalonier- 
 ship of his friend Bernardo del Xero had terminated*. 
 
 On the twenty-eighth of April he left Siena, intending to l>t' 
 at Florence when the gates were oi)ened in the morning, but 
 detained by heavy rain at a place called Le Tavernelle he was 
 some hours too late, and government having been duly wamed 
 even-thing was prepared for his reception, the new Seignory 
 all staunch adherents of the existing constitution, liaving 
 been added to the old through suspicion of Bernardo del Nero. 
 Piero in due time appeared at the Porta Horn ana where he 
 remained four hours without the slightest demonstration in 
 his favour, and then fearing the Conte Pdnuccio who had 
 arrived with a stronj:j detachment from the arniv before Pisa. 
 he returned by private roads to Siena closely pursued by the 
 Florentine general. 
 
 Whatever might have been tlie follies and errors of the Flo- 
 
 * Fran. Cei, p. 51. MS. — Ammirato, Lib. ii., p. .58. — Guicciardini, Lib. iii., 
 Lib. xxvii., p. '239. — Jacopo Nardi, cap. vi., p. 108-109. 
 
 CHAP VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 591 
 
 rentine government in other matters, they were vigilant against 
 the return of the Medici, and besides enijAoying Paulo Vitelli 
 who had just arrived from captivity at Mantua, and detaining 
 Ercole Bentivoglio whose time of service w-jis already finished, 
 they had connnanded eveiy citizen to arm for public defence, 
 l)Ut such was the state of doubt and disagreement that a very 
 few obeyed the order. IMany apprehended that the principal 
 citizens w-ould seize the occasion offered after Piero "s discomfitm-e 
 to wrest all power from the people, who being without a chief 
 and too weak to oppose them preferred to keep aloof and wait 
 the consequences rather than begin a useless struggle. Others 
 feared an armed conliict would take place between the Frateschi 
 and their adversaries, and resolved on keeping neutral, expecting 
 that the latter would conquer and usurp the government : but 
 the greater part believing that Piero had not moved without 
 invitation looked to his success as sure, and many wishing for it 
 would not compromise themselves by armhig to oppose him. 
 
 Fifty of the most suspected citizens had been early invited 
 to the palace and detained there until all danger had passed, 
 but their indignant friends and kinsmen were attending the 
 event although no open demonstration in Piero s favour was 
 made by any : a provisional l>oard of eight was appointed to 
 watch over public safety, for though the danger was evident, 
 only in the following August was there any new and clear 
 light thrown upon this cons|)iracy, by the capture of Lam- 
 berto d'Antella "'. This man having been ill-used by Piero de' 
 Medici in whose cause he had been declared a rebel, burned 
 to revenge the wrong while he calculated on gaining pardon 
 for himself and brother l)y a complete disclosure : he was 
 arrested while proceeding to inform his brother-in-law Fran- 
 cesco Gualterotti by mejuis of a letter found on his person 
 and still existing in manuscript ; as usual he was put to the tor- 
 ture, for no evidence, however willing might be the individual 
 
 • Jacopo Pitti, Lib. i", p. 42. 
 
•■* »/ -< 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II, 
 
 to give it, Wcos deemed perfect in those tierce days without 
 the executioner's assistance. His confession is given at length, 
 together with the private life and opinions of Piero de' Medici, 
 and the ultimate confessions of all whom he implicated in 
 the manuscript Memoirs of Francesco Cei as copied from the 
 original public documents *. 
 
 The five principal citizens accused, were Niccolo liidolti, 
 Lorenzo Toraabuoni (both nearly related to Piero) Giovanni 
 <^ambi, Giannozzo Pucci, and the gonMonier Bernardo del 
 Nero ; the latter for being cognizant of the plot without reveal- 
 ing it while holding that higli office ; the rest for a direct con- 
 spiracy to restore Piero de' Medici a declared rebel of the 
 commonwealth. Many others of the highest families in Flo- 
 rence were implicated more or less, and to such an extent that 
 the affair became of double consequence both as a tpustion of 
 numbers and as to the legitimate character of the popular, or the 
 Medician rule. If the prisoners were acquitted the latter would 
 liave been virtually acknowledged and the late revolution con- 
 demned; if punished the existing order would have derived 
 greater strength and authority from the act : and we have 
 already seen that tlie people were in a timid vacillating state 
 and almost lukewarm about the consequences. 
 
 Lamberto d'Antella was what was called a rebel of the "Otto 
 di Guarda," tliat is to sav, his sentence had orimnallv been 
 pronounced by that tribunal and therefore to the same court was 
 he remanded for examination. They however being alarmed at 
 the importance of the subject (so much influence had the fears 
 of revengeful kinsmen on courts of justice) demanded aid from 
 the Seignory who immediately ordered seven members of the 
 
 * The " Memoi'ie SloricJie'"' of Fran, possession of copies of the secret ex- 
 Cei, are but little known and ilo not ami nations and confessions of the con- 
 appear to have been ever published, spirators, which the then existing go- 
 He flourished in 1557, and dwells vernraent never published for their 
 much on the subject of this conspi- own justification, 
 racy : he appears also to have been in 
 
 CHAP, vn.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 593 
 
 Colleges and Decemvirate of Peace andLiberty, besides five ".4r. 
 roti,'' or supplementary citizens, to enter on the examination. 
 Before this began the great scjuare was guarded by armed men, 
 the palace itself fortified, the condottieri commanded to hold 
 their troops in readiness, the citizens ordered not to quit the 
 town without especial leave, and every other precaution taken 
 to secure tranquillity. The members of this board of inquuy 
 having thus secured themselves took a reciprocal oath not to 
 show any respect to persons however nearly connected with 
 them, and then ordered those accused by Lamberto to attend ; 
 but even this was done indirectly and clandestinely by means 
 of the Seignor}^ s officers in order to lull their suspicions. The 
 exammation having inculpated a far greater number of citizens 
 than were at first suspected their duty became still more arduous 
 and dangerous, and when finished the " Otto di Balia" refused 
 to take upon themselves any responsibihty of condemnation ; 
 allegmg that if legal assistance were necessary merely to 
 imprison and torture the accused, it became infinitely more so 
 to condemn them. The twelve supplementaiy judges had 
 withdrawn after executing the commands of the Seignory, leav- 
 ing what remained to the '' Otto di Balia" as the proper tribu- 
 nal, and glad to escape so disagreeable and hazardous a task, 
 en account of the high rank, numerous followers, and many 
 kinsmen of the culi3rits-i=. 
 
 To spread the responsibility o^ er a broader surface it was a 
 prevalent opinion that this affair shoidd be at once referred to 
 the great council, before which, by virtue of the recent law of 
 appeal, it would in all probability be ultimately carried. Those 
 friends of the accused who were amongst the priors opposed 
 this universal judgment for the same reason that others wished 
 It ; namely because their great following and influence could 
 not intimidate the numerous judges; and their guilt was so 
 palpable that an acquittal was scarcely to be expected in an 
 
 VOL. III. 
 
 Jacopo Pitti, Lib. i", p. 43. 
 QQ 
 
594 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II, 
 
 assembly where the Frateschi were predominant. On the con- 
 trary many names would then be brought forward which had 
 hitherto been kept secret and much individual ruin be the con- 
 sequence : the gonfalonier Domenico Bartoli objected to any 
 number of magistrates usurping the powers of the great coun- 
 cil, as suggested by the culprits' adherents ; a thing which he 
 and the remainder of the Seignoiy declared would mark such 
 judges for the vengeance of every friend and kinsman of the 
 accused, or else provoke the public indignation against them 
 as corrupt and peijured magistrates. This discord in the 
 Seignoi-y terminated in an agreement to form a council of all 
 the chief magistracies, with the senate or Council of Eighty and 
 other citizens, in order to implicate many pei-sons and families 
 in the question ; and this was acquiesced in by the prisoners' 
 adherents because they expected either to influence the smaller 
 body on their side, or at least neutralize its proceedings so 
 as to gain time for the receipt of supplicator}' letters in their 
 favour from France, Savoy, ond other powere ; or until a second 
 attempt of Piero should save them from execution. 
 
 On the seventeenth of August were assembled the Seignor}-, 
 tlie Colleges, all the captains of the party Guelph then in 
 Florence, the Ten of Liberty and Peace, the Otto di Balia, 
 the Uffiziali di Monte, the Conservators of the Laws, the Senate 
 of Eighty, and the *'Arrotr or '' Eichiesti r in all about a 
 hundred and fifty-eight, for several were absent*. Before this 
 solemn tribunal was read the process against the accused with 
 their own several confessions to all Lamberto's charges ; elicited 
 by torture it is true, but not on that account less valued, and 
 probably in this instance coiTect. Each member was required 
 to give his own individual judgment on tlie guilt or innocence 
 uf the accused and the punishment to be inflicted : each magis- 
 tracy was to make known its opinion by its foreman, and each 
 
 * Giov. Cambi, p. 111.— Fran. Cei, agrees with Cambi who says « Circha 
 Mem. Stor., MS., p. 100.— Pitti says 160." 
 1 36, but Cei gives all their names and 
 
 CHAP. Til.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY, 
 
 595 
 
 bench of the Senate in a similar manner ; or according to Cambi 
 by two members. After having retired like so many juries to 
 determine on their verdict, Antonio di Vanni Strozzi was the 
 fii-st to reappear and speak as follows in the name of the sixteen 
 Gonfaloniers of Companies ^'. " My honoured fathers would 
 ** rather that this duty should have fallen on others than 
 *' tliemselves on account of the paramount importiuice of the 
 " subject, for in our days nothing more serious has ever hap- 
 ** pened ; and if any persons were permitted to excuse them- 
 *• selves from such a task they would willingly have done so 
 " because of its extreme importance ; but moved by your com- 
 *' mands O most illustrious Seignors ! and by that affection 
 *' which eveiy citizen owes to his countiy I am now content 
 *' to pronounce their judgment. Your servants are aware that 
 *' no greater crimes exist than those committed against our 
 *' country, and therefore they are severely punished by the 
 " laws, because every citizen owes greater obligations to his 
 *' countiy than to his fether. And wishing, for shortness of 
 •' time, to express their opinion on this case they find, that the 
 "statute and common law of Florence severely punish those 
 *' who sin against their country, which is the crime of high 
 " treason, and of so grave a character that the most venial sins 
 " become in such cases mortal, a thing unknown in common 
 ** offences. According to the tenor of our laws and common 
 ** reason, all these my fathers are of opinion that the live above- 
 " named prisoners should die, and that their property should 
 " be confiscated ; and although in some of them this crime was 
 ''only misprision of treason, nevertheless, considering the 
 " quality of the persons tliat ought to have revealed it we are 
 '' a^-eed in this general condemnation. No judgment is now 
 ' pronounced upon the others who are implicated, because none 
 *' has been demanded ; but in a proper time and place it shall 
 '* be given : a longer time would be desirable for consultation, 
 
 * Gio. Cambi, p. lU. 
 Q Q "2 
 
596 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 " and if they desene mercy it is the laisiuess and proper 
 " office of the prince; and this I am perhaps saying without 
 " tlie authority of my fathers ; hut 1 conclude hy asserting that 
 '* justice sliould have its course in order to rid the city of 
 '• wicked men and keep the citizens united"*. 
 
 Nineteen others as foremen of their several juries then gav.' 
 their verdicts to the same eilect, wherefore hattted and aliU'med 
 those four priors who were working for tlie prisoners oppo.^ed 
 fresh ohstacles to the execution of the sentence ; they disputed 
 the opini.m given as unfair, and demanded that in so important 
 a trial each memher should give his judgment singly. By 
 this means they hoped to work on the woaker-iuiiuled. who 
 having thus to record their verdict hefore a divided Seignory 
 woukUpeak ambiguously and so paralyse the judgment of the 
 court for a season : the sentence would thus be delayed until 
 the new Seignoiy for September were chosen, and this one*' 
 accomplished it was believed that every one would be well 
 contented to discharge his load on the consciences of other 
 
 citizens. 
 
 The bold determined character of Francesco Valori at once 
 discomfited them: appearing before the Seignory he called for 
 their notar}' and witnesses and desired them to record and 
 bear testimony, *' that he judged the accused citizens worthy of 
 death and confiscation of property." Others followed, and 
 finally an order reached the Otto di Balia to put the sentence 
 into execution. Through the influence of Bernardo Nasi it 
 was at first declmed but subsequently carried l>y six votes on 
 the seventeenth of August : this increased the confusion : (iui- 
 dantonio Vespucci was called in as an advocate for the prisouei-s 
 and he instantly demanded an appeal from the Seignory to th.- 
 Great Council ; a meeting was held on the twenty-first and 
 the four priors who had at first avoided the appeal now de- 
 sired it as the only chance for their friends : a new contest 
 
 • Fran. Cci, Mem''. Stor., p. 05, MS. 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 597 
 
 arose which could not be concealed from the citizens ; divisions 
 were fomented ; the culprits' supporters were loud in praise 
 of the law, others condemned it as opposing an obstacle to 
 their present wishes ; papers were placarded in the great square, 
 from the Custom-house to the Palace, urging the people to see 
 justice executed if they regarded liberty. " Justice () People if 
 ''you mean to be free ; whosoever says otherwise maliyuantly 
 " wishes to deceive you : do that justly to them which they tyran- 
 " nically were tryiny to do to you ; to the end that never more 
 " fuay he heard in this city such cruelty and wickedness. What 
 " stranye thiny is now came to jxtss People, that the evil 
 •' doers are appealiny ayainst the htw which has most justly con- 
 '' demned them! I*rovide for this jjcople ; punish resolutely 
 " every wicked jjatricide, and shun tyranny, and have perpetual 
 *' Liberty. Let the punishment be prompt for those who wished 
 " to subvert the country ; chastise those who refuse to punish 
 *' them justly, and be ye sure that whoso favours them is a wicked 
 *' citizen and loves the tyrant''^-. 
 
 Such were the means used to intimidate the magistrates and 
 inflame public feeling against the prisoners ! A meeting was 
 summoned on the twenty-first, composed of the senate and 
 magistrates, the first as a shelter from the hatred and ven- 
 geance of the culprits' relations, which w^ould be found in its 
 numbers ; the second to please the public generally ; and 
 before this the right of appeal was disputed. The Florentine 
 people, it was argued, were sovereigns of all, and no citizens 
 should be defrauded of assistance for his defence in any case, 
 but especially for his life : it was the duty of humanity to be 
 merciful rather than cruel ; and it was unseemly in any to 
 impose on himself the task of depriving a fellow-citizen of life, 
 especially when of so high a rank in the commonwealth : finally 
 the people alone had a right to judge them, and to their 
 sentence they should be remitted. 
 
 * Fran. Cci, Mem. Stor., p. 101-2.— Jacopo Pitti, Lib, i", p. 46. 
 
598 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book it. 
 
 On the other side it was argued that in times of danger law 
 should be dispensed with ; and what could be greater than the 
 existing perils ? The prisoners' friends were constantly agitat- 
 ing in their favour both within and without the city in con- 
 nexion with public malcontents and inimical neighbours who 
 wanted to reinstate the Medici. The :Medici themselves had 
 already assembled a lai'ge force which was continually aug- 
 menting in Romagna, and would be the more encouraged to 
 attack Florence in proportion to its civil discord and divisions. 
 And if when Piero de' Medici appeared before the gates the 
 great mass of citizens was so indifferent, what would happen if 
 they were to see in arms the whole foction of the Palleschi 
 aided by all the friends and kinsmen of the prisoners '? The 
 meaning and intention of the law of appeal was to protect per- 
 son and property from the tyninny of the Seignoiy and Otto di 
 Balia whose power was concentrated and enormous ; but when 
 this appeal had been in the first instance declined by the 
 prisoners' friends, and when with their concurrence all the 
 principal magistracies and all the senate united with many 
 other citizens had been made judges and unanimously con- 
 demned the accused ; was that, they confidently asked, was 
 thnt a distortion of law, an impediment to justice, or an indif- 
 ference to the common good ? 
 
 The party opposed to Piero had indeed reason to be alarmed 
 at the idea of his restoration, when he declared that if ever he 
 again entered Florence the exiles of 14:34 and the massacres 
 of 1478 would look pale in comparison to what he would 
 inflict upon his country in order to prevent the possibility of 
 another expulsion. The Nerli, the Capponi, the Nasi, the 
 (lualterotti, the Bardi, Paulo Antonio Soderini and his son ; the 
 Giugnetti, Coi*si, Rucellai, Scai-fi, Valori, Pazzi, Albizzi, and 
 many others were all openly doomed either wholly or in part to 
 ruin and destruction *. The arguments against granting au 
 
 * Fran. Cei, Mem. Stor., MS., p. 83. 
 
 CHAP, vn.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 599 
 
 appeal were loudly and tumultuously supported by the College 
 of Gonfaloniers who menaced with an armed hand and their 
 usual impetuosity, both the persons and property of any who 
 declared against the culprits' death : tlie whole assembly was in 
 an uproar ; Francesco degli Albizzi cried in a loud shrill voice 
 for justice ; others tried to mitigate the general confusion, fearing 
 that prompt severity would create evil in the excited state of 
 parties : it was growing late ; the tumult increased ; the obsti- 
 nacy of faction augmented, and none seemed likely to yield- 
 At this moment Francesco Valori suddenly started up and 
 stalking over to the Seignoiy seized the ballot-box, with 
 which striking violently on their table he exclaimed in a loud, 
 deep, and angry voice ; '* Let execvtlon he done ; or evil tiill 
 follow.'' Startled at this violence from such a man the gon- 
 falonier urged his colleages to comply ; on which the proposto 
 Luca Martini declared that if he had six black beans to support 
 him he would propose it ; but on the question being put, there 
 were found only five black and four white beans. Then started 
 up Valori for the second time, and in severe and bitter tones 
 demanded, '* For what reason then have your lordships sum- 
 " moned so many citizens before you? The very persons 
 ** who only four days ago so freely and pultlicly, one by one, 
 " recorded their formal opinion against those plotters of revolu- 
 " tion, those subverters of their countiy, those destroyers of 
 " public liberty ? And what will be the consequence of not at 
 *• once despatching them, except a new invitation to the tyrant 
 " who is already prepared to return in force ? Do you not 
 '• perceive the inclination of so many worthy citizens ? Do you 
 *' not hear the universal cry, jealous of justice and the public 
 "safety? Do you not see the danger of delay? Piecollect 
 " that the Florentine people have placed you in that high seat 
 " for their guard and security : to you they have confided the 
 " gi'eat public good, which if you neglect from respect to so 
 ** perfidious an enemy, there uill not fail, there will not fail ; 
 
600 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 " be ye sure ; to appear some who will pronpthj embrace a 
 " cause so just! so holy ! and to the peril of those that oppose 
 " it ! " Then with an outstretched arm and grim aspect he 
 offered the hallot-box to Martini and bid liim put the question : 
 the latter cowering under Valori's frown instantly obeyed, and 
 the four recusant priors equally intimidated offered no more 
 opposition : the death warrant was instantly despatched to 
 the Otto de Balia and the five condemned citizens were decapi- 
 tated that ver}' night in the court-yard of the Bargello with 
 closed gates, even before the assembly separated. Lamberto 
 d'Antella and his brother Alexander were pardoned and re- 
 warded, but none of the examinations were communicated to 
 the people : the rest of those implicated were more mildly 
 treated, and Francesco Valori like another Cicero, gained 
 new and extensive reputation, but also new and bitter ene- 
 mies ; some from mere jealousy, but many from hatred for the 
 loss of their unfortunate kinsmen, and he lived to pay a bloody 
 forfeit for his work *. 
 
 There was a loud and apparently an unjust outcry made 
 against Savonarola and his party for allowing their o\m law to 
 be infringed when it was likely to work in an enemy's favour : 
 but Savonarola's law of appeal was, both in words and spirit, a 
 protection from the abuse of power in two particular courts 
 expressly named, and not from so numerous and solemn an 
 assembly as the Senate and a general union of the higher 
 magistracies of the Florentine Republic, of wliich those two 
 tribunals only formed a small portion. The guilt of the con- 
 spirators was clear and their punishment just ; they had com- 
 mitted high treason against the state : they miglit have been 
 pardoned although at the moment it would have been dan- 
 
 * Guicciardini, Lib. iu'\ cap. vi., p. xxvii., p. 243. — Jacopo Nardi, Lib. 
 
 109.— Lettera di Lamberto dell' An- ii«, p. 67.--Fil. Nerli, Lib. iii., p. 72. 
 
 tella, MS.— Fran. Cei, p. 101, MS.— — Macchiavelli, pp. 57, 82, Frammenti, 
 
 Giov. Cambi, p. 111-13. — Jacopo 1st. 
 Pitti, Lib. i", p. 45. — Ammirato, Lib. 
 
 CHIP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 601 
 
 gerous ; but the granting of an appeal which no law sanctioned, 
 would after trial by such an assembly have been a mockery of 
 all law. Savonarola himself seems undeserving of any blame, 
 he had repeatedly declared from the pulpit that he never did 
 nor ever would interfere in the details of goveniment or 
 himself attempt or recommend any man to alter the course 
 of justice. " I wish none of you" (he says in a sermon to the 
 Gmnd Council hi 1490), " I wish none of you to be under any 
 " obligation to me. ''- * - I wish to be free. I wish to 
 " tell you of this, but you will not believe it : you write abroad 
 " that I interfere in the affiiirs of state : you know it to be 
 " false : I only address you in general terms about good laws, 
 " and good manners, but with the administration of your state 
 " I do not trouble myself. Do this then : let your first object 
 *' be to make yourselves good Christians"*. 
 
 The Frateschi however gained a considerable increase of 
 power by their success, and medals were struck with Savo- 
 narola's image on one side and on the other that of Rome ; 
 over which a hand and dagger were suspended, and the legend 
 '* Gladius domini super terrain cito et relociter.'' 
 
 These events threw his adversaries more than ever into 
 Lodovico's hands who always desirous of establisliing his influ- 
 ence in Florence l)y the formation of an oligarchical govern- 
 ment, had at the request of this party as far back as 1495, 
 procured a brief against Savonarola's preaching. This was 
 attacked by the friar who not only justified himself but was 
 justified by the Florentine goveniment and the excellent con- 
 sequences of his preaching made manifest ; so that Alexander 
 who was then little interested did not press the subject until 
 other circumstances revived it. The asserted illegal condemna- 
 tion of the five citizens, who from age, rank, and character, 
 were pitied by many even amongst the ascendant faction ; for 
 all their relations were friendly and they had them of every 
 
 * Vide, Storia di Savonarola, p. 204. 
 
602 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book If. 
 
 party : the Frate's enemies also though not of the Palleschi ; 
 fither from a wish to maintain the right of appeal in everj- 
 case or from personal affection for the culprits, had stood 
 forward boldly in their defence and though unsuccessful battled 
 to the last against the deed. This generous conduct was not 
 lost upon the Bigi who had hitherto supported the Fratescbi 
 with their secret votes, but now seeing their own chiefs so hardly 
 used they threw all their weight into the opposite scale, and 
 the result was a far greater share of official jiower for them- 
 selves and the Arrabbiati, as well as more deference to the 
 papal censures on Savonarola which had hitherto been softened, 
 or entirely disregarded by the government -■-. 
 
 Pope Alexander VI. who had first despised Savonarola became 
 in the course of time incensed against him and even fearful of 
 his influence extending itself beyond the walls of Florence : 
 Girolamo's preaching had already been interdicted ; nay he was 
 excommunicated on the eighteenth of June in every Florentine 
 church and his adherents were included in the censure. But 
 the monk strong in his divine mission and mundane support 
 declared this anathema unjust and therefore of no effect ; his 
 adherents disregarded it and even took up arms in his defence ; 
 for as he truly asserted, the church of God had need of reform 
 and would be chastised in its iniquity f . 
 
 Savonarola's censures were too just not to be felt by Alex- 
 ander VI. who however was for a long time rather excited 
 against him by others than personally inclined to interfere 
 except in political matters, for he would willingly have had any 
 other government in Florence. The Duke of Candia one of 
 the pope's sons had just been murdered by his brother the 
 cardinal Caesar Borgia, partly from rivalry in a licentious and 
 unnatural connection with their own sister Lucrezia which 
 their common father the pope is suspected of haWng shared ; 
 and partly from jealousy of his brother's military talents and 
 
 ♦ Fil. Nerli, Lib. iv., p. 73. f Vita di Savonarola, cap. xxii., p. 75. 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTTNE HISTORY. 
 
 603 
 
 A.D. 1498. 
 
 appointments which interfered with his own ambition. The 
 pope's mistress too, Giulia Famese who was called *'LaGiulia 
 Bella " and conspicuously nay even ostentatiously exhibited at 
 all the great religious festivals, had increased the public 
 scandal by producing another son to occupy the place of hira 
 whose blood had so lately reddened the hand of the fratricide. 
 These things had sharpened the edge of and reenforced Savona- 
 rola's censures, but he had obeyed the pai)al prohibition against 
 bis preaching, by putting the Fra Domenico BonviciniofPescia 
 in his place, a man equal in enthusiasm if not in talents and 
 eloquence to Girolamo himself. Had the latter remained 
 silent it is probable that a reconciliation with Piome would have 
 followed ; but invited and urged by the government he recom- 
 menced preaching in February 1498, celebrating mass and 
 resuming all his ecclesiastical functions, in despite of 
 every prohibition to the contraiy -=. Savonarola's ene- 
 mies, secure in the comitenance of Rome, had in 1497 worried 
 him even in his pulpit with great indecency both in words and 
 actions ; they befouled his seat with everj^ sort of ordure and placed 
 a stuffed ass in the pulpit of the cathedral when he went to preach ; 
 even one of the magistrates attempted to drag him from it b ut 
 was beaten off by the people, and I'rancesco Cei and other young 
 Florentines created such a hubbub in the church that he was 
 compelled to cease and for a while abstain from preaching f . 
 
 In the beginning of 1498, political negotiations recommenced 
 with Rome but only elicited a promise of the restitution of Pisa 
 on condition of Florence joming the league ; the latter seeing 
 no prospect of such a result in opposition to the will and power 
 of Venice, and the certainty of herself becoming an enemy of 
 France with infinite danger to commerce, would not consent, 
 and therefore incurred the further anger and suspicions of 
 the pontiff. The Florentines immediately engaged Paulo 
 
 Fran. Cei, Mem. Stor., p. 109, MS. — Storia di Savonarola, p. 276. 
 f Amminito, Lib. xxvii., p. 241. 
 
C04 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book w. 
 
 Vitelli in their service but did not discontinue their intercourse 
 with Alexander who every day became more indignant against 
 Savonarola. This gave new courage to his enemies and in- 
 flamed the sectarian enmity between the Dominicans and Fran- 
 ciscans ; the former as supporters of their prior, the latter as 
 zealous partisans of papal authority ; so that the churches of 
 San Marco and Santa Croce resounded with their altercations. 
 
 Fra Domenico di Pescia offered in his zeal, to prove the 
 truth and heavenly inspiration of Savonarohi s doctrine, by the 
 fiery ordeal if necessan- : the adverse order seriously took up 
 tliis gauntlet and the P^ra Francesco di Puglia at first devoted 
 himself, but repented and was replaced t>y the more courage- 
 ous Niccolo de' Pilli a Horentine : he too thought better of it 
 and was succeeded by Fra Bartolommeo llondinelli who boldly 
 offered himself as a victim in order to remove such an impostor 
 as Savonarola from the world * . Savonarola's congregations were 
 more numerous than ever ; he liad previously to recommencing 
 walked in solemn procession round Saint IVIark's church and 
 published his apologj' for disregarding the pope's censures in a 
 work called the " Triumph of the Cross." The Archbishop of 
 Florence's vicar Lionardo de' Medici threatened pains and 
 penalties against any that attended his sermons, but the first 
 Seignory of 1408 silenced this offic.ious underling by an order 
 to resign liis office at two hours* notice on pain of rebellion f . 
 
 In 1494 and 1405 Savonarola had assembled about thirteen 
 hundred children from eighteen years of age downwards ; prin 
 cipally those whom he had weaned from the dangerous pastime 
 of the '' Poteuze r and after having confirmed all that were 
 old enough, sent them in white dresses with red crosses in 
 their hands in procession round Florence. They were then 
 
 * Fil. N^rli, Lib. iv., p. 76. — Jacopo lia; Nerli that Domenico was the 
 
 Nardi, Lib. ii., p. 73. — Pignotti, Lib. challenger: the folly may he divided 
 
 v., cap. ii., p. 83. — Ammirato, Lib. between them without envy or dinii- 
 
 xxNii., p. 245. — Nardi says that the notion of measure, 
 
 defiance came from Francesco di Pug- f Jacopo Nardi, Lib. ii., p. 69. 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 605 
 
 ordered to beg at every house for what he denominated the 
 " Anathema/' or things excommunicated and cursed of God : 
 these consisted of eveiy sort of lascivious picture or book ; of 
 female ornaments, false hair, odoriferous waters, cosmetics, 
 perfumes of every kind, chessmen, cards, dice, hai-ps, lutes 
 guitars and all sorts of musical instruments ; Boccaccio's works, 
 the Morgante, superstitious and magical books in abundance ; 
 Ovid's Art of Love, Catullus, Juvenal and every reprehensible 
 production ancient or modern, of which there was a marvellous 
 quantity. These were piled up in the form of a veiy broad- 
 based pyramid l)efore the public palace where the whole popu- 
 lation assembled on the last day of the Carnival to see them 
 bum ; and where they not long after assembled to see their 
 great prophet liimself at the stake by a decree of the veiy 
 multitude that now worshipped him * I Although this was 
 effected under Savonarola's iulluence, Domenico da Pescia 's 
 enthusiastic preaching became the immediate instmment of so 
 strange a reform, l)y which in lact many valuable manuscripts 
 and works of art are said to have perished ; even the famous 
 Baccio della Porta better known as the painter Fra Bartolom- 
 meo was hiu'ried away from bis " seducing art ;" as lie called it ; 
 and in one of these exciting spectacles cast his designs, paint- 
 ings, and ever}' implement of his profession into the llames, 
 and took the habit of Saint Domenico f . 
 
 These shows were accompanied by religious dances in which 
 Savonarola himself and all his fraternity joined with enthu- 
 siastic excitement uttering the party ciy of " Vim Crista.''' 
 Pignotti says that he and his religious brethren sometimes 
 issued from Saint ^Mark's Convent during the Carnival and 
 joining hands with their lay followers, alternately posted, 
 danced round in a wide circle with loud impassioned shouts of 
 " Viva Crista,'' declaring it a glorious thmg to become frantic 
 for the Saviour's sake. And as it was then the custom to 
 
 Jacopo Nardi, Lib. ii. p. 56. f Vusari, Vita di Fn. Bartolommeo. 
 
606 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 unite the dance and song, Girolamo Benivieni one of the most 
 distinguished poets of the time and devoted to Savonarola, did 
 not disdain to occupy his Muse in assisting these well-meaning 
 but extravagant exhibitions. Well-meaning, because the whole 
 tenor of Savonarola's life, his perfect disinterestedness : his 
 simple, frugal, laborious, and religious manners, and his final 
 sacrifice of life for his principles, prove his sincerity. His 
 refusal of a cardinal's hat shows a total absence of worldlv 
 ambition : for a cardinal in those days was a prince of great 
 power besides being a step to the popedom ; and there more- 
 over seems good reason to believe that by these religious excite- 
 ments, he ^^ished to divert the ])ul)lic mind from the more 
 reprehensible and licentious pleasures of the Carnival as then 
 practised, by simply creating another excitement ; as doctor? 
 cure by creating a counter irritation -. 
 
 The pope by a new brief again imposed silence on Savona- 
 rola, and under pain of a national interdict and confiscation of 
 their property at Home ordered the Florentines to see it 
 executed. As an intelligible menace of hostile invasion acc<jm- 
 panied these commands the government dared not in its wejik 
 discordant and unsettled state any longer disobey, and on the 
 eighteenth of March 1498, Savonarola preached his last ser- 
 mon wherein he boldly and fiercely attacked the sins of the 
 clergy and menaced both Rome and Florence with coming 
 misfortunes ; Christ alone, he said, should now be looked to as 
 the universal head, since no amendment or refonnation was to 
 be found in the church itself. These and similar expressions 
 thundered from the pulpit and exaggerated at Kome were the 
 principal occasion of all the subsequent troubles both there and 
 at Florence connected with this extraordinary man f . 
 
 The pope's anger was artfully kept up by Fra Mariano di 
 Ghmazzano, the Frate's old and implacable antagonist under 
 
 * Storia di Savonarola, Lib. iv®, p. notti, Stor. di Tos., Lib. v., cap. ii". 
 28 L — Jacopo Nardi, Lib, ii., p. 56-71. f Jacop Nardi, Lib. ii., p. 72. 
 — Fil. Nerli, Lib. iv.,pp. 71-73. — Pig- 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 607 
 
 Lorenzo's auspices : this priest was now General of the Augus- 
 tines and conjured the pontiff in a public sermon to " Take 
 away this monster of the Church and of God, and hum the 
 instrument of Hell " ^'. Under his authority Francesco di Puglia 
 had been sent to preach against Savonarola, who declaring as 
 is said, that he had heard the latter would prove his doctrines 
 by a miracle and had challenged his adversaries to raise the 
 dead; asserted in reply that it would be presumptuous in him to 
 attempt such things, but either gave or accepted the challenge 
 of fire, knowing he would perish, but being content to bum 
 with Savonarola if he were false, or without him in proof of 
 God's truth, should the Frate escape f. This conduct was 
 highly approved of by Alexander VI. who thus addresses the 
 monks of Saint Francis. *' To humble and confound the per- 
 " tinacity of Fra Girolamo there have not been wanting those 
 " amongst you who have proposed to throw themselves into 
 " the flames. It is our duty highh^ to commend this your 
 " devotion and promptness in a work so pious, so useful, so 
 " praiseworthy, that it never can be obliterated from the 
 " memory of mortals and which to this Holy See and to us 
 "is so grateful and acceptable that nothing can give greater 
 '* satisfaction." 
 
 Savonarola himself in preaching alluded incidentally to the 
 subject of this folly and implored the prayers of his auditors if 
 the trial should ever take place : he was instantly stopped by 
 loud and eager cries of " Ecce ego, Ecce ego transiho per 
 ignem.^' But he checked their ardour by asserting "that he 
 " had neither proposed nor accepted this proof, although it had 
 " been many times proposed by his adversaries ; and that 
 " whoever might be by the Almighty elected to enter the fire 
 " and whoever might be sent to the proof, he would without 
 " doubt through God's help come out uninjured from the 
 
 * Ferd". del Migliore, Fir. Illustrata, di Savonarola, Lib. iv., cap. xxiii., p. 
 {San Marco.) 283.— Jacopo Nardi, Lib. ii., p. 71. 
 
 t Storia di Savonarola, p. 283. — Vita 
 
608 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book ii. 
 
 CIUP. VII. J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 609 
 
 ** tlaraes ; and if he believed otherwise he never would place 
 " anybody in such peril or himself in danger of being the 
 •• destroyer of his own loving and affectionate children." — 
 " What astounds me" savs Muratori *' is that this terrible 
 proof not having been made use of for some centuries should 
 finally be proposed by men of priestly character at Florence in 
 the end of the fifteenth century, and that Oirolamo Savonarola, 
 a man no less cdebrated for his piety than his learning, con- 
 sented to it " *. 
 
 When we see such follies as these ; attempts as it were to 
 force Heaven into the performance of a minicle, only to suit 
 our own caprice ; and when we see them approved and applauded 
 by the pontiff; proposed and accepted by learned ecclesiastics ; 
 sanctioned by the magistrates ; and loudly hailed by the citi- 
 zens ; it seems evident that the barbarity and superstition of 
 tlie middle ages ; at least in religious matters ; still clouded 
 the brighter epochs of Raffaello and Michael Angelo, of Mac^- 
 chiavelli, Lorenzo de' Medici, and Guicciardini. 
 
 Although Savonarola's refusal and discouragement of the 
 trial proves that he was not completely blinded by his own en- 
 thusiasm and therefore had no confidence in but endeavoured to 
 prevent the experiment, it was not so amongst his followers, 
 who even to the women and children were ready to enter the 
 flames, confident that through his sanctity they would come out 
 uninjured like Shadrach, Meshach, and Al»ednego from the 
 furnace of XebuchadnezziU'. The Seimiorv however and niany 
 citizens wishing to end these disputes contined the trial to 
 Domenico da Pescia and Andrea llondinelli, a lay brother, for 
 Francesco di Puglia very wisely declined entering the flames 
 with any other than the great heretic whom he wanted to 
 destroy f. 
 
 * Fran. Cei, p. 110-11, MS. — Storia f Guicciardini, Lib. iii., cap. vi., p. 
 
 di Savonarola, Lib. iv., p. 288.— Mu- 121— Jacopo Nartli, Lib. ii", p. 73-4. 
 
 ratori,Antichita d'ltalia, Diss.xxxviii., — Giov, Canarci in the debate upon 
 
 P* 213. the propriety of allowing the finy 
 
 After some days spent in discussion a board of ten, five for 
 each party was ordered to settle all disputes and arrange every- 
 thing for the ceremony, and on the seventh of April 1498 the 
 great square of the palace was lined with armed men and 
 crowded with citizens. A scaffolding five feet from the *»round, 
 ten feet broad and eighty long, extending from the comer of 
 the Einghiera toward the *'Tetto de' Pisani" was seen flanked 
 on each side by a thick wall of dry wood and other combusti- 
 bles piled on a foundation of solid earth and mibaked bricks, so 
 as to resist any degree of heat ; and through the centre there 
 was a foot-path, less than two feet wide, by which the expected 
 martyi-s were to pass between the burning piles-. 
 
 This formidable apparatus showed that the government and 
 people were in good earnest, and no doubt produced its full 
 effect both on the long line of Franciscan friars w^ho silently and 
 unostentatiously escorted their champion to the lodge destined 
 for his reception, as well as on the more pompous procession of 
 Savonarola, who came in priestly raiment holding the sacred 
 Host in his hand. By his side was the Fra Domenico similarly 
 attired but canning a cmcifix, followed by a dark procession of 
 friars, all bearing red crosses, and accompanied by a multitude 
 of noble and other citizens with lighted torches in honour of the 
 sacrament. The Dominicans sang hymns : the Franciscans 
 preserved their tacitumity. The latter objected to the adverse 
 champion being attired in the pnestly robes for fear of enchant- 
 ment, so he was stripped and re-clothed : he wished to enter 
 with the sacrament in hand, but this also was denied him because 
 as they declared, it would infallibly be consumed and produce 
 scandal in the minds of weak and ignorant people f. 
 
 After much discussion, " with great shame to the clerg}^" 
 
 ordeal, proposed that tliey should botli Nerli, Lib. iv., p. 77.) 
 
 be placed together in a butt of tepid *Giov.Cambi, p. 113.— Jacopo Nardi, 
 
 waterand whoever came out dry should Lib. ii«, p. 74. 
 
 be considered the true man. (Vide, f Fran. Cei, Mem. Stor., p. Ill, MS. 
 
 VOL. III. 
 
 R R 
 
610 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book li. 
 
 says Nardi, who was an eye-witness, '* as if this were a secular 
 and profane combat and not one of our foitli and depending on 
 divine judgment," most of the day being gone and everybody 
 still in suspense, there suddenly and unexpectedly fell a deluge 
 of rain^s which, as the weather had been perfectly fine, was 
 taken for a proof of Heaven's displeasure : upon this the 
 assembly was dismissed, to the gi'eat dissatisfaction of an 
 immense multitude that tilled eveiy comer and housetop all 
 eager either for the success or failure of Savonarola's preten- 
 sions f. It was no subject of mirth ; that shower quenched both 
 the people's enthusiasm and the prophet's tire, and destroyed his 
 influence : the citizens sullenly retired, each variously inter- 
 preting the events of the day, but all scandalised and confused. 
 A change seemed to have suddenly come over their spirit ; the 
 Franciscans had already gone, and Savonarola was also making 
 his way to Saint Mark's when the disappointed crowd became so 
 unruly that the sacrament alone protected him from violence 
 Instantly ascending the pulpit he gave an account of all that 
 had occurred, but his discourse had no effect and every citizen 
 retired that evening to his house ill-satisfied with all parties ; 
 for not only Savonarola's enemies but his most devoted adher- 
 ents wished him and Fra Domenico to have proved their faith 
 by passing through the flames, whether followed or not by the 
 Franciscan. The confidence of many was gone ; they felt 
 themselves duped ; their enthusiasm was spent ; it had swelled 
 too high and now collapsed ; they became sulky, ready for mis- 
 chief, and still further excited by every i)riest, monk, and pesti- 
 lent citizen of the adverse party. 
 
 Public aversion increased so much against all those known to 
 attend Savonarola's preaching or who believed his prophecies, that 
 they could scarcely show themselves in the streets without being 
 insulted with the epithets of '* Piafjuoni" '* Excommunicated,' 
 
 * This fact is unnoticed by Gio. Cambi. 
 t Giov. Cambi, pp. 117.— Jacopo Nardi, Lib. ii., pp. 74-5. 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 611 
 
 ''Hypocrites'' and ''Mockers." These signs were not lost 
 upon so acute an observer as Savonarola : he saw that his hour 
 was come and on Palm Sunday ]3reached a short, earnest, 
 and pathetic sermon, in which he almost announced his ai)- 
 proaching ruin ; offered himself as a sacrifice to God, and 
 declared his readiness to die for his flock; then pronouncing his 
 benediction he departed with much emotion from his auditors : 
 but firm throughout and e(iual to himself -'^ Piero Popoleschi 
 the gonfalonier, with five of the Seignory for March and April, 
 were enemies to Savonarola and numbers of noble citizens 
 stiU burned with indignation for the sacrifice of last year's vic- 
 tims, so that they moved heaven juid earth to inflame the dis- 
 content against him : their turn of triumpli was now come, and 
 success was certain. 
 
 Both parties began to arm; the palace was soon encompassed 
 by a crowd of angry citizens and the entrances to the great 
 square were guarded, by two adverse factions: this gave con- 
 fidence to the Seignory who being strongly urged exhorted the 
 preposto Lanfredino Lanfredini, a staunch adherent of Savon- 
 arola, to propose that under llie penalty of rebellion he should 
 within twelve hours quit the Florentine state ; this was instantly 
 notified to him at Saint Marks where he was consulting with 
 Fmncesco Valori, Giovambattista Uidolfi, and many other citi- 
 zens. The latter were advised to arm, especially Valori, against 
 whom his own private enemies were more particularly exciting 
 the multitude ; he fled and by a circuitous route regained his 
 o\Mi house in safety, but the tide of anger rolled after him. 
 
 Jacopo de' Nerli, Alfonso Strozzi the Compaguacci and all 
 Savonarola's enemies were now in arms : Luca degli Albizzi 
 also urged Salviati, Valori, and their friends to arm and defend 
 themselves but in vain, and therefore fled himself to the 
 Oasentino. Next day being Palm Sunday almost afl the prin- 
 cipal Frateschi had escaped or were concealed, so that a 
 
 * Jacopo Nardi, Lib. ii", p. 76. 
 RR *2 
 
611 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book il- 
 
 clear field remained for Savonarola's enemies to complete his 
 destruction : a tumult alone was necessary and that became 
 under existing feelings of easy accomplishment. In the middle 
 of an evening sermon preached by Mariano degli Ughi one of 
 Savonarola's friends, the cry of "To arms'' "To Saint Marker 
 echoed through the cathedral, and instantly an armed crowd led 
 by the Compagnacci rushed towards that convent hi several 
 divisions, as previously settled, calling on all the citizens to arm 
 Savonarola was not undefended and his monks were staunch ; 
 a number of armed followers had flocked to his aid ; the church 
 was filled with defenceless people, women and children ; the 
 gates were shut and the fight began. The Seigiior>' too had sem 
 their guard to storm Samt Mark s and take the friar, com- 
 manding all strangers to withdraw on pain of rebellion : this 
 mandate was obeyed and Savonarola would have issued out 
 along with them to certain destruction if the monks had not 
 compelled him to remain. Many citizens had made their 
 escape by the garden before the tumult conmienced, and 
 amongst them Francesco Valori, whose house was soon attacked 
 by the multitude. 
 " The Seignory had already sent to secure his person and pre- 
 vent violence yet none would venture to guarantee his safety 
 as flir as the public palace, and he was ultimately confided to 
 the care of Girolamo Gori, a member of the colleges, and two 
 mace-bearers of the Seignorj-, but while on his way and pre- 
 ceded by torches, Vincenzio lUdolfi met and killed him with 
 one blow of a partisan. Before quitting home Valori had seen 
 his wife shot through the head with an arrow as she was im- 
 ploring the people's mercy, and his house along with that of 
 Andrea Cambini, was plmidered and burned without remorse 
 by a band of furious enemies. The Seignoiy had they been 
 sincere might have prevented all tumult, but they winked at 
 every outrage, never even vindicating their insulted digmty by 
 punishing liidulfi for murdering a man under the safeguard 
 
 CHAP. VII. J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORV. 
 
 613 
 
 of one of the highest magistrates and their own municipal 
 officers *. 
 
 Meanwhile the doors of Saint Mark's convent were destroyed 
 by fire, and after a hard contest and some bloodshed it capitu- 
 lated : Savonarola and Domenico Bonvicini were instantly led 
 prisoners to the palace and Salvestro Maruffi another zealous 
 adherent followed them the next morning. The ascendant 
 faction lost no time in filling every office with their friends ; 
 government suddenly changed hands, and with it the manners 
 and morality of Florence which Savonarola had so long main- 
 tained in decency. Then came one of those dangerous re- 
 actions so sure to attend an over-strict religious life, when 
 pushed to the extreme either in the mass or individual, if 
 based on passion instead of principle : vice of every sort was 
 again openly practised as if to prove that the people were no 
 longer hj^ocrites, and virtue, say the cotemporary writers, 
 seemed as if forbidden by law to be countenanced f . 
 
 Savonarola after suffering the most disgraceful insults on his 
 way to the palace was within a few days examined by a numerous 
 committee of his bitterest enemies, at first verbally but with 
 the threat of torture which was to be increased to intensity if 
 he did not speak the whole truth and prove in something 
 more than w^ords that his preaching was dictated by the spirit 
 of prophecy |. 
 
 During the fii-st day he remonstrated against the impiety of 
 tempting God by unreasonable demands and cruel menaces : 
 the next his examiners, but with considerable fear and doubt, 
 
 * Ammirato, Lib. xxvii., p. 246. — Fil. 
 Nerli, Lib. iv., p. 79. — Gio. C.imbi, 
 p. 119.— Jacopo Pitti, Lib. i", p. 52. — 
 Ja;opo Nardi, Lib. ii", p. 76, ct scq. 
 t Jacopo Nardi, Lib. ii", p. 82. 
 t His examiners were Carlo Canigiani, 
 Gio. Manetti, Gio. Canacci, Baldassare 
 Brunetti,Piero degli Alberti, Benedetto 
 de' Nerli, Dolfo Spiui, Tommaso Anti- 
 
 nori, Fran, degli Albizzi,GiulianoMaz- 
 zinghi, Piero Corsini, Braccio Martelli, 
 Lorenzo Morelli, Anton. Ridolfi, An- 
 drea Jjarioui and Alphonzo Strozzi. 
 Besides Sinione RuccUai and Tommaso 
 Arnoldi ; two Florentine canons also 
 attended as papal commissioners. — 
 (Wide Fran. Cei, Mem. Stor. p. 114, 
 MS.) 
 
61i 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [hook It. 
 
 decided on applying the torture, and Savonarola who had pre- 
 served all his courage and moral dignity up to this moment 
 being of a weak and delicate fibre gave way under its iniluence: 
 he wrote down whatever it pleased his tonnoiitors, and con- 
 tirmed it on the arrival of the pajial tt)nniiissuries (iiovacchino 
 Turriano of Venice General of the Dominicans, and Francesco 
 Komalini a Spanish doctor of laws, who were despatched from 
 Rome to preside at his conviction. Savonarola atTirmed that 
 he could not answer for words uttered under the torture, hut in 
 all other conditions spoke the truth : his process was formed on 
 these confessions whether true or false : they were much doubted 
 at the time and more so afterwards ; but he underwent a second 
 series of tonnent in presence of the pontilicid eonnaissioners 
 who came because the Florentines refused to give their prisoner 
 into papal custody ; not however until the })oj>e, according to eccle- 
 siastical custom had prejudged and sentenced him as a heretic, a 
 schismatic, a persecutor of the church and a seducer of the people. 
 
 Alexander VI. being in fiict appreliensive of a general coun- 
 cil by Savonarola's influence, was eager to get rid of him : 
 he thanked the government for their zeal, demanded that 
 the Frate should be instantlv delivered ui) ; alfsuhcd even- 
 body who had committed any crimes connected with the late 
 transactions : granted an indulgence whicli sent all to confession 
 and repentance who under Girolamo's ausjtices had not paid 
 attention to the late excommunication, ^lanv citizens were 
 arrested and tortured for the purpose of })roving some ciril 
 crime against Savonarola, and every means that could reason- 
 ably be used was put in practice to implicate his followers two 
 hundred of whom were dismissed abruptly from the great 
 council by a significant personal message to each, innnediately 
 before the scrutiny-. 
 
 To new demands under new torments the unfortunate 
 Savonarola replied that what he had preached was true both as 
 
 * Jacopo Xardj, Lib. ii", p. 70. 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 615 
 
 doctrine and prophecy, and that what he had since retracted 
 was false, the consequence of pain, and fear of increased torture, 
 and that he would again affirm and again retract as many times 
 as he should be placed in the tormentor's hands, for he 
 knew himself to be weak and irresolute in bodilv sufferincj. 
 He was nevertheless again put to the proof and all his contra- 
 dictory assertions drawn up into a sort of process were assented 
 to and si<:]fned bv him before six of his own friars as witnesses : 
 on this confession he was condennied in accordance with the 
 pontiff's pre-judgment, but somewhat against the judicial cus- 
 toms of Florence -■=. 
 
 Savonarola was imprisoned for about a month before his 
 execution, during which time, while contined in a little cell, 
 still to be seen in the palace tower, with one small opening 
 looking directly towards the convent of his bitterest enemies 
 the monks of Santa Croce, he composed a commentary on the 
 " Miserere " or fifty-first Psalm, a task which he had omitted 
 in his exposition of the rest, declaring that he expressly re- 
 served it for the period of his own tribulation. He had so 
 intrepid a mind and so much eloquence, says Nerli, and trusted 
 so greatly to the latter, that even when reduced to such straits, 
 and the torture already prejtaredfor him, he nevertheless made 
 frequent efforts to intimidate his judges, and spoke so freely and 
 effectually that some among them began to tremble ; but all 
 this moral courage ceded to physical weakness on the first ap- 
 plication of torture. The public reasons given to F^lorence for 
 Savonarola's condemnation were his prophecies against Rome and 
 her licentious prelates, namely that (iod would soon reform the 
 t^hurch ; that for their crimes the late evils had been inflicted 
 on Italy; and that he wished to set up a tyrant in Florence f. 
 
 His confession (against all rule) was not read in his presence 
 as were those of his two companions ; for it was feared that he 
 would again deny the truth of what had been only extorted by 
 
 * Jacopo Nardi, Lib. ii^jpp. 80, 81. 
 t Fil. Nerli, Lib. iv., p. 80.— Gio. Cambi,p. 128. 
 
616 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTOKY. 
 
 [book n. 
 
 tortiu-e ; but people of every rank were invited to hear it, and 
 on this confession he was sentenced to be lianged and burned, 
 along with his two equally enthusitistic companions Domenico 
 da Pescia and Salvestro Maruffi '^. 
 
 On the twenty-third of May 140s a scaffolding six feet liigh 
 was run out from the Einghiera one-fourth of the way towards 
 the " Tetto de' Pisani" at the end of which a post about twentv 
 feet long was erected, and gathered round its foot were lar^^c^ 
 piles of faggots brushwood and other conibustililes with a train 
 of gunpowder prepared to ignite the mass. Across the top of 
 this post was nailed a transverse beam on which the criminals 
 were to be hung in chains, but it was suddenly discovered that 
 this gallows fonned a cross, whereupon each arm was imme- 
 diately sawed off as close as circumstances would permit ; yet 
 the cmcial figure could never be completely destroyed, a cir- 
 cumstance not unnoticed by the superstitious. 
 
 The magistracy of the ** Otto di Guardia e HaHa " having taken 
 their seats asatribimal of justice on the lUiighitra tlie three friars 
 were first solemnly degraded from their ecclesiastical condition 
 by the general of their order and other prelates, and then de- 
 livered, stripped of their religious habits, into the hands of that 
 magistracv, who instantlv commanded them tob« . x* .uted. Save- 
 narola was placed in the centre between his two companions: 
 Domenico was silent : Salvestro said, " Into thy hands Lord 
 I commend my spirit." And Savonarola, when the priest in 
 the act of degradation erroneously pronounced, *' I separate 
 thee from the church militant and triumphant," calmly re- 
 plied; ''From the Triionphaut, lYo," but spoke no other word, 
 and quietly proceeded to the gallows. When these three martyi-s 
 had given up the ghost fire was set to the pile and the bodies 
 were with some difficulty reduced to ashes which were carefully 
 collected into one mass with those of the fuel and cast into the 
 Amo. This was to prevent any person from preserving them a> 
 
 * Jacopo Nardi, Lib. iii., p. 81. 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 617 
 
 relics, for many still revered Savonarola as a prophet, and the 
 Fra Domenico as immaculate ; but in despite of eveiy precau- 
 tion some of their dust was collected by the soldiers and chil- 
 dren and is said to be still occasionally exposed for adoration-. 
 Thus perished by the malignant spirit of faction and in the 
 forty-sixth year of his age the celebrated Girolamo Savonarola 
 of Ferrara ; "A man," says Miu-atori, '* worthy of a better fate 
 for his austerity of life, rare knowledge, and force, and zeal in 
 preaching the word of God : he was of unblemished habits, of 
 singular warmth and piety, and wholly bent on the spiritual 
 good of the people, with other uncommon endowments indi- 
 cating a true servant of God"f. We may add that he was a 
 man of high genius and deeply versed in sacred and profane 
 literature, not even excepting poetr}^ and astrology, the latter 
 of which with his friend Pico della Mirandola he is said to 
 have studied profoundly. But his chief pursuit was religious 
 excellence ; and in this he was an intense enthusiast even to a 
 full and perfect belief in his ow^n inspiration : yet Savonarola's 
 religion was not merely contemplative nor his conduct empty 
 foi-m : his ardent mind was devoted to philanthropy, and his 
 opinions, based as they were on an extensive knowledge of 
 men and things ; embraced a liberal and comprehensive view 
 of social institutions. This led him to connect in a natural 
 and necessaiy union the general religious welfare of Christen- 
 dom and that of Florence in particular; with the due exer- 
 cise of freedom and morality in their most social and useful 
 character. Tinith and justice were his principles and he died 
 for them. During nearly nine years of incessant labour he had 
 preached, effected, and in a great part maintained a moral re- 
 form amongst the Florentines ; but after his death it was a 
 common saying that since the days of Mahomet no such 
 scandal had ever disgi-aced Christianity as the wickedness then 
 
 * Giov. Catnbi, Stor., p. 127. — Ja- momli, vol. ix., p. 206, 
 
 copo Nardi, Lib. ii., p. 82. — Segni, f Muraton,Annali, Anno 1498. 
 
 Storia Fior., Lib. i«, pp. 23, 25.— Sis- 
 
618 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book n. 
 
 rife amongst tliem. Insulted, reviled, and trampled upon ; the 
 Frateschi were afraid to show themselves in public, and even 
 some of the most noble could scarcely pass tln'ough the streets 
 without insult from the lowest of the x3opulan : . Vice revelled 
 in all its forms as if virtue had been prohibited by law, and no 
 crime was held so abominable so shameful or ivprehensible 
 as that of having believed in the Frate or advocated a reform in 
 the court of Rome. Vices of the most disgusting nature then but 
 too common in Florence, and which Savonarola had succeeded in 
 stifling by his religious influence and the penalties o( stake 
 and faggot, now revived in all the filth of their unnatural cha- 
 racter, and again poisoned society as they had done in the time 
 and with the example of Piero de' Medici i . 
 
 In politics Savonarola seems to have contined himself to the 
 broad questions of constitutional and legislative reform, with the 
 internal union of the commonwealth, and not to have meddled 
 with the details or intrigues of party government except in pro- 
 curing a general amnesty and saving the life of a condemned 
 citizen belonging to an adverse party. His great work, after 
 the formation of the popular council, was the Law of Appeal, the 
 breach of which he has been unfairly accused of permitting 
 when in fact it never was really violated t- 
 
 Of his infamous sentence there can scarcely in these days be 
 two opinions ; but that his confession, independent of its forced 
 nature by what was called "gentle torture/* was garbled for 
 the pui-pose of procuring an unjust condemimtion is proved by 
 several circumstances. Nardi, who although an impartial 
 writer was no adherent of Savouarolas, tells us at the end ot 
 his second book, how he is compelled for truth and conscience' 
 sake, to acknowledge that a great and noble citizen, who had 
 been one of the Frate's examiners and was appointed on account 
 of his intense hatred, having been subsequently banished to Ins 
 
 ♦ Jacopo Nardi, Lib. ii., p. 82. Cei, Mem. Storiche, MS., p. 77. 
 
 t Nardi, Lib. ii., p. 83. — Confessione ^ Jacopo Nardi, Lib. ii., p. 84. 
 <li Lamberto d' Antella, apud Fran. 
 
 CHAP, vn.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 619 
 
 villa, was there questioned by the historian himself about Sa- 
 vonarola's confession and process ; to which he answered in his 
 wife's presence " It is true that from tlie Fra Girolamo's con- 
 " fession certain things were omitted with the best intentions, 
 '* and others added" -. 
 
 Giovanni Berlingheri also, who was one of the prioj-s for 
 March and April 141)H, is said by Lorenzo Viole, a cotemporary 
 writer, to have preserved the original autograph confession of 
 Savonarola which Viole saw in part, conqtared it with tlie printed 
 copies then in everybody's hands, and finally declared that 
 '^ they differed as much osi day and niyht.' " The truth whs 
 not written," he adds, " in these printed documents ; but that 
 only was inserted which they i-etpiired to prove the Frate a 
 wicked man for the purpose of concealing their own injustice 
 who had condennied an innocent one." There were not want- 
 ing some worthy people before and after Savonarola's death 
 who endeavoured to persuade lierlingheri to publish this docu- 
 ment but in vain; and even on his death-bed when his near rela- 
 tions Alessandro Pucci and his wife Donna Maria Sibilla im- 
 plored him to give them the manuscript, he answered; "Neither 
 " to you nor to any person in the world will 1 show it, for my 
 " doing so might occasion tlie death of more than forty Florentine 
 " citizens and God forbid that I should cause so much evil : have 
 " patience, for it would not be well that I should do this ; nay 
 " before I die, I wish to cast it into the flames and see it bum." 
 
 Other actors in this tragedy and one a most important per- 
 sonage, Ser Francesco di Barone a public notary, commonly 
 called at the time, " Ser Caronc," who was believed to be the 
 suggester and fabricator of the false process, is said to have 
 confessed to Lucrezia de' Medici (Salviati) Leo the Tenth's 
 sister " that Savonarola was a saint of Heaven but that it be- 
 " came necessary to impute crimes to him and feign many 
 " things in order to secure his condemnation "f. Guicciardini ; 
 
 * .Tacopo Nardi, Lib. ii., p. 87. 
 t Storia di Savonarola, Lib. iv.,pp. 337-8-9 and 317. 
 
620 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book ii. 
 
 certainly no believer in Savonarola's divine mission ; at the end 
 of his third book renders this testimony, " Which death he 
 bore with a constant mind, and without uttering a single word 
 that implied either guilt or innocence : the various opinions and 
 passions of men were unextinguished, for many believed him 
 an impostor; many on the contrary believed either that the pub- 
 lished confession was a forgerv or that the force of torture had 
 more influence on his delicate frame than the force of truth. " 
 Finally Madiabechi, a m-eat authoritv and nearer our own 
 times, exhibited proofs to his friends of the spurious process 
 which according to Varclii was by the proposto Lorenzo 
 Ridolti subseijuently expunged from the public records as dis- 
 graceful, unjust, and against every rule of equity ■'•. 
 
 Savonarola had constantly persisted in holding up Charles 
 VIII. as a divine instrument for the emancipation of Italy from 
 tyrants, and corruption in ecclesiastical government; and had 
 never ceased threatening him witli Heaven's vengeance for 
 leaving such a mission unfulfilled : the loss of two inlant son^ 
 in succession was indicated by many, and almost believed by 
 Philip de Comines as the commencement of this wrath ; and his 
 own sudden death in one of the most filthy comers of Amboise 
 Castle, on the very day intended for the fieiy ordeal at Florence, 
 confirmed it in the opinion of many f . 
 
 He was succeeded by the Duke of Orleans under the name ot 
 Louis XII., a man of moderate talents whose fiither had been 
 made prisoner at Agincourt and was himself of that restless 
 character that often makes princes feel the hardships if not the 
 uses of adversity, and generally without profit. Louis XII. was 
 grandson to that Duke of Ojleans brother of Charles IV. who 
 married Valentina daughter of (jiovan-Galeazzo Visconte : the 
 latter, as was averred, besides giving the city of Asti and a 
 large portion in money, had declared in the mamage contract 
 
 * Storia di Savonarola, Lib. iv., f Gio. Cambi, p. 122. — Pbil. de Co- 
 p. 337. mines, Lib. viii., cap. xviii., p. 579. 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 621 
 
 that she and her posterity should succeed to the Milanese 
 dominions if the male line of princes became extinct. This 
 although considered invalid by itself, was as the king asserted, 
 confinued by pontifical authority during the imperial vacancy ; 
 for the popes in those days assuming a power founded on laws 
 of their own invention, claimed the superior right of administer- 
 ing a vacant empire *. To his French titles Louis therefore 
 added that of Duke of jMilan, as well as King of buth Sicilies and 
 Jerusalem, and declared that he intended to sustain them all 
 by the sword. This was sufficient to alarm not only Milan but 
 all the potentates of Italy, yet the state of this country was now 
 so changed that some even wished fur his advent, and to Milan 
 and Xaples alone did it seem formidable because each of the 
 others expected to advance its own interests entirely reckless 
 of the general good. 
 
 The Pisan war was a great fire in the midst of Tuscany to 
 which every Italian state carried its fuel according to imagined 
 interests or local jealousy, and Florence unsuccessfully endea- 
 voured to quench the flame : Lodovico had overreached himself 
 in thinking to reap the fruits of his assistance to Pisa bv 
 uniting Venice in the enterprise, and the Venetians, who had 
 spent 150,000 ducats in this war, complained of this man's 
 conduct whom they had twice saved from destruction. Florence 
 was nearly ruined by the long and expensive conflict which 
 she waged, not against Pisa alone, for individually the Pisans 
 were too weak even with all their undaunted spirit, to have stood 
 a moment, but against almost every state of Italy f. After 
 having suqorised and nearly defeated a strong Venetian detach- 
 ment under Jacopo Savorgnano, the Florentine army com- 
 manded bv Count Pinuccio di Marciano was suddenlv attacked 
 in rear and completely routed, as some say while in the act of 
 
 * Guicciardini, Lib. iv., cap. i'', vol. 
 
 11.. 
 
 p. 125. 
 
 t Malipiero, Annali Veneti, p. 482. — pamm. 
 
 Bembo, Stor. Ven., Lib. iv., fol. 46, 
 Sic. — Guicciardini, Lib. iii", cap. iv*. 
 
622 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 })lundering its captives, by Tomraaso Zeno near San Regolo .. 
 This damaged their cause hut induced Lodovico from pure 
 jealousy of Venice to support them with troops and niuney ; for 
 between Florence and Pisa he wanted no reconciliation whicli 
 was likely to give Venice a hold on the latter : Morence gavr 
 the supreme command to Paulo Vitelli of Citta di Castello, an 
 able an<l ambitious general who had learned much in the French 
 service and was in fact a condottiere of that crown ; but in 
 order to sootlie Rinuccio who had a strong party of relatiuus 
 and adherents in Florence he was made governor of the pro- 
 vince with an augmented army f, Lodovico exerted himself to 
 prevent any ^'enetian succours reaching Pisa, by refusing 
 a free passage through his dominions, and persuaded his niece 
 Caterina Sforza who still governed Forli and Imola and was 
 strongly attached to Florence, as well as r)entivoglio of Bologna 
 and the republic of Lucca, to follow this example ; while Flo- 
 rence at the same time but with some difFicidty, and not without 
 a slight exhibition of force in Pandolfo Petruccis favour, en- 
 abled him to force the Senese into a five years' truce;. All 
 communication except on the side of denoa was thus cut oil 
 from the Pisans, but Venice was not disposed to abandon them, 
 for accompanied by both the Medici and after an unsuccessful 
 attempt to force the strong defile of :\Iarradi, whose fortress of 
 Castiglione was gallantly defended by Dionigi di Naldo, then 
 troops retired in disorder and the more quickly from hearing 
 that the Count of Caiazzo and his brother Fracasso of San 
 Severino were advancing in considerable force by Cotignola 
 and Forli to attack them§. 
 
 • Malipicro, p. 503.— Bcmbo, Stor. Stor. Vinit., fol. 47. 
 
 Venit.. Lib.iv., fol. 47. t Maluvolii, l.il.. yi.,Parte iii-.— Biagio 
 
 t Diario di Biagio Bvionarcorsi, p. 2, Buonacror>i, Diario, pp. 3, 5.— 
 
 who was a coadjutor of the " Ten of Beinl)o, Stor. Viii., Lib. iv., fol. 47, 48. 
 
 Peace and Liberty " during this war. § Buonarcorsi Diario, pp. 11, 1'2.— 
 
 (Edition, Florence, Giuntiy I !HiiL)^ Ammirato, Lib. xxvii., p. 251.— 
 
 Fran. Cei, MS., p. 122.— Beinbo, Bcmbo, Lib. iv., fol. 49, 50. 
 
 CHIP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 623 
 
 While Paulo Vitelli was actively employed round Pisa this 
 army which had been assembled at the instance of Piero de' 
 Medici penetrated into Tuscany by means of Piamberto Mala- 
 testa the petty chief of Sogliano near the Ptubicon (on the 
 confines of Urbino and the Casentino) who showed them a 
 passage into that province. The General Bartolommeo d'Alviano 
 pushed rapidly along the centre branch of the Bidente and 
 through the hills and sur[)rised the convent of Camaldoli -!' ; then 
 sending on forged letters to I^ibbieua as if from the Decemvi- 
 rate of War to prepare quarters for a detachment of Paolo 
 Vitelli's horse, suddenly entered that town with Giuliano de' 
 Medici and a hundred men-at-anns, and being speedily followed 
 by the main body of Venetians under Carlo Orsini j)laced this 
 important con(|uest in security ere his passage over the moun- 
 tains was known at Florence f. 
 
 Poppi a strong fortress close to Bibbiena was instantly 
 though unsuccessfully attacked, and the alarm hi Florence 
 became so great that Paolo Vitelli at the end of October was 
 despatched fnnii the seat of war to defend the Casentino. 
 Other reenforcements soon poured in from the Duke of Milan 
 and Count Kiuuccio, but not in lime to prevent the Duke of 
 Urbino from crossing the hills and entering l^ibbiena where he 
 was in a manner besieged l)y \'itelli, and so closely that in the 
 beginning of 141H» the Venetians were compelled to 
 assemble an army for his relief under Count Orsino 
 of Pitigliano. This force on arriving at Castel d'Elci, a town 
 belonging to the Duke of Urbino on the Horentine borders, 
 was stopped by the difficulties of snowy mountain passes and 
 
 * Malipicro gives an originallctter from hundred wounded. (Archiv. Stor. 
 
 Piero Dolfini General of Camaldoli to ItaL, v. vii., pp. 519, 526.) 
 
 his friend Piero Baroii Bishop of f Malipicro, An. Veneti, pp. 516, 519. 
 
 Padua with a minute description of the — Jacopo \ardi, Lib. iii., p. 89. — 
 
 attack on that convent, from the body Buonaccorsi, Diario, p. 16. — Ammi- 
 
 of which the Venetians were gallantly rato, Lib. xxvji., p. 252. — Bembo, 
 
 repulsed by a few monks and laymen Lib. iv., folio 51. 
 with the loss of forty killed and two 
 
 A.D. 1499. 
 
624 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book 
 
 the presence of so formidable an adversary as Paulo Vitelli 
 who was ready to oppose its passage. Paulo was however a 
 slow and cautious general, and with an enemy in liis rear dis- 
 played no anxiety to force a battle : Pitigliano retired, and 
 under the plea of sickness Vitelli allowed the Duke of Ilrbino, 
 who had been wounded at Camaldoli, to depart with Giuliano 
 de' Medici as one of his suite. This first made the Florentines 
 suspect their general's fidelity; they were also doubtful of 
 Louis XII. and not pleased with Lodovico who urged theui 
 to peace, while he withdrew his troops on the pretence of 
 self-preservation against France. Internal discord also prevailed 
 more and more in Florence, her linances were low and her 
 neighbours either doubtful friends or open enemies ; wherefore 
 negotiations for peace were recommenced under the auspices of 
 Ferrara and with the full concurrence of Lodovico who wished 
 to attixch Florence entirely to himself by the restitution of Pisa*. 
 Venice too had made a secret alliance with France in hosti- 
 lity to Milan and was now not indisposed to disembarrass her- 
 self of the costly Pisan war for a more promising object, 
 especially as she was threatened on her northern frontier by 
 Maximilian, and on the side of Greece by the Turkish Sultan. 
 Conditions were finally proposed by the Duke of Ferrara which 
 under certain securities in favour of liberty would if accepted 
 luive again restored Pisa to Florentine jurisdiction ; but Her- 
 cules of Este's award, as generally happens with arbitrators, 
 pleased nobody ; Venice withdrew her troops from that city 
 and the Casentino but under protest and would not ratify: 
 Florence murmured at her rebellious town being only half 
 restored ; and the Pisans themselves, although left in possession 
 of their citadel, plumply refused the decision resolving to 
 perish sooner than again submit to the Florentines \. 
 
 • Malipiero, pp. 525 and 533.— Fran. Diario di Buonaccorsi, pp. 17, 19 — 
 
 Cei, Mem. Storiche, pp. 122, \25, Bembo, Lib. iv., folio 51, 52. 
 
 MS.— Jacopo Nardi, Lib. iii., p. 91. t Fr. Cei, p. 12.0-30, MS.-Giov. 
 
 — Amiiiirato, Lib. xxvii., p. 254.— Cambi, p. 139.— Diario di Buon- 
 
 CHAP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 625 
 
 The latter were not sorry that the Pisans, stimulated by 
 (ienoa and other states, refused to receive this treaty; still 
 less so to lind that they had even driven the Venetian troops 
 from their walls witli tlie imputation of traitors * ; that they 
 had offered thomselvcs to Lodovico or any who would defend 
 them and liad been rejected ; and were finally al)andoned by 
 all. This disposed Florence to prosecute the war with vigour; 
 wherefore X'itclli and Hinuccio were recalled from the Casentino 
 and Arezzo, both being now evacuated by the Venetians, and 
 liostilities vigorously recoiiimeiiced against Pisa without any 
 attention to the propositions of Lodovico Sfurza or Louis XII. 
 who botli were urging thcin with great promises to declare for 
 one or the other party. Cascina was taken on the twenty-skth 
 of June after about a day's siege, several minor places followed ; 
 the investment of Pisa commenced and that city was promised 
 to the Florentines within fifteen days by their too sanguine 
 commanders, for the citizens were brave and numerous, the town 
 full of peasantrv^ and all for five years accustomed to war ■♦■. 
 
 On the first of August every disposition was made to batter 
 the walls on the left bank of the Arno near Poita-a-Mare 
 leading towards Leghorn, and at the same time carry the fortress 
 of Stampace which it was believed would give them command 
 of the town and secure its i-eduction. Alreadv had a wide 
 
 ft. 
 
 and easy breach been etfcctcd : alreadv had the indefati<?able 
 I'isans dug a ditch and raised anotlier wall behind ; no danger, 
 no distress, no fatigue abated their ardour or slackened their 
 
 accorsi, pp. 19, 20.— Amniirato, Lib. 
 xxvii., p. 255. — Malipiero, Annali,pp. 
 537, 538, 551. — Bembo, Lib. iv.. 
 folio 54 and 55. 
 
 * Malipiero says on tlic contrary, that 
 ihey with difficulty allowed tlieni to 
 •iepjirt: he however quitted Pisa on 
 the 27th April, \i9li and an order 
 was given for the retuiT of all Venetian 
 troops and subjects within a month on 
 penalty of the confiscation of their 
 Vol. in. s 
 
 proitcrty. It might have been in con- 
 sequence of this that tht y were finally 
 driven out as tr.iiturs; for he admits 
 the aliu^ivo exprcssimis. (Ai'ch. Star. 
 Ital.f vol. vii.. pp. 551, ^i5'2.) 
 f Fran. Cei, Mem. Stor., MS., pp. 
 129, 130, l.t2, 137. 149. —Buon- 
 accorsi, Diario. p. "20. — Amminito. 
 Lil». xxvii., ]». "255. — Guicciardini, 
 Lib. iv., cap. iv., p. 191.— Bembo, 
 Lib. iv.,fol. 51. 
 
 S 
 
626 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 CHiP. VII.J 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 627 
 
 efforts: the murderous salvos of artillery struck down the 
 walls and citizens but not their courage ; the men were brave, 
 the women and children braver ; not a female hand abandoned 
 the spade or the shovel, not a child its work, until carried otV 
 by the enemy's bullets: two sisters were working hand in 
 hand; one was killed by a shot from the enemy's battery; the 
 other, after imprinting a larewell kiss on the i)allid lips (.1 
 her companion (piietly took up the mangled remains and d.- 
 positing them in the veiy gabion they liad both been WW'uvj, 
 dropped a tear on the coi-pse and covered it up for ever. Ner 
 was this the only instance of female courage : in a garn>un. 
 consisthig, citizens and all, of less than four thousand men 
 female devotion was conspicuous and almost all the intrencli- 
 ments were constructed by them alone -''. 
 
 Vitelli tried unsuccessfully to mount some heavy guns on 
 the tower of Stampace which he took by assault, but thougli 
 commanding the town it was too nuieh shaken to bear them, 
 and with mure than the Italian caution of lliat day he con- 
 tinued to batter until from fifty to sixty feel of the wall had 
 fallen outwards in large flat masses and lornied an easy ascent 
 to the town. In an instant the nearest troops weiv on the 
 breach, a hot assault commenced and an universal t.pint ol 
 liope and courage animated every heart ; multitudes of young 
 Florentine gentlemen who had been veduuturily serving with 
 the troops now led them gallantly on ; the eonlli<t was fierce 
 and obstinate and Pisa would have fallen tiiat day had noi 
 Vitelli and his brother Vitellozzo, against all entreaties, 
 actually beaten the soldiers back with their swonls, crymg oiu 
 ''Retreat, retreat;' ''Back, back;' and thus in despite of the 
 Florentme commissaries, actually forced their indignant sob 
 diers from the breach 1 The sudden fall of so wide a space of 
 rampart had spread terror through the city, for there was no 
 
 ♦ Jacop.. Nardi, Lib. iii., p. 9».— Guena del 1500. Scrittore Anoninwn 
 Guicciardmi, Lib. iv., cap. iv., p. -207. voL vi., Parte ^^— Ar. fetoi. Itai., 
 Fi-an. Cei, p. 140, MS. — La from p. 3til to 3Ji3. 
 
 time to repair the breach, and Garabacorta with a few fol- 
 lowers had already fled towards Lucca. At this moment the 
 women, with a courage inspired by terror of what was worse 
 than death, flung themselves before their brothers and their 
 husbands, implored them to choose death before slavery and 
 dishonour, urged them once more to defend the breach, and 
 finally succeeded in giving fresh spirit to the citizens! IkM 
 all this would have been vain had not the assailants been 
 called off: as it was, female resolution, a relaxation <.f the 
 attack, and three hundred fresh men from Lucca restored the 
 day and gave them some years more of sweet thougli sutfering 
 lilierty. Amongst the Florentines the rest of that day was 
 spent in murmurs, anger, and unmodified reproaches against 
 their general while the Pisan men, women, and children 
 worked indefatigably, and with sucli ellect that the next day s 
 dawn beheld the breacli onci^ more in security. Suspicions of 
 Vitelli strengthened and accumulated and were soon after con- 
 fn-med by papers taken at :\IiLin and communicated by the 
 French authorities to the Jlorentine ambassadors which showed 
 a secret intelligence between L.ulovico Sforza and Paulo Vitelli, 
 the latter engaging to procrastinate this war in order that 
 llorence through mere impatienc(^ might unite with him in 
 common defence against the French monarch. Little was 
 accomplished after tliis signal instance of unreasonable military 
 prudence or double dealing : Florence became gloomy and sus- 
 picious, the soldiers sullen and disheartened, and the sudden 
 appearance of a deadly niar.sh fever in all its virulence so re- 
 duced the army in the short space of two days tliat the siege was 
 nused and the troops retired sick and discontented to Ca.scina*. 
 The Florentine SeignoiT like that of Xcuke when once 
 mibued with suspicion were seldom (piieted without blood: 
 Paolo Vitelli had allowed both the Duke of Urbino and Giu- 
 
 *Ammirato, Lib. xxvii., p. 2^7 .-^ Fran. Coi, MS., p. 141, 142.— Corio, 
 t.uicmrdini, Lib. iv.,,ap. iv., p. 210. ist. Milan.. Parte vii., fol. 492. 
 — Jacopo Nardi, Lib. iii., pp. 98-9.— 
 
 s s 2 
 
6-23 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book ii. 
 
 liaiio de' Medici to escape from Bibbiena; he had ever avoided 
 coiiimunicating with the commissaries of the republic ; he hud 
 received secret ambassadors from the Pisaus and made no com- 
 munication of their mission ; he was suspected of having secret 
 inteUigence with the Medici; he had neghgently lost the 
 whole besieging train of artilleiy ; and ho had aggravated all 
 these suspicions of his tidelity by almost refusing to take Pisa 
 when that city was actually in his hands. 1 1 is nip was full. 
 Wherefore Antonio Canigiani and Brarciu ^Martelli were 
 despatched to Cascina with orders to bring him and his brother 
 Vitellozzo prisonei-s to Florence : Vitellozzo, who was ill iv. 
 bed, on iiearing of his brother's arrest juiuped up and mount- 
 ing a deet horse escaped to Pisa where he was joyfully wel 
 comed. Paolo was escorted to Florence and the same night 
 most rigorously e.Kamined by torture but without extracting (i 
 siude condemnatorv word either of himself or others ; yet on 
 the next dav, the iirst of October, he wns beheaded in the gal 
 lery of the palace ! Paulo Vitelli's death was legally unjust 
 because a culprit's confession of his own delinquen<'y wu.^ 
 required by law ; for even torture, the great -substitute f..r 
 evidence failed in this instance: and it was impolitic because ii^ 
 left powerful brothers and other staunch adherents to revenge 
 his death -, Thus terminated the campaign against Pisa with 
 little credit to Florence, and moreover in consequence of her 
 indecision she was compelled to make worse terms with Louis 
 XII. who had all this time been marching with rapid strides 
 to the conquest of Milan. The Venetian troops had been with- 
 drawn from Pisa principally because Venice liad ji greed to assist 
 France against that state for a stipulated price, but Lodovico 
 aiid tlie Khig of Naples excited the Turks against both, and 
 the latter monarch promised the Duke of ^lilan assistance 
 
 * Malipiero, An. Vcn., p. 5G6.— Guic- Caiul.i, p. 144.- Portovcncre, Mcnio- 
 
 riardini. Lib. iv., cap. iv., p. 213.— rial c, vol. vi., Parto ii.. p. •*^.^'^^.'; 
 
 Bi,agio Buonaccorsi, Diario, p. 25.— Stor. ItaL— Corio, Puile vii., tol. 4J-. 
 Amuiinito, Lib. x.xvii.,p. 257. — Giov. 
 
 CHAP, vn.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 629 
 
 which in the exhausted state of his dominions he was subse- 
 quently unable to afford. The pope also gave him hoi)es 
 of succour as he had lately done to the Florentines, but nothing 
 more ; for he was secretly advancing his own and his sons' 
 interests at the court of France where with the power of con- 
 ferring great favours he was almost sure of success. Spain 
 kept aloof, and blorence i)layed an irresolute, neutral, and 
 losing game while in full activity Jigainst the stultborn I^isans. 
 Lodovico's father-in-law Duke Hercules of Ferrara was fearful 
 of committing himself with France and \'eiiiee, {uid Maximilian 
 while he abounded in promises exhausted his slender means 
 ill a l»loo(ly, cruel, and unsuccessful war against the Swiss. 
 Thus tlirown on his own resources Lodovico displayed much 
 energy ; he recommended his generals to avoid any decisive 
 encounter ; to hold the strong places, and endeavour to lengthen 
 out the war. San Severino, whose lidelity was suspected, 
 made no movement against the French army which under 
 Giovan-Giacomo 'i'rivulzio a ^Milanese exile of high family, 
 entered Piedmont in the middle of August with about tweiity- 
 three-thousand men of all arms, while the king remained at 
 Lyon to direct their movement and supplies . 
 
 Trivulzio put the garrison of Aniioni his Iirst conquest, to 
 the sword, then spread his army rapidly over all Piedmont 
 and beyond the Po, took Alexandria bv the bad conduct of San 
 Severino, Tortona and other tnwns suec(^ssivelv fell, and he thus 
 marched from conquest to coiKpiest until the dreaded gleam of 
 the French lances flashed upon the towers of ^lilan. Lodovico 
 was not popular, his nephew's fate hung heavy on the public 
 niiud ; every hours advance of the enemy gave new hopes and 
 new expectations to the multitude : no government was in those 
 days so well administered that ji large portion of the people 
 were not eager for change, and the Duke of IMilan although 
 generally a just ruler, was not spared ; he soon felt his donnnions 
 
 Fran. Cei, MS., p. 135.— Guicciardini, Lib. iv,, cap. iv., p. 102. 
 
630 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 crumble beneath him and at last fled into Germany, leaving a 
 <?:irris()n of three thousand men in the citadel under Bernardino 
 di Corte whom he vainly expected would bo faithful. Trivulzio 
 overran the ]\Iilanese dominions in about twenty days and Louis 
 rejoined him in the capital amidst the shouts itf a population who 
 though tired of Lodovico had never luhcld the l";u e of an ene- 
 my during the whole period of his reign. In a few days In r- 
 nardino surrendered the citadel for a lar^^^e bribe, but was 
 shunned and insulted even hv the verv seducers themselves and 
 died of vexation a short time afterwards -. 
 
 Louis XIL received ambassadors at ^lihin from e\erv state 
 of Italy except Naples : thosi^ of Merence eoldlv, the rest 
 'jfraciously, hut extracting money from all. There was a general 
 prejudice against the Florentines (m account of l'aul(. Vit(lli"< 
 execution, for he had been well known and liked by the i'li !u'l: 
 officers, strong sentiments oi admiration and svm|>athy still 
 existed for the Pisans, increased too by tlieir gallant and unre- 
 laxinjT resistance : Francesco Giialterotti. Lorenzo Lenzi, 
 Alamanuo Salviati, and Francesco Guii-eiardini, (a doctor (•' 
 laws, savs Xardi, verv voung but of vast promise) were the am- 
 bassadoi*s : they had great difficulties, but Louis so(m put 
 asi<le empty (puirrels for real utility and on the twelfth of 
 October agreed to receive Florence under his protection and 
 defend her against all enemies with six hundred lanres ai>d 
 four thousand infantry : for this she engaged to defend hi> 
 Italian dominions with four hundred nhii-al arm- and tliree 
 thousand iniimtry : Louis was to assist her with his wliok; 
 
 * Bcmbo, Lib. iv., fol. 56, 57. — most rondncivc to his own intcrci?t 
 
 Ouicciardini, Lib. iv , cap. iv., p. 202. on the French iiivu-ion. The cardiiiiil 
 
 — Muratori, Annali.— Sisuiondi, voL advised him to conciliate tlie people 
 
 ix., p. 241. — Jacopo Nardi, Lib. iii., byackno\vh*iiiing Iiis nephew's infant 
 
 p. 104. — Gio. Andrea Prato, Storia son for the moment; hut Lodovico's 
 
 di Milano, vol. iii., p. 222, Ar. .Stor. jealousy and suspicion of all, even to 
 
 Itul. — Corio, Parte vii., folio 4.03, et his own brother, prevented his taki:.? 
 
 seq. — Malipierogivcsacurions dialogue any advice. {Arch, Stor. Ital., vol. 
 
 beween Lodovico and his brother vii., pp. 561, 2.) 
 A.scanio about the line of conduct 
 
 CHAP, vn.] 
 
 FLORENTINE niSTORY. 
 
 631 
 
 force, or a part according to circumstances, in the recovery of 
 Pisa, after which about 80,000 florins were to be paid to the 
 king in various ways besides an auxUiary force of five hundred 
 men-at-arms being sent with him to the conquest of Naples *. 
 
 The difficulties of this convention were nudtiplied in the 
 hands of (iian-Giacopo Trivulzio who aspiring to the lordshi{) 
 of Pisa advanced every possible impediment to its satisfactory 
 conclusion. With a severe aspect and severer language he 
 rated both embassies for their attachment to Sforza ; as well 
 Cosinio de' Pazzi iJishopof Arezzo and Pietro Soderini, who 
 accompanied Louis to Milan, as the new ambassadors who had 
 just arrived from Florence juid to wliich mission it is prob- 
 able that (hiieeiar-lini then about eighteen years of age was 
 attached in a subordinate c;ip;ieity. After many reproaches 
 Trivulzio finished by tearing the treaty of Lvon before their 
 face instead of ratifying it as they were led to expect, declaring 
 that fear alone and not good will to France had induced them 
 to sign it f . 
 
 Nor was Trivulzio incorrect in his estimate ; for when at 
 Savonarola's death the ducid party gained the ascendiuit they 
 endeavoured with Lodovieo"s aid and heedless of 1'' ranee to 
 share the government amongst themselves ; whereupon they 
 resoh'ed that in the ilistribution of external offices, (now greatly 
 reduced by the loss of Pisa,) favour should be extended to the 
 poorer citizens who were loudly complaining of distress in 
 consequence of exclusion from })ublic employment. But in this 
 attempt to gain partisans Savonarola's political wisdom became 
 apparent; for though the interest of the poorer citizens was by 
 no means neglected, it was yet made subservient to public good 
 and personal efficiency by the majority of independent citizens in 
 
 * Malipiero adds forty thousand more 216. — Jacopo Nardi, Stor,, Lib. iii., 
 
 of annual tribute. (J »/*ff//, p. 567). p. 106. 
 
 — Gio. Camhi, pp. 144-5. — Baigio f Cio. C'auibi, p. 145. — Jacopo Pitti, 
 
 Buonaccorsi, Diario, p. 26. — Docu- Lib. i", i)p. 57-67. — Document! di 
 
 menti di Storia Italiana, vol. i'^, p. 32. Storia Italiana, p. oo and note. 
 
 — Guieciardini, Lib. iv., cap. iv., p. 
 
632 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY, 
 
 [book n. 
 
 the great coimcil, and not to the exchisive benefit of indivi- 
 duals. Nevertheless to give them a more equal chance and 
 apparently by the influence of the ducal party, a decree passed 
 for the distribution of all offices under six hundred lire a vear 
 by lot mstead of election. But the prepotency of this faction 
 almost ceased after Louis the Twelfth's accession, because it 
 was expected that his government would be lirnier and wiser 
 than that of Charles as well as more ffxvourable to Klorence, 
 and thence a greater chance was ])romised of ullimately re- 
 covering her lost possessions. This opinion strengthened the 
 French party or Frateschi but was shari)ly (>p]»osed by tlieir 
 rivals, who insisted on the new king s weakness and the prospect 
 of receiving nothing from his alliance (\c«'pt repeated and in- 
 satiable demands for money, while from IVIilan instant and 
 powerful succoui-s against Pisa might be expected, and the 
 more effectual because of Lodovico s recent dissatisfaction with 
 the Venetians who were eager to gain that city. 
 
 The Itidian league against Charles VIII. had vainly at- 
 tempted to gain over Florence who had always jdayed an 
 equivocal part througli fear of losing tliat monarch's protection 
 and thus leavin*' herself at their mercv ; V)ut tlie accession of 
 Louis XII. and his known hatred of Lodovico liroke every tie 
 and generated new views, new fears, and new interests in the 
 political intrigues of Italy. Alexander VI. seeing the hope- 
 lessness of expecting that the league could vxcv give his son 
 that dominion in Tuscany to which he at one time aspired, 
 turned shortly towards Louis with the expectation of securing 
 Something through liis aid in Lombardy, Xaph?s, or llomagna. 
 The tottering state of the league warned King Frederic, and 
 the Duke of Milan no less fearful, would have reconciled him- 
 self with Venice ; but that wily republic cou[ding lier anger 
 and aggrandizement, unhesitatingly offered Louis every assist- 
 ance at a certain price to achieve the conquest of Milan. 
 Lodovico in great perplexity implored Florence to use every 
 
 CHAP, vn.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 633 
 
 effort for his reconciliation with France : this was strondv 
 advocated by his friends and as vehemently opposed by the 
 French party who deprecated the risking of Loins s favour by 
 so false a step. The neutral party in the great council took a 
 middle course and instructed their envoys only to advocate 
 Lodovico s cause if it could be done without prejudice to 
 Florence. Louis would listen to no terms with the Duke of 
 Milan, but insisted on an explicit declaration from the Floren- 
 tines of friendship to him and his allies, and enmity to his foes. 
 The Florentines refused to be friends with the Venetians who 
 were unjustly retaining possession of Pisa, and warned the 
 king of their selfish projects, their general enmity to France, 
 and their characteristic treachery ; on this Louis demanded the 
 possession of Pisa in charge for the Florentines, and a long- 
 continued negotiation on the subject terminated by Venice 
 declining to relinquish her hold on that city*. The Florentines 
 being divided amongst themselves, after much discussion and 
 delay and according to the ad\dce of their ambassadors decided 
 on trusting to nobody, for no certainty was anywhere visible. 
 Still as the invasion drew near the difficulty of declaring them- 
 selves increased and the choice of evils perplexed them ; French 
 treachery had been too keenly felt and Lodovico's conduct had 
 given no claim to their confidence ; yet his aid was near, sure, 
 and prompt : that of France distant and uncertain : but Louis 
 was far more formidable, and the mercantile relations between 
 France and Florence a serious obstacle to any quarrel : not so 
 much to the former because she did not depend on them ; nor 
 were commercial interests then sufficiently understood or 
 appreciated hi the bVench court to have great hitluence on its 
 ambition ; but to the latter because her welfare WTut hand in 
 hand with her trade, and she always had an immense amount 
 of capital employed in that country. The reasomng of those in 
 favour of the French alliance would probably have succeeded 
 
 * Ouicoiardini, Lib. iv., cap. iii., p. 159. — Jacopo Pitti, Lib. i", pp. 54-58. 
 
634 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 [book II. 
 
 with the phahiux of well-meaning citizens which formed the 
 really wholesome strength of the great comioil, had they not 
 known the self-interested views of the movers and the slender 
 confidence that could he placed in them ; and although aware of 
 the danger incurred hy a wealv state in taking a neutral position 
 between the powerful, it was still considered that the success of 
 either party as allies would he eijually perilous to Florence; 
 because injuries were in general sooner repaid than benefits ; 
 gratitude attaching itself rather to the loser, vengeance more 
 commonly to the winner ; and both in tliis instance were mis- 
 trusted. If the power against whom they sided were victorious, 
 vengeance might be expected; if their ally coiniuered, he woulil 
 be grateful to his adherents alone, not to the connnunity ; and 
 thus pfive them such influence as bv his aid would endan-jer 
 public liberty. For these and other reasons a strict neutrality 
 was decreed and a future agreement with the victor trusted to, 
 in order that the convention however onerous should be m:i(b 
 with the commonwealth at large, not with a faction, and there- 
 fore prove more secure and respectable. 
 
 This reasoning might have been juilirious, hut it was carried 
 into eifect with a series of equivocal timid lliinsy excuses to the 
 two potentates that irritated both and deceived neither ; and 
 the French beginning their successful march on Milan abirmed 
 the Florentine ambassadors so much that in the absence of all 
 instructions they hastily concluded the very treaty at Lyon 
 which Trivulzio scattered before their faces at ^lilan *. 
 
 The pope acted more cunningly and suceessfully, for he liad 
 something to dispose of and made the most of his commodity : 
 disappointed by King Frederic's refusal, in his ohjtM't of uniting 
 (Caesar IJorgia to the royal house of Naples, hut still aspiring to 
 no less than that kingdom, he again attempted through Louis 
 XIL to accomplish this prince's marriage with Carlotta 
 another Neapolitan princess who had liet'ii lelt hy Frederic at 
 
 * Jacopo PittijLib, i", pp. 57-67. 
 
 CH.iP. VII.] 
 
 FLORENTINE HISTORY. 
 
 635 
 
 the 1^'rench court. Borgia with extraordinary talents and un- 
 bounded ambition had renounced all ecclesiastical trammels 
 and proceeded to Paris bearing Alexander's consent to the 
 long-sought divorce of Louis, and his maiTiage with Charles 
 VIII. s widow the Duchess of Brittany. In return for this the 
 pontiff' w^as to be assisted in subduing all Romagna, nominally 
 to its legitimate ecclesiastical obedience, but really as a princi- 
 pality for Caesar Borgia whom Louis had already created Duke 
 of Valentinois with a considerable revenue ; and on the positive 
 refusal of Carlotta, had married him to the daughter of Jean 
 or Alain d' Alhret King of Navarre so as to attach him and 
 Pope Alexander entirely to the interests of France *. 
 
 Such was the political state of Italy at the end of the fifteenth 
 century : a powerful transalphie nation had established itsell 
 in the heart of her richest provinces ; future wars and con- 
 quest lowered in the distance ; calamity hung darkly over her ; 
 the cupidity of an uisatiate and formidable rival was already 
 awakened ; her future master was on the brink of his nativity; 
 her fairest provinces were to be made the arena for foreign 
 gladiators, and a long line of misfortunes was preparing with 
 the ruin of her social condition and national indejiendence. A 
 new state of things was to succeed ; distant and strange nations 
 were to be drawn into contact or collision ; new interests, new 
 policy, even new worlds combined in the disniption of ancient 
 institutions, in breaking down the middle ages, and finally 
 melting the great.B3a!i!».of.Eurone:in.von?on^iiities into the more 
 simple eiementsVaiid*<Tt^iiider:foJuii^ «Jf UWoderu Iiistory. 
 
 CoTKMPORARY IIoi.t?f fts:-^.F^»ll]^e : .* ^KiVV's ' V 1 1 1 . .iMtil 14.08; thcn 
 Louis XIL— Napk^;*FcVOiO:inTl*ll.\u;iCil\H^/.-^ tbfii Frcdcrk-, IIL— Tl»c 
 rest nnaltercd.—Vasco dcGama doubled the Caj>e of Good Hope in 1498. 
 
 * Guicciardini, Lib. jv., cijp. l^i, r>Jl5c^ 'andWp. iv , p. 189.— Muratori. 
 Annali. .., . ;.. ; ', ; ' ', ' ', 
 
 END OF VOL. III. 
 
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