ARMY REORGANIZATION 
 
 DESIRABILITY OFJNCORPORATING ONE OR MORE INDIAN 
 DIVISIONS IN THE NEW UNITED STATES ARMY 
 
 HEARINGS 
 
 BEFORE] THE 
 
 COMMITTEE ON MILITARY AFFAIRS 
 
 HOUSE OF REPEESENTATIVES 
 
 SIXTY-SIXTH CONGRESS 
 SECOND SESSION 
 
 Wednesday, January 28, 1920 
 
 STATEMENT OF 
 
 DR. JOSEPH KOSSUTH DIXON 
 
 Leader of the Rodman Wanamaker Historical Expeditians to'the 
 North American Indian. Author of "The Vanishing Race." 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 PART 43 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
 1920 
 
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 Committee on Military Affairs, 
 sixty-sixth congress. 
 
 JULIUS KAHN, 
 DANIEL It. ANTHONY, Jr., Kansas. 
 JOHN C. McKBNZIE, Illinois. 
 FRANK L. GREENE, Vermont 
 JOHN M. MORIN, Pennsylvania. 
 THOMAS S. CRAGO, Pennsylvania. 
 HARRY E. HULL, Iowa. 
 ROLLIN B. SANFORD, New York. 
 W. FRANK JAMES, Michigan. 
 CHARLES C. KEARNS, Ohio. 
 ALVAN T. FULLER, Massachusetts. 
 JOHN F. MILLER, Washington. 
 
 California, Chairman. 
 
 S. HUBERT DENT, Jr., Alabama. 
 WILLIAM J. FIELDS, Kentucky. 
 PERCY E. QUIN, Mississippi. 
 CHAS. POPE CALDWELL, New York. 
 JAMES W. WISE, Georgia. 
 RICHARD OLNEY, Massachusetts. 
 THOMAS W. HARRISON, Virginia. 
 HUBERT F. FISHER, Tennessee. 
 
 n 
 
 Howard F. Sedgwick, Clerk. 
 
Tarn 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 Committee on Military Affairs, 
 
 House of Representatives, 
 Washington, D. C, Wednesday, January 28, 1920. 
 The committee met at 2.30 o'clock p. m., Hon. Julius Kahn 
 (chairman) presiding. 
 
 The Chairman. Gentlemen, this meeting was called this after- 
 noon for the purpose of hearing Dr. Dixon and others on the subject 
 of incorporating one or more Indian divisions in' the reorganization 
 of the new United States Army. Dr. Dixon, the committee will be 
 pleased to hear what you have to say. 
 
 STATEMENT OF DR. JOSEPH KOSSUTH DIXON, LEADER OF 
 THE RODMAN WANAMAKER HISTORICAL EXPEDITIONS 
 TO THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN, AUTHOR OF THE 
 VANISHING RACE, PHILADELPHIA, PA. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, when 
 I came in an official of the committee paid me a compliment. He 
 said "Are you a Congressman?" I answered "No, sir; I have not 
 that honor," "Well, you look like one." (Laughter.) 
 
 I want to say this, Mr. Chairman : I am under indictment to-day 
 to a great conviction. I am a prisoner at the bar, and I know that 
 this honorable body of men will not send me to jail without allowing 
 me the opportunity to give my testimony. 
 
 I will forge ahead as rapidly as possible, because I know that you 
 are busy men and that you have great business at stake. 
 
 There were 17,000 Indians who went across the seas, and thou- 
 sands of them to-day are sleeping under the crosses at Soissons, at 
 Chateau Thierry, St. Mihiel, the Argonne Forest, and Sedan; and 
 those men have bought my time this afternoon. 
 
 It was my good pleasure on the 25th of July, 1917, to bring before 
 this committee an argument for the creation of 10 or more regiments 
 of Indian cavalry, on the ground of giving them citizenship; and at 
 that time I spoke about the flag being in peril — endangered liberty — 
 our responsibility in this tragic hour; the early history of the 
 Indian on this continent — the character of the Indian — among the 
 highest types of native men — the treatment of the Indian accorded 
 by civilization — the present-day status of the Indian, anomalous in 
 the history of civilization — the irreconcilable conflict for democracy 
 that was then on and that is still on; the availability and adapt- 
 ability of the Indian as a soldier; the success in training segregated 
 Indian troops by Maj. Gen. Hugh L. Scott; the value of the esprit 
 de corps and unity engendering enthusiasm and daring purpose by 
 organizing purely Indian units — a citation of the vast sums appro- 
 priated by the United States Government for the education and 
 training of the Indian as compared with less than a third of that 
 sum appropriated for the training of soldiers at West Point, pro- 
 
 2133 
 
2134 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 viding an unanswerable argument for the employment of the Indian 
 as an unused force; — the country needs the services of the Indian. 
 His traditional history as a fighter, — the capabilities of the Indian 
 to assume the privileges and responsibilities of citizenship; — the 
 alleged citizenship of the Indian an artifice of speech;— citizenship 
 for all but the Indian; — the Indian still loves the flag; — his pledge of 
 allegiance to the United States Government given in that wonderful 
 expedition of citizenship that the distinguished citizen of New 
 York, Rodman Wanamaker, Esq., sent out to all of the 189 tribes 
 of Indians in the United States. 
 
 This argument I endeavored to amplify most fully, and it was 
 printed in your report. It met with the favor of the Committee on 
 Military Affairs, but did not meet with the favor of the Secretary of 
 War, and it did not meet with the favor of the Commissioner of Indian 
 Affairs, and thus, Was never reported. 
 
 The Secretary of War opposed the passage of the bill on the ground 
 that he did not believe in the segregation of troops according to race, 
 although he segregated the Negro. He also designated as a further 
 line of opposition the fact that the Commissioner of Indian Affairs 
 did not believe in Indian regiments. The secret behind this is to be 
 found in the fact that the Indian Commissioner did not believe in 
 Indian citizenship, and therefore he opposed it, and this opposition 
 was born of the fact that standing behind him was an army of men 
 who would be deprived of the opportunity of spoliation of Indian 
 property and Indian rights if the Indian should receive this just 
 boon of citizenship, and thus become self independent and the 
 exploiter of his own resources. 
 
 The argument delivered before the Military Committee, together 
 with a letter and a paper called "The patriotic sentiment of the In- 
 dian," which they were to sign and return to the writer, was sent to 
 every Indian tribe in the United States. The statement in this com- 
 munication urged that there was an opportunity just then for every 
 Indian to do more for himself and for his race at that critical hour in 
 the history of our nation by manifesting a spirit of patriotism than 
 had come to him in all his history. 
 
 The letter contained the fact that their signatures either by pen 
 or thumb print did not mean that they were drafted or that they were 
 to be enlisted, but simply to find out how they felt about the flag, 
 and whether they were willing to fight for the flag. 
 
 (The following is the matter referred to:) 
 
 National Ameeican Indian Memorial Association, 
 225 Fifth Avenue. 
 Rodman Wanamaker, founder, 
 
 president. 
 Joseph H. Choate, vice president. 
 JosephK. Dixon, secretary. 
 J. P. Morgan A Co., treasurer. 
 George Frederick Kunz, 
 J. Frederic Tarns, 
 Richard Welling, 
 
 Executive Committee. 
 
 National American Indian Memorial. 
 
 harbor of new york. 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa., October — , 1917. 
 
 To the business council of Tribe. 
 
 My Dear Friends: There is opportunity just now for every Indian to do more for 
 himself and for his race, at this critical hour, in the history of our Nation, by mani 
 festing a spirit of patriotism, than has come to him in all his history. 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2135 
 
 I have called the paper I ask you to sign "The patriotic sentiment of the Indian." 
 Let me tell you people the meaning of ' ' patriotism. ' ' 
 
 In olden times warriors would go out and fight for their women, their children, their 
 tepees and their horses when attacked by the warriors of other tribes. They also 
 went to fight when their hunting grounds were invaded. The warrior who risked his 
 life in defending the women, the children, the home and common property of the tribe 
 was "patriotic," and the women who urged the warrior on to fight was "patriotic." 
 That is what the word means. 
 
 The invasion of this land, whether it be along the Mexican borders, the Canadian 
 borders, the Pacific coast, or the Atlantic coast, would be the same as an invasion of 
 your tribe or your reservation. The people of this country are one, including all 
 who have asked to live here and become one of the people. The land is one and the 
 protecting laws are for all — white people, Indians, and Negroes. Therefore, when the 
 people of this land are attacked it is the duty of every able-bodied man to go and 
 fight, and it is the duty of the woman to urge him on. 
 
 I therefore want you to read very carefully the inclosed argument that I delivered 
 before the Military Committee of the Congress advocating organizing regiments of 
 Indian cavalry, on the ground of giving the Indian his rights as a reward. You will 
 see by this argument that I have stated plainly the wrongs that have been forced upon 
 your people, and if this bill can be passed it should open the door for other and larger 
 measures, which will bring comfort, happiness, and prosperity to you and your people. 
 This has been the whole idea of Mr. Rodman Wanamaker since the time that he made 
 up his mind to ask the nation to rear a memorial to the Indian race, emphasized 
 again when he sent out his expedition carrying the flag to all the tribes, and ever 
 since he has been working to bring freedom and prosperity to the Indian. Thisbill is 
 only another evidence of it. 
 
 What I want you to do is to call a council of your leading men, young and old, 
 and read this argument to them; read this letter to them, and then read to them the 
 inclosed paper, which I call "the patriotic sentiment of the Indian." Ask them to 
 consider it carefully, and then ask them to sign it by pen or thumb print, securing 
 as many names as you can; place it in the inclosed envelope, and send it back to me 
 at the earliest possible moment, as the time is short. You can also send me any reso- 
 lution which your council may wish to state. 
 
 Tell all my Indian friends very frankly that the signing of this document does not 
 mean that they are enlisted (many Indians all over the country have enlisted), but 
 that it will be an expression to the country of your feelings and a further pledge of 
 your loyalty to the Government. It does not mean that every man who signs this 
 patriotic sentiment will have to go to war, but it will mean that many of your young 
 men will be willing to go, perhaps to guard the Southern border, and my idea is to 
 recruit regiments of Indian cavalry to guard the line between the United States and 
 Mexico. It will also mean that the country will receive an expression from the 
 Indian himself that will greatly inspire the patriotism of the entire nation, and thus, 
 I say, you can do more now for yourself by carrying out this thought than in any 
 other way that I know of. 
 
 You are a great race; you have fought many battles; you are a brave people; you 
 have the material and I am sure you have the wish to help the country in this great 
 struggle at this moment. 
 
 Hoping to hear from you at a very early day, 
 Faithfully, your friend, 
 
 Joseph K. Dixon. 
 
 P. S. — I am sending a copy of this letter and this argument to every tribe of Indians 
 in the United States. 
 
 THE PATRIOTIC SENTIMENT OF THE INDIAN. 
 
 Indians of the Tribe, called in council at Reservation on this 
 
 ■ day of , 1918, recall with deepest interest the opening of the ground for 
 
 the Indian Memorial in the Harbor of New York, founded by Rodman Wanamaker, 
 when 32 of our chiefs, representing 11 tribes, participated with President Taft and 
 prominent citizens in the ceremonies of that solemn occasion. We recount with 
 patriotic pride the fact that our brothers, on that wonderful day in the history of our 
 people, signed a declaration of allegiance to the United States Government and raised 
 the flag of our country. Every tribe was later able to link itself with this stirring 
 event. Rodman Wanamaker sent an expedition of citizenship to our Indian country. 
 A flagstaff was erected on Indian ground at the home of every tribe, and we signed the 
 
2136 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 same declaration of loyalty and raised the same flag. It was our joy also to receive 
 from the hands of Rodman Wanamaker an American flag. We accepted this flag 
 with a pledge of loyalty to every color in its folds, and have since cherished this flag 
 as one of our treasured possessions, giving it an honored place on our ceremonial 
 festivals. 
 
 We have thought much about the great war. We realize that our country is in 
 peril, and we feel that we must do more for the flag than look at its' stars and stripes. 
 We feel that we must defend it. As Indians whose fathers were here before the flag 
 came, we realize that our hope and the happiness of our children all depends upon 
 the preservation of our nation's flag. 
 
 We wish, therefore, in council assembled, to publish to the world our renewed 
 fidelity to the flag and express our willingness and desire to fight for it. 
 
 Many Indians have already enlisted and to-day are fighting with the Armies of the 
 United States for the liberty of all our people, white, red, and black. 
 
 As a tribe, therefore, we wish the world to know that we are a brave, true race of 
 people. We have been trained to fight by instinct and tradition; all Indians have 
 grown up as warriors. We, therefore, prefer to fight as Indian units — as Indians 
 enlisted in a body — that we may preserve and prove our old-time Indian spirit and 
 show to the world that our proud boast as warriors is not in vain. We therefore 
 subscribe our names to a further pledge, a pledge to defend the flag we have accepted. 
 
 More than 40 most wonderful letters were received from various 
 reservations. From far Alaska "The Stars and Stripes Forever" 
 seemed to be the keynote of a great tribe: 
 
 Since Uncle Sam has joined the World War the race of the southeastern Alaskans has 
 been trying to do their part. Those that were not able to be armed have bought 
 Liberty bonds, and the younger men were made the home guards, and are glad to do 
 their part in the service for the great country of America. The Stars and Stripes 
 forever, and Uncle Sam for winner. 
 
 The tribe of Arapahoes in Oklahoma, wrote: 
 
 All of our Indians are pitriotic and approve the ideals of our Government. 
 
 The Mohawk Indians of the Iroquois Federation, St. Regis, N. Y., 
 wrote : 
 
 The best sentiment of the St. Regis Reservation is for the support of our Nation's 
 war aims. 
 
 The Red Moon band of Cheyennes of Oklahoma said: 
 
 We are all pleased with your proposition. We are for our country. We love our 
 country and will defend it. We are willing to fight where we are put, either on the 
 border or elsewhere. 
 
 The Tulalip Indians, from the shores of the Great Puget Sound, 
 wrote us (and one of the best men who ever presided over the Indians, 
 Dr. Buchanan, was there at the time, and has now just gone on, a 
 loss irreparable to the Indians) : 
 
 During this great crisis which has come into our community and home, we must 
 clasp hands together, stand together, work together, and patiently endure together. 
 We must be patient and loyal and not annoy the Government which is fighting for 
 everything we hold dear. It is our duty to work together, heart and hand, and assist 
 in such manner as to help bring the war to a successful conclusion. 
 
 The Colville Agency in Washington wrote us : 
 
 I have talked to many of the Indians who live in and near this region. Many of the 
 boys of this reservation have enlisted, and are now serving in the Army and Navy. I 
 am over 50 years of age, but if I am needed I am willing at any time to serve as a 
 cavalryman in protecting the coast from invasion. While I am a mixed-blood Indian 
 and you are a white man, there should be no difference between us in serving our 
 country. We are all brothers in this cause. 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2137 
 
 Far down among the silent buttes and sand hills, below where the 
 Oregon thunders, on the Warmsprings Reservation, Oreg., the Paiute 
 Indians sent this message : 
 
 I am sending you a statement in which I express the opinion of the whole Paiute 
 Tribe. We have thought much about this great war, more so since it has called our sons 
 to arms. The Stars and Stripes you brought to us we know was for peace. Our tracks 
 we still remember around the flagpole, our witness still stands, and we behold the Stars 
 and Stripes day after day which made us equal . The monument which is to be erected 
 to the Vanishing Race we remember, but we want to show to the world that we are 
 not going to die without we show that we are ready to answer to the call to help defend 
 our Mother Earth in beloved America. Ours and your borders and lives must and shall 
 be protected by our sons. Our wish and our prayer is that our sons be sent into the 
 fight. We only ask that their bodies be sent home to us to rest under the ground of 
 our Mother Earth over where the Stars and Stripes wave to-day. 
 
 The Chairman. May I ask you one or two questions ? 
 Dr. Dixon. I shall be delighted. 
 
 The Chairman. You have been working among the Indians of this 
 country a good many years and are very familiar with their con- 
 dition and the situation under which they find themselves. Has it 
 been your experience that they are willing to go into the Army of the 
 United States provided they can be put into regiments composed of 
 men of their own race ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Decidedly so. It has been my privilege since last 
 February — and I have had many enjoyable and fruitful conversa- 
 tions with the chairman of this committee during that time, noting 
 to him the progress made — to have visited all the camps and hospitals 
 on the Atlantic seaboard, interviewing, photographing, and studying 
 the Indians who have returned from across the seas, as well as 
 wounded Indians. In addition, interviewing the officers with refer- 
 ence to the Indians, and I found that a great many of these Indians 
 at the time were going into the Regular Army, enlisting, and I am 
 very safe in saying that I think that 80 per cent of the officers said 
 to me directly that they would organize the Indians into regiments 
 by themselves; that they would segregate the Indian troops; that 
 they fought better. 
 
 The Chairman. I was just going to ask you what would be the 
 consequence of putting them into regiments composed of men of 
 their own race, what advantage would there be in that ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. The advantage, Mr. Chairman, would be that a 
 national esprit de corps would be established and maintained. 
 Lieut. Col. William J. Morrissey, commanding Second Battalion, One 
 hundred and forty-second Infantry, Thirty-sixth Division, said this 
 to me: "I had a group of Indians on the St. Mihiel front, and they 
 were all together. But the moment I detached them for special 
 service they would leave the men where they were and start out 
 individually to lick Germany alone. So long as they were in their 
 own company, massed together as Indians, they were on the very 
 forefront of the battle line, and if I ever wanted to find one of those 
 Indians all I had to do was to go to the front line, and when one fell 
 another took his place. But when they were banded together, they 
 seemed to know each other's methods of fighting, obeyed orders 
 implicity, and went forward to overwhelm Germany." He further 
 said that the Indian considered that the heel of his shoe was the 
 border line of the United States; that everything behind him, even 
 to the Atlantic Ocean, and beyond was the United States, and every- 
 
2138 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 thing in front of the toe of his shoe M as Germany, and he set out to 
 give it hell. 
 
 The Chairman. You stated at the outset that the Secretary of 
 War opposed the proposition of having 10 regiments of Cavalry com- 
 posed of Indians on the score that he wanted these men to he enlisted 
 with the usual regiments which are made up of all classes of people; 
 and you said that there were 17,000 Indians who fought in our Army 
 during this war. Were those men in any particular organization in 
 considerable numbers ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Not in "considerable numbers," Mr. Chairman. The 
 Three hundred and fifty-eighth Infantry of the Ninetieth Division 
 went out 1,440 strong from Texas and Oklahoma, a complete Indian 
 regiment; they came back so shattered that they numbered only 
 260; the rest of them are under the sod of France. There were 
 whole companies of Indians scattered through various divisions. 
 There were 1 00 Indians in the Second and Third Battalions of the Forty- 
 second Division. The Indians were sent in large bodies as replace- 
 ments to many decimated organizations; also a whole company in 
 the Second Battalion, One hundred and forty-second Infantry,Thirty- 
 sixth Division, known as the Indian company. 
 
 The Chairman. Exactly; that is just what I was getting at. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. But there was no division, and outside of the Three 
 hundred and fifty-eighth Infantry I do not know of a single regi- 
 ment, but that regiment distinguished itself among all of the divi- 
 sions and I have a letter here 
 
 The Chairman (interposing). It was largely an Indian regiment, 
 was it ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. It was entirely an Indian regiment, and it was offi- 
 cered by Indians; and I asked the personnel adjutant of the Third 
 Battalion of that regiment, who had 15 Indians in his battalion: "If 
 you had to go back to France and fight, would you take any Indians 
 with you?" He said, "I would not take anything else." 
 
 When I get further along — this very point I have amplified, but 
 I want to answer your question. Back of the desire of the Secretary 
 of War to place Indians promiscuously, was this objection that came 
 from the Indian Office. He referred the matter to the Indian Com- 
 missioner and was satisfied to accept his view in the matter, and 
 his policy was based on a disposition to nullify every thing that would 
 look toward Indian citizenship. 
 
 The Chairman. Were these 17,000 men who fought under our flag 
 in this war citizens ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. The Indian who is a citizen to-day is a citizen nom- 
 inally, but he is not a citizen in fact, and many of them were not citi- 
 zens at all and many were drafted. 
 
 The Chairman. They did not claim exemption, did they? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. No, sir; they cheerfully accepted the situation. I am 
 anticipating now what is coming, but I am going to tell it right 
 here. In the Debarkation Hospital No. 5 in the Grand Central Pal- 
 ace in the city of New York I photographed a young Sioux Indian 
 whose father fought Custer, who had a bullet through his shoulder 
 and his arm shattered and his hip torn, who stood in the very fore- 
 front of the battle of St. Mihiel and took an enfilading fire, five men 
 dropping by his side; and I said, "Whirl Wind Horse, how did you 
 come to get into this fight?" "How old are you?" "I am 27." 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2139 
 
 "Where did you live?" "Pine Ridge Agency, S. Dak." "Are you 
 a citizen of the United States?" "No." "How did you come to 
 get into this fight?" "They drafted me. They said, 'you are a 
 ward of the Government; you have no rights.' " These are his ex- 
 act words. "You must go and fight." "I said to them, 'all right. 
 I will go and fight for the rights of a country that will not give me 
 my rights.' " 
 
 And there he was all shattered up. His picture is here [exhibiting 
 photograph to the members of the committee]. 
 
 Mr. Olney. How about the officers of the Indian regiments? 
 Would you have white officers in command ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. There have been developed during this war Indian 
 majors and captains who could command any set of troops. I have 
 the testimony of men further along to show that very same thing, 
 that they would trust these Indian officers with any set of troops. 
 
 The Chairman. Were those Indian officeis trained as officers in our 
 training camps? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I presume they were, but some of them were promoted 
 on the battle field. 
 
 The Chairman. Of couise, the presumption is that they were 
 thoroughly familiar with the tactics employed by our Army and 
 could give the necessary commands ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. They certainly could, and certainly did, and besides 
 were guilty of that unforgivable offense in some localities of being 
 able to take the initiative. 
 
 Mr. James. Doctor, suppose we had a standing army of 280,000 
 men, and we had a provision by which they could be segregated into 
 their own regiments, about how many volunteers do you suppose we 
 would get out of that 280,000 men in the Regular Army? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I am contending here to-day, Mr. Congressmen, for a 
 division of Indian troops. 
 
 The Chairman. A war-time division is 27,000 ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Twenty-seven thousand men; that is, of all branches. 
 But the division could be filled. 
 
 The Chairman. It really is 27,000 men of combat troops; it is 
 .36,000 or 37,000 men of all branches ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I wonder if it would be in older for me to read a letter 
 from Gen. Pershing on this very point. 
 
 The Chairman. All right; we are glad to have you do that. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I sent a transcript of the argument I am now delivering 
 to Gen. Pershing for his study and opinion. [Reading:] 
 
 American Expeditionary Forces, 
 Office op the Commander in Chief, 
 
 Washington, D. C, November -SO, 1919. 
 
 Dr. Joseph K. Dixon, 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 Dear Dr. Dixon: I have your letter of November 13 with reference to. the argu- 
 ment that you intend to deliver before the Committee on Military Affairs, House of 
 Representatives, for incorporating one or more Indian divisions in the United States 
 Army when it is reorganized. 
 
 The whole subject of the organization of the Army, as you know, is now before Con- 
 gress, and in addition to whatever force constitutes the Regular Army, universal 
 training for our citizens has been proposed. If the policy of universal training should . 
 be adopted, there would probably be territorial divisions composed of citizen soldiers, 
 and, in addition, there would also be certain Army troops, probably including Cavalry 
 divisions. Indians would undoubtedly be included in the organized citizen army, 
 and there would seem to be every reason for having the units in the Indian communi- 
 
2140 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 ties composed largely of Indians. It might even be that the number undergoing 
 training would be sufficient so that some of the larger units could be composed entirely 
 of Indians, but I doubt if the total Indian population would be sufficient in any one 
 community or locality to organize an entire division. Nevertheless the principle 
 might be carried out as far as members would permit. This would be entirely a matter 
 ol policy, and under the proposed laws could be governed by regulations 
 
 Your arguments are most interesting and I thank you for having sent them to me 
 Very sincerely, yours, 
 
 John J. Pershing. 
 
 The Chairman. Doctor, you may proceed. 
 
 + t, D ^ DiXO - N- In answer to tlle cal1 of President Wilson for troops 
 the Menominee Tribe in northern Wisconsin passed resolutions stat- 
 ing: 
 
 That the Menominees in mass meeting assembled, hereby assure President Wilson 
 ot their loyal support and earnest desire to cooperate in the prosecution of the war in 
 S-rT 111161 ' ?' ca P acl *y where their services may be required and call upon all the 
 eligible men to prepare themselves by such home training as may be possible in pre- 
 paring them tor the call to arms. The members of the tribe are ready ij E need U P to 
 r™S,f 0 ? r ° Perty and /heir .tribal funds and develop the natural resources of the 
 reseivation along any and all lines which may be beneficial to the Government in 
 carrying on the war. 
 
 ^ T t? ^ en0 ™ inee Indians are among the very few Indians tribes in 
 the United States to have a Grand Army post, having sent a regi- 
 ment of Indians from their tribe in the Civil War to fight for the 
 emancipation of the black man, who, soon after his emancipation, 
 was given the right of franchise. 
 
 From southern California, the land of sunshine and the land of 
 hardships for the Indian, the Mission Indians from Cahuilla sent this 
 message— after relating the story of how they have been deprived of 
 their rights and how they have been downtrodden under the foot of 
 civilization; how they have never found it in their hearts to strike 
 back or raise arms against the white man; how they have managed 
 to live peaceably and peacefully, they claim: 
 
 Though we fully realize that we have been practically denied all the rights and 
 privileges of having the same rights and enjoyments as some other people have our 
 JhTF me \ a11 over the country, without having any right to justify them to enter 
 Iht »l y ' ™PJ) Lhl \S l y volunteered and enlisted, some in the Navy and some in 
 the Aimy, to fight for Uncle Sam, realizing that it is for the good of the country and 
 if they are not doing enough to guarantee them the rights of citizenship, then let it 
 stand as it is. We are a part of the country, we are the seed of the country, original 
 natives of the country; but the law practically fails to recognize us. 
 
 From the Choctaw Tribe, Union, Miss., we got this message: 
 
 Our people here are in hearty accord with the spirit of work of the National Ameri- 
 can Indian Memorial Association, particularly its effort to show the Indians their 
 SSS^rt^TT 9" r Peopte.^he Choctaws, have ever been loyal to the United States 
 and aided the United States in her early history. Doubtless you are familiar with the 
 biography of Chief Pushmatahah, the friend of Stonewall Jackson, and know of the 
 valiant and important part played by the Choctaws in the war with the British 
 expeciaiiy the Battle of Aew Orleans, which, as every historian agrees, turned the 
 
 L a e + fJT r °i the 1 U ? t j ; l Sta ^ s - In s P ite of the terrible wav t' h e United States 
 has treated and neglected the Choctaws here, they are still loyal, and the spirit of 
 patriotism is easily kindled. 1 
 
 Then there comes from Santo Domingo, N. Mex., the Pueblos this 
 
 message: 
 
 The Council of Santo Domingo went in session with all the governors and principals 
 and are ready to help the country with anything within our power. We wish to ex- 
 press our fidelity to our flag, and loyalty to our country, and our willingness to fight 
 to any extremity m defense of our Government when our land at any of our boundaries 
 may be invaded. 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2141 
 
 From the lighting Sioux, whom Custer called " cutthroats, " this 
 message was sent: 
 
 We are at present organizing a Cavalry Home Guard in this district, Cherry Creek, 
 S. Dak., also taking a great interest in anything that will help win the war; so that 
 makes me think that your proposition will he met with approval. The seriousness of 
 the war should he explained to my people more than it has been done. There ought 
 to be pamphlets of the most important parts of the war translated into the Sioux 
 language, so they could digest it more easily. As it is, they are doing some great 
 work, especially for the Red Cross. 
 
 And thus, the spirit of patriotism, the ringing voice of an oppressed 
 people ready to help the Government win the great war came from 
 tribe after tribe, until finally all replies were stopped. Two or three 
 of the nastiest letters that ever came from a puerile mind and a 
 vitriolic pen were sent the writer from two superintendents in the 
 State of Oklahoma, in which they claimed, under the direct instruc- 
 tions of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, they would not allow 
 any of the letters to be delivered to the Indians, nor would they 
 allow the Indians to make any reply. 
 
 This is a matter of such grave importance and seems to be such a 
 striking example of the hypocrisy of patriotism that I ask your 
 permission to insert these letters as giving their own proof of autocracy 
 in dealing with the Indian with reference to his patriotism and a 
 stubborn refusal to allow the outside world an entrance within the 
 prison bars of the reservation. In addition, these letters prove how 
 glaringly inconsistent is the regime of the Indian Office, for at the 
 very moment they were giving expressions of laudation to the Indian 
 for his patriotism, yet -under cover of officialdom they were under- 
 mining among the Indians the very principle of liberty and patriot 
 ism. [Reading:] 
 
 Department op the Interior, 
 United States Indian Service, 
 
 Cantonment Indian Agency, 
 Cantonment, Okla., January 24, 1918. 
 
 Dr. Joseph Kossuth Dixon, 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 My Dear Sir: I am in receipt of a communication from you to the business council 
 of cantonment school, care of Mr. Robert E. L. Daniel, superintendent, Cantonment, 
 Okla., also a pap^r headed, "Patriotic Sentiment of the Indian," which is to be 
 signed by the Indians upon this reservation. Also copy of the argument by yourself 
 before the Committee on Military Affairs in the House of Representatives of the 
 Sixty-fifth Congress, relative to the creation of distinctively Indian military organiza- 
 tion for the protection of the southern border. 
 
 Replying thereto I respectfully submit that I am acting under instructions from 
 the Interior Department, through the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and the regula- 
 tions of the Indian Office, cooperating with the Army, are very clear and positive 
 and seem to cover the question of Indian military services completely and satisfac- 
 torily. 
 
 I am returning your letters and papers to you without action for the reason that 
 I am not informed as to your authority for such action in these matters, and until I 
 am instructed specifically upon the subject by my department, I must respectfully 
 decline to be a party to your wishes. 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 Robert E. L. Daniel, 
 Superintendent and Special Disbursing Agent. 
 
2142 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 I sent the following reply to this formidable document. [Reading :] 
 
 National American Indian Memorial Association, 
 
 Philadelphia,. Pa., February 20, 1918. 
 
 Mr. Rodert E. L. Daniel, 
 
 Superintendent and Special Disbursing Agcnl, 
 
 Cantonment Indian Agency, Cantonment, OMa. 
 
 My Dear Sir: I am in receipt of your favor of January 24. Let me quote a para- 
 graph from your letter concerning which let me ask you to tell me more fully your 
 meaning: " I am acting under instructions from the Interior Department through the 
 Commissioner of Indian Affairs. The regulations of the Indian Office cooperating 
 with the Army are very clear and positive, and seem to cover the question of Indian 
 military services completely and satisfactorily." 
 
 I am"quite at a loss to know how the request sent to the Indians on the Cantonment, 
 Reservation that the Indians express their patriotic sentiment should in any way 
 conflict with any regulations of the Indian Office. You further state: " I am return- 
 ing your letters and papers to you without action for the reason that I am not informed 
 as to your authority for such action in these matters, and until I am instructed specifi- 
 cally 'upon the subject by my department, I must respectfully decline to be a party 
 to your wishes." 
 
 You will let me say that I have been laboring under the impression that it required 
 no authority to ask the Indian to say whether he loved the flag or not. or whether 
 he were willing or not to defend the flag. Am I to understand bv your statement 
 that the Indian is restricted in the matter of expressing his patriotism? If so, then 
 your refusal to submit the patriotic sentiment of the Indian is quite compatible with 
 the practice of the department; if not, then your instructions restrict the Indian 
 from an independent expression of his love of country. I will take it as a great 
 favor if you will set me straight in this matter. 
 
 I am inclosing a clipping from the Evening Telegraph (Philadelphia. Pa.), February 
 19, in which Commissioner Sells is quoted in the last paragraph as being highly in 
 favor of the patriotic fervor and martial spirit of the Indian . That is all my document 
 sent to the tribes comprehended, and your instructions seem to reverse the state- 
 ment expressed by the commisssioner in his letter to the American Indian League 
 in New York City. An early reply will be greatly appreciated. 
 Faithfully, yours, 
 
 Joseph K. Dixon. 
 
 The reply to my letter to Mr. Daniel which I am to read to you 
 would be a grotesque joke were it not such a pathetic revelation of 
 the utter antagonism of the entire Indian administration to any 
 purpose or power to help the Indian when exercised outside of the 
 Indian administration itself. The letter is also a fair sample of the 
 virulent spirit and lack of human interest that supervises the per- 
 sonal destiny of the Indian. The "fools errand" invieghed against 
 was the patriotic expedition of citizenship sent out by Mr. Rodman 
 Wanamaker to all the 189 tribes of Indians in the United States, an 
 expedition which changed the destiny of the race, at which time a 
 flag was presented to each tribe, the first time the Indian had ever 
 owned a flag, and by thumb-print and pen every tribe without the 
 loss of one signed a declaration of allegiance to the United States 
 Government. Manifestly no hand is to be lifted outside of the Indian 
 Office for the weal of the Indian, and manifestly the only hand 
 lifted by the Indian administration for the Indian is the hand of 
 woe. [Reading:] 
 
 Department of the Interior, 
 United States Indian Service, 
 
 Cantonment Indian Agency, 
 Cantonment, OJcla., March 1, 1918. 
 
 Dr. Joseph K. Dixon, 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 My Dear Sir: I am in receipt of your letter of February 20, 1918, requesting me 
 to explain more fully the meaning of my letter to you of January 24, 1918, relative to 
 "The patriotic sentiment" which I declined to submit to the Indians of this reser- 
 vation. 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2143 
 
 No, I'll not explain more fully, for the reason that if you could not understand my 
 first letter you would not understand any others I might write. In view of your desire 
 to find fault with my official act and evident readiness to criticise the Indian Office, 
 I do not hesitate to tell you, sir, that I do not care two snaps of your finger what you 
 think of my official or private acts, and I do not care to hear what you think of the 
 department of the Government of which I have the honor to be a part. 
 
 The fools errand which you appear to have featured some years back at the expense 
 of a misinformed and misguided philanthropist placed you in a class by yourself, more 
 to be shunned by level-headed friends of the American Indian than the penny-wise 
 and pound-foolish scheme to organize a big Wild West show under the camouflage 
 of Indian military duty by special favor. I suggest that if you want to live up to 
 "The patriotic sentiment" you get behind some movement that will place you in the 
 ranks of producers of necessities of life instead of standing out boldly as a useless 
 consumer, if you have not already caught the inspiration. Tnen you can safely leave 
 the military service of the Indians to military authorities competent to handle the 
 subject with benefit and credit to the Indian and his country. 
 
 The North American Indian is writing the history of his patriotism and loyalty to 
 our flag and that of Canada in his blood upon the battle field side by side with his white 
 brother as a soldier and citizen, and no loyal citizen of this country would deprive 
 him of that God-given honor and distinction. 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 Robt. E. L. Daniel 
 Superintendent and Special Disbursing Anget. 
 
 I beg leave to submit another characteristic letter and my reply. 
 [Reading:] 
 
 Department of the Interior, 
 United States Indian Service, 
 
 Seger Indian Agency, 
 Colony, Ohla., February 11, 1918. 
 
 Dr. Joseph K. Dixon, 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 Dear Sir: Receipt is acknowledged of your communication addressed to the busi- 
 ness council of the Cheyenne and Arapaho Indians, Seger Indian School, In my care 
 and this is to inform you that the Interior Department is not in sympathy with this 
 movement and for this reason I do not feel that I should be expected to take this 
 matter up with the Indians of this reservation. Our purpose has been to have the 
 Indians and white race to act so much in common that it would not seem proper that 
 we should ask the Indian to withdraw into separate unions for military service, in fact 
 I do not believe that any great number of the Indians of this reservation could pass 
 the required physical examination and it would be a disappointment to them were 
 they to make an effort to do something which we are certain in advance could not be 
 accomplished. I therefore am returning your correspondence and unless directed to 
 do so by the commissioner I shall not feel called upon to even discuss this plan with 
 them. 
 
 Yours, respectfully, 
 
 Jesse W. Smith, 
 Superintendent and Special Disbursing Agent. 
 
 National American Indian Memorial Association, 
 Thirteenth and Market Streets, Philadelphia, Pa., February £0, 1918. 
 Mr. Jesse W. Smith, 
 
 Superintendent, Seger Indian Agency, Colony, OMa. 
 Dear Sir: I am in receipt of your favor of February 11. Let me quote a sentence: 
 "The Interior Department is not in sympathy with this movement, and for this 
 reason I do not feel that I should be expected to take this matter up with the Indians 
 of this reservation." 
 
 You will let me say that all that is comprehended in the documents sent you is to 
 allow the Indian to express to the country his patriotic sentiment — his love for the 
 flag — and his willingness to fight for the flag; that is absolutely all. The Interior 
 Department or Indian administration is not in sympathy, you say, with that idea, 
 which seems to contradict the statement made in a letter addressed by Hon. Cato 
 Sells, Commissioner of the Indian Office; to the president of the American Indian 
 
2144 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION". 
 
 League in New York City, a paragraph of which was published in the Evening Tel- 
 egraph, of Philadelphia, last night, February 19, in which he says: 
 
 "There is something both epochal and eloquent in the patriotic fervor and martial 
 spirit of the Indians everywhere during the recent months that has brought a clarion 
 call to every loyal heart." 
 
 If the Indian department is opposed to the Indian expressing his patriotic senti- 
 ment, then why this statement by the commissioner? 
 
 Later you say: 
 
 "I do not believe that any great number of the Indians of this reservation could 
 pass the required physical examination, and it would be a disappointment to them 
 were they to make an effort to do something which we are certain in advance could 
 not be accomplished." 
 
 Will you have the goodness to tell me how many Indians there are on your reserva- 
 tion, and why you think they are incapacitated for Army service, and what is the 
 cause of such inability? 
 
 Hoping for an early reply, I am, 
 Faithfully, yours, 
 
 Joseph K. Dixon. 
 
 This attitude seemed so hostile to the spirit of patriotism and so 
 wickedly despotic — that they could take care of the patriotism of 
 the Indian without any outside interference — that I sought to fi nd 
 out by what authority the Commissioner of Indian Affairs could 
 make more abject the condition of this subject race of people; why 
 the commissioner could be allowed to send out flaring statements 
 regarding the patriotism of the Indian, and then, under cover of 
 his office, put an absolute embargo upon any expression of patriotism 
 on the part of the Indian. 
 
 I therefore took the matter up directly with the Attorney General 
 and the Postmaster General. A paper was handed to me by the 
 Assistant Postmaster General outlining rules and regulations gov- 
 erning the mail delivered to the penitentiaries of the United States, 
 wherein it was claimed that the warden of the penitentiary had the 
 right to prevent any mail from being delivered to the convicts in 
 the penitentiary, and also had the right to prevent any mail going 
 out of the penitentiary to the outside world, and that the Indian 
 Commissioner, as Commissioner of* Indian Affairs, had the super- 
 vision of the Indian as his ward and placed him under the same 
 embargo and on the same platform as the convict of the peniten- 
 tiaries of the United States. 
 
 Mr. James. Was that the only reason given? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. That was the only reason given. 
 
 Mr. McKenzie. Does that man still hold a job ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. That man still holds his job and is likely to until — 
 [Laughter.] 
 
 Mr. Wise. How long has he been in charge ? 
 The Chairman. Six years. 
 Dr. Dixon. Six years too long. 
 
 Thus it happens that we have a distinct and striking example of 
 how utterly abject the Indian is, and how he is without question a 
 subject race within the borders of this Nation. Can it be explained 
 on any ground of common sense, any ground of fair play, any ground 
 of justice, that the Indian shall not have a right to express his 
 patriotism, even though he did not put that patriotism into action 
 behind the guns on the western front ? You will let me ask you to 
 note that while the Indian, in the majority of cases a ward of the 
 Government, was treated as a convict but still was considered 
 
ABMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2145 
 
 worthy of being drafted, that the convict on whose level he was 
 placed by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs was not drafted in a 
 single instance. The Indian was conscripted from the prison of the 
 reservation, but the convict from the penitentiary was not called 
 from behind his prison bars. Where lies the justice ? 
 
 But still when the Indian enlisted and went to the front there was 
 not a single prison door opened to draft a convict from the peni- 
 tentiaries. They would take an Indian who was a ward, and treated 
 as a convict, and draft him and send him to the front, and then close 
 the prison doors and keep the convicts inside the prison. 
 
 The Chairman. Dr. Dixon, do you know of any case where a 
 single Indian was drafted for this war, where the Indian refused to go 
 on the ground that he was not a citizen of the United States; in other 
 words, that he claimed exemption on that ground ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. No, I do not know of a case of that kind, Mr. Chair- 
 man. There is a case which would be brought to your notice, prob- 
 ably, of the Onondagas at Syracuse, who had a treaty that made 
 provision against any such thing as that, but it was not on the ground 
 of citizenship, but was on the ground of their ancient treaty, and 
 they held by the treaty rights. 
 
 Mr. James. Were there any volunteers from that tribe? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. A great many of them. 
 
 Mr. James. Do you know about how many? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I can not tell you the number, but there were a large 
 number. 
 
 The Chairman. If it is possible to get the numbers you can put 
 them into the hearing later. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I will do that, and do it with pleasure. 
 
 (In compliance with the above, Dr. Dixon wrote to Dr. Erl A. 
 Bates, president of the Onondaga Indian Welfare Association, 
 who says in reply:) 
 
 No Iroquois Indian was drafted, and no attempt was made by those charged with 
 that work. All Indians on the Iroquois Reservation were registered, but not until 
 after the council had officially approved of our request. Our request carried with it, 
 that until their legal status was determined, no attempt to draft them would be under- 
 taken. At the time of registration, they all claimed exemption on the ground of 
 being subjects of independent nations and subject to military duty only under orders 
 of their council. * * * A local Indian board of two Indians and one white registrar 
 had charge of the registration and the Indians willingly submitted to such action with 
 the provisions passed first by their councils. Every Iroquois who desired to volunteer 
 went to his clan grandmother and his council for consent and was enlisted with 
 the distinct understanding that such enlistment did not change his status. Many 
 Iroquois living off their reservations were exempted by local boards on grounds of 
 being Iroquois Indians. As to the total number of volunteers, I can only speak 
 accurately for the Onondagas who furnished 18; the Senecas, Tuscaroras, St Regis- 
 Mohawk and Cayugas and Oneidas furnished a total well over 100, while the Iroquois 
 in New York and Buffalo, Rochester, and Syracuse also enlisted in comparatively 
 large numbers. * * * There were 58 volunteers in our Bates troop for the Roose- 
 velt expedition, and nearly all found their way into the Army, Navy, or Marines. 
 
 Mr. Greene. Apart from the operation of the selective services 
 on the Indian, was there considerable volunteering prior to the 
 enforcement of that act? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. A great many Indian young men, especially young men 
 who had been attending high schools, fairly rushed to the places of 
 enlistment and volunteered. 
 
2146 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 Mr. Greene. I had understood so. Was there any disposition 
 to exclude them or to make the terms of admission so unreasonable 
 that they might be technically excluded, or anything like that ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. There is just such an example present. Here is a young 
 Flathead Indian who tried and tried to get in, and they cut him out. 
 His name is Barnaby. You can ask him later to tell his own story. 
 His patriotic persistence finally enrolled him in the Army. 
 
 The Chairman. Very well, Doctor, you may go on. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. While the Commissioner of Indian Affairs was- halting 
 the mails and preventing the Indian from expressing his spirit of 
 patriotism, Gen. Pershing was asked for his opinion regarding the 
 desirability of passing the Indian Cavalry bill. And at this time 
 17,000 of them were going over, and that is not my estimate, but it is 
 the record in The Adjutant General's second report, 17,300. The 
 Indian Office says 10,000; they do not know whether it was 10,000 
 or how many thousand. Gen. Pershing sent me this letter, which 
 your honored chairman has seen (reading) : 
 
 American Expeditionary Forces, 
 Office of the Commander in Chief, 
 
 France, September S, 1918. 
 
 Dr. Joseph K. Dixon, 
 
 Educational Bureau, 
 
 John Wanamaher, Philadelphia, Pa. 
 Dear Dr. Dixon: I have your letter of Julv 30, with inclosures, and desire to 
 express my hearty approval of your effort to enlist 10 or more regiments of American 
 Indians on the ground of giving them citizenship. 
 
 With his characteristic prowess, the Indian should give a good account of himself 
 either in patrolling the Mexican border' or in work on the western front. Moreover, 
 th3 present crisis of our Nation's history would offer a most propitious occasion for this, 
 great race to demonstrate its loyalty to the flag by pledging its inherent fighting 
 qualities to the cause of civilization, the principles of which it has been rather slow to 
 embrace. 
 With best wishes, believe me, 
 Sincerely, yours, 
 
 John J. Pershing. 
 
 Because of its stength I was almost afraid to use that letter, and I 
 wrote Gen. Pershing a long letter of appreciation of his ability as a 
 scientific exploiter of arms and of his discernment, and asked him to 
 cable me if I could use it. Let me read my letter to Gen. Pershing 
 and his cabled reply. [Reading:] 
 
 Educational Bureau, 
 
 John Wanamaker, 
 Philadelphia, October f.8, 1918. 
 Dear General Pershing: Nothing could be finer than your splendid letter of 
 September 3, which has been long on the way. It gives me extreme pleasure that you 
 have so unreservedly indorsed the idea of utilizing the now wasted Indian man 
 power by incorporating them into our Army system. 
 
 Matters are progressing. I am expecting shortly to go before the Military Committee 
 of the Senate to go over further details with the members. I am greatly pleased 
 with your letter and its contents. Your strong, manly statement, borne out by your 
 experience with the Indian, your knowledge of the science of warfare, your desire 
 to see justice done to a great race of people, makes out of it a powerful aid to the 
 passage of the measure. I wonder, therefore, if I may have your permission to use 
 it before the committee. 
 
 I fully felt from your frank and virile statement that you designed me to so use it, 
 but I thought best to wait until I had your express permission. 
 As the time is short, I wonder if you would have the goodness to send me a cable, 
 expense, which I will most deeply appreciate. 
 
ARM"? REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2147 
 
 All the medals of honor and distinctions that could be conferred upon you by all 
 the nations at war with Germany, could only give a hint of the appreciation of the 
 whole of America, for your glorious triumphs on the field of battle. Our prayers 
 for even greater victories are constantly yours. 
 
 With all best wishes, 
 Faithfully yours, 
 
 Joseph K. Dixon. 
 For Unconditional Surrender. 
 
 Gen. John J. Pershing, 
 
 American Expeditionary Forces, 
 
 Office of the Commander in Chief, 
 
 France. 
 
 [Cablegram.] 
 
 G. H. Q., A. E. P., 16. 
 
 167. 
 
 Pershing. 
 
 It is apparent, therefore, that Mr. Rodman Wanamaker in his 
 supreme effort to give the Indian a distinct place in the war, was sup- 
 ported by master military minds — and there is one sitting at the head 
 of the table from me, the chairman of this committee, Mr. Kahn, who 
 gave that same sort of prescient look on this whole question — who 
 gave their sanction to the enlistment of Indians and the segregation 
 of Indian troops, and yet despite the fact that Gen. Pershing ap- 
 proved, despite the fact that Maj. Gen. Hugh L. Scott approved, 
 despite the fact that Maj. Frank Knox approved and many others, 
 despite the fact that the Secretary of War displaced the program, 
 despite the fact that the Commissioner of Indian Affairs placed his 
 embargo upon the great patriotic endeavor to give a whole race of 
 people an opportunity to express their patriotism, even though they 
 were willing to make a contract to die for a flag that was not their 
 flag, even though this same Commissioner of Indian Affairs halted 
 the Indian from even the expression of his patriotism, and confined 
 it solely to the environment of the bureaucratic rule of Indian ad- 
 ministration, despite these facts, over 17,000 Indians rallied to the 
 support of the flag and the menaced liberty of our country. 
 
 Quick at the bidding of their country's call 
 Across the wide, far ranges red men come, 
 
 Forgetting wrongs committed on their race; 
 They hear the drum beats like the tom-tom's call 
 
 To sit in judgment at the council place; 
 And grave, erect, stern-eyed, they muster in 
 Beside the white man, brother now in need. 
 
 — Jean Brook Burt. 
 
 The story of the participation in the fighting on the western front 
 is a new Odessy. The Indian, though a man without a country, the 
 Indian, who had suffered a thousand wrongs, considered the white 
 man's burden, placed himself in the struggle to help crush the un- 
 speakable tyranny of the Hun. The Indian helped to free Belgium, 
 helped to free all the small nations, helped to give victory to the 
 Stars and Stripes. The Indian went to France to avenge the ravages 
 of autocracy. What pen is virile and audacious enough to tell the 
 story ? 
 
 140432— 20— pt 43 2 
 
 17CO. BW. 11. Govt. 
 
 Jos. Dixon, 
 
 Care Wanamaker, Philadelphia. 
 No objection to your using my letter of September 3. 
 
2148 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 Stretching from the white foam of the North Sea on by the white 
 summits of the Alps in the south to the restless and island-dotted 
 Adriatic, in one serried battle line, more than 50 nationalities had 
 forged a line of steel, and assembled millions of men, armament, and 
 scientific war equipment, such as blots out the record on all the 
 pages of history in all the story of the world. The enginery of de- 
 struction baffles thought and stifles imagination. The ground on 
 which the fighting hosts marched quivered and split open at the 
 fiat of monster guns. The peaceful sky became intoxicated with 
 inverted volcanoes, no moment, no place was ever free from the 
 grinding thrust of the bayonet, the crashing, tearing grenade. Death 
 walked forth in the triumph of a great holiday — and in his footprints 
 left a million crosses, wounds and agony, blinded eyes and dis- 
 mantled bodies, bloodshed and untold horrors, until hell forgot her 
 mockery. These millions of men, gathered on these battle plains 
 were fighting the shock troops of hell. They were fighting for the 
 annihilation of mental, moral, and social despotism, fighting for the 
 liberty of all peoples, fighting because a treaty had been made a 
 "scrap of paper," and heroic little Belgium had been trampled under 
 the feet of the barbarian German hordes. 
 
 The contest raged, the triumph of right above might swayed in the 
 balance. England and France sent their wild call over the seas: 
 "Send us men; send more men." All available shipping was im- 
 pressed, and the tide of khaki-clad men began to overflow the devas- 
 stated fields of France. 
 
 But among all this host, distinguished from all the men from the 
 western world, there is a new type of man, though an old type of 
 fighter, the Red Man. He was here when Columbus came ; here when 
 the Mayflower came; here when independence was declared; here 
 when he fought to help free the black man ; here because the remnant 
 of his race had not yet been driven into the Pacific Ocean. 
 
 The Red Man said: "My fathers once owned this country; I have 
 no place or lot in the Government ; I can not call a single thread in the 
 Stars and Stripes — the flag of the land — mine ; but I can not see that 
 flag go down. I must cross the seas with my white brother and fight 
 for the integrity of a treaty. It is true that every treaty the white 
 man has made with my Indian brothers has been turned by those 
 same white men into a 'scrap of paper.' I can not fight here for my 
 own treaty, but I can and will fight for Belgium's scrap of paper." 
 
 Mr. McKenzie. May I ask you a question right there? Would it 
 disturb you ? You are making a very eloquent appeal, it seems to 
 me, for citizenship of the Red Man, and stating that one way he can 
 obtain it is by entering the Military Service of the United States. 
 Would it not be a better way to go at it and grant citizenship to these 
 people who deserve it, in my judgment, much more than many people 
 who are now exercising the rights of citizenship in our country, and 
 when that is done then they will stand on the same footing as the 
 white men of this country and be subject to military call the same as 
 any one else ? Would it. not be a practical and sane way to go at this 
 thing ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. That would be practical, it would be sane, it would be 
 patriotic, it would be just, it would be fair, and I would put upon your 
 head a crown, just such a crown as I would put upon the head of 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2149 
 
 George Washington, Abraham Lincoln, and the lamented Roosevelt 
 if you could utter a fiat that would do just that thing. 
 
 When President Wilson went across the seas on his first — I am not 
 going to describe it 
 
 A Voice. Expedition? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. On his first — let it go at that. The gentleman has 
 furnished my cue. I wrote him a letter and I said : 
 
 The self-determination of little peoples is now within your grasp with reference to the 
 North American Indian. Utter, announce, an emancipation proclamation making 
 them a free people, granting them citizenship, abolishing the reservation system and 
 the bureaucracy of the Indian Bureau and let them go free, and that will do more at 
 the council of Versailles to substantiate one of the tenets of the 14 points than anything 
 that can be done. 
 
 I know that Mr. Wilson received that letter, because I had a 
 scratch of a pen from Mr. Tumulty acknowledging the receipt of it. 
 [Eeading letter to President Wilson and Mr. Tumulty's reply:] 
 
 Educational Bureau, 
 
 John Wanamakek, 
 Philadelphia, November 13, 1918. 
 Mr. President: These are epochal and crucial hours for the nations of the world. 
 Will you have the kindness to let me open the gates for a sublime presidential 
 enactment that will become the climax of it all? 
 
 THE EMANCIPATION OF THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN. 
 
 1 . Declare all Indians who have served in any capacity in the United States military 
 forces, to be, from even date, full citizens of the United States. 
 
 2. Declare all Indians of age to the date of April 6, 1917, the day war was declared, 
 to have full citizenship. 
 
 3. Declare all Indian children born after April 6, 1917, to have full citizenship upon 
 reaching their majority. 
 
 4. Declare the abolition of the reservation system. 
 
 5. Due safeguards to be thrown around full-blood Indians, and those unable to 
 protect themselves from the designs of white men. 
 
 6. Due safeguards to be thrown around all lands and property rights inherited or 
 in possession or that may accrue. 
 
 All this is in direct conformity with your wide-minded statesmanship and the 
 humaneness of your outlook in compelling the Old World to accept the doctrine of 
 the self-determination of small peoples. 
 
 The Indian, though a man without a country, the Indian who has suffered a thou- 
 sand wrongs — considered the white man's burden— and from the mountains, plains, 
 and divides the Indian threw himself into the struggle to help throttle the unthinkable 
 tyranny of the Hun. 
 
 The Indian helped to free Belgium, helped to free all the small nations, helped to 
 give victory to the Stars and Stripes. The Indian went to France to help avenge 
 the ravages of autocracy. 
 
 Now, shall we not redeem ourselves by redeeming all the tribes? By their own 
 act they have been blood-redeemed. 
 
 And, now, again, President Woodrow Wilson, as a peace memorial, "Will lift up 
 a standard for the people." Sweep clean the national house of democracy and put 
 the crown on the goddess of victory by issuing a proclamation of emancipation for 
 the North American Indian, who has shed his blood for a country and a flag that he 
 could not call his own. 
 
 I am sending you a copy of my argument before the Military Committee of the 
 House of Representatives for the enlistment of 10 or more regiments of Indian cav- 
 alry on the ground of giving them citizenship. I have marked for your easy reading 
 some of the salient features. 
 
 At the risk of being too long, will you let me urge, at this momentous moment, when 
 America is focused in the eye of all the world, that such a proclamation as has been 
 suggested would not only work out justice and fair play to a long-oppressed race of 
 people,_but the fiat would stand out as the most striking consummation of our wonder- 
 ful achievement at arms in bringing freedom to all peoples. 
 
2150 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 If there is any phase of this great subject that I can further in any way please com 
 mand such service at any time. 
 
 With all best wishes for your great work, carried out in such a great way, I am, 
 Faithfully, yours, 
 
 Joseph K. Dixon. 
 
 The President, Woodrow Wilson, 
 
 The White House, Washington, D. C. 
 
 The White House, 
 Washington, November 16, 1918. 
 My Dear Dr. Dixon: The President asks me to acknowledge the receipt of your 
 letter of November 13 with inclosures. 
 Sincerely, yours, 
 
 J. P. Tumulty, 
 Secretary to the President. 
 
 Dr. Joseph K. Dixon, 
 
 Educational Bureau, John Wanamaker, Philadelphia, Pa. 
 
 Mr. McKenzie, in further reply to your question, can you tell me 
 how you are to give this citizenship to the Indian when the President 
 of the United States ignores the opportunity to verify one of his 14 
 points on American soil, and my plea to him for the emancipation of 
 the Indian is rewarded by a one-sentence reply of acknowledgment 
 and this in addition to the fact that the President said in his Mobile 
 speech: "Liberty must be assured to every man, woman, and child 
 in the broad domain of the United States" ? And the President said 
 in his message to Russia: "No people must be forced under sover- 
 eignty under which it does not wish to live." But this righteous 
 doctrine is ignored. Weigh also the fact that 33 years ago — a full 
 generation — Henry Laurens Dawes wrote and procured the passage 
 of a bill which gave the Indian full citizenship, but since that day the 
 principle of that bill has been so modified, amended, and nullified 
 that we have never seen the full effect of the law? The bill just 
 passed by the Congress is just as meretricious and will meet with the 
 same political fate in its benefit to the Indian. I ask again, How is 
 it to be done ? 
 
 I am coming in a moment to that crucial point, and I am so happy 
 that you men are kind and patient with me to let me get through 
 this, because I feel so profoundly that it is vital to the interests of 
 a great race of people that you simply carry it on through this new 
 phase of things I am going to propose. 
 
 Not alone content to make a historic record of this vanishing race, 
 both as to their character, the wrongs inflicted upon them, as well as 
 a photographic record of their life history, Mr. Rodman Wanamaker 
 felt again most profoundly that there should be a historic record 
 made of the Indian as a fighting force in this great World War. In 
 pursuance of this purpose, the speaker has visited all of the camps 
 and hospitals on the Atlantic seaboard, together with the battleships 
 of the fleet anchored in the Hudson River, and also has taken more 
 than 250 photographs of Indians representing all arms of the 
 service — the Army, Navy, and Marine Corps. Some of the Indians 
 were interviewed in camp and on board the battleships, but many of 
 them were interviewed in the hospitals — some with a leg off, some 
 with an eye out, some with an arm off, some with shattered bodies. 
 Officers interviewed, from the commanding officer to the corporal 
 or petty officer, who have had Indians under their command, officers 
 
ARMY REOKGANIZATION. 
 
 2151 
 
 who have added luster and renown to the pages of military history, 
 all with one accord render universal and enthusiastic commendation 
 of the brilliance, the stability, the amenability to discipline, the hero- 
 ism and valor of the Indian as a fighting force in our American Army 
 and Navy. I could detain you for hours, were it advisable, with the 
 story of Indian prowess. You will let me, I doubt not, refer simply 
 to several striking instances, and there are hundreds of others that 
 are equally forceful and equally befitting. 
 
 The Chairman. For the sake of the record, Doctor, can you give 
 us approximately what the number of Indians is in this country? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. There are 320,000. There were 1,200,000 when the 
 white men came. They have decreased at the rate of 65 per cent, 
 due to the following causes: 
 
 First. The introduction of disease — by the white man. 
 
 Second. The introduction of whisky — by the white man. 
 
 Third. Tribal wars^ — and warfare with the white man. 
 
 Fourth. The housing of the Indian upon inhospitable reservations — 
 by the white man. 
 
 The Chairman. What percentage of those 320,000 are of military 
 age; that is, from 18 to 45 years of age, males'? 
 
 Dr. DixoN. About 50,000. * 
 
 Mr. Olney. Is not the race increasing in population rather than 
 decreasing, as you say? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. It increases in this way: When a now oil field or a new 
 mine or a new tract of timber is found in any locality belonging to 
 the Indians, or is opened up by the Government, as in the case of 
 Oklahoma, when Negroes and other nationalities who have a strain 
 of Indian blood in them were exploited by cunning real estate men 
 to employ them to get title to those lands, then the Indian population 
 increased. The Navajo Indians have increased. The Navajo has no 
 treaty. There are 28,000 of them now; there were 22,000 when 
 they were brought up and placed on the Arizona Desert. The crime 
 of it all is that they are now going to try to allocate all of that desert. 
 Col. Roosevelt preached against it, but they found copper and oil 
 there, and now our poor Government is in need of oil and copper 
 and they are going to take it from the Indian. But the Navajo has 
 increased and stands erect and dignified, because he has conquered 
 that desert. He is a wonderful man. You could not grow a radish 
 out there any more than you could grow an angel. 
 
 Mr. Greene. Where do you get those figures there, 1,200,000, as 
 the original population ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. That is the census taken by the Bureau of Ethnology. 
 James Mooney worked upon the question of population for three or 
 four years, and he searched all the records, and the result of his 
 work is published in the Hand Book of American Indians, volume 2. 
 
 Mr. Greene. That is, the Smithsonian Institution ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Greene. At one time, as I recall, various estimates that have 
 been made by scholars and statisticians seem to approximate the 
 figures that there were about 500,000; that is to say, they thought 
 that the original impressions of the earliest settlers as to the probable 
 number were very likely not only very inaccurate but greatly exag- 
 gerated, because the Indians were moving and so on, and that those 
 early settlers had in mind the Indians east of the Mississippi River. 
 
2152 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. The statement is made "North of Mexico." 
 
 Mr. Greene. So that your figures include Mexico ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon . No, north of Mexico. 
 
 Mr. Greene. But east of the Mississippi ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Yes, the whole region. 
 
 Mr. Greene. What I mean is that those original estimates made a 
 great many years ago in almost all literature about the Indians, 
 placed the figures at anywhere from 300,000 to 500,000. That is the 
 reason why 1 inquired if your statement referred to a recent estimate ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. The estimate I gave you was published in 1912 by the 
 Bureau of Ethnology, and is authoritative. 
 
 Mr. Greene. Was that original estimate of between 300,000 and 
 500,000 confined to an estimate of the Indian inhabitants east of 
 the Mississippi, do you think ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. It is the result of a less careful analyses of the situa- 
 tion, and a less diligent search for reliable data. 
 
 Mr. Olney. If Congressman McKenzie should introduce his bill 
 freeing the Indians, it would have a generally healthy effect. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. In giving all the Indians citizenship? 
 
 Mr. Greene. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Olney. Yes. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Well, if he would introduce it and it would go through 
 and would not Operate the way the Indian Commissioner's svstem 
 has operated. The Indian Commissioner has appointed a compe- 
 tency commission, and that competency commission — three of them 
 in number — are supposed to visit a region that comprises a good 
 section of the United States and find out how many of those Indians 
 are competent to take care of their own affairs, and then they are 
 reported to the Interior Department and are given citizenship. That 
 has been done in two or three cases, but it would take 10,000 years 
 to go over the tribes in that fashion; and you will see how inconsistent 
 it is. There is sitting in this room an Indian by the name of Thomas 
 L.Sloan, who is a brilliant attorney. He is an Indian. After he had 
 been practicing in the courts of the city of Washington and the courts 
 of Iowa and of Nebraska, being a member of the Omaha Tribe, he 
 had to prove his competency here in this city before certain business 
 transactions could be consummated. And that, moreover, was before 
 the Indian Office. Am I not right, Mr. Sloan ? 
 
 Mr. Sloan. Largely so. The statement of fact is that I am nom- 
 inally competent and have to be visited by the competency com- 
 mission in the State of Nebraska. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. To show whether you are competent ? 
 
 Mr. Sloan. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Miller. Mr. Sloan went after arguing a case before the United 
 States Supreme Court, because he had not yet established his com- 
 petency. 
 
 Mr. Olney. How many Indians enjoy competency? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I am not able to give you accurate figures. You ask 
 how many Indians enjoy citizenship? I do not think any of them 
 enjoy it, but they have been accorded citizenship according to the 
 laws of the State of Oklahoma, but it is a nominal thing. Why? 
 They have a superintendent over the Five Civilized Tribes and the 
 Commissioner of Indian Affairs transacts all of the business with 
 eference to leases of oil wells. One of them wanted to get $600,000 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2153 
 
 Liberty bonds, for the Osage Tribe is as rich as the Steel Trust, but 
 their funds are down here in the vaults of the United States Treasury- 
 bearing 4 per cent interest, and they can not touch it, either principal 
 or interest; and this Indian wanted to buy $600,000 worth of Liberty 
 bonds — put the emphasis on "Liberty" — and Secretary Lane came 
 to the United States Senate and had a law passed that he, as the 
 warden, as* the guardian of that Indian, might draw a check on the 
 United States Treasury for $600,000 and buy Liberty bonds with it. 
 And, I presume, if the truth is known, that Indian shouldered a 
 musket and went to France, but he was not good enough to buy 
 $600,000 worth of Liberty bonds until Congress had given him the 
 privilege. He is a citizen of the United States according to the laws 
 of the State of Oklahoma. 
 
 So you see it does not make any difference what you say as to who 
 is a citizen if he is an Indian. 
 
 Out there in Washington, where my friend Bishop lives, Indians 
 are citizens and they vote — they vote for such good men as Mr. Miller 
 and the rest of them; but citizenship is an artifice of speech; they 
 are not citizens in the true sense of the word. 
 
 Mr. Greene. You have requested that a division be created in the 
 Regular Army to be composed entirely of Indians ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. To be composed exclusively of Indians. 
 
 I could detain you, Mr. Chairman, for hours with stories and recitals 
 about Indian prowess in battle. 
 
 At Camp Devon, I found the Three hundred and fifty-eighth 
 Infantry of the Ninetieth Division, who went out from Oklahoma and 
 Texas 1,440 strong, the entire regiment being composed of Indians. 
 They came back with 260 Indians in the regiment; the remainder 
 sleep at Chateau-Thierry, St. Mihiel, Fismes, the Argonne Forest. I 
 asked the personnel adjutant of the Third Battalion of the Three 
 hundred and fifty-eighth Infantry, Capt. John N. Simpson: 
 
 If it were necessary to go back to France and fight, would you take any Indians 
 with you? 
 
 His instant reply was: 
 
 ■ I would not take anybody else. They are not afraid of hell itself. They were 
 always able to find themselves. They had a fine sense of direction, and thus they 
 could anticipate the direction of the enemy. If we had had more Indians, we would 
 have killed more Germans. They did not believe in taking prisoners. 
 
 Maj. George Ross, transferred from the One hundred and eleventh 
 Infantry to the One hundred and third Ammunition Train, told me 
 that he took from Doylestown six Indians, and he vouches for the 
 story that I am to tell you concerning Cain Ross, a Cherokee Indian, 
 who had been in the Carlisle School and had gone to Doylestown to 
 work on a farm. 
 
 "Chief Ross," they called him, when placed on duty during the 
 first day's fighting, had explored every shell hole in his section of 
 no man's land, the location of every machine-gun nest and of every 
 sniper. He displayed the instinctive skill of the Indian for scouting 
 during the terrible night following the battle of Fismes, when the 
 scout officer and patrol found themselves lost in a dark woods; they 
 dared not go one way or another without first obtaining certain 
 information as to their location for fear that they might walk directly 
 into the German lines. They were discussing their problem in 
 
2154 
 
 AEMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 whispers when a dark form, that of Koss, slipped quietly to the side 
 of the scout officer, touched him on the arm, and with a great grunt 
 started off, the officer and patrol following; within 15 minutes the 
 party returned to the American lines. 
 
 But his greatest test came during the American advance beyond 
 Fimes across the Vesle. A machine gun was holding up the advance 
 with a most harassing fire. It was broad daylight, 3 o'clock in the 
 afternoon, and the task of silencing the gun was left to the scout 
 commander. The men selected were Pvt. Chief Ross and three 
 others. The patrol disappeared into the underbrush, with the Indian 
 leading, his Luger pistol ready, the pistol for which he had formed 
 a great attachment, having captured it in a German trench, and 
 two grenades bulging in his hip pocket. It was discovered that the 
 machine-gun emplacement was in the high windows of a building 
 some few yards from the American line. Two men were left in front 
 to draw the fire from the nest, and Ross and the fourth man advanced, 
 one from either side. It was Ross who got within range first. He 
 crawled to within a few yards of the building, and he could see the 
 muzzle of the machine-gun protruding through the window. An 
 instant later a well-aimed grenade, hurled by the "Chief," burst 
 inside the window, killing one of the two Germans and demolishing 
 the gun. The surviving German ran to a back window and slipped 
 to the ground at the rear where he could be protected by still other 
 German machine guns farther in the rear. The Boche was cunning, 
 but not nearly so cunning as the Cherokee. Ross found a way to the 
 roof, swung himself catlike to the ridge, until he had a commanding 
 view of the fleeing German; a shot from his Luger pistol finished all 
 that was to be done. [Displaying picture.] 
 
 The Chairman. He has a distinguished service cross 1 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Yes; and a lot of them had it, and a host of others 
 should have had it who did not get it; and I want you men to give 
 it to the rest of them now. 
 
 In the Walter Reed Hospital, Washington, where I found an Indian 
 with a leg off, and still another with an arm off, I met Sergt. John 
 Northrup , of the Machine Gun Company, One hundred and twenty-fifth 
 Infantry, Thirty-second Division, whose home is at Flint, Mich. He 
 said that on the 1st of August, at the battle of Orcuq, they were com- 
 manded to take Hill 212. They took the hill. The Third Battalion 
 of the One hundred and twenty-sixth Infantry attacked the Germans 
 on the hill and drove them back, but lost all of their noncommissioned 
 officers and every commissioned officer. The fire was so strenuous 
 that they had to fall back. In this battle Sergt. Northrup had his 
 left leg, very close to the hip, shot off by a high-explosive shell, as 
 though it had been cut with a saw. He had received first aid, and 
 was lying on the stretcher ready to be carried back. He had, he told 
 me, an Indian in his company who had been sent out with a white 
 man on patrol duty. He saw this Indian, as he was lying there, 
 crawling in on his hands and knees through the lines under a heavy 
 German machine-gun barrage. The Indian was bearing on his back 
 the wounded fellow scout, badly wounded, and as the Indian passed 
 his stretcher he saw that both of the Indian's feet had been shot off. 
 We do not hear that this Indian ever received a distinguished service 
 cross for his valor. Is it not time now for the Nation to give the race 
 a distinguished service cross ? 
 
\ 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2155 
 
 Maj. Tom Reilley, "Fighting Tom," as he is called, commanded 
 the Third Battalion of the One hundred and sixty-fifth New York, 
 the old Sixty-ninth of New York, the fighting Irish regiment, with 
 54 silver rings on its flagstaff, beaiing names of engagements. Maj. 
 Reilley is a soldier of renown. He had four years in the New York 
 National Guard and did service on the Texas border. Maj. Reilley 
 told me that at Chateau-Thierry, where he was wounded, that he 
 lost a third of his men and was sent replacements from a Texas 
 regiment, 100 Indians— 50 to the Second Battalion and 50 to his own 
 battalion, the Third. He declared that they were well-trained units, 
 the best and safest replacements that he had had in any time. They 
 were all fine shots and thoroughly dependable. Maj. Reilley stated 
 that he took 20 of the best of them and added them to the Intelligence 
 Department. He stated that: 
 
 The Indians did the finest work of any men in the regiment and, mark you, this is 
 the old fighting Irish regiment. They were expert in rifle fighting, game, strong, 
 brave, resolute. They were superior in scouting and patrol work. They were unex- 
 celled in every phase of every fight. 
 
 In the drives at the Argonne, the Meuse, St. Gorges, Laudres, I started out with 
 876 men; came back with only 400. The Indians in the front ranks were thoroughly 
 swept away. When an Indian went down, another Indian stepped immediately to 
 the front. They were always at the front. If a battle was on, and you wanted to 
 find the Indians, you would always find them at the front. 
 
 There were 16 different dialects in my battalion, which means that there were 16 
 tribes represented in 50 men. We had a captain, Gus Welsh, an Indian, a tremendous 
 fighting and disciplinary force. Also a Capt. Gardner, in the Thirty-second Division 
 
 I have no hesitancy in recommending any one of my Indians for a first sergeantcy, 
 or even a captaincy; all of them splendid fellows, keen fighters, crack shots with the 
 rifle, filled with the spirit of splendid daring and intrepid valor. 
 
 I had replacements on eight different occasions, so thorough was the decimation of 
 my ranks, and these Indians were unqualifiedly the very best replacements sent to 
 me. Many of them were killed or wounded, for they always sought the dangerous 
 places. I hold all of these Indians in the most enthusiastic regard. 
 
 I advocate the segregation of Indian troops, for I noted that when they were sent 
 out as a distinct Indian force they did then- best work. 
 
 We were brigaded under the great French general, Gouraud, in the Champagne 
 drive. He noted and commented on the superb work of these Indians. 
 
 I wrote to Gen. Gouraud and asked him for his testimony concern 
 ing the Indians under his command. I have his letter here, trans- 
 lated from the French (reading) : 
 
 On Board the "Waldeck," 
 
 Rosseau, November 17, 1919. 
 Monsieur: It is very agreeable for me to give you my testimony on the subject of 
 the Indians who fought in the Great War. Many companies of Indians were, it is. 
 true, in the American divisions, the Second, the Thirty-sixth, and the Forty-second, 
 which were under my command in Champagne during the battles of July, Septem- 
 ber, October, and November, 1918. The Indian soldiers fought bravely and gave 
 remarkable proofs of the quality of suppleness and great aptitude to profit by the 
 nature Of the battle field. 
 Please accept, monsieur, the expression of my distinguished sentiments. 
 
 Gouraud. 
 
 The testimony of Gen. Gourand confirms what Maj. Reilley has 
 said, and of necessity confirms all that he has said. 
 
 When the world-renowned Forty-second Division paraded the 
 highway that has been called "The Highway of the Allies," that 
 wonderful Fifth Avenue of the metropolis of America, the populace 
 went wild in its enthusiastic acclaim of the heroes and heroism of 
 those men. And the glad plaudits of tbe people resounded through 
 all the adjacent highways of that mighty city in salutation of the 
 
2156 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 One hundred and sixty-fifth Regiment, the old fighting Sixty-ninth, 
 the heroic Irish regiment. Just here there is to be announced a story 
 of wonder and achievement. 
 
 The Stokes mortar platoon, conmosed of five Indians, four 
 Pawnee Indians and one Choctaw Indian, from Oklahoma, carried 
 their achievement to the fartherest verge of heroism in the Argonne 
 Forest. The names of those men must be written high on the roster 
 of American achievement at arms. James Wynashe, Walter Keyes, 
 Jacob Leader, Frank Young Eagle, Harry Richards. Richards 
 was wounded in the arm in the Battle of the Argonne. The story 
 is best told by Sergt. Thomas E. Fitzsimmons, commanding the 
 Stokes mortar platoon, headquarters company, One hundred and 
 sixty-fifth Infantry, Forty-second Division. [Reading:] 
 
 Five Indians came to us as replacements from the Thirty-sixth Division. They 
 volunteered to join us, as the Thirty-sixth had not been in action and they were 
 anxious to get into the fight. They came to us while we were stationed at Goncourt 
 front. After we had taken the Ourcq River position, near Chateau Thierry, we 
 went into the fight at St. Mihiel. The Indians were good soldiers, back of the lines 
 and at the front, always clean and neat and willing workers. At the St. Mihiel drive 
 they were very much disappointed because they did not have personal contact with 
 the Boche. This operation was very difficult for the trench mortars, the guns having 
 to be carried on the shoulders of the men 25 or 30 kilometers. The barrel of the gun 
 weighs 48 pounds, the elevating stand 32 pounds, the base plate 29 pounds; in addi- 
 tion, they had to carry ammunition, each shell weighing 11 pounds (exactly 10 pounds 
 11 ounces). The Indians bore up well on the long hike and the strain, and were 
 always on the job. 
 
 We next went into the Argonne offensive, the first real fight that they were in. 
 They stood like stone walls under machine-gun and artillery fire, always obeyed 
 without any questioning. I found them good in seeking the trail in the woods at 
 night. I always took one with me and he always kept the trail. The Indian was 
 very resourceful, would seek 'cover, always seeking good places for shelter. All of 
 them were expert rifle shots. 
 
 As to personal habits, I always found them gentlemen, accepting hardships and 
 sacrifices without flinching. Moreover, they were always proud that they volun- 
 teered to serve America. During this Argonne offensive, the One hundred and sixty- 
 fifth had driven back the Germans, and they were reforming for a counter attack in 
 massed formation with fixed bayonets. Col. Donovan, commanding the regiment, 
 ordered the Stokes mortar platoon into action. The Boche were only 200 yards 
 away in an open field, in broad daylight. With the mortar every man has to stand 
 up. The Boche retreated to the trenches, and the artillery opened up. Then the 
 infantry in massed formation with fixed bayonets came on for a counter attack. 
 Col. Donovan ordered the Indians to place the Stokes mortar guns in position, and 
 getting the range after the first shell was fired (you will recall that there are eight of 
 these shells in the air before the first one lands), it was said by those who witnessed 
 it that all you could see was machine guns, helmets, arms, and legs flying in the air. 
 The Boche were completely routed, and this was the last line of resistance the Ger- 
 mans had to fall back upon. 
 
 For this achievement Sergt. Fitzsimmons won his distinguished 
 service cross, and after the battle Col. Donavan called the members 
 of the Stokes mortar platoon before his headquarters and com- 
 mended the crew for its work. He said that they had saved the 
 regiment. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the One hundred and sixty-fifth was distinctively 
 a New York regiment ; New York went wild in its praise of the work 
 of this regiment. The city of New York was sold by the Indians to 
 the Dutch traders for $24.37, and to-day it is worth over fifteen 
 billions of dollars. Let me remind this honorable body that they 
 were compelled to call the Indian from the far plains of the West 
 to help save the famous regiment of New York, and thus save New 
 York. 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION". 
 
 2157 
 
 Let me give you an example of what the Indian thinks himself. 
 In the Grand Central Palace Hospital, Debarkation Hospital No. 5, 
 Col. William Gibson commanding, I met John Whirlwind Horse, 27 
 years old, an Oglala Sioux, from the Pine Ridge Agency, S. Dak., 
 post office, Allen, S. Dak. Whirlwind Horse was drafted in'May, 1918, 
 Company B, One hundred and sixtieth Infantry, Fortieth Division. 
 He was wounded in the Argonne Forest; the bullet smashing through 
 his shoulder, a piece of shrapnel severing his arm above the elbow, 
 and another wound in the hip. He said to me: 
 
 I was fighting as hard as I could fight; 1 knew they would get me unless I got them, 
 and so I was shooting away all the time. Five men were killed right at my side. 
 We were on the hill under an enfilade fire; the company at our left for some reason did 
 not come up, and we were commanded to hold the hill, and we held it. It was in 
 this enfilade fire that I was wounded. There were 11 Sioux in Company B, One 
 hundred and sixty-fifth Infantry. 
 
 This young Indian is tall and stately, keen of eye, alert, able to 
 analyze. His father fought with the Sioux against Custer. He is a 
 splendid specimen of Indian manhood, and a splendid specimen of 
 Indian patriotism. When I asked Whirlwind Horse how it was that 
 he came to go into the fight he said [showing photograph of Whirl- 
 wind Horse] : 
 
 I was told that I was a ward of the Government; that I had no rights; and that 1 
 must go and fight. I said: "All right, if I have no rights, this country must have its 
 rights, and I will go and fight for the rights of a country that won't give 'me my rights." 
 
 Ben Franklin never said anything better than that. 
 
 Rhetoric is weak and words are a profanation when one comes to 
 describe the story of the lost battalion, in command of Maj. Whittle- 
 sey, later Col. Whittlesey, or better still, when he threw 'back the 
 challenge to the Germans, "Go to hell — Whittlesey." The men who 
 were there, a group of whom I interviewed in Camp Mills, must tell 
 the tale themselves. 
 
 Three men divided a candle 6 inches long, 2 inches for each man. 
 Two hundred and fifty yards away there were 9,000 rations, but 
 between them and the rations stood the Germans. One man said: 
 
 The loneliest spot God ever let the devil make, and then went off and forgot it, was 
 the pocket containing the lost battalion. 
 
 The story continues : 
 
 Another day and we would have been lost. The horror that filled us was the report 
 of a lieutenant, a German, that the next they were to use liquid fire. 
 
 Strange as it may seem, the leading spirit of heroism and the 
 inspirer of eourage was Robert Dodd, aged 26, a Piute Indian, from 
 Nevada. All the group of soldiers in this Company H said that Dodd 
 stuck to it with a grin on his face. He had a big German holder in 
 which he would crowd handfuls of dry leaves, and would smoke, and 
 fire his gun, the smoke furnishing a screen so that the men around 
 him could not be seen by the German snipers. Dodd was wounded 
 on the second day in the hole. He kept up his courage as well as 
 the courage of the men. He was hit by shrapnel above the ankle 
 and again in the shoulder. He had no medical help; he could not 
 get up to the first-aid kit. Dodd was on the side where the pocket 
 was saved, the left flank. He kept on shooting, and getting madder 
 as he shot, and shooting still until the gun got too hot to shoot. 
 Dodd and the other men who were in Company H told me that they 
 
2158 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 were in the pocket six days, going in on October 2 and coming out 
 October 8 (reading) : 
 
 We were surrounded all the time; the Germans yelling at us to surrender, and e very- 
 time they came up we opened up with our guns. We ate dried leaves and grass, and 
 we had no water for four days. Always shell fire, always hand grenades, always trench 
 mortars, always whiz-bangs, always barrage. We buried 107 men in one grave. 
 
 Is it not strange and wierdly wonderful that in the midst of this 
 desolation and carnage, there should spring up a North American 
 Indian to give color and courage to the tragic scene ? 
 
 There is Dodd in the center of the picture [exhibiting picture to 
 members of the committee]. 
 
 I must refer briefly to another hero of the Forty-second Division, 
 Sergt. John Victor Adams — you were talking about these men enlist- 
 ing and volunteering — 22 years old, a Siletz Indian from Oregon. 
 He entered the fight as a corporal and came out a sergeant. Adams 
 left the high school to enlist. This young fellow said: 
 
 I wanted to get into the fight that I might help the country to win out. I have a 
 brother on one of the battleships. I was in all of the engagements in which the Forty- 
 second Division took part, the One hundred and sixty-eighth Infantry having the 
 banner record of the division. I was wounded at Chateau-Thierry in the leg and in 
 the eye. I was also gassed. I got back for the St. Mihiel drive, went on through. I 
 felt the best of our boys were getting killed, and I wanted to put my life up against 
 theirs. I felt that no American could be or should be better than the first American. 
 Therefore, I did not linger in the hospital. 
 
 This, gentlemen of the committee, is something of the spirit of the 
 Indian who fought on the western front. In going over my notes 
 recounting the interviews with the Indians found in camps and hos- 
 pitals, and in the interviews with officers who had Indians under 
 their command, I find it as fascinating as a painted dream. But I 
 must hurry on with two or three more striking incidents. 
 
 I found in Camp Merritt an Indian by the name of Ewing Peters, 
 from California, whose picture I now show you. [Presenting photo- 
 graph to members of the committee.] He was made personal guide 
 of Col. H. Ladd Cavanaugh, of Bellevue, Ohio, a great disciplinarian, 
 a West Point man, and a stalwart fighter. While others were hurry- 
 ing to shelter, and while shells were bursting all around, Col. Cava- 
 naugh stood upright, guiding his men. Peters was attached to the 
 Headquarters Company. On account of his bravery and ability he 
 won his Distinguished Service Cross. He would crawl up and get 
 behind a machine-gun nest, kill all the crew or bring them back as 
 prisoners. Peters seldom brought back prisoners but he brought back 
 souvenirs. Unaided and alone he cleaned out five machine-gun nests 
 in the Argonne-Meuse, and sniped twelve Germans in one day. He 
 was always up and going, aggressive, willing, and was finally put on 
 the regimental rifle team, so expert was he with the gun. He was 
 quick in his discovery of the Boche and the machine-gun. 
 
 And now let me tell you about Corbett White, an Otoe Indian from 
 Red Rock, Okla., whom I photographed in the hospital at Camp 
 Merritt. He belonged to the Evacuation Ambulance Corps, No. 24, 
 and was wounded in the back while carrying back the wounded sol- 
 diers to the hospital. He told me a thrilling story of his introduction 
 to the Army. Reference has already been made to Mr. Rodman 
 Wanamaker's expedition of citizenship to the North American Indian, 
 but it was my privilege to take the flag, which the Indian had raised 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2159 
 
 'at Fort Wadsworth at the opening of the national Indian memorial 
 by President Taft and 32 Indian chiefs, to every tribe, also presenting 
 on behalf of Mr. Wanamaker a flag to each tribe. To this I have 
 already made reference, Corbett "White said that when the war broke 
 out, two old warriors who had become the custodians of the flag 
 presented to them by Mr. Wanamaker, brought out the flag, and on 
 the same flagstaff hoisted it to the breeze, and then called all of the 
 young men of the tribe under its flaring folds, and said to them: 
 
 We are old, we can not go to France and fight; but when we accepted this flag we 
 pledged ourselves to be loyal to it, and now we want you young men to go to France 
 and fight for our country. 
 
 Following the instructions and the pleading of these old warriors, 
 both of whom died while the men were away in France, all the young- 
 men of the tribe rallied to the support of the Stars and Stripes, 
 although many of them left wives and children as dependents. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I could go on relating instances of Indian valor and 
 Indian achievement at arms until I filled many issues of the Congres- 
 sional Record. One striking bit of evidence I must place before you. 
 I photographed in Camp Merritt the Choctaw telephone squad, to- 
 gether with Capt. Horner, who organized this telephone squad, and 
 recently I have had an interview with Lieut. Col. William J. Morris- 
 sey, who was in command of the Second Battalion, One hundred and 
 forty-second Infantry, Thirty-sixth Division. Let me tell you what 
 Col. Morrissey says of the Indian. 
 
 In his battalion was one company commonly known as the "Indian 
 company." This company was comprised of many different tribes of 
 Indians, and included many very intelligent Indians, graduates of 
 both Carlisle and Haskell Schools. 
 
 Col. Morrissey says : 
 
 I was in a position to closely observe the Indians during all the fighting, and found 
 them absolutely fearless and loyal in every respect. Their ability as fighters is beyond 
 a question of doubt. In addition to their fighting ability, they were extremely valu- 
 able as scouts and runners, which was probably due to their ability to find direction 
 under any circumstances, both in the daytime and at night. They never complained 
 about lack of food or any other of the hardships that were necessarily incident to battle 
 conditions. 
 
 While I commanded Company E there were Indians in every other company in 
 the regiment. The same commendation applies to all the Indians in the regiment. 
 As to his initiative in battle, I have this to say, he absolutely set out to lick Germany 
 alone. 
 
 Many of my Indians were decorated. An Indian stood up with me and received 
 the Belgian decoration, the croix de guerre, when I was decorated with the French 
 croix de guerre. 
 
 My company of Indians were in the assault battalion, Meuse-Argonne, Champagne, 
 and received the heartiest commendation of our divisional commander, Col. Alfred 
 W. Bloor. All officers have the very highest regard for the fighting qualities of the 
 Indians. The battalion was almost completely wiped out, and the Indian company 
 suffered equal casualties with the remainder of the battalion. 
 
 Let me refer again to Capt. Horner (Company E, One hundred 
 and forty-second Regiment, Thirty-sixth Division). He said to me 
 in Camp Merritt: 
 
 The Indian was always the equal of the white man, sometimes his superior, and 
 half of my company were Indians. There was not a straggler among them. Officers 
 say that at supply stations and dressing stations there may always be found a group 
 of stragglers, but they all said they never saw an Indian among the stragglers. When 
 wounded, they were absolutely stoical and would bear it with unflinching nerve and 
 never express a moan. 
 
2160 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 In censoring their mail I got a glimpse of their inside life. They would write- 
 home: "George Good Eagle is no more. Like a good American, he has gone on." 
 
 One of the Indians in my company would ask to go alone on a scouting expedition. 
 He was asked why. He replied: "Because the white boys get scared and give me 
 away. If I go alone I can get the information. They make a noise. " 
 
 And now let me refer to the telephone exploit of the Choctaws under 
 Lieut. Col. Morrissey and Capt. Horner. There were six of them. It 
 was on the 8th of October. They were in front of St. Etienne, the 
 Champagne front, working in conjunction with the Fourth French 
 Army. They knew that the Germans had a superior listening-in 
 system, and were finding out the entire movements of the American 
 and French troops. . Therefore the commander ordered over the 
 telephone a movement of troops at a certain spot at 8 o'clock that 
 night, which of course was a false command. At precisely 8 o'clock 
 that night, the Germans put down a terrific barrage on the exact 
 spot. It was then that Col. Morrissey and Capt. Horner conceived 
 the idea of using the Indian in his own dialect, and therefore they 
 placed six Indians at the end of the telephone wire, three at head- 
 quarters and three on the firing line, and the messages were trans- 
 mitted in the Choctaw dialect, which proved to be very effective 
 during the short time that it was used. One can imagine that this 
 barbed wire conversation was a barrage that nonplussed the puzzled 
 Germans. There were, of course, difficulties in using Choctaw, as 
 there are no words in the Choctaw tongue for many military technical 
 expressions, so that it became necessary to make a table of sub- 
 stitutions. 
 
 For instance, we called regiment "The tribe," First Battalion, 
 "One grain corn," company, "Bow," platoon, "Thong," machine 
 
 "Arrows," grenades, "Stones," rations, "Food," attack, "Fight," 
 patrol, "Many scouts," casualties, "Scalps," gas, "Bad air" (just 
 what it is). 
 
 Col. Morrissey states: 
 
 We found that the Germans knew absolutely nothing about our preparations, and 
 were taken completely by surprise. This was the first time that we surprised the 
 Germans during our stay in the lines, and I attribute it in many respects to the fact 
 that the Choctaw language was used in making preparations for this attack. 
 
 And thus it comes about again that the Indian was needed to out- 
 with the Hun. Col. Morrissey was asked if he had to fight the war 
 over again, arid he had command of a regiment, if he would like to 
 have any Indians in it. He made the reply: "I would make every 
 effort to fill my regiment with Indians. " 
 
 The question was also asked: "Do you think that the Indian has in 
 him the capabilities of becoming an officer?" The colonel replied: 
 
 I know of men who are Indians who made very efficient officers; there is no question 
 about it in my mind. Altogether the Indian possessed sterling qualities as a soldier. 
 It is only just now to give him the privilege of citizenship. 
 
 I can not refrain from recurring again to a very striking statement 
 made by Capt. Horner. At the battle of the Meuse-Ourcq-Argonne, 
 October 6 to 29, the Marines had been in the forefront of the fight, 
 and they were relieved. None of the Thirty-sixth Division had ever 
 been on the firing line before. They were now to be ushered into the 
 hardest fighting of the war. Being fresh troops, the Marines 
 remained in support to watch the fresh troops as they entered the 
 
 gun, 
 
 "Big gun," ammunition, 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2161 
 
 engagement. The Marines never got through talking about the 
 Indians in Company E, so gallantly did they demean themselves. 
 It means, all of it, gentlemen, that the Indian was at the very fore of 
 all of the saving achievements of these great battles. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, you have heard the testimony of Maj. Tom Keilley 
 concerning the ability of the Indian as a fighter, and his unqualified 
 approval of his ability to become an officer and his advocacy of .the 
 segregation of Indian troops; you have heard the testimony of Col. 
 Donavan, of the famous One hundred and sixty-fifth New York, 
 when he said that the Stokes' mortar platoon had saved the regiment ; 
 you have heard the testimony of Capt. John N. Simpson, the com- 
 mander of the third battalion of the Three hundred and fifty-eighth 
 Infantry, wholly an Indian regiment, how, if he had to go back again 
 to fight in France he would take none but Indians with him; you 
 have heard the testimony of Lieut. Col. Wm. J. Morrissey concerning 
 the ability and achievement of the Indian in the One hundred and 
 forty-second Infantry, Thirty-sixth Division, and how if he had it to 
 do over again he wouhl fiU his regiment with Indians. In addition, 
 you have now the testimony of Col. F. A. Snyder, commanding the 
 One hundred and third Engineers, Twenty-eighth Division. He said 
 to the speaker at Camp Dix : 
 
 If I had only been in command of a few regiments of Indians, we could have driven 
 the Boche out of the Argonne Forest very much sooner and with less loss of life. 
 
 You have again the testimony of Maj. Frank Knox, editor of the 
 Manchester Union Leader, Manchester, N. H., who wrote me under 
 date of April 16, 1919: 
 
 From August 18 until October 4 the brigade of which I was field officer supported the 
 Ninetieth Division from Texas and Oklahoma on St. Mihiel front. This included the 
 preparation for the big drive, which eliminated St. Mihiel salient; the drive itself; the 
 action of September 26 to 28, and the subsequent steady hammering on this front up 
 to the date indicated, October 4, when our brigade was transferred to the Argonne. 
 In the Ninetieth Division were many Indians from Oklahoma. They made a splendid 
 record for bravery and resoluteness under fire. Personally, I shall always regret that 
 the War Department refused the Indian his chance — a chance given so freely to the 
 black man. If I could have had the proposed regiment of Indian cavalry in the drive 
 to the Meuse, the orderly retreat of the Germans Would easily have been forced into a 
 rout. It was lack of cavalry that permitted their orderly withdrawal. 
 
 In the Navy that so proudly sailed the seas and carried protect- 
 ing power over all the troubled waves infested by the murderous sub- 
 marine, I found when the majestic fleet had anchored in the Hud- 
 son — a giant brood of more than 100 fighting craft — that almost 
 every ship numbered several Indians among its fighting force. 
 
 Mr. James. Are any of these men you are speaking about now 
 citizens, except nominally ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. No, sir; they were not citizens. 
 
 Mr. James. Not even the men who were cited for bravery? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. No; citations or no citations, they were not citizens. 
 
 The battleship Utah, Capt. H. H. Hough commanding, contained a 
 Cree Indian who was serving as a marine, and a Chippewa Indian, 
 William Leon Wolfe [exhibiting photograph to committee], who was 
 not only the champion lightweight of the entire fleet in British waters, 
 but also the master of the massive 12-inch gun on the forward deck 
 of the Utah. You tell me that the Indian was good enough to manipu- 
 late this monster gun with which to smash the Boche, but he is not 
 
2162 
 
 AEMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 good enough to challenge the world at the ballot box. Of Wolfe the 
 captain of the Utah said: 
 
 I know but little of the individual cases in the 1,200 men on board the Utah, but 
 the Indian, Wolfe, has forced his character upon my attention by his stalwart service 
 and ability. 
 
 Mr. James. If these men go into the Army, they would become 
 citizens, would they not ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. They would if you make them so, but they were not 
 citizens when they went into this Army. 
 
 Mr. James. The reason I ask that is this: We have a bill before 
 this committee by which agents who can not read, write, or under- 
 stand the English language come over here and join the Army and 
 get a vocational education, and after being in the Army several years 
 we will make citizens of them, and I thought we should be willing 
 to do as much for these Indians as for these aliens. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. The Indians were here when the white man came, and 
 they can soon learn to talk English if they are given the chance. 
 The young man in khaki sitting back of you could not speak a word 
 of English when he was enlisted ; he can now talk English as well 
 as I can. 
 
 Mr. McKenzie. I think you misunderstood the question. 
 Dr. Dixon. I am sorry. 
 
 Mr. McKenzie. We have a bill pending before our committee by 
 which we give aliens citizenship papers and give them vocational 
 education. 
 
 The Chairman. Allowing them to enlist in the Army ? 
 
 Mr. McKenzie. Allowing them to enlist in the Army. It seemed 
 to me unfair to allow these aliens to enlist in our Army and then to 
 become citizens by being in the Army several years, and yet not give 
 the same privilege to Indians who were born here. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Your statement is exactly just, and "justice" is the 
 whitest word in our speech. I only hope that you will make it shine 
 with practical action. 
 
 Mr. McKenzie. Every one of these 17,000 can become citizens, can 
 they not ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. They can if you pass this measure and make them so. 
 
 Mr. McKenzie. There is a provision in Army legislation by which 
 men who join the Army could become citizens. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. But has that bill passed? 
 
 Mr. McKenzie. That was part of the Army bill. 
 
 The Chairman. It is legislation now on the statute books. If you 
 will remember, right here in the city of Washington some months ago 
 one of our judges made citizens of quite a large number of men who 
 had been in the Army and who, up to that time, had been aliens and 
 who had not lived in this country the necessary five years to become 
 citizens. 
 
 Mr. Greene. Indians are not classed as aliens. 
 Mr. McKenzie. No. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. That is why they were not admitted under the law. 
 
 Mr. McKenzie. I have forgotten whether that legislation carries 
 the word "Indian." Unless it does carry the word "Indian" it 
 would not make them citizens. 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2163 
 
 Dr. Dixox. It does not carry the word "Indian," and I also think 
 Mr. Chairman, tha t the bill providing for Indian citizenship on account 
 of service in the war contains the clause "if desired." 
 
 The Chairman. In what connection — they can be made citizens 
 "if desired" ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. If they so desire. 
 
 The Chairman. By whom? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. By themselves, if they so desire. 
 
 The Chairman. If they so desire. Are there any who so desire? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. There are a good many of them, but perhaps some 
 would not so desire, because of environment and because of fear that 
 the white man would take advantage of them again, because of an 
 overweaning sense of oppression that might come upon them. They 
 should be declared citizens of the United States, and then let them 
 sink or swim — they will swim. 
 
 Mr. Miller. Suppose you declare him a citizen, and it turns out he 
 does not want it ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. He would have to take it, just as you would have to 
 take prohibition, whether you wanted it or not. 
 
 Mr. Miller. That is a little different, 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I do not me<m to n\ake pny inferences, Mr. Congress- 
 man, that you did not want it, but it was an illustration that popped 
 into my mind, because Tdid not w ant i l myself in the manner in which 
 it was foisted upon the people. 
 
 Mr. Greene. You said, as I understood it, at least the inference was 
 that if this law simply allowed the Indian to determine whether he 
 might be a citizen or not, in personal instances he might object to 
 becoming a citizen for reasons you have stated. Notwithstanding 
 that individual objection any Indians might have, you are perfectly 
 willing that they should be declared citizens en bloc, despite those 
 same objections ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Very true; but the fact is that most of them woidd 
 become citizens, and those who would not would fail to do so at their 
 own loss, whereas they would be educated into it. 
 
 Mr. Wise. What would you do with their property ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I would make their property their tribal rights and all 
 of the funds accruing to them absolutely inalienable. 
 
 Mr. Wise. Why not just turn it over to them if they are qualified 
 to be citizens, even if they are declared citizens against their will, to 
 dispose of as they saw proper. A man who is qualified to be a citizen 
 is qualified to take care of his own property, and you say you are in 
 favor of just declaring them citizens en bloc whether they wanted it 
 or not. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. There is so much of their property handled by the 
 white man and so much of their property that the white man is eager 
 to handle that they do not want that kind of procedure. Their 
 property and property rights must be protected from the rapacity of 
 the white man. Besides, is it not a fallacy to argue that citizenship 
 carries with it a qualification to care for property? You do not so 
 apply it to the alien. 
 
 Mr. Miller. They would handle it themselves ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I would have them handle it themselves, freely and 
 fully, but with proper safeguards against the wiles of the grafter. 
 
 140432— 20— pt 43 3 
 
2164 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 Mr. Miller. That was the point I was undertaking to inquire of 
 you. Some of these Indians do not want citizenship. Would it be 
 exactly moral to say, "You shall have it whether you want it or not," 
 and force upon that Indian the individual control of his own property 
 where perhaps he does not want it ? 
 
 Mr. McKenzie (interposing) . May I inject something that will 
 probably answer both questions at the same time ? Of course, what 
 Mr. Miller has in mind, and what you all have in mind in thinking 
 of matters of this character, is that the property right of the Indians 
 now held in trust by the Government controlling the allotments and 
 interests and the funds on deposit, and all that sort of thing, it does 
 seem to me that they could be given the rights of citizenship, but 
 coupled therewith such legislation as will guard and protect the trust 
 interests now held by the Government for the benefit of the Indians; 
 and the reason for that, to my mind, is that up to this time the Gov- 
 ernment has assumed the r61e of guardian and big brother to the 
 Indian and has not permitted him to exercise his own rights, and, 
 therefore, in a sense, he has become and is a dependent to a certain 
 extent. If we should give them all citizenship it does seem to me we 
 ought to include in that act a saving clause that would guard their 
 property against sharks and skinners who will immediately undertake 
 to take advantage of them until such time as they have had oppor- 
 tunity to develop and educate their people along the lines of self- 
 protection. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I most heartily agree with that idea. Mr. McKenzie 
 has clearly stated my full contention. It is the only just way to 
 proceed. 
 
 Mr. Miller. That is the idea I had in mind. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. So we all agree. I would advocate the enactment, 
 provided the Government does not exercise the right of stewardship 
 over their property. 
 
 Mr. McKenzie. I understand what you mean. 
 
 Mr. Wise. Doctor, I confess that it strikes me whenever a citizen 
 of the country is entitled to exercise all the duties of citizenship, as 
 well as all the privileges of citizenship — you say in your argument 
 that these people would not want it or are not qualified to make a 
 contract with respect to their private affairs — what do you think 
 about their exercising all the tasks and duties of citizenship, being 
 subject to compulsion to fight and do anything else any other citizen 
 could, and yet it seems you would reserve their property and let the 
 Government handle it ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I challenge your statement, Mr. Wise; I do not argue 
 that the Indian is not qualified to make a contract with respect to 
 his private affairs. I do charge that they have not had the oppor- 
 tunity for the proposed exercise of economic affairs, and thus may 
 be full of temerity, and I do charge that no race of people in the 
 history of the world has ever been subject to such onslaughts upon 
 their property rights as the Indian. I would not have the Govern- 
 ment handle it. I do not want the Government to handle it. I 
 want the Government to put safeguards around it so that the Indian 
 will be entirely guarded in all of his interests against the villainous 
 rapacity of the white man. 
 
 Mr. Miller. Who would you have supervise it? 
 
 Mr. Wise. That is what I want to get at. 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2165 
 
 Mr. Miller. If you do not want the Government — I am just 
 asking for information — there may be a certain class of these men 
 who would want these rights of citizenship and want to come into 
 property rights, and you and I might know morally they would 
 not be competent to take care of it; yet there is another class who 
 have property but do not want to take care of it, as you suggest. 
 Who would you have take care of it, if the Government did not '( 
 
 Dr. Dixon. If such a thing were possible under the sun, I would 
 have a nonpartisan commission do it. The land question is at the 
 bottom of all the nefarious trickery and skinning operations prac- 
 ticed by the white man on the Indian. I would give the Indian 
 his rights, all of his rights, then protect him by safeguarding laws, 
 then let the Government supervise the law but not the property. 
 The commission referred to would execute the law. 
 
 Mr. Greene. May I ask a question, Doctor ? Plow are you going 
 to substantiate an argument in favor of any man being able to 
 exercise the duties and responsibilities of citizenship and vote this 
 country into any kind of economic policy that it may turn out the 
 majority of those votes favor, and at the same time be so incompe- 
 tent to manage his own private affairs that you put him under 
 wardship to that extent ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I object to the word "wardship." It is a sin, a 
 curse, and a shame. 
 
 Mr. Greene. I am talking about this proposition. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I understand; but the proposition is not that he. is not 
 competent to do it, but that the extortion and long-time schooling 
 of the men who have sought to rob him of what belongs to him is 
 more cunning than his cunning, and the Indian is afraid of it. The 
 alien, made a citizen, can do the very thing you, charge upon the 
 Indian. 
 
 Mr. Greene. The point is right there: You see other citizens who 
 apply and receive the citizenship, not being born to it, by that fact 
 being held responsible for their share in the participation in the 
 Government, are also held responsible for the administration of their 
 own private economies. We can not divorce them very well, as far 
 as I can see. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I am not seeking, Mr. Greene, to place the Indian under 
 any cover whatsoever that would allow him to evade any scintilla 
 of responsibility, personal, social, or political, but I think we must all 
 of us recognize — and when we do recognize we will cease parleying 
 and comparing — that there is no race of people on the face of God's 
 globe that once possessed such a patrimony as the North American 
 Indian, and then, who for centuries have been subjected to such a 
 persistent, villainous, and systematic campaign of pillage. The 
 alien whom you readily admit to citizenship has never had this 
 patrimony — the Indian once had it — now has a part of it, and you 
 prevent him from citizenship because it is urged that the part he now 
 has shall be safeguarded. The Indian never has had a chance to 
 study economics, the paucity of his understanding is a part of his 
 persecution. I do not argue that he is not competent to exercise his 
 personal rights. I do not argue that he is not competent to exercise 
 his political rights. I do not argue that he is not competent to enter 
 the economic arena. But I do argue that .so long as the white man 
 holds sway and can in any least infinitesmal way advance a claim 
 
2166 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 that the interests of the Indian will be placed in jeopardy; and, 
 therefore, let us get away from all other misconceptions and center 
 upon the one idea of robbery and protection from robbery. 
 
 Mr. Greene. How about the training he ought to have before he 
 votes you and I into some economic situation, to safeguard us against 
 his misapplied vote. That is why I am shy of the program you 
 suggest. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Then you would be shy, Mr. Greene, of 17,000 men 
 who, even though they were not citizens, braved the shellfire and 
 the hell-fire of the Hun to protect an economic framework that you 
 fear they would vote to destroy. You do not sense this fear with 
 reference to the alien or the immigrant. Further, the whole question 
 is taken care of through the educational program provided by the 
 provisions advocated later on in this argument. 
 
 Mr. Greene. T am not intimating that our friend the Indian is 
 going to be disloyal at all; I am not impugning his moral character 
 and trustworthiness. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I think I Understand your question: How are we 
 going to protect ourselves against his failure to understand the 
 economic principles of the Government under which we live ? 
 
 Mr. Greene. The point is that if he is not, by his own admission, 
 willing to manage his own affairs, notwithstanding we might be 
 willing to give him full charge — and I do not know why he does not 
 have it myself — if he is not willing to take that responsibility, how 
 just is it to other people then who are not insured in their private 
 funds to have the Indian vote whatever government he may upon 
 them ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I presume almost all of them would be willing to take 
 the oath of citizenship if they Were assured that the white man would 
 break no more treaties with them. But when you come to consider 
 that every treaty that the white man has made, since that of William 
 Penn, with the Indians has been broken, and that the Indian has 
 kept everyone of his treaties, then you will understand his conscious 
 fear, his innate dread, his not-surprising superstitition that some- 
 thing will happen to him. We are speaking now, Mr. Congressman, 
 of exceptional cases. I think that the ordinary run of Indians 
 would welcome citizenship and be glad to jump into the stream and 
 swim with his white brother. 
 
 Mr. Miller. That is all right; that answers it. And 99 out of 100 
 would do it ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Yes, sir; how is that, Mr. Bishop, would they not 
 do it? 
 
 (Thomas G. Bishop, a -Snohomish Indian, present.) 
 Mr. Bishop. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Greene. I am asking the question to find out. But I have 
 had the impression that all the years since the old troubles had passed 
 along that there had developed in the Indian families strong, sturdy 
 responsible men. I never understood why they were not admitted to 
 citizenship. That is not what is troubling me now at all. But I do 
 not quite see how you could admit any man to citizenship and at the 
 same time put his property under wardship, because if he is capable 
 of disposing of public business he ought to be capable of administering 
 his own rivate affairs. 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2167 
 
 Mr. McKbnzie. That very same point has been passed upon by our 
 courts, and it has been held not incompatible with citizenship for the 
 Government to exercise the right of supervision over his property. 
 
 Mr. Miller. That is true, but if a man is admitted to the rights of 
 citizenship, he is presumably competent to take care of his own affairs. 
 It occurs to me that the 90 and 9 of those men, as Dr. Dixon says, 
 would not only gladly take citizenship, but eagerly assume charge 
 of their own private affairs. There may be now and then an excep- 
 tion. 
 
 Mr. Wise. What would be the reason, Doctor, for your favoring a 
 commission of individuals to take charge of this property and super- 
 vise it rather than having the Government do so ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. The President would appoint this nonpartisan com- 
 mission as he appoints the Board of Indian Commissioners, and 
 my idea would be to get it out of the old-time grooves that have 
 been prosecuting and persecuting the Indian for all these years. 
 
 Mr. Wise, if the Government appointed that commission and 
 had charge of that it would really be under Government supervision. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Only so far as any officer of the Government is ap- 
 pointed to administer its laws. 
 
 Mr. Wise. I understood you to say you favored an outside com- 
 mission and taking it out of the hands of the Government altogether ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Let me say again, a nonpartisan commission, and this 
 would take it out of the Indian administration. 
 
 Mr. Miller. Most anything would be better than what we have 
 now ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Profoundly so. 
 
 Mr. Miller. And the Indian would be willing to take his chances ? 
 Dr. Dixon. Just exactly. The Indian could not be worse off than 
 he is now. 
 
 Mr. Greene. Would it come down to this, in view of Mr. Miller's 
 statement, that almost all the Indians are now ready for the un- 
 qualified exercise of citizenship, both as to voting on public affairs 
 and the administration of their own matters, and if we would have, 
 on hand only a few who dreaded to make the venture individually, 
 here and there, and not in groups of any considerable number ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. That is true. 
 
 Mr. Greene. Tnat would be about the status of it? 
 Dr. Dixon. That would be the status of it. 
 
 Mr. Greene. So that all the Government would be called upon to 
 do would be to administer the affairs of those few who did not want 
 to come in. 
 
 Mr. Miller. Administer the affairs of the few as distinguished 
 from the ninety and nine. 
 
 Mr. Greene. Then, that few ought not to have the right of citizen- 
 ship until the time would come when they are willing to take botli 
 the right of citizenship and the administration of their own affairs? 
 That would seem to be the logical conclusion of it, for it is difficult 
 for me to see — I do not w.mt to hold back the men who are willing 
 to do both — how you are to admit them to qualified citizenship. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. What are you going to do with the aliens who come 
 here, many of whom ought to be put up against a stone wall instead 
 of deported ? Why hang the destiny of a race on an assumed non- 
 qualification of a mere segment of that race ? 
 
2168 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 Mr. Greene. When any Indian admitted to citizenship administers 
 his own affairs as well as votes, I do not see how you can have half 
 responsibility in the matter. Take the Indians who are capable of 
 citizenship and who want it, to which we say "All right; come in and 
 vote, but you must come in and administer your own affaire the 
 same as other citizens." Then, it seems to me you defeat your own 
 argument by admitting that a man is competent to vote in the larger 
 administrative matters but incompetent to administer his own affairs. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Ah: But I have not said "incompetent to administer 
 his own affairs," but that perhaps he feared to do it; and his fear is 
 born of the fact that he has been illtreated for all these generations ; 
 it is inbred in him, it is in his bones and blood. 
 
 You have a little family, I hope. Suppose there were four little 
 angel tots, and the third one of the four had gotten into a dark 
 room and became frightened, and withdrew, and the other three put 
 their arms around her and petted her and kissed the tears away, and 
 finally mother came and took them all four into her heaven arms, and 
 yet ever after that, perhaps for years, that little tot is afraid of that 
 room. She did not know why, but she had seen a specter; some- 
 thing in there she did not like, which frightened her, that went 
 down through her whole life. 
 
 Mr. Greene. I am not scolding. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. You did not punsih her on account of it; you did not 
 wage any hostilities, many thousands of them against that little tot 
 because she had that fear. 
 
 Mr. Greene. Not while she was a little tot and still afraid of the 
 dark, but when I have been married and have raised a family I 
 assume responsibility for her. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Precisely so; the Government has continuously exer- 
 cised parental control and grafters have forever held before them 
 the spectre of the dark room. 
 
 Mr. Greene. These people, if they have reached the age when 
 they are qualified to vote this country into war or out of it, or to 
 take any of the great responsibilities which go with citizenship, 
 individually, and collectively, then they should have reached an age 
 when they are no longer afraid of the dark. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Is it not incumbent upon us as patriotic citizens and 
 intelligent men, in looking over the scope of great national affairs, 
 as you men do, to say, "Here are 17,000 men, all of whom are not 
 citizens of the United States in the true sense, many of whom are 
 wards of the Government, who have risked their lives for a flag — 
 not their flag — can we not give them anything and everything that 
 belongs to them without a reservation ? 
 
 Mr. Greene. I am not debating your main point at all; I am not 
 debating whether or not individual Indians have not arrived at the 
 point when they ought to be given full and free citizenship. I am 
 only questioning whether you can give a man citizenship so qualified 
 that he can vote the Nation into anything he wants, but not give 
 him the right to manage his own affairs. 
 
 Dr. Dixon.. There are not enough Indians in the category you 
 describe to cause them to be a menace to our institutions, and I 
 think you are giving too great prominence to that one feature. 
 
 Mr. Greene. The numbers do not disturb the principle. There 
 are not enough aliens entering our domain at one time to make much 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 216.9 
 
 difference to the country, but you keep on permitting their entry 
 and you ultimately find yourself just where we are now. We who 
 are born expectant to right of citizenship are not allowed to exercise 
 it until we are held capable in the law to be competent of exercising 
 the same right in respect of our own property. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. If you will just let me move on to that point, because 
 I want to get that before you. 
 
 The Chairman. Dr. Dixon proceed. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Let me mount the rungs of the ladder a little higher 
 out of this ' 'carnage grim," this god of war strides to another table- 
 land of honor and sublimity. 
 
 The composite regiment of the First Division, called "Pershing's 
 Own," contains seven North American Indians, representing the fol- 
 lowing tribes: Sioux, Sac, Fox, Mission, Choctaw, Chippewa, Chero- 
 kee, and Chickasaw. This regiment was drawn from six Army 
 divisions, two companies from each division. They were selected 
 for their appearance, their size, for their wound stripes and valor in 
 battle. 
 
 One Indian came from the Third Division, three from the Fourth 
 Division, one from the First Division, one from the Fifth Division, 
 and one from the Sixth Division. They all wear wound stripes, they 
 have all been cited, and wear the French regimental fourragere. 
 
 On the 14th of July these Indians shared the acclaim of Paris as 
 the gallant heroes of the Old First, joined in the celebration of Bastile 
 Day. They were led in this historic march by Gen. Pershing, their 
 trusted commander. 
 
 In London where the world metropolis celebrated her Peace Day, 
 with Gen. Pershing at their head, representatives of seven tribes 
 received the salutes of King George IV. 
 
 And now, when the expeditionary forces crossed the seas for the 
 homeland and the memorable Old First swept under the arch of 
 victory in the greatest city of the New World, the victorious leader 
 of the American Expeditionary Forces in France faced the unparal- 
 leled plaudits of an ovation unmatched in the annals of the Nation's 
 welcome to her returning heroes. And as he rode on, the march of 
 the composite regiment, "Pershing's Own," became the cynosure of 
 millions of eyes. 
 
 Seven Indians tramped with the finely skilled host at arms. Seven 
 Indians carried glistening bayonets in that September sunlight. Un- 
 der battle-battered helmets peered the eyes of seven redskins, and the 
 composite regiment was given by the people a medal of honor be- 
 cause out of five divisions, seven red men from the plains of the 
 West had been chosen to keep step with the glittering and heroic host. 
 
 Last of all, at the Nation's capital, down the historic avenue where 
 at the close of the greatest civil struggle then known to history, the 
 veterans of the Republic marched in final review under the eye of 
 Grant, the hero of Appomattox, on a mid-September day, soft with 
 the crimsoning touch of autumn, this same exalted First Division, 
 before the eyes of the chiefs of the Nation, led by their intrepid com- 
 mander, passed in review. 
 
 Six Indians in the historic Eighteenth Infantry, Gen. Sherman's 
 old regiment as he marched to the sea, and the seven Indians in ' ' Per- 
 shing's Own" proudly faced Capitol Dome, stalwart statues of bronze 
 reared to men of renown, and the far-reaching pinnacle of the Wash- 
 
2170 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 ington Monument. They came as heroes, battle-scarred, from the 
 far fields of shell-torn France. They came as the saviors of the lib- 
 erty of the world. Their wound stripes and militant decorations 
 bore mute witness of their conquering and unconquerable valor. 
 They came under the folds of the flag — to them a badge of authority, 
 and not a symbol of liberty — the red in its stripes dyed a deeper 
 crimson by the flowing of their own blood. 
 
 Every man who marched beside them could call that flag his very 
 own, not so the Indian, he did not march as a citizen of the United 
 States, though the first American. On he tramped, on by the re- 
 viewing stand, on by the White House, on out Pennsylvania Avenue, 
 then — then lost on the wild and wide plains of the great West. 
 
 Gen. Pershing, who prizes the Indian as a fighter and feels pro- 
 foundly that the Indian should be given his "life, liberty, and the 
 pursuit of happiness," has not only marched a victor across the 
 battlefields of Europe, but in a noble way the Congress of the United 
 States has opened its gates, and as he modestly forged his way along 
 these aisles, and bared his head for the laurels so greatly won and so 
 righteously given. 
 
 I pray you, open again your doors and bid the great commander 
 to come for a second welcome, this time leading the Indians in "Per- 
 shing's Own," all Indians, all the Indians of the 189 tribes, and as 
 they follow — hitherto downtrodden and oppressed — say to them: 
 "Heroes of France, and because you are self-sacrificing and undying 
 heroes, lift up your heads both for yourselves and your race, and 
 receive, not the gilded cord of the fourragere of France, receive from 
 a grateful and repentant nation the laurel wreath of citizenship. 
 
 Mr. Greene. In the very same column marched with them through 
 the pagentry any number of American native-born whites, boys not 
 2], and who themselves were not citizens. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. But they would have been citizens if 21. The Indian 
 did not have this to look forward to, and even up to this hour he is 
 deprived of the privilege, and life was as dear to the Indian as it was 
 to any other man in the ranks. May it not be said just here that 
 these men were not incompetent to fight, not incompetent to stand 
 muster against the hardest competition which was imposed upon this 
 composite regiment when organized, and therefore would we not be 
 wise to dismiss the question of incompetency with reference to 
 economics and put into righteous action the obligation we owe by 
 giving the Indian citizenship ? 
 
 Mr. Greene. And when they (the Indians) became 21 they were 
 held to be able not only to exercise the right of citizenship through 
 vote on national finance but of their own. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. If you could hear the Indians talk as J have heard 
 them in the camps and hospitals and on the reservations you would 
 think they had gone through a course of economics. 
 
 Mr. Greene. I say when you find an individual Indian who is 
 competent to exercise citizenship and who wants to exercise citizen- 
 ship through his vote, and he is willing to take the custody of his 
 own property, I do not see any objection to his becoming a citizen. 
 The only point I am stressing is, how are you going to justify such 
 qualified citizenship as well as let those who do not want to assume the 
 responsibility for their private fortunes and yet to assume responsi- 
 bility for mine and all of my neighbors? 
 
AEMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2171 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I think, Mr. Congressman, I would care very little for 
 those who do not have any desire to assume responsibility and 
 give it to the whole mass of them. 
 
 Mr. Miller. The 90 and 9 want it. 
 
 Mr. Greene. I would give it to the 90 and 9 and. give it to the 
 
 ° ^ Mr S Miller . We ought to give it first to the 90 and 9 and then deal 
 with the remnant. 
 
 Mr. Greene. That is another proposition. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I must not delay this hearing with further testimony. 
 But it is imperative that we heed the call coming from these officers, 
 together with hundreds of others whose testimony I am not able to 
 give you on account of lack of time, that we arouse ourselves to 
 a just conception of the opportunity, privilege, and the duty that 
 to-day confronts us. The story as I have related it to you is suffi- 
 ciently long for you to grasp the tenor of the entire situation, and 
 like the tread of armies, the argument presses upon us that we should 
 heed the cry of wisdom, the cry of national honor, the cry of national 
 necessity, the preponderating and all-compelling cry of justice and 
 fair play to a race of people who have blood-redeemed the entire 
 Indian Nation. 
 
 I come to you, therefore, to-day, gentlemen of the Military Com- 
 mittee of the 'House of Representatives, with the plea for the Worth 
 American Indian. Notwithstanding the urgency of the plea m 1917 
 that the Indian be given a distinct place m the great World War-— a 
 plea that was denied him, yet the Indian by many thousands went 
 across the seas and made a distinct place for himself m the war. I now 
 come seeking your favor to incorporate in the bill that you are to in- 
 troduce for the reorganization of the new standing Army of the United 
 States, some points that I may give you regarding the man power of 
 the United States, and the necessity of incorporating an Indian divi- 
 sion or divisions in the Regular Organization of the United States 
 troops. ,'. . .. 
 
 In the presentation now to be urged, the question will arise m 
 your minds: What have Indian schools and Indian lands to do with 
 an Army bill? Just this: If the Indian is to be a soldier he must be 
 trained, and while being trained the inviolability of his lands must 
 be maintained. I beg of you, therefore, to hear me through, because 
 the provisions are vital. 
 
 To utilize the man power of the United States by organizing one 
 or more full divisions of Indian troops as part of the military forces 
 of the United States, to be known as the North American Indian 
 division or divisions. To provide for the establishment of permanent 
 regimental or battalion headquarters on or near important Indian 
 reservations. To establish and maintain a system of schools on or 
 near the several Indian reservations for the purpose of fitting Indian 
 youth for a military career and their duties of citizenship. 1 he es- 
 tablishment of a higher school for the purpose of instructing Indian 
 soldiers as to the duties of noncommissioned officers, to be known as 
 the Indian West Point. To provide by law for the entrance ot 
 Indian noncommissioned officers into the regular officers schools now 
 and which may be hereafter established . To declare all lands allotted 
 or not already allotted on every Indian reservation to be inalienable 
 for a period of 21 years. To declare all Indians of one-eighth or 
 more blood, who shall have reached the age of 21 years, or who shall 
 
2172 
 
 AEMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 have taken the prescribed oath of a regular soldier of the United 
 States, to be a full citizen of the United States. That on and after 
 the year 1929 every Indian youth who shall have been educated in 
 and graduated from the reservation schools now established or to be 
 established, or in any of the public schools maintained by any of the 
 States of the United States, shall be declared a full citizen of the 
 United States, upon reaching the age of 21 years, the test being that 
 the Indian shall be able to read and write the English language. 
 
 Sec. 1. Beit enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of 
 America in Congress assembled, That in order to conserve and utilize a large element of 
 the man power of the United States, now wasted, that two or more full divisions of 
 Indian soldiers be recruited and equipped and maintained at all times on a war 
 footing, and made an integral part of the military forces of the United States, to be 
 known as the First and Second North American Indian Division. 
 
 EXPLANATION. 
 
 The operation of the draft and the organization of the army of 
 workers necessary to back up our armies in the field show the absolute 
 necessity of conserving the man power of the Nation — to stop all 
 wastage as far as possible — and now in peace times there will be a 
 great shortage of labor on the farm and in the mines and factories. 
 In other years the employers could confidently depend upon a large 
 and constant stream of immigration to supply the growing demand. 
 The havoc and devastation in all European countries will probably 
 put an end to any large immigration for many years to come. 
 
 Then the opposition to keeping a large standing Regular Army 
 will come not only from the unthinking small taxpayers, but also 
 from the operators of large industries — large taxpayers — who will 
 insist that they need the men who would otherwise enlist in the 
 Army. 
 
 There is a large human waste in this country, and it is the purpose 
 of this bill to utilize a large element of this waste, and in doing so 
 confer a boon on the race of people who possess every trait of character 
 for the making of fine soldiers. We have a chance to right by one 
 act a century of wrongs heaped upon a defenseless people. 
 
 It is proposed to make a part of our Regular Military Establishment 
 at least two full divisions of North American Indian troops on a 
 war footing — fit to fight at a moment's notice. The act will provide a 
 career for 54,000 men who are classed by prevailing public opinion 
 to be lazy, shiftless, ignorant, and uncivilized. There are within 
 the boundaries of the United States about 320,000 North American 
 Indians; 75,000 of these Indians are between 18 and 45 years of age. 
 The recruitment of 54,000 Indians into the military service would 
 displace that number of white men who are badly needed on the farm 
 and in the mines and factories. That is the very important but not 
 the only economic question involved. For many years the Federal 
 Indian Bureau has been operated at great expense to the Nation, 
 and while many tribes have actually or theoretically large sums of 
 money to their credit in the hands of the Treasurer of the United 
 States, still it is undeniable that every effort to make agriculturists 
 out of the Indians has been a failure, many of the reservation Indians 
 have to be fed and clothed each year, the cost being paid by money 
 they have not earned. 
 
AEMY REORGANIZATION'. 
 
 2173 
 
 The North American Indian is a natural soldier hy inheritance. 
 He is brave, intrepid. He is a true friend and a fierce hater. He is 
 loyal and obedient to authority. He is truthful and dependable. 
 The laziest lounger on a reservation can be transformed in a minute 
 to undertake a ride or a tramp of many miles in the hottest or coldest 
 weather. He can endure physical exertion that would put a trained 
 athlete to shame. 
 
 Now what does this apparent paradox mean? Just this — that 
 when an Indian is interested he becomes keen-witted and entirely 
 capable. He is a warrior by tradition. This act will open for him a 
 career. The Indian resists all efforts to mold him into a farmer, 
 a common laborer, or a wage earner. He possesses mechanical 
 ingenuity and will use it to accomplish a thing, but he will not use 
 it to earn a wage. 
 
 Sec. 2. The First Division shall consist of two brigades of Infantry, each to consist 
 of two regiments of Infantry and two regiments of Artillery, together with the necessary 
 battalions of Engineers arid machine gunners, trench bomb throwers, Hospital and 
 Signal Corps, aviation and military police corps, a squadron of mounted Indian 
 scouts, and such other necessary units as go to make up a mobile Infantry division 
 readv for war. 
 
 EXPLANATION. 
 
 Originally all the North American Indians hunted and made war 
 on foot. After the Spaniards came, the type of Indian ponies was 
 evolved, and the plains Indians — the buffalo hunters — became horse- 
 men. ' The eastern Indians or wood Indians, never became mounted 
 warriors, but did their fighting on foot. Therefore it is entirely 
 practical to use the Indian either as a foot or mounted soldier. Cer- 
 tain tribes like the Cheyennes, Comanehes, Arapahoes, and Pawnees 
 seem to have known the horse sooner than the Sioux, Apaches, and 
 Navajoes, and as artillerists, machine gunners, scouts, in air service, 
 Navv, submarine, signal corps, engineering, infantry— indeed, every 
 branch of the service they have been found efficient. 
 
 Sec 3. The Second Division shall consist of two brigades of Cavalry, each to consist 
 of three regiments of Cavalry, and one regiment of Light Artillery, and such other 
 necessary battalions and units as go to make a mobile Cavalry division. 
 
 EXPLANATION. 
 
 It would be easy to recruit six regiments of splendid rough riders. 
 Mexico has been justly esteemed by a great statesman as constituting 
 our own Balkan question. 
 
 There are 1,400 miles of border line to be protected, many miles 
 of which traverse a desolate desert. In the Imperial Valley there are 
 hundreds of millions of irrigation interests. To do this work no 
 other troops would prove as efficient. It would seem good policy, 
 as well as economy, to mount such troops in the Regular Army. 
 
 The broncho and the cayuse Indian ponies are hardy, possess 
 speed and great endurance; they can go days with little or no water, 
 and can subsist by browsing cactus and other desert vegetation that a 
 regular cavalry horse will not touch. 
 
 These ponies can be raised and bought for less than $50 per head, 
 while a standard Cavalry horse can not be purchased for less than 
 $125 The Indian pony would be more serviceable than the regular 
 
2174 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 Cavalry horse, and would be a distinctive mount for a distinctive 
 arm of the Regular service. 
 
 The northern Indian would prove as useful in Alaska or the Phil- 
 ippines as in the United States. He is inured to cold and the blizzard 
 as he is to the heat of the desert, or the Tropics. In other words he is 
 an all-around good soldier. 
 
 Sec. 4. That every male Indian living within the boundaries of the United States, 
 having one-eighth or more Indian blood in his veins, and who has reached the age of 
 18 years, and who has passed a physical examination made by authorized med- 
 ical examiners and recruiting officers of the United States, shall be eligible to 
 enlist and become a part of the various units of the North American Indian divisions. 
 
 Sec. 5. That Indian soldiers now serving in the armies of the United States may be 
 transferred at their own request to the North American Indian division, and Indian 
 soldiers who have served enlistments in the armies of the United States, or any body 
 of the National Guard of the various States, and who have been honorably discharged 
 therefrom, upon reenlistment shall be received into the North American Indian 
 division, and as a recognition of their services they shall be given promotion of at least 
 one grade, as noncommissioned officers, and upon qualifying may be given promotion 
 as regular commissioned officers, it being the purpose of this act to make the North 
 American Indian division a distinctive Indian military organization as far as the per- 
 sonnel of the private and noncommissioned officers are concerned, and as far as pos- 
 sible the commissioned officers: Provided,^ That in no case is the standard set by the 
 United States Army for the efficiency of its officers to be set aside. 
 
 EXPLANATION. 
 
 One of the greatest obstacles to the creation of a separate corps of 
 Indian troops is happily removed by the fact that there have been 
 serving in our armies something like 17,000 Indian soldiers. Some 
 of these Indians held commissions, some were noncommissioned 
 officers, and the remainder were thoroughly trained, and are now 
 veterans by reason of battles and service. There can bo no doubt 
 but that a very large number of these Indian soldiers are qualified to 
 fill the positions of noncommissioned officers, and quite a number 
 will be qualified to serve as lieutenants, and even higher rank. 
 
 As the Indian would enter the new service as a life career, it would 
 take only a few years of proper education to provide a large group of 
 young Indians who would be qualified to hold all noncommissioned 
 ranks, and in time all grades up to that of major could be filled by 
 men of Indian blood. Meanwhile the Indian Corps would furnish 
 the opportunity of utilizing a great number of white commissioned 
 officers. A lesson taught by the Great War is that the country can 
 not have too many educated and experienced officers. 
 
 Sec. 6. There shall be established on or near the larger Indian reservations, and 
 at other places near large Indian populations, permanent regimental or battalion 
 headquarters, where a regular depot company or battalion will be maintained for the 
 purpose of recruitment and training of Indian soldiers, it being the purpose to keep 
 the ranks of all the units of the North American Indian divisions filled by replacements 
 from the depot companies or battalions. The permanent regimental or battalion 
 headquarters of the Cavalry and Artillery units of the North American Indian division 
 shall be located on or near the large Indian reservations, and equipped as remount 
 stations, where pasture is plenty and where feed for the animals can be purchased 
 from the surrounding farms. 
 
 EXPLANATION. 
 
 While as a general proposition all Indian reservations should be 
 abolished, yet if the Indian is to treated as in the past it would be 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2175 
 
 the best policy to keep inviolate the treaties, giving the Indian the 
 lands embraced in the boundaries of the several reservations and help 
 to protect and make more valuable the last heritage of the Red Man, 
 his tribal lands and his individual allotments. 
 
 By making permanent regimental or battalion headquarters and 
 locating them on or adjacent to the larger reservations and centers 
 of Indian population, it would serve a very laudable purpose and at 
 the same time prove a real economy. 
 
 The recruits for all the units of the Indian divisions must come 
 from the Indian population. When the proper schools are estab- 
 lished and the Indian boy will graduate from his school right into 
 the service of the United States. Therefore, the cost of recruitment 
 is entirely eliminated. The older Indians can be encouraged to raise 
 horses and mules for the United States service, and these head- 
 quarters can be made ideal remount stations. The raising of grain, 
 hay, and feed crops — a local market — will encourage agriculture both 
 on and off the reservations. Battalions and even regiments can be 
 sent for service to Hawaii, the Philippines, or to Alaska, while the 
 headquarters battalions or companies will be constantly receiving 
 recruits and training them for replacements. 
 
 There will probably be opposition to the idea of recruiting a com- 
 pany, or an entire battalion, from one reservation, but a study of 
 human gregariousness will show that a unit of men coming from one 
 town or State will develop a certain esprit de corps that a mixed 
 command will not show. The glory of Wellington and Napoleon is 
 entwined with the names of certain regiments and units that have 
 added luster to it. Therefore, a battalion or company of Sioux, of 
 Seminoles, or Apaches will make better soldiers than if the indi- 
 viduals are scattered among men of many tribes. 
 
 The general public has no idea of the cost of recruiting for the 
 Regular Army in times of peace. It does not understand how diffi- 
 cult it is to obtain good soldiers, or the number of desertions that 
 annually deplete the Army. 
 
 The establishment of permanent regimental or battalion head- 
 quarters will operate for the Indian troops at least as a great saving 
 in cost of recruitment, desertions will be practically unknown, and, 
 as it will be a military career, a very large per cent of the soldiers 
 will reenlist until superannuated by law. In this connection it must 
 be observed that a healthy vigorous Indian of 50 years is as fit to 
 make a campaign as a white man of 30. In the Indian wars the old 
 chiefs partook of every hardship that the young warrior did, and 
 was, if anything, a formidable fighter. Therefore, the Indian soldier 
 would be the most economic element in our Regular Army. 
 
 Now, the next step is in answer, Mr. Wise, to your question, and 
 it is vitally important. 
 
 Sec. 7. There shall be established and maintained a system of graded schools on 
 the several Indian reservations for the purpose of educating and fitting Indian youth 
 for^a military career and the duties of citizenship. It shall be compulsory for all 
 Indian children between the ages of 8 and 18 to attend these schools. The sessions 
 of these schools shall be continuous, except in the severe winter months, when 
 storms and blizzards make it hazardous to the lives of pupils and teachers. A 
 common-sense curriculum of studies shall be adopted and physical training made 
 a regular part of the school system. While the main object of these schools shall be 
 the opening of a militarv career to the Indian boys of the several reservations, it is 
 
2176 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 provided that the pupils be given every chance and every encouragement to develop 
 along agricultural, mechanical, and industrial lines. The standard for the military 
 career shall be the reading and writing of the English language and physical fitness. 
 
 EXPLANATION. 
 
 The reservation schools as now conducted do not spell success in 
 any way. Up to the present time the Indian parents as a rule send 
 their children to school with extreme reluctance. Take the Crow 
 Reservation, for example. There was in 1917 a total of 461 chil- 
 dren of school age and the number attending the school was 157. 
 
 In the Osage Nation the children of school age in 1917 numbered 
 913. The attendance of the reservation school was 151. But as 
 the Osage Nation is a county of the State of Oklahoma, which has a 
 compulsory educational law, 765 of the children attended the county 
 graded schools, a total of 916; the three overplus children may 
 have been Pawnee Indian children. So it seems that in order to carry 
 out the purpose of this act, several district graded schools should 
 be established in the Crow Reservation and other reservations, and 
 all Indian children be compelled to attend. The adult Indians will 
 be quick to respond to the idea of a military career for their boys, 
 and a 10-year old boy will require no urging, for his interest will be 
 awakened with the opportunity to become a big warrior. Up to 
 now schooling has meant the endeavor to make a boy a squaw man — 
 to try to induce him to work on a farm or to do other work. Most 
 Indians understand English, but nearly all full bloods pretend not 
 to understand. All this is changed when an officer appears for the 
 purpose of recruiting a force of Indian scouts for some campaign. 
 A white officer has no difficulty in making his orders understood. 
 Any officer who has served in the Indian campaigns will bear out 
 this statement. So when it is known that an Indian boy must 
 learn to read, write, and speak English in order to become a soldier, 
 and especially to become a little chief, or noncommissioned officer, 
 he will study and learn in school. 
 
 Were it not for the very considerable number of Indians now in the 
 military and naval service of the United States, and the several hun- 
 dred in the Canadian regiments of the British Army, many of whom 
 will reenlist in the various units of the. North American Indian Divi- 
 sion, the task of molding the reservation Indians into highly trained 
 troops would be herculean. The per cent of white illiterates among 
 the present generation, men within the draft age, is very great. The 
 present system of reservation schools is, and always will bo a failure. 
 The modern soldier not only must be able to understand the language 
 of his officers but also must be able to read written orders. The 
 Indian child can learn to do all of this if given the proper instruction. 
 Therefore, it is essential to provide graded schools at convenient 
 places on all the reservations. Compulsory education is so generally 
 in vogue in the several States of our Union that it is but fair to the 
 Indian child that the parents be compelled to send their children to 
 the schools to be established, and it is necessary to provide a sensible 
 and practical course of study. While a military career will be the 
 popular ambition of the Indian boys, many will, for various reasons, 
 want to go into other callings and the girls should also be given a 
 
AEMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2177 
 
 chance to be placed on an educational equality with their brothers, 
 and future mates. 
 
 At the thirteenth annual convention of the National Collegiate 
 Convention, held in New York December 28, 1918, at which most of 
 the colleges of the country were represented, it was determined that 
 one of the big lessons to be learned from the war was that in the days 
 to come athletics in college will be for the majority, and not for the 
 few specialized champions. 
 
 Dr. Raycroft said that when the armistice was declared plans were 
 under way to make the Student's Army Training Corps a permanent 
 part of the Army. He told of how the intensive training had de- 
 veloped raw recruits into smart, alert soldiers. He advocated making 
 hysical education a part of the scholastic program, hygiene being 
 rst, then disciplinary drill and competitive athletics to harden their 
 bodies. 
 
 Dr. T. A. Story, New York State inspector of physical training, 
 ^strongly proposed that the association recommend to President 
 Wilson and the Government the necessity for establishment of a 
 national bureau for physical training to supervise athletics in schools 
 and colleges. He argued that this step was imperative in view of 
 the many rejections of men called in the draft because of physical 
 disability. 
 
 The manhood of the Nation must be built up. It is therefore pro- 
 posed that in Indian schools the girls and boys, especially the boys, 
 shall be compelled to practice all forms of vigorous herculcs, just as 
 the Greeks did in the years the material for Alexander's all-con- 
 quering soldiers were in the making. 
 
 So the Indian school, rightfully conducted, is not only a necessary 
 factor to the provisions of this man power bill, but also for every 
 enterprise that calls for active skilled men to "carry on." 
 
 When an Indian boy learns to write, you may be sure he writes a 
 good legible hand. Indian children learn drawing easily, and every 
 Indian boy has mechanical ability. Therefore, it is likely that in the 
 coming generations Indian boys will want to complete their educa- 
 tion in some of the best technical schools in the land. With a strong 
 healthy body, and a mind stored with the learned fundamental prin- 
 ciples of an education, the Indian boy can not fail to be a useful 
 citizen, even if he chooses some other calling than a soldier. Still, 
 because a proper education is essential for him to make a good 
 soldier in the modern sense, the establishing of proper schools is 
 really a part of the general scheme to utilize the Indian man power 
 now going to waste, as well as to perform the national duty of fitting 
 all conditions and races of men in- the United States for citizenship. 
 
 Sec. 8. There shall be established a higher school to be known as the Indian West 
 Point. Any Indian soldier who shall have the permission of his company command- 
 ing officer shall be eligible to become a student of this school. The purpose of the 
 school shall be to fit any soldier for the duties of a noncommissioned officer in the 
 North American Indian Division. All specialized and mechanical branches neces- 
 sary to an army will be taught. Higher mathematics to fit the soldier to be a non- 
 commissioned officer in the quartermaster, ordnance, and artillery departments, 
 Signal Service, Hospital Corps, Aero Service, veterinary and all other branches re- 
 quiring skill. Any Indian boy who has graduated from an Indian reservation school, 
 and who has shown great aptitude for some special subject connected with the Army 
 can become a student in the Indian West Point, upon his enlisting as a private, and 
 securing the permission of the recruiting officer. 
 
2178 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 Indian boys who have graduated from a public school having eight grades, of any 
 State in the United States, can become a student of the Indian West Point by enlisting 
 as a private and securing the permission of the recruiting officer. 
 
 EXPLANATION. 
 
 There should be established a higher school for the purpose of pre- 
 paring the Indian soldier for the higher technical duties of a non- 
 commissioned officer. He should be given special instruction in 
 bookkeeping and accounts, map drawing, mathematics, for every 
 kind of service. A military high school, or as it may be called, the 
 Indian West Point. There is an abandoned school site with plenty 
 of grounds and buildings. It was known as the Chillocho School, 
 and there are probably other abandoned Indian schools still belong- 
 ing to the Government which would be ideal for this school. 
 
 Sec. 9. Any noncommissioned officer of the North American Indian Divisions who 
 has served one full enlistment can make application to attend any of the officers' 
 schools now established, or which may be established by the United States, provided^ 
 that he obtain the permission of his battalion commander. A noncommissioned 
 officer of the North American Indian Division, who obtains an officer's commission 
 after the examination prescribed by the United States, shall be assigned as any other 
 officer of the United States, of same grade, and can be assigned to any regiment or 
 unit of the United States Army where his services are best needed. 
 
 EXPLANATION. 
 
 An opportunity should be given every Indian soldier to be pro- 
 moted to the highest military rank, provided he has the mental 
 and soldierly qualities. Tfiere are those who believe that every 
 soldier in the Army of the Republic should enter the service as a pri- 
 vate, and that schools like West Point should be a means to furnish spe- 
 cialized education for the men who have already shown the qualities 
 for command. By assuring the opportunity for promotion, it is 
 possible, and even probable, that some day a general of Indian blood 
 will be on the Army roster. During the Civil War Gen. Green 
 McCurtain, a full-blood Choctaw, served with distinction in the 
 Confederate forces. Gen. John Ross, a Cherokee, commanded a 
 brigade in the Federal Army, and Gen. John Morgan, a full-blood 
 Iroquois, was a brigade commander, serving on Gen. Grant's staff, 
 and wrote the terms of surrender at Appomattox, and thus the roster 
 might be lengthened. 
 
 By the operation of National and State laws investing the Indian 
 with citizenship, it is by no means improbable that young men of 
 Indian blood will enter West Point, and upon graduation be com- 
 missioned as officers and placed in the regular line of promotion. 
 But it is to give all Indian males a military career, and especially 
 those born on the several reservations where the educational advan- 
 tages can not hope to be equal to those of densely populated sections, 
 that it seems necessary to provide a permissive law that any soldier 
 of the Indian divisions should be allowed to attend the regular 
 officers' schools maintained by the Army for white soldiers seeking 
 commissions. 
 
 Sec. 10. To further the purposes of this act, it is declared that on and after the date 
 of the passage of this act, that all lands allotted or unallotted, within the boundaries 
 of all Indian reservations, shall be inalienable for a period of 21 years. It is provided, 
 however, that the tribes of Indians owning the unallotted lands of the several Indian 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION-. 
 
 2179 
 
 reservations can lease the same for grazing, agriculture, mining, or lumbering, by and 
 with the consent of the Board of Indian Commissioners, and all Indians having allot- 
 ments within the several Indian reservations can lease their allotments for agriculture 
 or mineral development, for cash, or named improvement rental by and with the 
 consent of the Board of Indian Commissioners. 
 
 Unless the Indian soldier is assured that his property rights are 
 rigidly guarded by the Government he serves, an Indian army might 
 be a menace to the country instead of a protection. 
 
 The history of all Indian treaties has been the same; fair words and 
 broken promises. Nearly every treaty has promised the Indian that 
 in exchange for the relinquishment of title to great tracts of land they 
 would be given undisputed title and possession to certain lands and 
 would be protected in their rights so long as "water runs and grass 
 grows." Then, almost at once, their holdings are besieged by land- 
 hungry white men; the professional land grafter begins his work; 
 States that owe their very existence to ceded lands of the Indian set 
 up a clamor that the continuance of the Indian reservation retards 
 the development of the State. 
 
 Land hunger is a mental obsession. The desire to possess other 
 people's property is not new. The horde of frontiersmen have moved 
 resistlessly on until to-day there is no frontier in the United States — 
 none but public lands and the Indian reservations remain to be 
 squatted on and seized. 
 
 That land hunger is an obsession can be easily seen when the method 
 of settlement of lands is analyzed. Indian reservations are, as a 
 rule, surrounded by millions of acres of precisely the same lands 
 owned by the Government or as school and public lands by the 
 States. These lands are offered to the settlers at low prices and on 
 long terms. Much of them can still be homesteaded, yet it is the 
 Indian land that attracts, and hardly a session of Congress is held 
 that does not act upon some measures introduced to take from the 
 Indian huge slices of their lands. Ingenious protests are urged, but 
 the result is the same — to make a scrap of paper out of a solemn 
 treaty. 
 
 Nor does this obsession show in individuals alone. Corporations 
 seek to obtain rights of exploitation on reservations where timber is 
 known to stand, where pasturage is known to exist, and where min- 
 erals are suspected to be found. A bill introduced in a recent Con- 
 gress asked to allow the right to explore and exploit certain Indian 
 reservations which consist of dreary wastes and desert lands. There 
 are millions of acres of desert surrounding these reservations, but the 
 forbidden land seems to be a hidden mine of precious metals. This 
 is not an overdrawn theory; it is a condition, and because it plays an 
 
 reservation lands be inalienable for a period of 21 years. 
 
 The reason 21 years is named is that all Indian children now living 
 will have come under the operation of the new Indian schools and 
 will become of lawful age by that time. It is expected that under the 
 impetus of the desire for education that the product of the schools 
 will be qualified to handle their own property. 
 140432— 20— pt 43 4 
 
 EXPLANATION. 
 
 important part in this 
 
 bill it should provide that all 
 
2180 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 A large percentage of the Indians — adults and minors — now living 
 on reservations, have already received their individual allotments, the 
 remaining lands still being held in common by the tribes. During a 
 period of 21 years with its annualincreaseof newlybornwillbe allotted 
 until the last acre of tribal lands will become individual holdings. 
 During that period the older Indians will die off, and their children, 
 many of them soldiers of the Indian divisions, will inherit the lands of 
 their parents in due process of law, so that when the soldiers become 
 superannuated or retired for any reason they will find themselves in 
 comfortable circumstances, and their military education and training 
 will make them well able to handle their estates personally or to live 
 off the income. These Indian estates will then not be an obstacle to 
 the development of the State in which the reservation is situated, but 
 will lead in the march of progress. 
 
 It is a well recognized phenomenon that nature in some mysterious 
 way keeps up the parity of sexes. In response to the killing and 
 maiming of men in times of war, the percentage of male births 
 increases, and within a few years the parity of the two sexes is reestab- 
 lished. The withdrawal of such a large part of the young Indian 
 manhood, to fill the ranks of the Indian Divisions will undoubtedly 
 meet the certain response of nature, and in future years the quantity 
 and quality of the Indians who will make up the Indian units of the 
 divisions will be higher and better. 
 
 But to allow the best results, the Indians at home and in the Army 
 must not be pauperized; they must be protected by a law which will 
 take their lands entirely out of the market, and beyond the unholy 
 lust of the landsharks. Those who have had the opportunity of 
 talking with the leading men of various tribes are always struck by 
 the complaint of broken treaties coupled by the almost child-like 
 confidence that the last treaty would be observed by the Government. 
 Where then is the supposed revengefulness of the Indian ? We know 
 from a white man's point of view that even a worm will turn, so it 
 appears that an Indian will be a better soldier, a better citizen, a 
 higher type of man if his trust is not betrayed, if he be protected in 
 his property and not be swindled out of it. 
 
 It will appear to be improper to weigh down this bill by full pro- 
 tective clauses, but it is germain to this measure that all Indian 
 reservation lands be declared inalienable. 
 
 Sec. 11. All Indians of one-eighth or more blood and who shall have reached the age 
 of twenty-one (21) years, and shall have taken the prescribed oath of a regular soldier 
 of the United States, shall be and is hereby declared a full citizen of the United States. 
 
 EXPLANATION. 
 
 As a matter of right, justice and fair play, all Indians born within 
 the United States are entitled to be American citizens. That this 
 right has been withheld from him has been due to several reasons. 
 All the general treaties made between the white man and the red man 
 promised that all Indians were to be given full opportunities for an 
 education, and that they be invested with American citizenship. All 
 of these treaties have proven to be "scraps of paper." It is true that 
 there have been desultory attempts at education; isolated schools 
 have been established, but the Government has evaded its full duty 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2181 
 
 by turning over its educational matters to various religious sects, and 
 societies, and thus lost all interest in the matter. 
 
 Where the Indian population is large, the Government nor its 
 delegates have ever attempted to establish local schools, placing 
 them within reach of small children to attend. Therefore it is not to 
 be wondered at that the present day Indians are unlettered and so 
 many of them can not speak the English language. A further 
 misdirected policy of the Government is to be found in the attempt to 
 do the impossible; viz., to make a white man out of the Indian. 
 Citizenship has also been denied the Indian because to hold the 
 Indian in ignorance furnishes more ample opportunity to impose 
 upon him. 
 
 Indians have fought beside the white man in every war waged on 
 this continent. In the Civil War the members of the Five Civilized 
 Tribes furnished organized troops to both sides of the conflict. The 
 Cherokees furnished several regiments, and at least one Indian became 
 a brigadier general, and several commanded regiments in the Union 
 Armies. The Choctaws and Chickasaws furnished soldiers to the 
 Confederates, and at least one Choctaw received a commission as 
 brigadier general; and we must not forget Gen. Morgan and Col. 
 Parker of Gen. Grant's staff. 
 
 When the present great World War was started, and even before 
 our country had entered the conflict, many of the Northwestern 
 Indians crossed the Canadian boundary and enlisted in the Canadian 
 regiments, and even before our declaration of war many Indians 
 enlisted in our Navy, in the marines, and in the Army. 
 
 These men deserve the good-will of their country, and it ought to 
 be a pleasure to declare them all citizens of the country they have 
 fought for. 
 
 When the draft was adopted, a large number of Indians, together 
 with men of foreign birth, were willingly caught in the dragnet, and 
 then it became a problem just what to do with men who could not 
 understand the language of command, and who could not read the 
 words of written orders. Schools were hastily formed, and after 
 much delay most of the men were filtered into the actual fighting 
 units. This problem of illiteracy was handled as well as the emer- 
 gency warranted, but there is no doubt but that some laws will be 
 enacted compelling foreigners to learn the language of this country. 
 And this applies particularly to the reservation Indian. 
 
 Illiteracy is a menace to the country, and section 12 of this bill is 
 supplementary to section 7, and opens a way to produce a large 
 number of educated soldiers and citizens, in the place of a mass of 
 nature-born people who are occupying the dependent positions of 
 wards of this Nation. 
 
 Because in States like Oklahoma, where all Indians of certain 
 degrees are considered as citizens, and their children are compelled 
 by law to attend the public schools, this law need not be invoked, 
 because the children become citizens of the States wherein they live, 
 but it would still apply to the children of the full bloods, when the 
 community public schools can not, or will not, receive them. 
 
 The results of any given law are always slow, but the adoption of 
 this man-power bill will produce each year a growing number, and 
 by the year 1929 the child of 10 years, now living on a reservation, 
 will have graduated from the new schools to be established by this 
 
2182 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 act, and will be fit to become a soldier, and upon arriving at the age 
 of 21 will be fit to be a citizen of the United States, whether he 
 becomes a soldier or follows some industrial or other peaceful calling. 
 In the meantime, the present adult Indian will be passing away, 
 another and capable generation will occupy the boards, a quarter of a 
 million of human waste will be salvaged, and the Indian will move side 
 by side with his white brother in the march of national progress. 
 
 Sec. 12. That on and after the year 1929 every Indian youth who shall have been 
 educated in and graduated from the reservation schools now established, or to be 
 established, or in any of the public schools maintained by any of the States of the 
 United States, shall be declared a full citizen of the United States upon reaching 
 the age of 21 years. 
 
 Sec. 13. Every Indian who served in the United States Army, Navy, or Marine 
 Corps, or showed his patriotism in any other way, is hereby declared a citizen of the 
 United States, with the guarantee of full protection of all inheritances, land tenure, 
 and tribal funds. 
 
 Sec. 14. All acts or parts of acts in conflict with this act are hereby repealed. 
 
 Mr. McKenzie. If we should pass a law granting citizenship to 
 Indians, it would knock out all that proposition you are talking about 
 
 now? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. By that proposition do you mean to say if you granted 
 citizenship to all of the Indians extant on the American continent to- 
 day that their children coming after them would be citizens? You 
 would have to nominate that, because they are all in the treaty. 
 
 Mr. McKenzie. T f their parents were citizens, the children would 
 be without any further legislation. 
 
 Mr. Greene. You can not make any that will bring a part of the 
 citizenship of the country into a military caste. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. The citizenship of the Indian must be provided for by 
 the training of the present Indian population, and it can not be done 
 with the present system of Indian education. 
 
 Mr. Greene. That may be true, but you are providing there that 
 after having become citizens that they must still be under some 
 special conservation under governmental policy; in other words, to 
 set them off to one side from other citizens, although under the Con- 
 stitution we can not pass any such class legislation. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. This bill provides that a public school system be estab- 
 lished on the Indian reservations which does not now exist, Govern- 
 ment schools — and that the compulsory education be placed in vogue, 
 and that these boys and girls as they come up — boys who want to 
 choose a military career may do so and go on to these military depots 
 and schools, finally to an Indian West Point that you would establish 
 somewhere and interchanging with our own West Point, and that the 
 other boys and girls would go into professional life, become agri- 
 culturists or whatever they liked. The result would be that the next 
 generation every >ndian child would speak English, which they now 
 do not speak. They seem to avoid it, and the older people will not 
 speak it, but the next generation will all speak English, and they will 
 graduate from that school where they have been taught reading, 
 writing, and arithmetic and physical training and also manual train- 
 ing that will fit them to make a living out of the environment where 
 they are, and then they can go on to the larger school, professional 
 schools, if they like. 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2183 
 
 But you have started them all on the right road by establishing a 
 compulsory system of education which does not now exist, and which 
 is as essential to the Indian to-day as it is essential for you to vote an 
 appropriation for the training for citizenship of the aliens who have 
 come to these shores. 
 
 Mr. Greene. What I wanted to point out to you was that when 
 people become citizens under the constitutional law you can not mark 
 them off into a class which differentiates them from other citizens ■ 
 
 Dr. Dixon (interposing). I would not do that. 
 
 Mr. Greene (continuing). And give them certain kinds of educa- 
 tion under compulsion which other citizens are not required to take. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Are not our citizens compelled to send their children 
 to school now ; and would not your position nullify universal training ? 
 
 Mr. Greene. Within certain limitations of State laws. It is not a 
 Federal proposition at all. It is controlled by whatever may be the 
 local laws of the State in which they live, and by no means covers 
 such a variety of things as you have indicated, nor are they obliged 
 to take certain kinds of studies when they go to public schools other 
 than elementary. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. That is all provided for here. 
 
 Mr. Greene. You have. them going through vocational education 
 and military training. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. That is for the boy who goes on to the military 
 schools. 
 
 Mr. Greene. But it is compulsory. 
 
 Mr. McKenzie. How do you propose to raise those regiments, by 
 volunteer enlistment ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. They will come in with a rush. 
 
 Mr. Miller. I am asking you this for the purpose of information : 
 If you grant the rights of citizenship that you were speaking about 
 a while ago and make these Indians full citizens of the United States, 
 of course, then they would bear their just proportion of the public 
 taxation and exercise all the rights of citizenship, among which is that 
 blessed privilege of paying taxes; and you would provide these 
 schools or they would be provided in the community and be sus- 
 tained and perpetuated by the same principle that we sustain and 
 perpetuate our institutions here. Would you recommend that? 
 Where you put a man in as a citizen of the United States it is not all 
 a bed of roses; he has certain duties — to pay taxes, he has to exercise 
 the right of citizenship. If he does not exercise it, we make him 
 exercise the right of citizenship by taxing his property, and if he does 
 not pay those taxes we sell his property. That would apply if we 
 give full citizenship to all those Indians who are not now citizens, 
 and, of course, then they would support their schools and everything 
 else just the same as other citizens do elsewhere. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. You ask if I would put the Indian in that position i 
 
 Mr. Miller. Yes. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I most surely would. 
 
 Mr. Miller. He would be ready to receive it, would he not? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Yes, sir; he would be ready to receive it; and I would 
 put him there with an enthusiastic consciousness that he would 
 succeed. The hardest thing you could put upon him in the way of 
 taxes oi-obligations of citizenship would not be comparable with the 
 hardships he has suffered in the last three hundred years. 
 
2184 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 Mr. Miller. Three hundred years as an alien — suppose we should 
 
 five him that citizenship as you have suggested and as several others 
 ere know ought to be guaranteed, and we should pass a universal 
 military training bill requiring all young men to surrender themselves 
 to a period of military training, how do you think that would be 
 received amongst them ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I think there are some who would demur. There are 
 some people, you know, who would object to going to heaven, because 
 they would not feel at home there, and I do not know but what it 
 would be a bad thing to try to get them to heaven, because they 
 would be happier in an environment less musical. 
 
 Mr. Miller. Do you think they would take military training just 
 the same as the rest of us ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I do; and many times better than the rest of us; but 
 I think there would be some who would object once in a while. 
 Mr. Miller. I think so. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. But why do we sit here and talk about objections, 
 when the positive truth ought to prevail and we ought to go ahead 
 and do it ? 
 
 Mr. Greene. Part of your argument for two divisions of Indians 
 was based on the idea that those two divisions would by that much 
 lessen the obligations of white men to serve in the Army and allow 
 those white men to go about other occupations ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I did say that; I said it advisedly, because of the fact 
 that the exigencies of the war have given us a stringency in the labor 
 market and our economics are suffering from it; and these men who 
 would be called out into the service of their country could be more 
 useful to their country, perhaps, in some large corporation, or some 
 manufacturing institution, or on the farm, or in professional life; 
 whereas, the Indian, if I may recall it, came from the mountains and 
 the plains, a hundred miles from a railway station, with no telegraph, 
 with no newspaper, not speaking the English language. But some- 
 how or other he heard this call of his country to go, and he started 
 and shouldered his musket and went to France. Now, he comes back 
 again to that old environment and this legislation I am proposing 
 gives him an opportunity to come out and stand with his fellowmen, 
 among the high things the Nation is doing, and it enables the boys and 
 girls who are out there on those plains and in those woods and moun- 
 tains, on the Blackfeet Preservation — there are two of them sitting 
 there — who have 900 children on the reservation, and 675 of them are 
 out of schools because there is not a schoolhouse or teacher. What 
 I am going to ask is .that you provide these schools — that is what I 
 am after; that is the crux of this whole business; that is the bottom 
 of it — to get a system of public school instruction on the reservations 
 and not have the forest that is out there now. 
 
 Mr. Wise. The school proposition you are discussing now, the 
 Military Committee has nothing on earth to do with and could not 
 have; that belongs to another committee. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. There is not a man who ought to preach unless he is 
 prepared to preach, and there is not a man who should go to the front 
 unless he knows how to load a gun and aim it; and these people, if you 
 are going to train them in the military service, have got to be edu- 
 cated, and this is why I wanted the schools, and that is exactly why 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2185 
 
 the Military Committee have a right to provide the means for training ; 
 and that is universal training. 
 
 Mr. Wise. Your theory would be that the Government ought to 
 take charge of education all over the country of all races, and educate 
 from infancy on up. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Not at all. Here is a dependent race of people treated 
 as wards, and we owe something to them. 
 
 Mr. Wise. Any kind of a school teaching the English language, 
 reading, writing, etc., would teach the same thing this committee 
 would teach them if they were going to start out to educate them. 
 I do not know much about the conditions out there, but I was under 
 the impression that another committee handled all of this ; that those 
 who wanted an education usually got such an education as they 
 wanted, and that the rest go along. What has been the trouble that 
 you have not been able to get the education the Indians want? 
 These men out there have been appropriating for schools and all that. 
 I do not see why you have not gone after that committee. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. You have the idea that because they have legislated 
 for schools, and appropriated money for schools, and talked about 
 schools, that they have got schools. Would you like to have me 
 describe that whole system of Indian education out there 1 I could do 
 it in just one word, the word "farce." 
 
 Mr. Greene. How do you assume that by shifting it to another 
 committee that you would get anything better ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. It is not the fault of the Indian Committee, but it is the 
 fault of the people who are placed in charge of what the Indian Com- 
 mittee is trying to do. The Indian administration is the obstruction. 
 
 Mr. Greene. Why can they not follow up their own work and see 
 that it is executed ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. If you will tell me why they have not done that for a 
 score of years 
 
 Mr. Greene (interposing). Is that the reason for transferring the 
 jurisdiction over to us? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Just the reason; because I would like to get something 
 more done. 
 
 Mr. Greene. What more assurance have you that you will accom- 
 plish what you want if you start with our jurisdiction, since we would 
 have to begin with the same kind of men ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. In the first place, it would not be starting with the 
 same kind of men. I have not looked you in the face for over three 
 and a half hours this afternoon, when you started in with a calm, 
 deliberate, judicial patience, without becoming encouraged, and I 
 have been gratified with it this afternoon more than anything I can 
 say. You have had an earnestness of spirit and there has been a 
 mellowness in your tone of voice in every question you have asked me 
 that has gone down deep in my soul, and I have said "These men are 
 men, are men of common sense; they are patriots, and they will 
 take hold of this thing and do justice to the Indian." 
 
 I want this system of education for the Indian transferred from 
 the Indian administration, as it is now conducted, and give the 
 Indian the public school system just the same as is given to any 
 other citizen. I want to take it away from the administration of 
 the Commissioner of Indian Affairs and bring these young children 
 up so that they can go on a military career, and your establishment 
 
2186 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 of schools on the reservation is simply to prepare these hoys for a 
 military career. I want you to take them all up, establishing depots 
 and schools on Indian reservations so that they can arrange to grow 
 grain, to raise cattle and horses and sell them, and encourage agri- 
 culture among themselves and neighboring States, and then go on 
 with a military career; to establish schools that will bring Indian 
 boys and girls up to an idea that they want to do something in life. 
 They do not get that with the kind of schools they have now. 
 
 Mr. Greene. Your words are very flattering. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. They are very true. 
 
 Mr. Greene. I am afraid we have not jurisdiction in the matter 
 of any such kind of education. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. There is not anything in God Almighty's eternal 
 world that you can not get if you strike for it; you can get 
 jurisdiction. 
 
 First of all, the public school system that I ask be established by 
 military law on the reservations is absolutely essential to the proper 
 qualification of the rising Indian generation for citizenship, and fur- 
 nishes the basis for a proper qualification of the Indian in his training 
 for military service, and this belongs to universal military training. 
 This school system, including manual training, will fit boys and girls 
 on the reservations to make a living within the environment where 
 they are, and will, at tne same time, prepare the boys who choose a 
 military career to advance in the military schools that your bill will 
 establish. Thus the whole system of education is closely interlocked 
 with the idea of universal military training. 
 
 I know how hard it is for some members of your committee to get 
 away from the idea that the question of land and the question of 
 education belong to the Committee on Indian Affairs. It may be 
 said that they have had scores of years in which to remedy this 
 matter and have not done it, and were they to make the proposition 
 and refer it to the Bureau of Indian Affairs for execution, the bureau 
 would relegate it to the ash heap without delay. The fact is, it 
 never has been done, and the fact that it ought to be done is an 
 argument for doing it now, and it can be done under the guardian- 
 ship of a military necessity; and thus you bring about a system of 
 education on the reservations which can not be born in any other 
 way, and all of it linked indissolubly with the necessity of universal 
 military training. 
 
 Further, it would be very difficult for any man who has not an 
 intimate and long-time acquaintance with conditions as they obtain 
 on these reservations to realize that any opportunity whatsoever for 
 the Indian to gain employment or to acquire knowledge while on the 
 reservations with the present administration obtaining would be as 
 fruitless as it would be to put a mining engineer in a jewelry store 
 and ask him to find a job. The statement I am now making is em- 
 phasized by the fact that while the Government is making large 
 appropriations for the education of the alien that he may be brought 
 into proper relation with the State, the Commissioner of Indian 
 Affairs is as rapidly as possible depleting and annihilating the educa- 
 tional facilities for the Indian on the reservations. In the appro- 
 priation bill he asked for the abolition of six Indian high schools, 
 notably the one at Tacoma, Wash. 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 218T 
 
 The hope of the Indian's education, therefore, lies with the Mili- 
 tary Committee, not the Indian Committee, or the Indian Office,, 
 and it can easily be accomplished through this measure. This school 
 system will revolutionize the entire race of people, and the next 
 generation will speak English, those who wish to pursue agriculture 
 or a professional career will have had their start in this compulsory 
 system of education, and will he fitted for citizenship and, according 
 to my suggestion, will automatically become citizens at the age of 
 21, and those who wish to seek a military career will have within 
 their reach on the reservations a military school, fitting them for this 
 patriotic pursuit. 
 
 At the same time, the advantage accruing to the Indian will be- 
 great, because these schools must be supported by the Government, 
 and it will further their agricultural aspirations, enable them to 
 raise horses, mules, and cattle for sale, and thus will be a quickening 
 of an intelligent and civilizing program. 
 
 Can your committee, therefore, do any greater thing than to in- 
 corporate in your Army bill this provision for a public school system, 
 aiming at universal military training by incorporating an Indian 
 division in the new Army ? 
 
 Let us suppose that there will not be enough Indians to compose 
 a division. Even so, take all who so aspire, and reward the race for 
 the valiant and heroic service in France, and thus use the measure as 
 an opportunity for the emancipation of a whole race of people. 
 
 Mr. Greene. Your experience has not resembled ours along that 
 line. 
 
 But I want to ask you another question, because there is a bigger 
 policy than the mere creation of two divisions in the Army back of 
 all this. Yon emphasized the fact awhile ago that the Indian was. 
 by nature and tempernient a fighting man and that he would take 
 to this business much more easily than he would to the more peaceful 
 trades, handicrafts, and professions, and that therefore we could get 
 him in sufficient numbers to man two divisions, and by that amount 
 reduce the drain upon the white population for military service and 
 permit that equivalent of white men to go into these same occupa- 
 tions that the Indian does not want to go into. That was the basis 
 our your argument. Let me ask you if it is good public policy for 
 a republic, in which all men are held constitutionally and in the 
 spirit of the law to equal military service in time of national peril, 
 for that republic to cultivate a certain class which must grow tip 
 simply to be its fighting men because they can not and will not do 
 anything else, and let the other fellows follow trades of peace, relying 
 upon these fighting men ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. You do not debar the man who is following peaceful 
 pursuits from engaging in military pursuits or espousing a military 
 career, but jou give to the Nation the advantages of his relief from 
 that arm of the service by bringing into that career a man who is 
 fitted for that, who is a soldier in all instincts of his life, and at the 
 same time you give him opportunity for expansion of his influence 
 and an enlargement of bis own horizon and sphere of usefulness. 
 
 As to your question regarding the policy of a government to make 
 a class distinction of that sort — I doubt very much whether it could 
 be so construed — even that would be more preferable than to have 
 
2188 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 these men fail to follow a military career and remain in idleness and 
 illiteracy with a gun over their shoulder, and dog and pony. 
 
 Mr. Greene. Governments never consider the preferences of 
 individuals. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. No; but they would have to consider the fact that he 
 is a part of the country's population. 
 
 Mr. Greene. That does not distinguish them at all. If a man 
 owes an obligation to his government, either to pursue economically 
 and thriftily the paths of the occupations of peace, but he says, "I 
 won't do it; I want to be a fighting man, and that is the only con- 
 dition upon which I will render service to the Government," the 
 Government is not taking that man at his' own preference and the 
 Government that relies upon getting the support of a man at his own 
 preference is no government. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. But I did not say, Mr. Congressman, that they did 
 prefer that. Some of them do, and those that do represent a suffi- 
 cient number so that it helps the economic situation. 
 
 Mr. Greene. You are coming to the very point I made: Should 
 the white man depend upon two or any number of the divisions of 
 his Army being filled up with men who do not do anything else and 
 who can not be made to do anything else, and by doing that par- 
 ticular thing relieve the white man from doing it ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. They can do something else ; they would do something 
 else, but they are specially fitted for doing this, and the very class 
 distinction which you deprecate is provided for and emphasized by 
 the flamboyant posters placed in all public places. You may read 
 sentence after sentence like this : 
 
 Young man, prepare for the battle of life; get into the school of efficiency. 
 
 (Signed,) Army Recruiting Station. 
 
 Illustrated circulars are sent out entitled, "Learn while you serve." 
 Young men are importuned to enter the "University in Khaki," 
 where they will be trained to acquire a sound body, the power of 
 quick thinking, the power of self-control, and receive a good school 
 education. Also the fact that all branches of the Army have estab- 
 lished schools for various trades and occupations. And on top of 
 this, the very idea of compulsion, which you seemed to deprecate 
 a moment ago, is distinctly emphasized. 
 
 Mr. Greene. Your argument was that he did not want to be a 
 farmer; that he did not want to be a mechanic, except, of course, 
 in the various individual instances that come to us, did not want to 
 follow these other things, but that he would cheerfully go into the 
 Army. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. A great many of them would; but a good many of 
 them have gone into mechanics. 
 
 Mr. Greene. Those are the fellows I am willing to encourage to 
 get out and become citizens. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I have started three or four of them in engineering 
 courses already. Mr. Rodman Wanamaker has for years put a 
 whole group of young Indians through Mercersburg Academy in 
 preparation for a full course in Princeton University, and he has 
 to-day Indian students in both of these institutions. 
 
 Mr. Greene. All right, that is a good thing and I am glad of it; 
 but I do not see how you can advance this argument that two divi- 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2189 
 
 sions of the Army be made up of Indians by saying that they will 
 relieve the white man from his obligations to serve also. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Mr. Greene, I would not relieve any citizen of his duty 
 to his country by imposing his duty upon another citizen. Mine was 
 a mere contrasting argument to help us to feel that we ought really 
 to do something for these people, and I used it as a window pane 
 through which I had a hope that you might get a vision. 
 
 Mr. Greene. I am afraid it is a good deal like the argument being 
 put forth that we ought to import coolie labor in California and 
 Oregon because our people will not work with their own hands. Any 
 government founded on the ground that people who performed man- 
 ual labor are of a lower caste than they are is simply seeping his own 
 foundations and will fall. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Doomed ! But, Mr. Greene, military service is not con- 
 sidered manual labor. 
 
 Mr. Greene. Doomed, absolutely. Applying the analogy, any 
 people who will not fight themselves but who will depend upon 
 another people, who are not willing to do any thing but fighting are 
 depending upon an army of mercenaries. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. The Indian has proved conclusively that he can never 
 be called a mercenary. I am not asking that the white man be 
 relieved of his duty — I am unwilling to relieve him of his duty and 
 obligations to fight for his country — but I am urging that the Indian 
 be given a training along with the white man and the meed of citi- 
 zenship along with the white man. The Indian can and will do some 
 thing beside fight. To give him a chance after ample training would 
 utilize an otherwise unused force, and allow that number of white 
 men to serve their generation in the economic world. 
 
 Mr. Greene. I am perfectly willing that the Indian should go into 
 the Army, but I am arguing against your proposal that you should 
 establish them in any such numbers or in any such units, because 
 they will never make an argument against the white man going in. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I disclaim that in toto, because I want the white man 
 to do his duty and I want to give the Indian an opportunity to do his 
 duty, which he hitherto has not had, and in doing that I wanted to 
 establish this system of education. 
 
 Mr. Miller. As an entering wedge ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. As an entering wedge or the full wedge, only so you 
 wedge it in. 
 
 Mr. Miller. As I understand the doctor, he is advocating these 
 two divisions in the Army for the present, extending enlistment to the 
 Indians and letting these divisions perform a useful service, give 
 them a citizenship as preliminary to this program. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Exactly. 
 
 Mr. Wise. It looks like the latter part would come first, but I got 
 from the doctor that what he wanted first was citizenship. He was 
 advocating taking them into the Army, and by taking them in letting 
 that constitute citizenship for those who went into the Army; and 
 then he went on from there to say that he is in favor of forcing the 
 citizenship en bloc. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. That was in answer to the question asked, whether I 
 would give citizenship to men who are incompetent to manage their 
 own affairs. 
 
 Mr. Wise. He argued that he would not give them control of their 
 property. I am in favor of giving all citizenship who want it and 
 
2190 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 who are qualified for it, but a man who gets citizenship ought to be- 
 able to take care of his own property without somebody else super- 
 vising it or handling it for him. I would not want somebody else 
 handling mine, what little 1 have. 
 
 Mr. Wise. That is, you would want a hundred per cent citizen- 
 ship or none ? 
 
 Dr. Dixon. On the contrary I argued, Mr. Wise, that they be 
 given the control of their property, but I insisted that their property 
 rights be protected; a vast difference it seems to me. This I would 
 make absolute . The Indian has proven by his manhood and patriotism 
 that he is capable of giving 100 per cent citizenship. He has bought 
 it with his blood on the battle fields of France. To deny him the use 
 of his property, not to protect his property from pilfering land sharks, 
 and to fail to give him citizenship, full and complete, is to prove a 
 lack of patriotic gratitude on our part, and that we ourselves have 
 not reached the maximum of 100 per cent citizenship, and are 
 lamentably lacking in the essentials of the principles of justice and 
 fair play. 
 
 STATEMENT OF THOMAS I. SLOAN, PRESIDENT, SOCIETY 
 OF AMERICAN INDIANS, MEMBER OF OMAHA TRIBE OF 
 INDIANS, NEBRASKA; RESIDENCE, WASHINGTON, D. C. 
 
 The Chairman. Mr. Sloan, give your full name, residence, and 
 occupation to the stenographer. 
 
 Mr. Sloan. My name is Thomas L. Sloan. I am a member of the 
 Omaha Tribe of Indians in Nebraska, and at the present time a 
 resident of the city of Washington. 
 
 Mr. Miller. What is your official position 1 
 
 Mr. Sloan. I have recently been elected president of the Society 
 of American Indians, at the last annual conference which was held 
 about the 1st of October in the city of Minneapolis, Minn. 
 
 Mr. Miller. You are, yourself, Mr. Sloan, a citizen ? 
 
 Mr. Sloan. Well, yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Greene. You are a legal citizen of the State of Oklahoma ? 
 
 Mr. Sloan. No; of Nebraska. I might say to you that the allot- 
 ment that was made to me was under authority of a special act of 
 Congress which was also an agreement between the Omaha Tribe of 
 Indians and the United States. The seventh section thereof provided 
 that unon the completion of the allotments to said Indians and the 
 patenting of said lands to said allottees each and every member of 
 said tribe should become subject to the civil and criminal law of said 
 State and that said State should not pass any law denying any 
 Indian of said tribe the equal protection of the law. 
 
 Since that enactment and the patenting of the lands, the Indians 
 have exercised the rights of franchise. Their lands were held in 
 trust, and by extension of the period are still held in trust excepting 
 those to whom patents in fee have been issued after appearing before 
 a competency commission. If they are found competent they receive 
 fee oatents for their land. 
 
 The qualification that Dr. Dixon has made that citizenship is 
 only a qualified citizenship is evidence to me not only in respect to 
 myself and to the members of my tribe, but those other tribes whom 
 I have visited and concerning whom I know. For instance, upon 
 the Omaha Reservation there are Indian lands that are still held 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2191 
 
 in trust, but for which taxes are being paid by the Indian owners. 
 They are not permitted to make leases of those lands without the 
 approval of the Secretary of the Interior, and although some of 
 them have appeared before a competency commission, after due 
 notice and extended hearings and investigations when they were 
 found to be competent and that competency approved by the Secre- 
 tar}^ of the Interior, subsequent agents in charge of the reservation 
 have without notice or hearing declared them incompetent, made 
 leases for their lands for a lesser sum than they themselves could 
 receive for it, and have also sold their lands. Just recently before 
 the Indian Bureau a sale was up ready for approval, when an Indian 
 of my tribe, Mr. Francis La Flesche, who is an employee of the 
 Bureau of Ethnology, appeared on behalf of some of those Indians 
 and protested the sale. His brother was married to one of the heirs 
 who was interested in that particular estate, arid I say without any 
 hesitancy that this particular man upon this reservation is a man of 
 more ability and more honesty than the superintendent in charge 
 of our reservation. He was seeking to sell that land for less than 
 it was worth on the market, and a- less sum than the heirs who owned 
 it could have received for it. I myself recently got into a controversy 
 with the superintendent of my agency over the proposition of his 
 having leased a tract of land belonging to an Indian. He leased it 
 for a period of five years for $5 an acre. 
 
 •The boy's brother, a couple of years older, owning land immedi- 
 ately adjoining it, identically the same kind of land, was leasing his 
 for a year at a time at the rate of $7 an acre. When I wrote a letter 
 to the agent making inquiry upon what authority he had executed 
 that lease and why he had done so, I received a letter from him charg- 
 ing me with fraud and imposition, stating he was not subject to any 
 inquiry from me or anyone else, that he was in charge and that he 
 would do as he pleased. 
 
 And that is the disposition of an agent upon an Indian reservation 
 which I think contains the most advanced Indians there are, particu- 
 larly in the Northwest. 
 
 Mr. Greene. Mr. Sloan, if it does not disturb you, this kind of a 
 narration of facts is entirely new to this committee, because its juris- 
 diction has never comprehended anything of this kind. It is very 
 interesting and very informing. May I ask you this, whether such 
 instances as you have suggested have been brought to the attention 
 of the proper authorities in Congress who have direct jurisdiction 
 over such a matter? 
 
 Mr. Sloan. I have appeared before the Senate Committee on In- 
 dian Affairs, and I am expecting to be called most any day before the 
 House committee. 
 
 Mr. Greene. I understand that matters to which you refer are 
 very important. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. They are very important as throwing light on citizen- 
 ship. 
 
 Mr. Miller. Mr. Sloan, what do you think about the question of 
 citizenship for Indians — that is, the United States Congress passing a 
 law declaring all Indians citizens of the United States, with the full 
 enjoyment thereof? 
 
 Mr. Sloan. I think that citizenship ought to be given absolutely 
 and generally to every one of them. 
 
2192 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 Mr. Miller. And that would carry with it the duty of each of these 
 Indians taking care of his own property and estate. What percent- 
 age, if any, would shrink from the performance of that duty ? 
 
 Mr. Sloan. None of the adults would shrink from that at all. 
 
 Mr. Miller. Are you satisfied they are all competent to transact 
 their own business ? 
 
 Mr. Sloan. There is this distinction I would make, and I was pre- 
 paring to reach that point: The Indian, because of his having been 
 segregated upon a reservation and kept within an exclusive environ- 
 ment under the supervision of Government officials, has developed 
 largely, as far as business is concerned, into a dependent person. 
 People outside of a reservation, who are owners of property or laborers 
 who acquired it, are men suspicious of all transactions and are de- 
 pendent upon themselves to learn and ascertain the things that are 
 brought to them in the way of business or contracts or otherwise, 
 and they figure out what is best to do, while the Indian, having 
 relied upon and being made to rely upon an Indian agent or a super- 
 intendent in charge of the reservation, has become dependent upon 
 other people and through that dependence has been filched out of 
 much of his property; and the worst part of it, to my mind, is this — 
 that if the laws of Congress which are provided for the protection of 
 Indian property are continued instead of being removed at the 
 arbitrary exercise of power by an Indian agent or superintendent, 
 sometimes without the knowledge and consent of the Indian, and he 
 made subject of these grafters, much of the graft that is complained 
 about on Indian property would not occur. 
 
 There are just two incidents I want to call your attention to. One 
 of the witnesses who knows about them is personally absent on 
 account of illness, although in the city. Mr. Kipp, a Blackfoot 
 Indian present, may know something of the circumstances. 
 
 Hugh Jackson is a Blackfoot Indian boy who served overseas. 
 He was the owner and is the owner of an allotment on the Blackfoot 
 Reservation. The allotments made to his family — his mother and 
 brothers and sisters — an aggregate of 1,920 acres. The home was 
 upon the mother's allotment, and consisted of a house, barn shed, 
 outbuildings; and the entire place was fenced. Some of it was irri- 
 gated, and there was part of the land that was well seeded to timothy. 
 It was a valuable tract of land, making a complete ranch ready 
 for use. 
 
 Through the fraudulent acts of the agency employees at the Black- 
 foot Reservation a lease was obtained for that whole tract of land 
 at $130 per annum from one of the sisters who was only the owner 
 of one-sixth part of it, which did not include the improvements. 
 Then when the mother complained about it, she was advised by the 
 supervisor in charge that unless she signed that lease and ratified the 
 act of her daughter that her daughter would be prosecuted; and 
 under that threat, practically under duress, she signed the lease. 
 This boy, Hugh Jackson, came back from the Army expecting to 
 return to his home, but the family had been forced out and he had 
 no place to go. He had been gassed and wounded in the thigh and 
 was in bad condition. There was a hospital at the agency, which 
 was established and provided with funds by a general appropriation 
 from Congress to take care of the Blackfoot Indians, although I 
 understand that by some rule they are expected to take care par- 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2193 
 
 ticularly of tubercular cases, which they do not and did not do. 
 When this hoy came there without a home, he asked, and his friends 
 asked for him, if he could not be taken care of at the hospital, and 
 there were no patients in the hospital and no place for him, although 
 it was provided with a doctor and nurses in attendance. The super- 
 visor in charge, Horce G. Wilson, Blackfoot Agency, Mont., of course, 
 was anxious to get rid of him because of this land transaction, and 
 advised him to go back to the Army. 
 
 Mr. Greene. He had been already discharged ? 
 
 Mr. Sloan. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Greene. And was discharged while still in a state of 
 invalidism ? 
 
 Mr. Sloan. Yes, sir. The citizens took it up. The agency is 
 located at the town of Browning, and the Indians and certain white 
 citizens together made up a fund and furnished him a place at the 
 hotel, and he was there when the delegates from the Blackfoot 
 agency left. Is that correct, Mr. Kipp ? 
 
 Mr. Kipp. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Greene. Has that state of facts been outlined to a proper 
 committee ? 
 
 Mr. Sloan. No; but I purpose to tell the Committee of Indian 
 Affairs. A number of us had a meeting the other evening, and 
 among the persons who came in were two Apache Indians from San 
 Carlos, Ariz., who said they were starving at their reservation. I 
 accompanied them to Senator Curtis, and he found they had suf- 
 ficient funds on hand for any need, and I arranged to meet with them 
 at the Indian Office. They failed to be there, but I took the matter 
 up with the assistant commissioner, and he immediately telegraphed 
 to the agent in charge to furnish these people means upon which to 
 live. I hope to keep in touch with that matter and to see that the 
 situation is properly remedied, and if the bureau fails to do its duty, 
 to call it to the attention of Congress. 
 
 Mr. Greene. This is a pretty broad question, but does it appear 
 to you, in the capacity of a lawyer as well as a man of experience in the 
 tribal relations there, that the basic law that Congress has sought 
 honestly to make, if honestly administered, would do reasonably fair 
 justice to the Indians, or is the mistake largely in the law as well as 
 in the administration ? 
 
 Mr. Sloan. I am of this belief, that the laws of Congress are 
 intended for the protection of the Indians; that the large failure is 
 in the administration; that the administration is dishonest. But 
 back of that is this other proposition. A protection that comes 
 through an administration of Federal laws must be finally acted 
 upon at Washington, D. C, and the distance is too great for prompt 
 action, and there are too many intervening interests against the 
 Indian that belong to the Indian Bureau system that seeks more to 
 maintain itself and sustain itself than to protect the Indians, and 
 therefore by the time complaints come from the reservation to the 
 office they have lost their potency because of delay, the opposition 
 of Indian Bureau employees, the lack on the part of the Indian to 
 clearly express his complaint and to sustain it with evidence, and 
 generally a lack on the part of the reviewing officers of any knowl- 
 edge of reservation conditions. 
 
2194 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION'. 
 
 In October I was asked to attend a council of the Sioux Indians 
 to be held on American Island, in the Missouri River in South Dakota, 
 near the town of Chamberlain. The Sioux Indians from the differ- 
 ent tribes and bands were meeting there to discuss the proposition 
 of recovering for the sale, or taking away from them, of the Black 
 Hills country, South Dakota. At the Rosebud Agency, S. Dak, 
 where the Indians have the same kind of a provision of law to which 
 I called attention in the Omaha act, that they should be subject 
 to the laws of the State when the lands were patented to them, and 
 these Indians had their allotments patented, which made him a citi- 
 zen. One of them who wished to attend this council, when he let 
 it be known that he was going, the agent ordered his arrest, and the 
 policeman arrested him and put him in jail. He had violated no 
 law, had committed no criminal act, had violated no right of person 
 or property, yet without complaint or process of any kind he was 
 forcibly placed in jail and held there. 
 
 Mr. Miller. What justification did the agent give? 
 
 Mr. Sloan. I have not heard of the justification. 
 
 Mr. Miller. He did not attempt to give any justification ? 
 
 Mr. Sloan. Senator Johnson of South Dakota was notified of the 
 matter, and I have not been in touch with him yet to learn what the 
 agent's report may be. 
 
 Upon the Blackfeet Reservation an Indian woman who had some 
 rent due her traveled a distance of 30 miles last October. The coun- 
 try was hot, dry, and rough, and her horses, grass fed, were tired 
 when they had made the trip. They got into Browning, Mont., and 
 the agency about 1 or 1.30 o'clock in the afternoon. The woman 
 went to the office to see about collecting her rent or having it paid 
 to her. While she was standing there the clock showed 2 o'clock. 
 They have a practice at the Blackfeet Agency of closing the office 
 at 2 o'clock and taking joy rides with the Government automobiles 
 about the reservation. So this Indian woman was too late to be 
 waited upon, but there were a number of white men there, and the 
 clerks were waiting upon them. She stood there hoping she might 
 induce them to attend to her matter, because she had a long distance 
 to go and no money to pay expenses to stay over, and she spoke to- 
 an interpreter and asked if something could not be done for her, and 
 instead of receiving a reply she was ordered out. 
 
 When she hesitated they ordered the policeman to put her out. 
 She said to the policeman, "If they have time to attend to the 
 white men, they ought to attend to me as well, because this is my 
 office. I am supposed to come here." He said, "You have sassed 
 me," and knocked her down and dragged her to the jail and locked 
 her in. About a week before she had given birth to a child that had 
 died, and she was in bad •condition, and while confined there she 
 almost bled to death. Robert Hamilton, who is in the city sick, 
 so he can not be here, went to the agency office and remonstrated, 
 and they agreed to turn her out that night, but did not do it until 
 the next morning. Hamilton told the agency officials he would 
 burn up the wires to Washington right away if they did not let her 
 out. The agency officials ordered her to come back on the follow- 
 ing Friday and had her tried by a court of Indian offenses for being 
 sassy to the policeman. When there was no evidence against her, 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2195 
 
 they convicted the husband because she was sassy to the police- 
 man, and ordered him confined 20 days, and they did confine him. 
 Later Mr. Hamilton got him out. 
 
 In speaking of that incident the other day, one of the Klamath 
 Indians spole up and said, "That is same supervisor Wilson who was 
 engaged in timber stealing on my reservation;" and then an Indian 
 of the Chippewa Tribe of Indians said, "We had this fellow in a 
 timber stealing deal up on the Red Lake Chippewa Reservation, in 
 northern Minnesota." 
 
 These Indian agents in the Indian Service, when complaints are 
 made against them and it is too hot for them to stay any longer in 
 that particular place are by the Indian Bureau transferred some- 
 where else and they are inflicted upon some other poor Indians. 
 So that this man Horace G. Wilson has gone the rounds. 
 
 At the Flathead Reservation they have a similar kind of man 
 who put a lot of Indians in jail, one died in jail with the influenza. 
 Men who have committed no crime are incarcerated in that way; a 
 delegation of Flathead Indians are here who can tell you about it. 
 It happens that I know about this particular agent myself! He 
 was a clerk at the Winnebago Agency, Nebraska — the Omaha and 
 Winnebago Agencies were together at one time, as the reservations 
 are together — and I am familiar with both of them. This particular 
 man, Theodore Sharp, was financial clerk. The agency doctor was 
 transferred from the Winnebago Agency to Santee, and he sold his 
 team, buggy, and harness to Theodore Sharp. The team consisted 
 of a pair of old mares. One of the mares had a broken down ankle, 
 and instead of stepping on the hoof stepped on the joint and the rest 
 of the foot, and the foot from the ankle flapped along as she traveled. 
 That clerk sold that team to a crazy Winnebago Indian woman for 
 more than he paid for the whole outfit. I filed charges against him, 
 and he admitted it, and the inspector who made the report said that 
 the charges were admitted, but that they ought not to punish an 
 efficient and faithful clerk because some Indian, who was a grafter 
 and dishonest, was making complaints against him. 
 
 Mr. Greene. It is evident then that you have complaints of two 
 kinds of deals against the Indian Bureau people: One is dishonesty in 
 relations with the Indians; that is to say, that they by hook and crook 
 graft on the Indian and at the Indian's expense; and then the next is 
 they are personally and illegally brutal ? 
 
 Mr. Sloan. Yes, sir; all of your indictments are true. 
 
 Mr. Greene. Does that seem to run current, or is this brutality 
 only evidenced now and then in individual cases or does it seem to be 
 more or less common ? 
 
 Mr. Sloan. It has been very common and continuous. 
 
 Mr. Greene. I think the grafter of all fellows would like to have a 
 smooth exterior so as to have the good will of them and beat them 
 some more. 
 
 Mr. Sloan. This is true on reservations like the Blackfoot and the 
 Flathead and the Sioux that are removed from immediate contact 
 with civilization. Where the Indians can not obtain counsel the 
 agency officials are worse in that respect than where they are directly 
 in contact with civilization. I had this experience on my own reser- 
 vation: After we had been voting 22 years, the worst Indian agent we 
 
 140432— 20— pt 42 5 
 
2196 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 had, a man indicted and dismissed from the Indian Service for fraud 
 and conspiracy, had established by authority of the commissioner's 
 office here in Washington a court of Indian offenses. I was away 
 at the time that it was established, and when I came back there 
 were a lot of fellows doing police duty around the agency office. They 
 told me they were serving out sentences. I was busy and hurried 
 home and came back a week later, and they had built a jail in the 
 meantime and had an Indian in it. He called to me and wanted to 
 get out. 
 
 I went to the United States circuit court, then sitting in Omaha, 
 Nebr., and made application for temporary writ of habeas corpus, and 
 the writ was granted. It came up on final hearing before Judge 
 Treaber, who is United States judge for the eastern district of Ar- 
 kansas, was the court, and he said this : The utmost dilligence on the 
 part of the United States attorney, supplemented by an effort on the 
 part of the court, has failed to find any law which authorized the 
 existence of such a court or any law for the infliction of such punish- 
 ment. The writ was granted. 
 
 We have not had a repetition of that kind since, but immediately 
 adjoining my reservation on the Winnebago Reservation, they have 
 the police, and they frequently act in a brutal manner, under direction 
 of the agent, in making arrests. 
 
 Mr. Miller. What are these police, white men or Indians ? 
 
 Mr. Sloan. They are Indians; and upon all the Sioux Reservations 
 that is true. This dependency 1 speak of, because out of this kind of 
 supervision and the fact that Indians are on a reservation where 
 their agents are not made responsible to some proper legal authorities 
 this supervision is exercised in a manner that it has made the 
 Indian at least a very backward person. I feel it is the duty of the 
 Government to make him as nearly as possible what he was before he 
 was placed in this environment, where he has deteriorated into what 
 he is to-day. 
 
 There is no question but what his ability in the past was wonder- 
 fully great as a fighter. He had a patriotism all his own for his 
 country and the graves of his forefathers. He was ready to stand 
 and fight for them to the extreme end, and he has been and is just as 
 ready to-day to fight at the call of this Government. On the two 
 Indian reservations in my county, the Omaha and the Winnebago, 
 out of some 2,400 people, more than 127 enlisted. I just to-day 
 received the cut from which to print a picture of an Omaha Indian 
 boy who volunteered in the Marines. He was an excellent marksman, 
 went over, and while rescuing his captain in no man's land was shot 
 three times, from which he died; and that boy's property was at the 
 time under the supervision of the kind of a man that I told you about. 
 
 It seems to me that if we could have the Indian enter into an 
 educational system of the kind that Dr. Dixon seeks to establish, 
 and have the opportunity to enter into the Army by regular enlist- 
 ment, it would help develop the old spirit of the Indian whereby he 
 used to assert himself, his manliness and his courage, independence, 
 and initiative as an American citizen; and that, I feel, is necessary 
 and essential Jfor Ms proper development back into manhood; and 
 I think it would likewise be a good thing for him and the country. 
 
 This committee has the opportunity of doing a great thing here 
 for this race, if it is at all possible ; and I think that if the opportunity 
 
ARMY REOKGANIZATION. 
 
 2197 
 
 is given in an educational way, as is suggested, and they can be taken 
 into the Army, I am satisfied that they will be of great benefit ; and 
 that they will give a good account of themselves in every way. 
 
 Another thing occurs to me: A short time ago there was a band 
 of Apaches who were here before one of the investigating committees 
 of the House, Indians who came right but of the desert of Arizona, 
 and they were asked, "What do you do when you. run short of food 
 and have nothing to live upon, when you are burned out by drouth, 
 or your dams washed out and you do not have water with which to 
 irrigate?" The fellow said, "We go to the mines and work in the 
 mines." "What do you get when you work in the mines?" "Oh, 
 I get $10 to $12 a day." "What do you do in the mines by which 
 you get $10 or $12 a day?" "Oh, I am an engineer, and I run the 
 electric engine. I have that to do, and then I boss some Mexicans 
 who are brought in there to work." 
 
 All of which shows those Indian men from the reservation have in 
 them the inherent ability to pick up all the opportunities that are 
 offered to them, though situated as they are they do not come in 
 contact with the diversified opportunities that we have in the East, 
 and if they could be brought into the Navy or other mechanical insti- 
 tutions where they could exercise those natural inherent qualities 
 of which they are possessed it would give them an opportunity for 
 great development and advancement, to their own benefit and I 
 believe to the welfare of the country. 
 
 In an Indian meeting we had the other day, members of the Osage 
 Council of Oklahoma were up here looking for an extension of their 
 mineral and oil trust period, during which time all the oil and mineral 
 was to be taken from the reservation for the tribe. The president of 
 their council was here, the man who signed the contracts of lease for 
 gas and oil development that involves property worth many millions 
 of dollars. I think the commissioner said the income for the fiscal 
 year will be something like $50,000,000. 
 
 John Morrison, president of the General Council of the Chippewa 
 Indian Tribe of Minnesota was present, and in them we have a snow- 
 ing of what can be successfully done by Indian organization within 
 itself. The Chippewa General Council have an appropriation of 
 $10,000 out of their funds given to the council, which they may use 
 and expend absolutely independent of the Indian Bureau. With 
 that they have made investigations and have employed counsel, and 
 thereby they have succeeded in reducing the bureau expenses some- 
 thing like $80,000 or $100,000. They have stopped the issuance of 
 patents by the Interior Department to the State of Minnesota for 
 lands that were termed swamp lands but which were really lands 
 belonging to the Chippewa Tribe of Indians, and in that alone they 
 have probably saved several million dollars. 
 
 They have also asked the Department of Justice to demand repay- 
 ment by the State of Minnesota for lands that they have received as 
 swamp lands which were actually Chippewa Indian lands and not 
 swamp lands at all, and in that matter there is in progress a compro- 
 mise which may bring them many millions more. 
 
 These things show that the Indians have within themselves the 
 ability if they have the opportunity to carry on their own business. 
 I wish to illustrate particularly by the Omaha Tribe of Indians that 
 although their allotments are held in trust by the United States Gov- 
 
2198 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 eminent and they are denied the right to exercise their independent 
 acts in reference to them, the said trust lands are subject to taxation 
 and are being listed, assessed, and taxes collected for them. So that 
 they are meeting all the requirements of general citizenship. The 
 supervision they are getting is so poor that I believe the poorest 
 Indian to-day is much better off released of supervision than what 
 is being done for those Indians who are supervised under the kind of 
 supervision they are receiving. 
 
 Mr. Greene. I think we can all see the natural result of herding 
 them together on the reservation all this period that you indicate. 
 It does breed dependency among other people similarly. Do you 
 think it would be wise, by a blanket act, to make all of these people 
 citizens and then separate their property and give, them the indi- 
 vidual jurisdiction over it, or would it be better to have some method 
 by which they could come to it gradually one by one, by groups, or 
 whatever manner it may be, when they were in that degree of com- 
 petency that enabled them both to become citizens and to vote and 
 administer their own affairs? Or, perhaps, put it another way, do 
 you think that lifting them out from under this supervision all at 
 once and putting them out into the world with the custody of their 
 own property, that while the strong among them would prevail in 
 their own estates, just as strong men do everywhere, that there might 
 be grievous loss to a great many more, irrecoverable, of course. 
 
 Mr. Sloan. 1 would say I do not think there would be any greater 
 loss among the Indians, taking them generally, than there is among 
 young men who arrive at their majority and who receive large quan- 
 tities of property over which they exercise unlimited control. 
 
 Mr. Greene. "You would favor making a sort of a blanket franchise ? 
 
 Mr. Sloan. I make this distinction: I think that all Indians who 
 are native born are of that right entitled to citizenship, and that the 
 citizenship granted to them ought to be general. There ought not 
 to be any exception. And in respect to that particular part of it, 
 one of the reasons why I say that is because the Indian now needs 
 protection against the officials of the Indian Bureau as much as he 
 does against the grafter, because the grafter could not succeed with 
 his graft if the Indian Bureau did not make it possible. Further 
 than that, those Indians who have property that is under restriction 
 ought to be continued in that condition if they wish that restriction, 
 as long as it was legally granted to them. But that should not 
 interfere with their citizenship. The trusts and restrictions covering 
 property belonging to minors and old and decrepit Indians should 
 continue until the children arrive at the age of majority and the old 
 folks have had the use and benefits as far as the needs of old age 
 would require. I think those things ought to be taken care of abso- 
 lutely. 
 
 Mr. Greene. So that it would be in a sense an establishment such 
 as would permit those who come now into full estate, citizenship, and 
 competency, to go right along as other citizens, retain property in 
 trust for the protection of old age until they had passed out either 
 by that disability or of life, so that eventually all trusts and wardships 
 would be abandoned ? 
 
 Mr. Sloan. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Greene. And the succeeding generations to come along with 
 full citizenship without any intervening ? 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2199 
 
 Mr. Sloan. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Greene. Any people anywhere until they have exercised the 
 responsibility of citizenship imposed in them never do acquire full 
 stature. 
 
 Mr. Miller. On these reservations are many who can not talk the 
 English language ? 
 
 Mr. Sloan. There are on a great many reservations. 
 
 Mr. Miller. And they get allotments just the same as other men ? 
 
 Mr. Sloan. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Miller. Those men have the right of citizenship just the same 
 as other men 1 
 
 Mr. Sloan. Yes, sir; except as the T ndian Bureau prevents. 
 Mr. Miller. He does not speak English and probably can not 
 write it, yet he goes to his tribesmen for advice ? 
 Mr. Sloan. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Miller. He takes reliable advice, does he? 
 Mr. Sloan. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Miller. These tribal organizations then need not necessarily 
 be broken up; the Indians might, of voluntary association, maintain 
 them for protection under your idea ? 
 
 Mr. Sloan. Yes; I think they are doing that successfully among 
 the Chippewas. They seem to be a leading tribe in taking care of 
 their individual and tribal assets. 
 
 Mr. Miller. So that men might be citizens and legally have the 
 individual management of their finances and yet by their own 
 voluntary association form part of a tribal organization to admin- 
 ister their affairs or for counsel. I suppose there would be once in 
 awhile a profligate one ? 
 
 Mr. Sloan. Oh, you would find the same weaknesses among 
 Indians as among white people. But the striking thing is this, that 
 the old Indian men, those whom we generally seek to protect and 
 are so strenuous about, are the ones who take the best care of their 
 property. They are the least likely to dispose of it. As a matter of 
 fact, they do not have the ambition the young one does, who wants to 
 drive an automobile and take the girls around, which is an induce- 
 ment to dispose of his land, and in my experience, even as much as 
 30 years ago, I was surprised to find that when everybody else was 
 hard up on the reservation in the season which was the most diffi- 
 cult, at harvest and threshing time, that the old Indian man had 
 kept in his little buckskin sack a great many $20 gold pieces, and he 
 was able to give a feast and invite the young men to feast and to do all 
 the work necessary to be done just at the cost of a good feast, and 
 it was because the old man knew how to conserve and take care of 
 his funds. 
 
 Mr. Greene. While talking about the wardship of the Indian, I 
 would be very glad if we were advised out of collective national 
 wisdom some way of making the young white men conserve his 
 substance, too. I do not think the problem is confined to the Indian 
 by any manner of means. 
 
 Mr. Miller. I saw an Indian on the Klamath Reservation buy 
 an automobile. He had got tired of riding his pony and he wanted 
 to \>uy an automobile and he bought it and paid $2,000 for it. He 
 got into it and had trouble in getting it started for some reason or 
 other, and he finally said, "Some of you fellows start the damn 
 
2200 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 thing for me," and he started out and pretty soon he had all the 
 men on the reservation out trying to help him stop it. But it was 
 his automobile and he had paid for it. 
 
 Mr. Sloan. The city of Tacoma is practically built on Indian 
 lands, and their trust period expired in 1894. Mr. Bishop, who is 
 an Indian, was in business in the city of Tacoma, had a list of a 
 large number of Indians who were still the owners of the land allotted 
 to them on which the trust protective period expired in 1894. The 
 lands have increased in value and had been improved, and some had 
 traded that land for other land, but a large number of them, right 
 in the immediate vicinity of the city of Tacoma are still the owners 
 of the land unrestricted for that period of time. 
 
 I spent considerable time with Dr. Dixon going over his sugges- 
 tions here, and it seems to me that they are fundamentally sound, 
 and that they offer the Indian an opportunity to advance and im- 
 prove; and I am sure that it will be a good thing for them, because 
 of their peculiar situation. As the Supreme Court has time and 
 again said that they are under the special protection of Congress, 
 and that whatever Congress may do in reference to them is right 
 and proper, and because of the way they have responded as vol- 
 unteers largely in the service of the late war, I feel that they are 
 entitled to some special consideration from this committee. 
 
 It happens that I know of places in different counties in the Sioux 
 Reservation where the first man to volunteer was an Indian, Jack 
 Provost by name, on the Ogallah Reservation, which is known as 
 the Red Cloud Reservation. He went into the Navy; and this boy 
 I spoke about, Fletcher Farley, went from the Omaha Reservation, 
 having graduated at the University of Nebraska and passed his 
 examinations in law and been admitted to practice; he went across, 
 was shot, and died while there from the effects of it. You will 
 remember he was shot while he was taking his officer out of no man's 
 land, saving his life. 
 
 These things seem to me so especially within the consideration of 
 Congress that you have the opportunity to take and consider them, 
 and if they are of sufficient importance to you, to extend to the 
 Indian that opportunity, right, and benefit. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. Mr. Chairman, before Mr. Sloan closes his testimony, 
 I would like to have him state to the committee his own experiences 
 in reference to his. exercise of citizenship. Mr. Sloan is a citizen of 
 the United States, he is an attorney at law of the very highest stand- 
 ing. He has been admitted to the bar and has practiced in the courts 
 of Nebraska, Iowa, South Dakota, Missouri, Kansas, District of 
 Columbia, and also admitted to the bar of the Supreme Court of the 
 United States. His experiences will verify to you my oft repeated 
 statement in this argument that citizenship for the Indian as con- 
 strued by the practice of the laws of the land is a fiction, a delusion, 
 and a dream. 
 
 Mr. Sloan. I was allotted land the same as other members of the 
 Omaha Tribe' of Indians. While living upon the lands of the reser- 
 vation I was under the supervision of the Indian agent in charge. 
 My allotment was held in trust and I was required to conform to 
 the regulations of the Indian agent. I lived in the county seat town 
 of Pender, Nebr. My allotment of land was immediately east of 
 the railroad right of way and the town of Pender immediately west 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 2201 
 
 of said right of way. In Pender I was the mayor, exercising the 
 control of the city administration. Over the railway right of way 
 on my allotment I was a ward of the Government, and an incom- 
 petent person. While in the city of Washington, D. C, attending 
 a session of the Supreme Court of the United States, as a member of 
 the bar of that court, and presenting to it a case under considera- 
 tion by the court, I asked for a patent in fee for a part of my allot- 
 ment. The officials of the Bureau of Indian Affairs refused to give 
 it to me and required that I must appear before a so-called com- 
 petency commission. I did so and was reported competent by said 
 commission, and later that report was approved by the Secretary of 
 the Interior. I had made the application for a fee patent in order 
 to establish a credit by which I could purchase some Indian land 
 that was being sold. The refusal and delay of the Indian Bureau 
 lost me the opportunity to buy the land. Later I bought it at an 
 advance of several thousand dollars, and I was called a citizen of 
 the United States. In addition to my own experience there presses 
 upon me the striking case of the Cowlitz Indian of the State of Wash- 
 ington. The tribal delegate, Frank A. Ivall, is in the city. He has 
 been here attending sessions of Congress for the past five years seeking 
 authority to bring suit in the Court of Claims for the lands taken from 
 his tribe without any compensation. Everything they had was 
 taken from them and they have never received anything from the 
 Government. You gentlemen know that no Indian has the right to 
 put his cause before the Court of Claims without a special act of 
 Congress in each individual case. So far this tribe of 600 persons 
 have been denied the right, even, to go before the Court of Claims 
 to simply determine the rightfulness of their cause. And there are 
 many more just such cases. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. May I impose upon your patience? I would like to 
 have you hear from Mr. Bishop. 
 
 STATEMENT OF MR. THOMAS Gr. BISHOP, SECRETARY-TREAS- 
 URER OF THE SOCIETY OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS, 
 TACOMA, WASH. 
 
 Mr. Bishop. I am a Snohomish Indian of Tacoma, Wash. I want 
 to say first that I have taken a great interest in this bill. It seems 
 to offer to our people something which will be of use and benefit to 
 them, something that we can not get under the present administration 
 of the Indian Bureau. 
 
 While, of course, many of you dwelt upon the idea that to give 
 the Indian citizenship would be to have him robbed . But his greatest 
 fight now is protecting himself from those who are attempting to 
 guard him. There was a great deal of stress, especially from the 
 gentleman occupying the chair (Mr. Greene, temporarily) laid upon 
 the suggestion that the Indian would lose his property if it was turned 
 over to him. Mr. Miller knows the Puyallup Reservation and knows 
 the value of the property about this reservation, which is right now 
 in the city of Tacoma, where my home has been for 24 years. That 
 reservation was turned over to the Indians and they were given full 
 title in 1894, whether they wanted it or not. There are 20 of these 
 allotments to-day held intact by the Indians themselves. 
 
 There are eight other Indians who own the allotments through 
 purchase from their relatives of allotments that were theirs that 
 
2202 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 were held intact and free from debt, when it is a known fact that no 
 more than 4 per cent of the homesteads of white citizens in the 
 western district of the State of Washington are held free from debt, 
 or held by the original owners or their descendants to-da}~. This 
 shows you that the Indians are just as competent as the whites, 
 although in 1894 there were more illiterates among the Indians 
 than there are to-day. So, if you want to turn the Indian loose, do 
 not fear to give him his property; he will take care of it better, I 
 think, tnan the average white man. 
 
 There are a few who should have protection. I do not believe 
 in turning eveivthing over to them now but the full lights of citizen- 
 ship they should have. I believe that the Indians should be given 
 self-determination on their reservations. There are many of them 
 on the 7'eservation to-day more able to handle their own property, 
 determine the rights of their property, and guard their people than, 
 the agents the Indian Bureau places over them, or any of those 
 who are their superiors in the Department of Indian Affairs. I say 
 that without fear of contradiction. 
 
 Mr. Miller. There is no question about it. 
 
 Mr. Bishop. I want you to understand this, that while we have 
 taken no official action on this bill, so far as the Society of American 
 Indians is concerned, I know from interest I have observed in several 
 different districts and from my communications from the Indians, 
 that they will support it, you might say, to a man, although, of 
 course, there will be a few objections; and I will not hesitate to say 
 that there will be quite a remonstrance against it. But when you 
 get to the bottom of it, it will be found to come from the Indian 
 Bureau, because those men in the Indian Bureau will lose their 
 official positions, and that is the whole amount of it. They can 
 get some Indians who are serving under them to do their dirty work 
 just the same as you can get them amongst your own people. 
 
 I have had the honor and pleasure of handling workingmen, and 
 when I wanted any dirty work done I would get a union labor man 
 to drive his own men. Of course, it is easy enough to get an Indian to 
 do dirty work among the Indians, but, generally speaking, if you will 
 put the responsibility upon them on the reservations they will take 
 care of their people where the white man will not, because they are 
 his own people. 
 
 Mr. Greene. What would you say to this, Mr. Bishop, to giving 
 the Indian citizenship and the individual custody of his property 
 along the line Mr. Sloan spoke of, reserving, perhaps, for a very few — • 
 the very old and others who might be disabled in some way — a ward- 
 ship for their property until it passed by the natural law into the 
 hands of those who could take care of it, and then also permitting 
 individual Indians to enlist in the Army. Would that by itself 
 offer an incentive to the enterprising and ambitious Indian, now 
 recognized in his full political estate, to work out his own salvation 
 just as other people do ? 
 
 Mr. Bishop. Yes, sir; as to giving the Indian his property. But 
 as to enlistment of the Indian, I believe he will do best in an Indian 
 unit. 
 
 Mr. Greene. So that, perhaps, it will not be necessary to organize, 
 for instance, two divisions of the Army exclusively of Indians. 
 Would not the Indian do quite as well for himself if, being recognized 
 estate of citizenship, he was permitted to go into other units 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION'. 
 
 2203 
 
 where other citizens were, share and share alike with them, but recog- 
 nized as one of their own kind ? 
 
 Mr. Bishop. Yes, sir; in citizenship he needs to share alike with 
 the white man. In the Army he should be in Indian companies 
 to bring out his best efforts. 
 
 Mr. Greene. Would not that be better for him than to be herded 
 all together as the red men are in distinctive units ? 
 
 Mr. Bishop. He will work better by having a regiment of his own; 
 there is no doubt about that. 
 
 Mr. Greene. They will work better immediately; but, of course, 
 you and I are interested in what will be in the future — in other words, 
 in our children and children's children. Presently, of course, they 
 could get along better for obvious reasons, but in the long run would 
 it not make for the better development of their children and their 
 children's children if they began quickly as possible side by side with 
 the rest of our citizens and not marked off by a race line ? 
 
 Mr. Bishop. Yes; but we have to prepare for their protection and 
 give them a chance to get into the Army, and this is a good chance 
 to do it. It would have been good if your suggestion had come with 
 the settlement of the country but not now. It is our duty to take 
 care of the Indian children now, and they will take care of those who 
 are to come. 
 
 Mr. Greene. If you will remember, I said, "Open up the Army 
 door to them so they can go in." 
 
 Mr. Bishop. That is easily said, but they can not get into the Army 
 in the way you would think. . 
 
 Mr. Greene. I said, "Make the law so they could." 
 
 Mr. Bishop. Oh, yes; that would be all right. 
 
 Mr. Greene. I think it is a mistake to deal with the Indians as in 
 the case of aliens. You and I are born in this country and we know 
 it. Your fathers were born here before mine were. We do not have 
 any sort of initiative to go through with to understand America. 
 We take people in at the port of New York, and they have not been 
 there but a little while until certain races all tend to get together in 
 clumps in the big cities and live in colonies, and that is where oui 
 hardest problem in Americanization comes, because they isolate 
 themselves and do not mix up with the rest of the citizenship of the 
 country. 
 
 Having that in mind, would it not be wiser to have the Indians 
 sprinkled through the Army in twos and threes so as to give them 
 comradeship with other citizens that they are going to stand on a 
 level with rather than to have the Indians always herded in two divi- 
 sions composed only of their own kinsmen, and never again having 
 that isolation which they have had out on the reservation ? 
 
 Mr. Bishop. That will probably be better. But the foundation of 
 this is the schooling that our people will have. There should be a 
 compulsory law even for the immigrant for the purpose of educating 
 him. 
 
 The Indian has not segregated himself, particularly not in criminal 
 
 f roups, nor has he resisted legal authority. On the contrary he has 
 een a true American as well as the first American, and now as well 
 as always among the most patriotic. It is not herding Indians to 
 enlist them in regiments and divisions but an assembly in which 
 there is mutual respect, race confidence, and development that tend 
 
2204 
 
 ARMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 to encourage him to do his best work and bring his best traits of 
 character to use and development. 
 Mr. Greene. I think so, too. 
 
 Mr. Bishop. We should give the Indian the privilege of schooling 
 that he has not got to-day. 
 
 Mr. Greene. I think that schooling part, as has been suggested 
 here, is not within our jurisdiction, but I can see how we might open 
 the Army up in some way. But I am fearful of this one thing, that 
 if you create two divisions of Indians, that they would be like an , 
 agency Indian, and the impression grows up in the minds of their 
 superiors that they are not like other divisions, that they are divisions 
 set off by themselves exclusively as Indians, and the old-time notion 
 that they are an Indian Reservation ward and dependent, will main- 
 tain there. But if you take those men in twos and threes, as individ- 
 uals, and sprinkle them out through the Army where they are side 
 by side with other men, and have exactly the same consideration as 
 other men have, they learn how to get step with the ordinary citizen- 
 ship of our country and go on with it. 
 
 Mr. Bishop. There is not as much trouble to make a soldier out of 
 an Indian as out of a white man. 
 
 Mr. Greene. I presume that is so. But you understand the pur- 
 pose of making a soldier out of an Indian is to give him a bigger- 
 opportunity to learn more citizenship. Not only to have a bigger 
 opportunity for citizenship, but to prepare the rising generation for a 
 greater and better citizenship. 
 
 Mr. Bishop. We do not expect to get two divisions, but we would 
 like to have at least one for the reasons given. We would like our 
 boys to have the opportunity of getting in the Army. 
 
 Mr. Miller. Suppose a law was passed, to be included in this bill, 
 organizing, say, two or three regiments, providing that every Indian 
 when he has served one year or two years, or whatever we may say, 
 and has an honorable discharge from the United States Army, shall 
 automatically place him as a citizen of the United States in the full 
 enjoyment of every right exercised by a citizen generally. Do you 
 think that would promote enlistments among the Indians ? 
 
 Mr. Bishop. Yes. 
 
 Mr. Miller. It undoubtedly would; would it not? 
 
 Mr. Bishop. We have an Indian soldier bill which has just now 
 passed. The intent of it was all right, but it is not working out. The 
 department has notified the agents to help those Indians attain 
 citizenship. They do not give them citizenship, but they help them, 
 which holds the Indian yet under the bureau. If they ask for and 
 demand citizenship, the bureau will say, "We are going to take our 
 time;' you have got to do so and so, even after the United States 
 Congress has said they shall have citizenship because they served in 
 the war." 
 
 Mr. Greene. Was any difficulty found during the war by reason of 
 any unfair treatment of the Indians when they were in with the 
 white units ? 
 
 Mr. Bishop. No, sir. 
 
 Mr. Greene. They were all treated as comrades and treated well?' 
 I am basing it perhaps on our experience with the colored troops. 
 
 While it cost greatly in lives, many of our people were tremeduously 
 
 war was a great lesson to us. 
 
ARMY REORGANIZATION". 
 
 2205 
 
 advanced and they learned a great deal, and now they are seeking for 
 more privileges and chances in the same channel. 
 
 Mr. Greene. I have in mind this: We have several distinctive 
 organizations of Negroes. You and I can understand that the white 
 man does not go in there with those organizations of Negroes; he does 
 not want to serve there, and he is not put in, but is deliberately kept 
 out. The white man has his own notion about that and you can not 
 argue with him about it and it is not necessary to argue with him 
 about it. On the other hand, the white man is glad to have his 
 Indian neighbor right in the ranks with him ? 
 
 Mr. Bishop. Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Greene. And whether it would not be better for the Indian 
 to go in the ranks with the white man and take part right along, 
 rank and rank, than to be set off to one side as the Negroes are, is the 
 question. 
 
 Mr. Bishop. Yes; but there is a feeling among the Indians that 
 they would be treated better in regiments or divisions by themselves 
 than they would be in the general Army. If the call should be given, 
 they will answer, but they do not go and volunteer for the regular 
 standing Army. The fact is they did volunteer and seek enlistment 
 in Indian units. 
 
 Mr. Greene. I should think the white man himself would do that, 
 because he has his lesson in the Negro organization, whereas if the 
 red man, against whom he has none of that race feeling, sought to 
 come into his command, man by man and two by twos, that he would 
 welcome him in, and he would not look upon him like he does on the 
 Negro. 
 
 Mr. Bishop. I will say this for the general soldier that they like to 
 have the Indian boy join them. 
 
 Mr. Greene. Yes; and it seems to me that the Indian would make 
 greater progress in going in with the white men, so that he can say, 
 ' ' This is my Army, and I am in with all the rest." 
 
 Mr. Bishop. But this schooling that we propose here would give 
 them something that they can not get anywhere else, in any other form. 
 
 Mr. Greene. I doubt if we have any jurisdiction over the matter of 
 schooling. 
 
 Mr. Bishop. Mr. Greene, I do not mean for you to take any juris- 
 diction in the local schools, but I mean after they have attained the 
 3'ears of 16 or 18, then to give them military training or a chance for 
 military training. 
 
 Mr. Greene. I would be perfectly willing and glad enough to see 
 every opportunity given the individual Indian to achieve his full 
 citizenship and exercise it; I do not see any reason why he should not 
 have that privilege. 
 
 Mr. Bishop. This would be a great step toward it and we would 
 certainly appreciate it. 
 
 Mr. Miller. There is a little paragraph I would like to have the 
 doctor read to you. It is in reference to the segregation of the troops 
 in other countries. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. This paragraph which Mr. Miller has asked me to read, 
 is from my argument delivered to this committee in 1917, on the 
 segregation of troops according to race [reading] : 
 
 Again, it is a fact that the segregation of troops according to race is an idea adopted 
 by all nations. Fighting on the western front to-day there is a medley of races — 
 battalions that include the picturesque tribes from the four corners of the earth: 
 
2206 
 
 AKMY REORGANIZATION. 
 
 The Turcos, the Senegalese, Gurkhas, Arabs, Maoris, Cossacks, the Nigerians, and the 
 strange little brown Papuans from the Fiji Islands. Let the Indian troops be dis- 
 tinctive. The Greeks had their Thessalonian cavalry, the Turks their Mamelukes, 
 the Russians their Cossacks, and the Germans their Uhlans, all of them distinctive, 
 all of them effective. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I would now like to call upon Mr. Kirk for a few words. 
 
 STATEMENT OF MR. C. KIRK, SECRETARY OF THE KLAMATH 
 INDIAN TRIBAL COUNCIL, KLAMATH, OREG. 
 
 Mr. Kirk. I am secretary of the Klamath Indian Tribal Council, 
 Klamath, Oreg. My occupation is not in any one line, but I am a 
 musician, a lumber grader, and a farmer sometimes, and engaged in 
 various other pursuits, whatever I have been able to find to do. 
 
 I have been very much interested in the offering of this piece of 
 legislation to segregate the Indian as a unit in the Army, and I think 
 I can see one great advantage that would be probably quite an asset 
 to the Army, and I asked Dr. Dixon to tell this committee about it, 
 but I did not think I would be called upon to bring that point out. 
 
 The fact is this, in the World War the Indian language and their 
 tactics in warfare has been very essential, and the fact that every 
 Indian tribe all over the United States has a different language from 
 the other tribes — on our reservation we have three tribes, and we 
 speak three different, distinct languages, and if there should be a 
 school created for the benefit of the Indian, principally, I should 
 judge that the various different languages would be a valuable asset 
 to the War Department in the transmitting of orders and codes. 
 
 We have wireless systems now probably all over the world, and 
 messages transmitted in the Indian languages would not be taken up 
 or picked up by other countries, and for instance, if the War Depart- 
 ment wanted to send a message to the Pacific coast for a certain pur- 
 pose, somebody else probably would be on the line, and the conse- 
 quences are that the message would be known all over the world, 
 because of being picked up some place else. Whereas if the message 
 was sent in Indian, for instance in the language of the Klamath of the 
 Pacific coast, nobody would understand that except a man on the 
 other end of the line in Klamath ; and I believe that it would be one 
 of the greatest things for the Indian race to develop the language of 
 all the tribes, practically, in the United States, so that we would 
 have some record of it in history, and it would be an incentive to 
 every Indian to learn the languages of the different tribes and make 
 it an asset that would probably be of great value to the War De- 
 partment. 
 
 Mr. Greene. We are very much obliged to you gentlemen for 
 coming here and speaking to us -to-day. 
 
 Dr. Dixon. I want to thank you most sincerely, but I would like 
 to get out of the range of your thought the fact that you have no juris- 
 diction over the school question of the Indian, and the education of 
 the Indian, because education is to-day directly connected with mili- 
 tary training, and it is the foundation of citizenship, and if you do 
 not attend to it it will go undone. 
 
 (Thereupon, at 6.30 o'clock p. m., the committee adjourned.) 
 
 X 
 
INDEX. 
 
 A. 
 
 Page. 
 
 Adams, Sergt. John Victor, example of fighting spirit 2158 
 
 Adjutant General reports 17,300 Indians in service 2146 
 
 Alaska, Indians of, send patriotic letter on war 2136 
 
 Allotments, acts provided citizenship for Indians which have been nullified by- 
 later acts and by Indian Bureau 2190 
 
 Allotments of the Puyallup Indian Reservation 2201 
 
 Apache Indians starving .' 2193 
 
 Apache Indians, resourcefulness of 2197 
 
 Appomattox, Lee's surrender, Indian made the terms 2178 
 
 Army, the university for the Indians 2188 
 
 Athletics, necessity for in Indian schools 2177 
 
 Athletics, tests proper for Indians, Dr. Raycroft 2177 
 
 Athletics, tests proper and beneficial for Indians, Dr. T. A. Story 2177 
 
 Arapaho Indians send patriotic letter from Oklahoma 2136 
 
 B. 
 
 Bate3, Dr. Brl D., statement of, concerning Iroquois Reservation _ ■ 2145 
 
 Bishop, Thomas G., secretary-treasurer the Society of American Indians, 
 
 statement of 2201-2205 
 
 Blackfeet Reservation, horrors practiced on 2192-2193 
 
 Blackfeet Reservation, brutal treatment of Indian woman 2194-2195 
 
 Buchanan, Dr., agent to Tulalip Indians, death of great loss to Indian race, 
 
 tribute of Dr. Dixon 2136 
 
 C. 
 
 Chippewa Indian Council great good for tribe and people 2197 
 
 Chippewa Indian Council save lands and money to tribe 2197 
 
 Cheyenne Indians send patriotic letter on Great War 2136 
 
 Choctaw Indians send patriotic letter on the Great War 2140 
 
 Choctaw telephone squad fool Hun commanders, aid A. E. F 2159 
 
 Choctaw telephone squad transmit and receive orders safely 2160 
 
 Choctaw telephone squad create telephone code 2160 
 
 Choctaw telephone squad organized by Col. Morrissey and Capt. Horner 2160 
 
 Citizenship: 
 
 Supervised by Indian Bureau to detriment of Indians 2152 
 
 Supervised by Indian Bureau, benefits of, denied by Indian Bureau 2153 
 
 Discussed by Military Committee and Indians 2162 
 
 Discussed by Military Committee and others 2165, 2183 
 
 Indians, all native born are entitled to citizenship 2198 
 
 Indian citizenship hindered by Indian Bureau 2199 
 
 Soldier-citizenship bill for Indians a fallacy 2204 
 
 Citizenship of Thomas L. Sloan a fiction and fraud 2200 
 
 Citizenship urged by Dr. Dixon 2201 
 
 Citizenship of Indian measures standard of our own citizenship.. 2161-2171, 2190 
 
 Colville Indians send letter of patriotism on war 2136 
 
 Committee on Military Affairs; members - - - 11 
 
 Competency Commission, work of . - 2190, 2191 
 
 Composite regiment, "Pershing's Own, " had seven Indians - - - - 2169 
 
 Composite regiment reviewed, Brussels, Paris, London, New York, and final 
 
 review Washington 2169,2170 
 
 2207 
 
2208 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Commissioner of Indian Affairs: Page. 
 
 Opposed by order, patriotic sentiment sent Indians 2141 
 
 Halts opportunity for Indian to express patriotism 2147 
 
 Depletes Indian schools and hinders Indian education 2186 
 
 Classed by Postmaster General as having same power over Indians as 
 
 wardens of penitentiaries over convicts 2144 
 
 Corporation's greed for Indian lands 2179 
 
 Court, United States, decides there is no law for court of Indian offenses and 
 
 no law for punishment by same 2196 
 
 Court of Claims: 
 
 Indians denied the right to be heard 2201 
 
 Special act necessary for Indian hearing 2201 
 
 Cruelty to Indian woman 2194, 2195 
 
 D. 
 
 Dixon, Br. Joseph K 2191,2200 
 
 Statement of, mentioned 2133-2191 
 
 Statement concerning Thomas L. Sloan 2200 
 
 Pinal plea for education 2206 
 
 Letter to Robert B. L. Daniel, superintendent cantonment, Oklahoma, 
 
 protesting against the action of the Indian administration 2142 
 
 Letter to Jesse W. Smith, superintendent Segar School, Okla., deprecating 
 
 position taken 2143 
 
 Letter to Gen. Pershing, headquarters, France 2146 
 
 Letter to President Wilson pleading for self determination and emancipa- 
 tion of Indian tribes 2149-2150 
 
 Letter from J. P. Tumulty, secretary of the President, answering letter to 
 
 the President 2150 
 
 Failure to give citizenship to Indian measures the standard of white 
 
 man's citizenship 2190 
 
 Educational system of Dr. Dixon approved by Thomas L. Sloan 2196 
 
 Discusses Indian citizenship 2161- 
 
 Dawes, H. L., author of Indian citizenship law nullified by later legislation 
 
 and bureau autocracy 2150 
 
 Daniel, R. E. L., Superintendent cantonment agency, Oklahoma, bitterly 
 opposes the delivery of patriotic sentiment to Indians, by order of Com- 
 missioner .". 2142-2143 
 
 Daniel, Robert E. L., letter to 2142 
 
 Devon, Camp s 2153 
 
 Dodd, Robert, Piute Indian, Nevada, hero of lost battalion, held his nerve 
 throughout, wounded 2157-2158 
 
 E. 
 
 Eighteenth Infantry, six Indians enrolled 2169-2170 
 
 Economic problem mastered by Chippewa Tribe of Indians 2197-2198 
 
 Education of Indians, jurisdiction of, by Military Committee, paramount obli- 
 gation can not otherwise be secured ." 2205 
 
 Education of Indian, present system a farce 2184-2185. 
 
 F. 
 
 Forty-second Division, reviewed on Fifth Avenue 2156 
 
 Fitzimmons, Sergt. Thomas E., describes fighting quality of Indians, in charge 
 
 of Stokes mortar platoon 2156 
 
 First Division 2169 
 
 Fifth Avenue — Avenue of Allies — Reviews 2156 
 
 Flathead Reservation, graft and brutality on 2195 
 
 Frugality of Indians : 2201, 2199, 2200 
 
 French general, Gouraud, commends Indian soldiers 2155 
 
 G. 
 
 Gouraud, Gen., headquarters France, letter to Dr. Dixon commending Indians 
 
 as remarkable soldiers 2155 
 
 Grand Army post, only Indian, Menominee 2140 
 
INDEX. 
 
 2209 
 
 H. 
 
 Horse, Whirl Wind, Pine Ridge Reservation, S. Dak., Sioux; badly wounded, Page- 
 ward of Government, drafted 2138, 2139 
 
 Hospital, Grand Central, Debarkation No. 5 2138 
 
 Hospital, Walter Reed , 2154 
 
 Horner, Capt., Company E, One hundred and forty-second Infantry, Thirty- 
 sixth Division; Indians superior as a soldier; originator of Choctaw tele- 
 phon e squad : . 2159, 2160, 2161 
 
 I. 
 
 Indian regiment, 1,140 Indians from Texas and Oklahoma belonging to the 
 
 N| Three hundred and fifty-eighth Infantry 2138 
 
 Indian fights for the flag, not his own 2148 
 
 Indian true American and first American 2203 
 
 Indian soldier the most economic element in the Army 2171-2175 
 
 Indian rushes into the war at short notice 2148 
 
 Indian soldier, wounded, mistreated by Indian Bureau official 2192 
 
 Indian soldiers with the rank of general 2178 
 
 Indian soldiers fought in all wars of America 2181 
 
 Indian, salvation of, to be divorced from Indian Bureau 2185 
 
 Indians, 20 per cent assigned to intelligence department by Maj. Reilley 2155 
 
 Indians should have a square deal; do not have it now. 2184 
 
 Indian division, reason for organizing it 2171-2175 
 
 Indian division bill pronounced by Thomas L. Sloan as sound fundamentally, 
 
 of benefit to Indians 2152 
 
 Indian division bill pronounced sound by Thos. G. Bishop 2200 
 
 Indians recommended by Col. Morrissey as efficient officers 2160 
 
 Indians and economics 2171 
 
 Indian frugality of 2199, 2200, 2201 
 
 Indians, native born entitled to citizenship 2198 
 
 Intelligence department, Indians assigned to 2155 
 
 Indian competency 2201 
 
 Indian council, right to be heard without interference by Indian Bureau offi- 
 cials who supervise them 2184 
 
 Indians, false arrest and imprisonment of, by Indian Bureau officials in viola- 
 tion of law and menace to country 2194 
 
 Indian Bureau officials antagonize Indian progress 2202 
 
 Indian Bureau sustains itself rather than maintaining the Indian. It is more 
 
 busily engaged in maintaining the system than the Indian 2193 
 
 Indian Bureau prevents Indian citizenship and the benefits where the Indian 
 
 has acquired it - - 2199 
 
 Indians are backward and dependent because of Indian Bureau supervision.. . 2192 
 
 Indian citizenship should be general and absolute for all . . . 2191 
 
 Indian capable of owning property, fighting for his country, and of enjoying 
 
 citizenship 2162 
 
 Indians, some have exercised citizenship 2167, 2168, 2169 
 
 Indians, full citizenship discussed 2183 
 
 Indian illiteracy, cure provided 2181 
 
 Indian, schools and lands 2171 
 
 Indian, education at present a farce 2184, 2185 
 
 Indian population 2151,2152 
 
 Indian not permitted to buy Liberty bonds until Secretary of Interior had a law 
 
 passed by Congress 2152, 2153 
 
 Indian legislation proposed, sees. 1 to 14 2172-2182 
 
 Indian legislation explained, sees. 1 to 14 2172-2182 
 
 Indian denied a place in the war 2147 
 
 K. 
 
 Kahn, Hon. Julius, prescient military mind 2147 
 
 Kirk, C, secretary of Klamath Tribal Council, Oreg - 2206 
 
 Knox, Maj. Frank, approves Indian regiments, segregation of Indians, and 
 
 knows them to be good soldiers 2147-2161 
 
 L. 
 
 Languages, Indian, desirable to perpetuate as shown by the success of the 
 Choctaw telephone squad 2206 
 
2210 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Page. 
 
 Lands, Indian, should be inalienable for 21 years 2178-2179 
 
 Lands, Indian land fraudulently rented 2191 
 
 Last battalion 2157 
 
 M. 
 
 Mission Indians of California send patriotic letter on the great World War 2140 
 
 Menominee Tribe have the only Indian Grand Army Post 2140 
 
 Menominee Tribe send patriotic letter in favor of sending boys to aid in the 
 
 Great World War 2140 
 
 Mohawk Indians, send patriotic letter on war 2136 
 
 Morrissey, Lieut. Col. Wm. J., strongly commends Indian soldiers, approves of 
 segregated units as they fight better together, maintain their advance, and 
 
 formation better together 2137-2159 
 
 Military Committee, members of n 
 
 Military Committee, jurisdiction of over schools a necessity for proper training. 2205 
 
 >f: N. 
 
 Northrup, Sergt. John, wounded, thrilling story of Indian heroism told by him in 
 Walter Reed Hospital 2154 
 
 Navy, Battleship Utah. Indian named Leon Wolf, gunner of the big 12-inch 
 gun, was so efficient that he was noticed by the commander, Capt. H. H. 
 Hough, Wolf, Chippewa Indian 2161-2162 
 
 Mooney, James, systematic study of Indian papulation 2151 
 
 Merritt, Camp 2158-2159 
 
 . "/.-..V.o. .^ImwS 
 
 Onondagas, volunteered in large numbers 2145 
 
 Omaha and Winnebago Indians, preponderant enlistment 2196 
 
 Osage Indians capable of the supervision of their own affairs without the Bureau 
 
 of Indian Affairs 2197 
 
 Officers, Indians, recommended as by Lieut. Col. Wm. J. Morrissey 2160 
 
 P. 
 
 Puyallup Indians sent patriotic letter on the war 2036 
 
 Pueblo Indians of Santo Domingo sent letter that their boys are for the service 
 
 of the country and they are for the country 2140 
 
 Pershing, Gen. John J. : 
 
 Letter from, in favor of segregating Indians in their own divisions. Ap- 
 proves Rodman Wanamaker's plan 2139-2140 
 
 Letter from France headquarters, American Expeditionary Forces, ap- 
 proves plan of Indian Cavalry 2146 
 
 Letter from Dr. Dixon to Gen. Pershing, re Indian units 2146-2147 
 
 Cablegram from Gen. Pershing authorizing use of letter 2147 
 
 "Pershing's Own" — 
 
 Composite regiment, seven Indian members 2169-2170 
 
 Review of, Brussels, Paris, London, New York City, and final review 
 
 at Washington, D.C 2169 
 
 Penn, Wm., Treaty, the only treaty kept with the Indians; others broken 2166 
 
 Peters, Ewing, private, D. S. O, skilled sniper and machine-gun destroyer. . . . 2158 
 
 Population, Indian, discussed, decrease of . 2151 
 
 Public schools, system with compulsory education necessary for the Indians. . 2176 
 
 Public-school system necessary for Indians 2182 
 
 Patriotism, Indians denied opportunity of expression of, by order of the Com- 
 missioner of Indian Affairs and his agents 2143 
 
 Postmaster General classes Indians with convicts and claims the Commissioner 
 of Indian Affairs has same power over them as wardens of the penitentiaries 
 over convicts 2144 
 
 R. 
 
 Reilley, Maj. Tom: 
 
 "Fighting Tom," One hundred and Sixty-fifth New York Fighting Irish 
 Regiment, Old 69th, commends Indian soldiers, mentions Gen.Gauroud's 
 
 praise of Indians 2155 
 
 Praises Indians, ; approves segregation 2155 
 
INDEX. 2211 
 
 Reed, Walter, Hospital; a number of wounded Indians there 2154 
 
 Ross, Maj. George, testimony of, regarding Scout Ross 2153 
 
 Ross, Gain, Cherokee Indian scout, daring exploits of 2153-2154 
 
 S. 
 
 Scott, Gen. Hugh L., approves segregation of Indian troops 2133 
 
 School system advocated equals universal military training 2186 
 
 Simpson, Capt. John N., personnel adjutant, Three hundred and Fifty-eighth 
 
 Infantry, testimony re Indian soldiers and their valor and reliability 2153 
 
 Sioux, Cherry Creek, S. Dak., patriotic letter; wish to enlist in the war 2141 
 
 Sloan, Thomas L.: 
 
 President Society of American Indians, explains allotments and citizen- 
 ship and competency commission 2190 
 
 Experiences in citizenship 2200 
 
 Mayor of town on one side of railroad and an incompetent Indian on the 
 
 other 2201 
 
 Smith, Jesse W., superintendent at Seger Colony, Okla., not in sympathy with 
 
 Indians expressing their patriotic sentiments 2143 
 
 Stokes mortar platoon: 
 
 Composed of five Indians, saved One hundred and sixty-fifth Infantry 2156 
 
 Testimony of Col. Donovan, saved regiment 2156 
 
 Described by Sergt. Thomas E. Fitzimmons 2156 
 
 Segregation of Indians in units advocated by the following: 
 
 Maj. Tom Reilley 2155 
 
 Lieut. Col. William J. Morrissey 2159 
 
 Capt. Horner 2159 
 
 Maj. Gen. Hugh L. Scott 2133 
 
 Col. F. A. Snyder, One hundred and third Engineers 2161 
 
 Maj. Frank Knox 2161 
 
 Gen. John J. Pershing . . .-. 2139 
 
 Thomas L. Sloan, president Society of American Indians 2190 
 
 Thomas G. Bishop, secretary- treasurer Society of American Indians 2202 
 
 Indians desire it 2205 
 
 Examples of segregation on Our western front 2205 
 
 T. 
 
 Telephone squad of Choctaws fool Hun on transmitting orders 2159-2160 
 
 Tumulty, J. P., secretary to President Wilson, answers Dr. Dixon's letter to 
 the President 2150 
 
 W. 
 
 Wanamaker, Rodman,, Esq.: 
 
 Sends expedition of citizenship to every tribe, year 1913 2134 
 
 Sends patriotic appeal to every tribe, 1917 and 1918 2134-2136 
 
 Effort to give Indians distinct place in war supported by master military 
 
 minds : -.- 2147 
 
 Inaugurated research work to make historic record of the Indians' partici- 
 pation in the Great War 2150 
 
 Presentation of flag to Otoe Indian Tribe inspired the enlistment of the 
 
 young men of the tribe , .' 2158-2159 
 
 Providing education for Indian young men in Mercersburg Academy and 
 
 Princeton University ; - - 2188 
 
 Gen Pershing approves Mr. Wanamaker's plan for enlistment of Indian 
 
 regiments 2139-2140 
 
 Indians denied a distinct place in war rewarded by Indian success 2171 
 
 Whittlesly, Col., commanded "Lost Battalion"; Dodd, Indian, hero of 2157 
 
 West Point, school for Indians 2178 
 
 Warm Springs Reservation, Oreg., patriotic letter from 2137 
 
 Wilson, Woodrow, President, letter to, pleading for emancipation of the North 
 
 American Indians. 2149-2150 
 
 Whiten, Corbett, Otoe Indian, describes how Rodman Wanamaker's gift of the 
 United States flag to tribe inspired young men to enlist 2158-2159 
 
 140432— 29-PT 42 6 
 
 o