Columbia (Bntttftf ftp THE LIBRARIES LETTERS OF MARY, QUEEN OE SCOTS. VOL. II. Ij m t i m tl @ II A Ti- 'T Sin rr ©f scoa^. § 'RXCIKXAITID), "IIVES Or THE QUEERS OE EITG-IAND " i i , IX If , i ! < EHRY CO LB URN, GREAT MARL SO ROUGH STREET LETTERS OF MARY, QUEEN OF SCOTS NOW FIRST PUBLISHED FROM THE ORIGINALS, COLLECTED FROM VARIOUS SOURCES, PRIVATE AS WELL AS PUBLIC, WITH AN HISTOEICAL INTEODUCTION AND NOTES, BY AGNES STRICKLAND, AUTHOR OF "THE LIVES OF THE QUEENS OF ENGLAND." " Whoever corrects the relations of history by the private letters of those who were the actors of the times will learn at every step, as he ad- vances, to distrust the prejudices of others and his own." Sir John Dalrymple. & N [Davison, Queen Elizabeth's private secretary, who was deluded, to his ruin, into despatching the warrant for the death of Mary Queen of Scots, has, in his nar- rative of exculpation, given us some insight regarding the manner in which Queen Elizabeth received this answer of her Fotheringay castellans to the proposal of assassination. " When her majesty had read it, she fell into some terms of offence, complaining of the . dainty perjury of Sir Amias, who, contrary to his oath of association, would lay the whole burden of this death on her. Then she took a turn or two on her gallery whither Davison followed her, she renewing her former speech, blaming the niceness of " that precise fellow Paulet,'' for so she called him now, instead of her former caress- ing epithets of " Amias, my most careful and faithful servant. 1 "' " For," she added, " in words he would do much, but in deeds perform nothing," and concluded, «' She would have it done without them, naming one Wingfield, who, she assured Secretary Davison, would with some others undertake^ 1 ' — viz. the private assassi- nation of the Queen of Scots. She did not, however, find it so easy in England to obtain agents for private murder. QUEEN OF SCOTS. 239 " For," says Davison, « the next time I had access to her, she swore it was a shame to them all (her ministers and privy council) that it was not done."] l February 1. Elizabeth signs the warrant for the execution of Mary Stuart, which Davison lays before her, and orders it to be forwarded to Walsingham, the chancellor. Warrant of Queen Elizabeth for the Execution of the Queen of Scots. Elizabeth, by the grace of God, Queen of England, France, and Ireland, &c. To our trusty and well-beloved cousin, George Earl of Shrewsbury, Earl Marshall of England, Henry Earl of Kent, Henry Earl of Derby, George Earl of Cumberland, and Henry Earl of Pem- broke, greeting, &c. Whereas, sithence the sentence given by you, and others of our Council,' Nobility and Iudges, against the Queen of Scots, by the name of Mary, the Daughter of James the Fifth, late king of Scots, commonly called the Queen of Scots, and Dowager of France, as to you is well known ; all the States in the last Parliament as- sembled did not only deliberately, by great advice, allow and approve the same sentence as just and ho- nourable, but also with all humbleness and earnestness possible, at sundry times require, solicit, and press us to direct such further execution against her Person, as they did adjudge her to have only deserved ; adding thereunto, that the forbearing thereof was and would be daily certain and undoubted danger, not only unto our own life, but also unto themselves, their posterity, 1 We refer the reader for further particulars on this act of the tragedy to Sir Harris Nicolas' Life of Davison. 240 LETTERS OF MARY, and the public estate of this Realm, as well for the cause of the Gospel and true Religion of Christ, as for the peace of the whole Realm ; whereupon we did, although the same were with some delay of time, publish the same Sentence by our Proclamation, yet hitherto have forborn to give direction for the further satisfaction of the aforesaid most earnest requests, made by our said States of our Parliament ; whereby we do daily un- derstand, by all sorts of our loving Subjects, both of our Nobility and Council, and also of the wisest, greatest, and best-devoted of all Subjects of inferior degrees, how greatly and deeply, from the bottom of their hearts, they are grieved and afflicted, with daily, yea hourly fears of our life, and thereby consequently, with a dreadful doubt and expectation of the ruin of the pre- sent happy and godly estate of this Realm, if we should forbear the further final execution, as is deserved, and neglect their general and continual requests, prayers, counsels, and advices, and thereupon, contrary to our natural disposition in such case, being overcome with the evident weight of their counsels, and their daily in- tercessions, imparting such a necessity, as appeareth, directly tending to the safety not only of our self, but also to the weal of our whole Realm ; we have con- descended to suffer justice to take place, and for the execution thereof upon the special trusty experience and confidence which we have of your loyalties, faithfulness and love, both toward our Person and the safety thereof, and also to your native countries, whereof you are most noble and principal Members, we do will, and by War- rant hereof do authorize you, as soon as you shall have time convenient, to repair to our castle of Fotheringay, where the said Queen of Scots is in custody of our right trusty and faithful servant, and Counsellor, Sir Amyas Powlet, Knight ; and then taking her into your charge, h>*^<£ ^i f ^ i 2/ ! PS^all Lr»irfr -A^****: fi> CCr fifet^ ^ ^ 4^iy ~ ShtmwvrZ &L to fce ky f-« £. JtpnXfi*- v. r/&< ~& £0 «J» cKp> /)4,faM ly yn#- t^t ^y, ^ "^ cmJ>£au> & bvJt ftyi-i fo>t+2& IUv^j^ ffvCO^eb QUEEN OF SCOTS. 241 to cause by your commandment execution to be done upon her person, in the presence of yourselves and the aforesaid Sir Amyas Powlet and of such other officers of justice as you shall command to attend upon you for that purpose; and the same to be done in such manner and form, and at such time and place, and by such per- sons, as to five, four, or three of you shall be thought by your discretions convenient, notwithstanding any Law, Statute, or Ordinance to the contrary : And these our Letters Patents, sealed with our Great Seal of Eng- land, shall be to you, and every of you, and to all per- sons that shall be present, or that shall be by you com- manded to do any thing appertaining to the aforesaid Execution, a full sufficient Warrant and discharge for ever. And further, we are also pleased and contented, and hereby we do will, command, and authorize our Chancellor of England, at the requests of you all and every of you, the duplicate of our Letters Patents, to be to all purposes made, dated, and sealed with our Great Seal of England, as these Presents now are. In witness whereof, we have caused these our Let- ters to be made Patents. Given at our Manor of Greenwich, the 1st day of February, in the twenty- ninth year of our Reign. Warrant of the Privy Council for the Execution of Mary Queen of Scots. 1 To the Earl of Kent. After our very hearty commendations to your Lord- 1 Cotton. M.S. Calig. c. ix. f. 156. See facsimile opposite. It may be matter of satisfaction to the reader to examine the mys- terious order of Elizabeth's privy council, which caused the exe- cution of Mary. The contents of this document in modern ortho- VOL. II. M 242 LETTERS OF MARY, ship, Whereas her majesty hath privately directed her commission under her hand and great seal of England, to our good Lord of Shrewsbury, your Lord- ship and others, for her special service tending to the safety of her royal person and universal quietness of her whole realm, as by the said commission shall ap- pear to your lordship, We have thought good to send the same by this bearer, Mr. Robert Beale, a person of great trust and experience — first to be shewed to your lordship, and afterwards to be by him carried to the Earl of Shrewsbury, from whom we doubt not that your lordship shall very speedily hear, at what time his lordship and you may most conveniently meet to- gether for the execution of the said commission. 2 And in the mean time your lordship shall understand by this bearer, how needful it is to have the proceedings herein to be kept very secret, and upon what occasion no more of the lords in commission are at this time used herein. 1 Referring your lordship therefore to his sufficiency for the rest, we heartily bid your lordship farewell. At the court at Greenwich, this third of February, 1586 (7.) Your Lordship's loving friends, W. Burghley, H. Derby, R. Leicester, C. Howard, H. Hunsdon, W. Cobham, Er. Knollys, Chr. Hatton, Era. Walsingham, W. Davison. graphy are presented to the reader above. The warrant signed by Elizabeth herself, which she averred was only to be kept in terrorem, was by this instrument of the privy council set in activity. 2 i. e. putting to death Mary, Queen of Scots. 1 The passages in italics acquit the rest of the English no- bility and nation of the foul stain of Mary's murder, and in justice limit the disgrace to the men whose autographs are here appended. QUEEN OF SCOTS. 243 [Endorsed in another hand, 3 February 1586 (7). Copy of a letter from the Honourable of her Majesty's council to the Earl of Kent touching the execution of the Scottish queen.] 1587. February 4. Beale, secretary to the council, is despatched to Fotheringay, to carry the order, and take the necessary measures of precaution. February 7. The Earls of Shrewsbury and Kent, accompanied by Sheriff Andrews, arrive at Fotheringay, and inform Mary Stuart that she is to be executed the next day. The Queen of Scotland begs permission to see her confessor, which is refused her. The Queen of Scots to her Almoner, De Preau, written the evening before her execution. l February 7, 1587. I have striven this day for my religion, and against receiving my last consolation from the heretics ; you will hear from Burgoin [lier physician,] and the others that, at least, I made protestation of my faith in the which I will die. I required to have you, to make my confession, and to receive from you my sacrament. This has been cruelly refused to me, as well as permission to carry away my body, and the power of leaving by will, freely, or of writing anything except it pass through their hands, and by the good pleasure of their mistress. I must therefore confess my grief for my sins in general, as I had intended to do to you in particular, imploring you in the name of God, this night to watch for me, praying that my sins may be remitted, and to 1 Jebb, vol. ii., p. 303. This is a translation from the original French, printed in that collection. M 2 244 LETTERS OF MARY, send me your absolution and pardon, if at any time I may have offended you. I shall endeavour to see you, 1 though in their pre- sence, as they have accorded to me my maitre d? hotel, [Melville] ; and if it is permitted me, before them all, on my knees, I will ask your benediction. Advise me as to the most proper prayers for this night and for to-morrow morning. The time is short, and I have no leisure to write, but I will recommend you with the rest [of her household^; above all, your benefices shall be assured to you, and I will recommend you to the king [of France.] I have no more leisure. Advise me of all that you can think of for my soul's health hy writing. I will send you a last little token. 1587. Feb. 7-8. Mary passes the night in prayer, and in writ- ing her testamentary arrangements. 1 De Preau, the almoner, or domestic chaplain of the Queen of Scots, had always been under the same roof with her, though de- barred from her presence since October, 1586, the time of her mock trial. The following notice of this priest occurs in Sir Ralph Sadler's information concerning the routine of Mary's household, in November, 1584. "Her two secretaries, Nau and Curie; the master of her household, Andrew Melville ; her physician, Burgoin, and De Preau, have separate chambers, and so always have had." Again, " the secretaries, Melville, Burgoin, and De Preau, eat at a mess of seven or eight dishes." In some accounts given of Mary's death, an old man is said to have been present, with the rest of her servants, and, as Mr. Tytler says, her almoner was present, this old man must have been De Preau. QUEEN OF SCOTS. 245 The Will of the Queen of Scots. Copy of the Will and of a memorandum made by the late queen, Mary Stuart, Queen of Scotland and Dowager of France. The said cop}', taken from the original of the said will and memorandum, entirely written and signed by the queen's own hand on the evening before, and on the day of her death, which was the 8th of February, 1587. In the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, I, Mary, by the grace of God, Queen of Scotland and Dowager of France, being on the point of death, and not having any means of making my will, have myself committed these articles to writing, and I will and desire, that they have the same force as if they were made in due form. In the first place, I declare that I die in the Catholic, Apostolic, and Romish faith. First, I desire that a complete service be performed for my soul in the church of St. Denis in France, and another in St. Peter's [church] at Rheims, where all my servants are to attend, in such manner, as they may be ordered to do by those to whom 1 have given directions, and who are named therein. Further, that an annual obit be founded for prayers for my soul in perpetuity, in such place, and after such manner, as shall be deemed most convenient. To furnish funds for this, I will that my houses at Fountainebleau be sold, hoping that the king will ren- der me assistance, as I have requested him to do in my memorandum. I will that my estate of Trespagny be kept by my cousin de Guise for one of his daughters, if she should come to be married. In these quarters, I relinquish 246 LETTERS OF MARY, half of the arrears due to me, or a part, on condition that the other be paid, in order to be expended, by my execu- tors in perpetual alms. To carry this into effect the better, the documents shall be looked out, and delivered according to the assign- ment for accomplishing this. I will also that the money which may arise from my lawsuit with Secondat be distributed as follows : First, in the discharge of my debts and orders here- after mentioned, and which are not yet paid ; in the first place, the two thousand crowns to Courle, 1 which I de- sire to be paid without any hesitation, they being a mar- riage portion, upon which neither Nau nor any other person has any claim, whatever obligation he may hold, inasmuch as it is only fictitious, and the money is mine, and not borrowed, which since I did but show him, and afterwards withdraw it, and it was taken from me with the rest at Chartelay; 2 the which I give him, pro- vided he can recover it, agreeably to my promise, in payment of the four thousand francs promised at my death, one thousand as a marriage portion for an own sister, and he having asked me for the rest for his ex- penses in prison. As to the payment of a similar sum to Nau, it is not obligator}^, and therefore it has always been my intention that it should be paid last, and then only in case he should make it appear that he has not acted contrary to the condition upon which I gave it him, and to which my servants were witnesses. As regards the twelve hundred crowns, which he has placed to my account, as having been borrowed by him for my use, six hundred of Beauregard, three hundred from Gervais, and the remainder from I know not whom, he must repay them out of his own money, and I must be quit, and my order annulled, as I have not received 1 Curie, her secretary. 2 Chartley. QUEEN OF SCOTS. 247 any part of it, consequently it must be still in his possession, unless he has paid it away. Be this as it may, it is necessary that this sum should revert to me, I having received nothing ; and in case it has not been paid away, I must have recourse to his property. I further direct, that Pasquier shall account for the moneys that he has expended and received by order of Nau from the hands of the servants of Monsieur de Chasteauneuf, the French ambassador. Further, I will that my accounts be audited and my treasurer paid. Further, that the wages and sums due to my house- hold, as well for the last as for the present year, be paid them before all other things, both wages and pensions, excepting the pensions of Nau and Courle, until it be ascertained what there is remaining, or whether they have merited any pensioning from me, unless the wife of Courle be in necessity, or he ill-treated on my account; the wages of Nau after the same manner. I will that the two thousand four hundred francs which I have given to Jeanne Kenedy 1 be paid to her in money, as it was stated in my first deed of gift, which done, the pension of Volly Douglas shall revert to me, which I give to Fontenay 2 for services and expences, for which he has had no compensation. I will that the four thousand francs of that banker's be applied for and repaid ; I have forgotten his name, but the Bishop of Glascou will readily recollect it ; and if the first order be not honoured, I desire that another may be given on the first money from Secondat. 1 Jane Kenneday, sometimes called Jane Kennet, who afterwards married Sir Andrew Melville, and was drowned by accident at Leith, having been appointed by James VI. first lady to his ex- pected bride, Anne of Denmark. (Melville's Memoirs.) 2 The brother of her secretary Nau. 248 LETTERS OF MARY, The ten thousand francs which the amhassador has received for me, I will that they be distributed among my servants who are now going away, viz. First, two thousand francs to my physician. two thousand francs to Elizabet Courle. two thousand francs to Sebastien Paiges, two thousand francs to Mairie Paiges, my god- daughter. to Beauregard a thousand francs, a thousand to Gourgon. a thousand to Gervais. Further, that out of the rest of my revenue, with the remainder of Secondat's and all other casualties, I will that five thousand francs be given to the foundling hos- pital of Rheims. To my scholars, two thousand francs. To four mendicants such sum as my executors may think fit, according to the means in their hands. Five hundred francs to the hospitals. To Martin, escuyer de cuisine, I give a thousand francs. A thousand francs to Annibal, whom I recommend to my cousin de Guise, his godfather, to place in some situation, for his life, in his service. I leave five hundred francs to Nicolas, and five hun- dred francs for his daughters, when they marry. 1 leave five hundred francs to Robert Hamilton, and beg my son to take him, and Monsieur de Glascou, or the Bishop of Rosse. I leave to Didier his registership, subject to the ap- probation of the king. I give five thousand francs to Jean Landor, and beg my cousin of Guise, or of Mayne, to take him into their service, and Messieurs de Glascou and de Rosse to see QUEEN OF SCOTS. 249 him provided for. I will that his father be paid his wages, and leave him five hundred francs. I will that one thousand francs be paid to Gourgeon, for money and other things with which he supplied me in my necessity. I will that, if Bourgoin should perform the journey, agreeably to the vow which he made, for me to Saint Nicolas, that fifteen hundred francs be paid to him for that purpose. I leave, according to my slender means, six thousand francs to the Bishop of Glascou, and three thousand to him of Rosse. And I leave the gift of casualties and reserved seignorial rights to my godson, the son of Monsieur de Ruisseau. I give three hundred francs to Laurenz. Also, three hundred francs to Suzanne. And leave ten thousand francs among the four per- sons who have been my sureties, and to Varmy the solicitor. I will that the money arising from the furniture which I have ordered to be sold in London shall go to defray the travelling expenses of my servants to France. My coach I leave to carry my ladies, and the horses, which they can sell or do what they like with. There remains about three hundred crowns due to Bourgoing for the wages of past years, which I desire may be paid him. I leave two thousand francs to Melvin [Sir Andrew Melville], my steward. I appoint my cousin, the duke of Guise, principal executor of my will. After him, the Archbishop of Glascou, the Bishop of Rosse, and Monsieur de Ruissieu, my chancellor. m 5 250 LETTERS OF MARY, I desire that Le Preau may without obstacle hold his two prebends. I recommend Marie Paiges, my god-daughter, to my cousin, Madame de Guise, and beg her to take her into her service, and my aunt de Saint Pierre to get Mou- bray some good situation, or retain her in her service, for the honour of God. Done this day, 7th February, 1587. Signed, Mary, Queen. In the copy from which this will is taken, the follow- ing memorandum is on the same sheet. Memorandum of the last requests which I make to the King. To cause to be paid me, all that is due to me, of my pensions, as also of money advanced by the late queen, my mother, in Scotland, for the service of the king, my father-in-law, in those parts; that at least an annual obit may be founded for my soul, and that the alms and the little endowments promised by me may be carried into effect. Further, that he may be pleased to grant me the benefit of my dowry for one year after my death to re- compence my servants. Further, that he may be pleased to allow them their wages and pensions during their lives, as was done to the officers of Queen Alienor. 1 Further, I entreat him 1 Leonora or Eleanora of Austria, sister of Charles V. and second queen of Francis I. QUEEN OF SCOTS. 251 to take my physician into his service, according to his promise to consider him as recommended. Further, that my almoner [Preau] may be replaced in his profession, and for my sake have some trifling be- nefice conferred upon him, so that he may pray to God for my soul during the rest of his life. Further, that Didier, an old officer of my household, whom I have recompensed by a registership, may be permitted to enjoy it for his life, being already far ad- vanced in years. Written on the morning of my death, this 8th of February, 1587. Signed, Mary, Queen. Compared with the original paper, this 26th of April, 1638. — (Note of the time, in the same handwriting.) Contemporary writers make frequent mention of this will ; some of them even take notice of the exceptions made by Mary to the prejudice of Curie and Nau ; still I am of opinion that it has never been printed, at least not in French. The original is supposed to be in the archives of the Vatican, but it must have been registered in France, since the parliament of Paris issued an arret relative to its execution. As for the memorandum, that has been frequently published, among others, by Jebb, ii., 803, and Keralio, v., 435. — (Note by Prince Laba- noff.) 1587. Wednesday, February 8, 0. S. (New Style, the 18th.) Mary Stuart is beheaded in one of the rooms in Fotheringay Castle. Henry Talbot, son of the Earl of Shrewsbury, is immediately despatched to inform Elizabeth of the event. 252 LETTERS OF MARY, The scaffold being removed, Sir Amias Paulet causes the will of Mary Stuart to be read by her almoner, Preau, who had been sepa- rated from her ever since the 24th of November, and who had not permission to be present at her death. The same day, the body of the deceased queen is embalmed, and placed in a leaden coffin, which was kept for six months in the said castle, where all her servants were likewise detained. The last proceedings of the Queen of Scotland after she was admonished of her death till the hour thereof 1 On Monday the 7th day of February, my Lord Beale, one of the nobles who are about the Queen of England, was sent by her to Fotheringhay, where the Queen of Scotland was prisoner, with charge and commission from the said Queen of England to proceed to immediate execution of the sentence, which had been pronounced on the said Queen of Scotland, and command was sent to the Earl of Shrewsbury to be present at this execu- tion, and also to some other gentlemen near neighbours to the Castle of Fotheringhay. As soon as he arrived, the Lord Beale desired to visit the said lady queen, which he did the same day. 1 Life of Egerton, Lord Chancellor, printed for private circulation by the Earl of Bridgewater, p. 109. This curious contemporary document appears to have been transmitted by the French ambassa- dors, with other reports of the transactions of that period, to their master, Henry III. of France. Besides this original narrative, and the one following edited by Prince Labanoff, there are two others, one by a French eye-witness, the other by one of her Scottish ser- vants, each enriched with little distinct particulars which had escaped the others ; the principal variations are in her Life in French, published in 1670, by M. Pierre le Pesant, the other is printed in her Life by Sanderson, 1646. 8 Meaning Mr. Secretary Beale. QUEEN OF SCOTS. 253 About the eighth or ninth hour of the evening, he pre- sented himself at her chamber door, which was imme- diately opened by one of her chamberers, of whom he demanded, " If the said lady were now going to bed ?" She replied, " that her majesty was making herself ready for it, having already taken off her mantle." She then hastily re-entered the chamber of the said lady, and told her "that Beale had already entered her ante- chamber, and desired to speak to her." The queen called for her mantle which she had thrown off, and bade them open the chamber door. He entered, and having made his salutation, said, " Madame, I could well have desired, that some other, than I, had had to announce such evil tidings, as those I have now to tell you on the part of the Queen of England, but being her faithful servant, I can do nothing less than obey the commandment that she has given me, which is, madame, to admonish you, as I now do, to dispose and hold yourself ready, to-morrow at the tenth hour of morning, to suffer the execution of the sentence of death, which has been pronounced on you a little time ago." The said lady replied to him with great firmness, and without betraying the slightest degree of fear. " I praise and thank my God, that it pleases him to put an end by this to the many miseries and calamities that they have compelled me to endure; for, since nine- teen years up to the present moment, I have been con- stituted a prisoner, and very evilly entreated by the Queen of England my sister, without having ever in- jured her, as God is my principal witness ; but I go to render up my spirit into his hands, innocent and with a pure heart, and conscience clear before his Divine Ma- jesty of the crimes of which she has caused me to be accused; and I shall now carry this same innocence 254 LETTERS OF MARY, boldly before bis face, who is the sole judge of my past actions. And seeing that I must die a death so violent, brought about by the means of one so unjust, and by the iniquitous judgment of men to whom I could never be accountable, I will make myself known openly when I present myself there, which will be far better for me than to live on in the same calamity, and that martyr- dom in which they have made me languish so long ; not having the least hope, from the evil nature of the queen — her mortal hatred and constant cruelty to me ; and now, to please her councillors and others my ancient foes, she wills to make herself subservient to them, for the accomplishment of my ruin and my death, which I shall be seen patiently to endure, that I may be delivered from their continual persecutions, in order to reign per- petually, if it may please God, in a more happy resting- place than I have had the better part of my days, near so obdurate and cruel a relation ; but since she is re- solved on such rigour, the will of God be done/' When the damsels and other persons, who were about the said lady heard and understood these doleful tidings, they began to scream and shed tears, and would have abandoned themselves to despair, but for the sweet con- solations which this poor princess gave them. She exhorted them on all the points of that patience which was shown for our example in the death and passion of our Lord Jesus Christ, whom she took and rested upon as the foundation of her salvation, begging her said damsels to watch and pray to God continually with her. This they did till an hour or two after midnight, when she wished to throw herself on her bed, where she re- mained only half an hour, and afterwards entered within a cabinet, which served her for an oratory, where she was accustomed to^ make her most particular orisons, entreating, however, those who were in her chamber to QUEEN OF SCOTS. 255 continue in their prayers while she was making hers, which she did till the break of day, when quitting her devotions, she said to her damsels these words : — " My good friends, it gives me infinite regret that I have so little, wherewithal, to requite you, in effect, as I could much have wished, according to my good-will, for the good and faithful services that every one of you have rendered to me in my necessity. I have only one thing more to do, which is, to add a clause to the will that I have left, and ordain my son, the King of Scot- land, to perform for me the duty of requiting and making to every one of you satisfaction and worthy contentment after my death. I will write to him on this, and some other things that I have particularly to say to him." She re-entered her cabinet to write, having the pen in her hand during two hours. As she was on the point of concluding her letter, they came and knocked at the door, 1 which she would open herself to the Sieur Beale, who was accompanied by Sir Amias Paulet, the same who had had the said lady in his keeping, and whose office it was to conduct her to the place prepared for her last day. She prayed them, " to give her the delay of half an hour's time, to finish something that she had begun to write." This was granted, but the said Beale 1 In another narrative of this scene, we find the following cir- cumstances : — Burgoin, her physician, having begged her to take a bit of bread and a glass of wine, she took it, and then fell on her knees to pray to God ; after she had been some time in that posture they beat at her chamber-door a second time; this was the earl-marshal, with a great many attendants, who designed, as some have given out, to drag her to death by force if she had asked for longer time. But she no sooner saw them, than she declared her readiness to go along with them, and only desired " that one of her servants might be allowed to take a small ivory crucifix, which stood on the altar of her oratory." (Life of Mary, by M. Pierre le Pesant Sieur du Bois Guilbert.) 6 256 LETTERS OF MARY, and Paulet remained all the time in her ante-cham- ber. The said lady came soon after out of her cabinet, where she had left what she had written, and said to two of her damsels, " I beseech you, my good friends, not to forsake me, and be, if you please, near me at the hour of my death." When she came out of her chamber, finding the said Beale and Paulet before her, she said to them, " If it is now that I ought to die, tell me, for I am all prepared for it, with as much of patience as it will please God to give me ; but in the mean time, I will intrust you to say and report to the Queen of England, my sister, from me, that she and those of her council have put on me the most iniquitous and unjust judgment that was ever given in this realm and all Christendom, without proof, assured form, or any order of justice whatsoever ; and I hold it for a certainty that the judgments of God will follow her so strictly and so closely that her own con- science will accuse her all her life, and God after her death, with my innocence, in which I will fearlessly ren- der my spirit into his hands." She then prayed that they would permit the approach of two damsels and her maitre cThotel, 1 who took her under the arms to assist her in descending from her chamber to the great hall below in the castle of Fother- ingay, which was full of people, who had been waiting there all the night for the purpose of witnessing this piteous spectacle. In the centre of this hall there was a high place, raised with five or six steps to ascend it ; thither she was assisted by her maitre dliotel and the said damsels. The people, who were attentive through- out to observe her actions and her countenance, as well as to note all the words that proceeded from her mouth, 1 Sir Andrew Melville was her maitre d'hotel. QUEEN OF SCOTS. 257 fixed their eyes on this poor princess, whose coun- tenance appeared of such great beauty that every one there marvelled at it. The said lady being on her knees, her hands joined, and her eyes raised to heaven, she spoke in such wise that she did not seem like one compelled to her death, and on silence being accorded, she made this prayer: — ".My God, my Father, and my Creator, and his only Son, Jesus Christ, my Lord and Redeemer, who art the hope of all the living, and of all those who die in thee ; since that thou hast ordained, that my soul must be se- parated from this mortal body, I supplicate very humbly of thy goodness and mercy not to abandon me in this extremity, but that I may be covered with thy holy grace, giving me pardon for all the negligences and faults that I have committed against thy holy ordinances and commandments, even as it has pleased thee of thine especial grace to make me born a queen, sacred 1 and anointed in thy church. 1 have, nevertheless, always well considered and believed, as I do now, that this greatness could not render me excusable for my faults towards thee, being of like condition with other mortals, subject to thy righteous judgments, and most certain, that they cannot be those which are from the heart and from the thoughts of men, inconstant and variable as they full often are, and of their own movements forgetful and reckless, for example, even of the misery that their pure ambition and envy have produced to me by the Queen of England, even to this bloody death, the which they have this long time premeditated and sworn against me. 2 I would not be ignorant, also, my God, but will freely say and confess, that I am, myself often very far from the 1 Meaning consecrated. 2 See Leicester's letter and other papers in the supplementary portion of this volume. 258 LETTERS OF MARY, right course of thy ordinances, for which, and for all other faults, whatsoever they be, that I have committed, I very humbly supplicate, my God, that thou wouldst give me remission, even as I also, with a good heart, pardon all those who have offended me and have con- demned me, by their iniquitous sentence, to this cruel death. Permit me, my God, that for my justification, I may yet, without offence to thee, and in a few words, in- form all those in whose presence I shall render up my soul to thee, the rest of the realm, and the whole of Christendom, of the protestation that I make ; which is, that I never have concerted, willed, conspired, nor in any sort given counsel nor aid, in any of the conspiracies of death, for the which I am here so falsely accused and so inhumanly treated, although I have often sought, with the aid of my friends, Catholics of this realm and else- where, by means free from guilt and more suitable to me, such as I could sanction, to effect my escape from these miserable prisons, and to regain some liberty, without in any way offending against thy divine majesty, or troubling the peace of this kingdom. And if I have had any other intention, in this place, I beseech thee, that my soul may be deprived perpetually of the parti- cipation in thy mercy and grace, and of the fruits which she hopes and expects, from the death and passion of thy very dear Son our Lord Jesus Christ ; and being in- nocent of all such treachery, I remit all my other faults and offences to the holy and divine justice, by the invo- cation which I make to the glorious Virgin Mary, and to all the saints, angels, and the blessed who are in Paradise, that they will please to intercede now for me to God, and that I may be partaker, and reign perpe- tually with them, in the celestial glory." Having finished this prayer, 1 she took a white linen 1 " And now, being in her petticoat and kirtle prepared for QUEEN OF SCOTS. 259 kerchief that she put into her mantle, and gave it to one of her damsels who were near her, saying, " Hold, bind my eyes with this linen, and abandon not my body, I pray you, in my extremity, while I shall be employed in the care of my soul." When her eyes were bound, she was approached by a minister and the executioner — the latter dressed in a habit of black velvet. The minister wishing to give her counsel, began by saying, " Ma- dame, the things of this world ought not to be thought of, but God alone." The said lady demanded quickly of one of her dam- sels, " Tell me, is not this that speaks to me a minis- ter, hide it not from me ?" The other replied, " Yes, madame." Then she exclaimed, « Ah, my God, it makes me re- member that Thou hast said, 6 that we shall be some- death, her maids skreeking and crying out with exceeding- sorrow, they crossed themselves and prayed aloud in Latin. The queen crossed and kissed them, and desired their prayers without loud moaning, adding, e that she had passed her word for them :' then she crossed her men servants, who stood without the rail, weeping and crying out. She then kneeled down upon her cushion, resolutely and undauntedly, and spoke aloud in Latin the whole psalm, In te Domine conjido." It was then, certainly, that she expected, at every passing instant, the stroke of death. " For," says the narrative by Pierre le Pesant Sieur du Bois Guilbert, " she knelt upright some time, expecting her head to be taken off with the stroke of a sword, as they do in France. But the executioner and his servant, having waited some time, placed her head on the block. The executioner then gave her a stroke with an axe of the same shape of those which they cleave wood withal, without doing any further harm than wound- ing her scull, so awkward was he, then redoubling a second and third stroke, he at last cut off her head." It appears, never- theless, that the first stroke rendered her insensible ; for San- derson's narrative declares " that she did not stir or move the least, though it took two strokes to separate her head from her body." 260 LETTERS OF MARY, times assailed by the enemies of our souls at the hour of our death.' " And thereupon sh6 uttered these verses from the seven penitential psalms, " Depart from me all ye who work iniquity, for my God has heard the voi Mr. Lynne. England. 5 6. King James 5th impaling \ Mr. John Guise. J Wingfield. 7. King of France impaling ^ the arms of Mary of Scot- > Mr. Spencer. land. 3 8. Lord Darnley impaling the 3 m John Fortescue arms ot Mary, Queen or > - Tr , . , J7 i 01 Havwood. Scotland. J J The canopy, being of black velvet fringed with gold, borne by four knights, viz. Sir Thomas Manners. Sir George Hastings. Sir James Harrington. Sir Richard Knightley. QUEEN OF SCOTS. 321 Assistants to the body. Four barons which bore up the corners of the pall of velvet. The Lord Mordant. The Lord Willoughby of Parham. The Lord Compton. Sir Thomas Cecill. Mr. Garter, with the gentleman usher, Mr. Braken- bury. The Countess of Bedford, supported by the Earls of Rutland and Lincolne, her train borne up by the Lady St. John of Basing, and assisted by Mr. John Man- ners, vice-chamberlain. The Countess of Rutland, Countess of Lincoln. The Lady Talbot, Lady Mary Savill. The Lady Mordant, the Lady St. John of Bletshoe. The Lady Manners, the Lady Cecill. The Lady Montague, the Lady Nowel. Mrs. Alington, Mrs. Curie. Two ushers. Eight Scottish gentlewomen. The gentlewomen of Countesses and Baronesses, ac- cording to their degrees, all in bla'ck. Servants in black coates. The Countess of Bedford, 10. Countess of Rutland, 8. Countess of Lincoln, 8. Lady St. John of Basing, 5. All lords and ladyes, 5. All knights and their "i wives, J All esquires, I. The body being thus brought into the quire, was set down within the royal herse, which was twenty feet square, and twenty-seven feet in height, covered over with black velvet, and richly set with escotcheons of p 5 322 LETTERS OF MARY, arms and fringe of gold ; upon the body, which was covered with a pall of black velvet, lay a purple velvet cushion, fringed and tasseled with gold, and upon the same a close crown of gold set with stones ; after the body was thus placed, and every mourner according to their degree, the sermon was begun by the Bishop of Lincoln, after which certain anthems were sung by the quire, and the offering began very solemnly, as followeth : The Offering. First, the chief mourner offered for the queen, attended upon by all ladies. The coat, sword, target, and helm, were severally carried up by the two Earls of Rutland and Lincoln, one after another, and received by the Bishop of Peterborough, and Mr. Garter king at arms. The standard alone. The great banner alone. The lady chief mourner alone. The train-bearer alone. The two earls together. The lord steward, ) The lord chamberlain. J The Bishop of Lincoln alone. The four lords assistants to the body. The treasurer, comptroller, and vice-chamberlain. The four knights that bore the canopy. In which offering every course was led up by a herald, for the more order ; after which, the two bishops and the Dean of Peterborough came to the vault, and over the body began to read the funeral service ; which being said, every officer broke his staff over his head, and threw the same into the vault to the body ; and so every one departed, as they came, after their degrees, to the bishop's palace, where was prepared a most royal feast, and a dole given unto the poor. QUEEN OF SCOTS. 323 The following extract from Blackwood's History of Mary, Queen of Scots, furnishes particulars not given in the two preceding accounts of her funeral : — The corpes was carryed into a chamber next adjoin- ing, fearinge the saide maids should come to do any charitable good office. It did increase greatly their desire so to do after they did see their mistress corpes thorowe a little hole of the chamber wall, which [was] covered with cloath, but the wofull corpes was keepte a longe time in this chamber till it began to corrupt and smell strongly, so that in the end they were con- strained to salt it, and to e;nbalm lightly to save charges, and after to wrap it up in a cake of leade, keeping it seven monthes there before it was put into prophane earth in the church of Peterborough, It is very true that this church is dedicated under the name of monsieur saint Peter, and Queen Catherine of Spain was interred therein after the Catholique fashion, but it is now prophaned like all the churches of Eng- lande. M, de Chasteauneuf to King Henry III. Sire, — By order of the Queen of England, the funeral obsequies of the late Queen of Scotland were performed on the 11th of this month at Peterbourg, the episcopal town in the province in which the said lady died, and she was interred in the cathedral church, on the right side of the choir, and opposite to Queen Catherine, first wife of King Henry VIII. The obsequies were very solemn, and were attended by all the servants of the deceased ;* and they are now returning, and among them her physician, who, having attended her from the first 1 With the exception of Nau and Curie, her secretaries, who durst not appear. 324 LETTERS OF MARY, day of her strict imprisonment to the hour of her death, was directed and commanded by her to kiss the hands of your majesty, the queen, and the queen your mother, and to present them with some remembrance from her. The Queen of England is always hereabout, at the houses of noblemen, not having yet gone to Windsor, where her council is to assemble. Nothing further has occurred here, but what your majesty will see in a me- morial which accompanies these presents, the bearer of which is young Pasquier, who was in the service of the said deceased. Her secretaries, Nau and Curlle, have been set at perfect liberty, and every thing which be- longed to them before has been restored, after signing, in full council, a declaration that all the depositions which they had made aforetime were true, and that they had deposed without force, constraint, or bribery. Sir, I beseech the Creator to give your majesty per- fect health and prosperity, and a very long and very happy life. London, this 26th day of August, 1587. Your most humble and most obedient servant and subject, De l'Aubespine Chasteauneuf. It is stated in Egerton, page 131, that the original of this letter is to be found in the King's Library, Des- mcme's Collection, No. 9513, intituled, " Original Let- ters of State, Vol. iii., fol. 443." The librarians, how- ever, have no knowledge of it, and I have in vain examined the French manuscripts of the above-men- tioned collection ; none of them bears that title, or contains the preceding letter. — (Note by Prince Labo- nofiV QUEEN OF SCOTS. 325 1587. December 4. (December 14, N. S.) Decree of the parlia- ment at Paris, issued on the application of the Duke of Guise and the Archbishop of Glasgow, relative to the execution of the will of the late Queen of Scotland. Decree of the Parliament of Paris, \Wi December , 1587.— N. 8. Having seen the petition presented by Henry de Lor- raine, peer and grand master of France, Due de Guise; James, Archbishop of Glasgow, ambassador of the late Queen of Scotland in France ; John, Bishop of Ross, in the kingdom of Scotland ; aud Jehan de Champhuron, keeper of the seals to the said lady : By which it appears that, after the sentence of her death was made known to her, she wrote and signed a will with her own hand, containing several legacies and directions, as well relative to the discharge of her debts and the rewarding of her servants, as to the founding of certain endowments, and for the execution of the same chose and appointed the aforesaid petitioners, who felt themselves highly honoured by such choice and appoint- ment, made by so great and virtuous a queen : The which are desirous of promoting the said execu- tion, and with great cheerfulness and good- will to render the said lady this last service, having not less affection for her than during her lifetime, but doubt that there are sufficient funds to satisfy the creditors, and to fulfil the intentions of the said lady, who left no other property in France but a house of small value, situate at Fontaine- bleau; several sums which she alleges to be due to her from the king, but which, at present, it will be difficult to recover ; and some other claims contested by certain gentlemen, and which have been in litigation for the last twenty years : y 326 LETTERS OF MARY, The surplus, consisting in what may be in the hands of her treasurer, and rents due from her tenants, which they refuse to pay until some abatement be made, but which abatement the council of the said lady made a difficulty of directing, as it used to do, on account of her decease, without being authorised by the court; and, moreover, great disputes having arisen between the cre- ditors and legatees, as likewise with those who were in possession of the goods of the defunct, so that there was nothing but was disputed and involved in very long and intricate discussion, into which the petitioners cannot enter on account of the high and important affairs which they have in hand : and, further, that the said Archbishop of Glasgo and Ross, being liable to be sent for and re- called by the King of Scotland, who requested their places to be supplied ; seeing the will of the said de- ceased queen, the conclusions and consent of the procu- reur-general of the king, and all things considered, The said court, having regard to the said petition, and the consent of the said procureur-general, • Has ordered, and orders, that by the advice of the relatives, friends, and council of the said deceased Queen of Scotland, and her legatees and creditors, there be elected one or two persons, who shall take upon them- selves the execution of the will of the said lady, and the charge of management of her effects, in the capacity of executors in trust of the said will, and shall take all the necessary steps as well for commencing actions, as for defending any which may be brought against them in their said capacity by the creditors and legatees ; and they shall also receive and pay all moneys, and engage to account for the proceedings of the execution, which they shall be expected to undertake by the advice of the pe- titioners, who shall continue to be honorary executors, QUEEN OF SCOTS. 327 but without being in any way bound for the said execu- tion, or liable to be applied to by any one, or otherwise at all responsible ; and, in order to proceed to the said election and execution of this present decree, it has ap- pointed and appoints Jacques Brisard and Jean Chevallier counsellors in this matter. 1603. Aprils. Death of Elizabeth, Queen of England. James VI., King of Scotland, succeeds her, and unites the two crowns. 1612. October 11. James I. of England and VI. of Scotland re- moves the body of his mother, Mary Stuart, from Peterborough to Westminster. It was probably about this time that James caused the castle of Fotheringay to be demolished. Enquiry before the House of Lords, May I0th 9 1839, on the Destruction and Sale of Exchequer Docu- ments. Frederick Devon, Esquire, called in, and examined as follows : When you were last before the committee, you were asked whether you could find any evidence relative to Popham, as connected with the trial of Mary, Queen of Scots; have you discovered any thing? I have. " To John Popham, esquire, her Ma tie Attorney-Ge- neral, by way of reward for his travaile out of the coun- trey (which means into the country), and for chardges and attendaunce from the middert of August 1586, unto the tenth day of October dco anno, at London and at the court, and for his pains in and about the examina- cions, indictements, and trialls of Ballard, Babington, and the rest of the same conspiracy, and for his travaile, chardges and paines taken in the mattre of the Quene of Scottes at Fotheringay, and for his travail, paines and 328 LETTERS OF MARY, attendaunce taken in the draught of the commission and sentence, and other the proceedings against the said quene in the terme and vacacion time, and for his con- tinual attendaunce from the begynning to the ende of this last parliament, by the Lord Treasurer and Under Treasurer's warr*, dated the 2 d Jan v , 1586—100/." The next entry is a payment of 100/. to Thomas Egerton, Esquire, her Majesty's Solicitor-General, who was also at the trial of the Queen of Scots. In the same book (previously) is a payment of 270/. to the said At- torney and Solicitor-General, for services which are con- tained in a warrant dated 11th May, 1586. " To George Pette, (who, I imagine, was Clerk of the the Crown, or employed by the Attorney and Solicitor- General,) for his great travail and paynes imployed in and aboute the engrossing and enrollinge of the judgem 15 of the late convicted traitors, the great commission and all the proceedings therein against the late Queen of Scottes and for giving his hoole attendance in and about the same, by the appointment and direction of M r Attorney and M r Solicitor-General, ever since Michaelmas terme and before — 20/. And unto Thomas Wyndebanke, Clark of the Sygnet, for writing sundry commissions and Ires in French in the great rolle con- teyning the processe and sentence against the said Queen of Scottes — 100 s ; by like warr* dated the last of Dec. 1586—25/." "To by the hands of Richard Cupe, clerk unto the said cofferer, towards the provision of achates and victuals against the funeralles of the Scottishe Queue, by a privy seal, dated the II th of Julie, 1587 — 207/. 19.9." " To William Dethicke, Garter Principal King-at- Arms, for a hearse and other provisions of heraldrie, that he and the rest of the heraldes were to make for the QUEEX OF SCOTS. 329 Scottish Quene's funerale, by privy seal I I th of July, 1587— 406/." " To Amias Poulett, knight, one of Hir Maj tie privy counsaille, for the diettes and other his ehardges sus- teyned in the custody of the late Quene of Scottes, until the tyme of hir decease and since, by a privy seal, dated 11 th July, 1567— 1300/." There are several payments for the diet of the Queen of Scots in this book. There are payments to Davison of 500/., and in the Book of Warrants (12 a.) William Davison has 1000/., in October, 28 Eliz.; (so that it would appeal' he was not in very great disgrace for the part he took). 500/. is immediately after entered as being paid to the said William Davison, one of the queen's principal secretaries, also immediately afterwards is 1000/.; and I know, having seen it regularly entered on the Rolls, his pension was granted of 100/. a-year, which I have stated before in the preface to one of my books, even after James the First came to the throne, so that it would appear he either had great influence, or was not much disliked, although amerced 10,0001. in the Star Chamber, &c, and supposed to be under royal displeasure. Where is this from ? — The issue and other books in the Pell Office ; but the chief of those are taken from books that were saved from the vault ; and I find, on going through a book not saved from the vault, but in the Warrant Book, from the 12th of Elizabeth up to the 23rd of Elizabeth, an allowance was paid to the Earl of Shrewsbury of 52/. a- week, which appears to be paid about every six months, " for the maintenance and diet of the Queen of Scots;" it is paid from that date to the 23rd of Elizabeth, and then it is de- creased to 30/. a- week. There is a payment in " 1584, 26th Eliz,, to Bryan Cave, appointed for the removal of 330 LETTERS OF MARY, the Scottish Queen to Tuttebury, of 500Z. ;" and a pay- ment, amongst others, " to Monsieur Nau, 1 the Scottish Queen's servant, 731. I0s.2d.; to Sir Amias Poulett, 1300/., for the diet, &c. of the late Queen of Scots." 1 This item deserves great attention, proving that Nau was, long before the fatal catastrophe of his unfortunate royal mistress, the paid agent of Queen Elizabeth, The Queen of Scots always paid him his wages and expenses, and had even appointed pay- ment of his arrears of salary in her will, if he was found to have deserved it. See that document, previously quoted. It is de- sirable that the above item should be read in immediate con- junction with the following document, which proves that Nau (called de Naou therein) was recommended and even forced into the service of Mary Queen of Scots by Elizabeth herself: — Queen Elizabeth to the Earl of Shrewsbury. March 29, 1575. Right trusty and well-beloved cousin and councillor, we greet you well. Whereas the Queen of Scots hath been destitute of a French secretary since the death of Rollet, and hath, by her own letters, and by means out of France, desired us to suffer another to come and supply that place about her, which we have hitherto forborn to graut for divers good causes, and among other, for the evil offices which her other secretary 1 did there, whereof you are not ignorant. Now, forasmuch as the bearer hereof, called De Naou, a Frenchman, hath been chosen and recommended to us by our brother, the French king, with request he may go to her and serve her as her secretary, and hath promised that he shall carry himself in that even manner'that becometh an honest minister ; nor shall practise any hurtful or offensive thing, which he himself hath also vowed and promised here, with offer that, if at any time he shall be found faulty, he submitteth himself to any punishment. Upon these respects, and at her earnest request, we are pleased, that the said De Naou shall resort and abide with her as her secretary. And so our pleasure is, you should receive him into her company, and suffer him to serve 1 By this sentence it would appear that Rollet was faithful to his trust, and that Elizabeth would have permitted none but a spy to take his place. QUEEN OF SCOTS. 331 1 was asked if 1 could find Beal's payment, who took the warrant down ; I found the roll immediately before and after, but 1 question whether it would be there ; I find the payment of his salary ; he would be paid probably in her in that place, admonishing- him now at his entry, and also hereafter, to have consideration of the caution, which our said brother, the French king, hath given us for him, and also of his own promise, as he will avoid the danger wherein he hath condemned himself, if he be found faulty. Given under our signet, at our Manor of St. James's, the 29th of March, 1575, in the seventeenth year of our reign. To our trusty and well-beloved cousin and councillor, the Earl of Shrewsbury, Earl Marshal of England. This document is in Ellis's Original Letters, vol. ii., p. 270, where it may be seen in its original orthography. MS. Lansdowne, 1236, fol. 47. — The question naturally arises, who was Nau, the false secretary of the Queen of Scots, and by what fatal error did she admit him into her service ? The answer may well be rendered by this despatch from Queen Elizabeth to the Earl of Shrewsbury, whereby it appears that she recom- mended him into the service of her unfortunate prisoner, after the death of the faithful Rollet, so much regretted by Mary. It seems that Nau had previously been proposed as the successor of secretary Rollet by the King of France, but the earnestness with which Queen Elizabeth seconded the appointment of this man, (whose treachery ultimately furnished the pretence for the execution of Mary,) can be only appreciated by the perusal of the document above. And when the above Exchequer documents relative to Mary Queen of Scots (rescued from destruction by Frederic Devon, Esq., and here printed) are perused, and it is found that among the other secret-service money paid by Queen Elizabeth to the agents surrounding her victim, the large sum of £73 was dis- bursed to this Nau in 1584-, what can be the inference? It is that a simple money item, in combination with other documents, proves a lamp to lighten the dark places of history and to dis- cover iniquity. How carefully, then, should the documents, by which alone historical truth can be tested, be guarded by a great country ! 332 LETTERS OF MARY. one of the larger sums by the Lord High Treasurer, or by Walsingham. " In the 28th Eliz., 3600/. yearly is granted to Sir Amyas Paulet, for the custody and diet of the said Queen, out of the lands of Lord Paget.' 1 In the 2:)th Eliz., money is ordered "for the repairs of Fotheringay Castle, because the divers meetings and consultations of great importance had been held there.' , I believe that is the result of my search. Almost the whole of those I have named, except the payments to Lord Shrewsbury, are from the books saved from the vaults. Which would have been destroyed but for your in- spection ? — I do not say that ; they were put by, by Mr. Bulley, as not to be destroyed ; they would have been destroyed if they had remained in the vault. APPEJNMX APPENDIX, Throughout the whole of the preceding collection of docu- ments, allusions are made to the irreconcilable offence which the unfortunate Mary had given to Queen Elizabeth by the adoption of the arms and style of Queen of England, Scot- land, and Ireland. The Scottish confederate lords and their ally John Knox were the agents who excited in the bosom of Elizabeth the inextinguishable hatred for this supposed aggression, which never was allayed but by the blood of Mary. It is not difficult to perceive, by the tone of the fol- lowing papers, that the sole foundation for the accusation which weighed so fatally against Mary in after life, was merely the quartering of the arms by way of augmentation at a tournament. Just before the death of Mary's mother, Scotland, involved as it was in religious disputes, had been invaded by Queen Elizabeth under plea of affording support to the Reformers. Elizabeth was at that time a young woman, just settled on the throne of England. The Scottish lords, confederated against the queen-regent, worked on the jealousy which Eliza- beth felt on account of her doubtful legitimacy, by insert- ing in their manifesto to that queen the following irritating information. 1 1 Sadler Papers, vol. i. p. 606. 336 LETTER OF JOHN KNOX. 1560. Manifesto of the Scottish Lords. " We know most certainly that the French have spread abroad (though most falsely), that our Queen Mary is right heir to England and Ireland ; and to notify the same to the world, have, in paintings at public jousts in France and other places, this year, caused the arms of England, contrary to all right, to be borne publicly with the arms of Scotland, meaning nothing less than any augmentation to Scotland, to annex them both to the crown of France. And they have in writings in tvax, in public seals, written, and engraven, ad- joined the style of England and Ireland to the style of France, naming the French king, Francis II., husband to our queen and sovereign Mary, King of France, Scotland, England, and Ireland. Also they have further proceeded, and secretly sent into this realm of Scotland a seal to be used for the queen with the same style, and in manner of despite to the crown of England, they have sent to the dowager of Scotland, her mother, a staff for her to rest upon, having engraven on the top the said usurped arms." True or false, this information never ceased to rankle in Elizabeth's mind while the troublous existence of her rival lasted. No person, however, saw this redoubted seal and staff, excepting Master Knox, whose most curious letter on a subject, which brought such fatal results to his unfortunate queen, here follows. Its leading spirit is assuredly that of the church militant. John Knox to Mr. Railton. 1 October, 1560. Your letters, long looked for, received I in Edinburgh this 23rd of October. It is most assured that such a jewel \_the 1 In the Sadler Papers, vol. i. pp. 680, 681, 682, may be seen this do- GREAT SEAL AND SCEPTRE. 337 great seal just described] as your writings do specify is lately corned to our realm, but it is kept marvellously secret, 1 and the rather because these cold blasts of winter be able to cause the beauty of such May-flowers to fade. Thus much my eyes saw and my hands touched, a trim staff for the queen, then regent [Mary of Guise], sent from the persons whom before ye did specify, in which were all things which ye express, gorgeously engraved on silver and double gilt. This staff was sent in the month of May, in the same ship in which I came to Scotland, and was shown to me in great secrecy. The numbers and names of my needy brethren I did signify to such as be in your company, and to the man above, [supposed to be Cecil"]. The number is now aug- mented, and their poverty also in such sort, that if relief be not speedily provided, I fear that more than I will mourn when we may not so well amend it. God comfort them, for their battle is strong I The alteration that be here is this : the queen-regent, with public consent of the lords and barons assembled, is deprived of all authority and regiment [regimen] among us. She, her Frenchmen, and assistants, are, by open proclamation, de- clared and denounced enemies and traitors to this common- wealth, for that, being thrice required and charged to desist from fortifying Leith, she and they do obstinately proceed in their wicked enterprise. This was done Monday, before cument, in the orthography used by Master John himself, who wrote fair English for the era, with very few north country words or idioms. 1 That is, it never existed, excepting in the brains of the polemics who invented the description of it, to excite the fury of Queen Elizabeth. For the great seal of a kingdom to be kept " marvellous secret," which is used for the purpose of authenticating public documents, would be a strange anomaly. The political polemics of that day, on both sides of the ques- tion, would have been wonderfully improved in their morals by the casti- gation of our present periodical press, for their conduct looks ugly enough in documentary history. VOL. II. Q 338 SIEGE OF LEITH. noon. There shall be appointed to occupy the authority a great council, the president and head whereof shall be my lord Duck. [Which Duck was Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk, the general of Queen Elizabeth's invading force, who was after- wards beheaded for endeavouring to espouse Mary Queen of Scots. Master John resumes.] The authority of the French king and queen [Mary] is yet received, and will be in word, till they deny our most just requests, which ye shall, God willing, shortly hereafter understand, together with our whole proceedings in the be- ginning of this matter, which we are to set forth in manner of history. The battle is begun sharp enow, God give the issue to his glory and to our comfort ! She [the queen-regent] hath yet small advantage, for the death of two of our soldiers, and for the hurting of three gentlemen, she hath lost two captains, and hath sore wounded many of her chief soldiers, to the number of twenty upon one day. They brag, and the queen especially, that ye [the English] will leave us in the midst of this trouble ; and this [news] she hath by her last post, which came by you. My battle hath to this day been very bitter ; but if ye frus- trate my expectation, and the promises that I have made in your name, I heed not how few my dolorous days may be. What God hath wrought by me in this matter I will not now recite, but this I may say, that such offers are refused that mo [more] do judge us fools than praise our constancy. We are determined to essay [try] the uttermost, but first we must have five thousand soldiers ; for if we assault and be repulsed, then shall our enterprise be in great hazard, and our commons not able to abide together. Give adver- tisement, therefore, to such as favour us, that without delay our support be sent, as well by money as by men. If your eyes be single, ye may not let [hinder] succour to our pre- sent necessity. I must further require you to be a suitor to STATE OF SCOTLAND. 339 all such as ye know to be unfeigned favourers, and especially to our brethren in London, to have respect to our necessity. The French ships keep the waters here, which is to us a great annoyance, and unto them a great relief. Provision would be had at times, which we cannot watch, by reason that all our ships are absent, and, as we fear, staid [detained] as many as be in France. I cannot write to any especial for lack of opportunity, for in twenty-four hours I have not four free, to natural rest and ease of this wicked carcase. Remember my last request for my mother [Mrs. Bowes], and say to Mr. George, [probably George Bowes], that I have need of a good and assured horse, for great watch is laid for my apprehension, and large money promised to any that shall kill me ; and yet would I hazard to come to you, if I were assured that I might be permitted to open my mouth to call agin to Christ Jesus those unthankful children who allate [lately] have appeared utterly to have forgotten his loving mercies, which sometimes I supposed they had embraced. And this part of my care now poured into your bosom, I cease further to trouble you, being troubled myself, in body and spirit, for the troubles that be present and ap- pear to grow. God give end to his glory, and to our comfort. This 23rd of October, at midnight. P. S. Many things I have to write which now time suffer- eth not; but after, if ye make haste with this messenger, ye shall understand more [then some illegible words.'] I write with — sleeping eyes. Advertise me if all things come to your hands close, [viz., sealed up.] Such, as the writer himself says, " set forth in manner of history," is a lively picture of the proceedings in Scotland a few months before the return of Queen Mary, who was called on by adverse circumstances to govern a country, Q 2 340 MARY'S FIRST PROGRESS. thus convulsed, while yet in her teens ; the author of the foregoing epistle being the spiritual guide, with undefined authority in the land. 1561. The queen, soon after her arrival from France, began to think of making a progress through 'some of the principal towns of her kingdom. Her horses and mules having been detained in England, she was obliged to purchase ten horses at Stirling for the use of her household, preparatory to her progress. As the queen had no wheel-carriage, she set out on her journey on horseback on the 11th of September, 1561. In a note on the above passage, Chalmers says : On the 6th of September, 1561, the treasurer charged £211, given to John Livingston, her master stabler, to buy ten horses for her grace's household, and £1 13s. 4d. for incidental ex- pences. Ten haikneys were brought to Holyrood House, perhaps as presents, for the persons who brought them were paid "drink silver" or "bridle silver" of two crowns of the sum for each, or £'26 13s. 4d. The queen and her ladies probably rode on hackneys, as there is a charge in the same accounts of " ane mollat bit to the queen's haikney." Before her progress there are also charges for saddles and bridles to twelve of the queen's ladies, and for black riding cloaks to fifteen of the queen's ladies. During this journey, on the 24th of September, Randolph, the ambassador to Queen Elizabeth, at the court of Mary, wrote to Cecil that " at Stirling, the queen, lying in her bed, having a candle burning by her, being asleep, the curtains and tester took fire, and so was like to have smothered her as she lay." The ambassador sarcastically adds : •' Such as speak much of prophecies say that this is now fulfilled that of old hath been spoken, ' that a queen should be burnt at Stirling.' " MAITLAND'S INTERVIEW WITH ELIZABETH. 341 Randolph related another circumstance which occurred during his visit to Stirling, on Sunday, the 14th of Septem- ber, in the chapel royal: "Her grace's devout chaplains would, by the good advice of Arthur Erskine, have sung a high mass : the Earl of Argyle [Justice General] and the Lord James [prime minister and afterwards Earl of Murray] so disturbed the quiet that some, both priests and clerks, left their places with broken heads and bloody ears. It was a sport alone for some that were there to behold it ; others there were," and probably among them the queen, " that shed a tear or two, and then made no more of the matter." 1561. The "Tragical History of the Stuarts," attached to "The Secret History of Whitehall, from the Restoration of King Charles II. to the year 1696," by D. Jones, gent., printed in 1696 and 1697, in two duodecimo volumes, contains a long, apparently faithful, and extremely interesting report of the interview which took place between the English queen and Secretary Maitland, commonly called the Lord of Lething- ton, whom Mary had sent as her envoy to the court of London. " Soon after her arrival" [from France], says the author, " she despatched William Maitland ambassador to Queen Elizabeth, to confirm the peace lately made ; but the chief of his errand appeared to be to press Elizabeth to declare her to be the next heir to the crown of England ; which motion, because Queen Elizabeth did not a little stomach, and I do verily believe had some influence upon Queen Mary's future calamity, we shall a little more particularly insist upon, together with the queen's reply to the ambassa- dor upon it. " He began first to acquaint her how highly the queen his mistress was affected towards her, and how much she desired to maintain peace and amity with her ; he also 342 maitland's interview with Elizabeth. carried to her letters from the nobility, in which was men- tioned a friendly commemoration of former obligations and courtesies. But one thing they earnestly desired of her, that both publicly and privately she would show herself friendly and courteous towards their queen ; and, being in- cited by good offices, she would not only preserve them in her ancient friendship, but superadd daily stronger obliga- tions, if possible, hereunto. As for their part, it should be their earnest desire and study, to pretermit no occasion of perpetuating the peace betwixt the two neighbour nations, and that there was but one sure way to induce an amnesty of all past differences, and to stifle the spring of them for ever, by the Queen of England's declaring, by an act of par- liament confirmed by the royal assent, that their queen was heiress to the kingdom of England, next after herself and her children, if ever she had any. And when the ambassador had urged the equity and reasonableness of such a law, and how beneficial it would be to all Britain, by many arguments, he added, in the close, that she, being her nearest kinswo- man, ought to be more intent and diligent than others in having such an act made, and that the queen his mistress did expect that testimony of good-will and respect from her. " To which the Queen of England made answer to this purpose : ' I wonder she had forgot how that, before her de- parture out of France, that, after much urging, she promised that the league made at Leith should be confirmed, she hav- ing faithfully engaged it should be so, as soon as e'er she re- turned to her own country. I have,' continued she, ' been put off with words long enough, now it is time, if she had any regard to her honour, that her actions should answer her words.' To which the ambassador replied, that he was sent on that embassy but a very few days after the queen's ar- rival, before she had entered upon the administration of any public affairs ; that she had been hitherto taken up in treat- MAITLAND'S INTERVIEW WITH ELIZABETH. 343 ing of the nobility, many of whom she had never seen be- fore, who came from divers parts to perform their dutiful salutations to her ; but that she was chiefly employed about settling the state of religion, ' which, how troublesome and difficult a thing it is,' said he, ' yourself well know.' Hence he proceeded to show that his mistress had had no vacant time at all before his departure, neither had she yet called fit men for her council to consult about various affairs ; especially since the nobility, who lived in the re- motest parts of the north, had not been yet able to attend her before his coming away, with whose advice matters ot such public moment could and ought to be transacted. " Which words somewhat incensed Queen Elizabeth, and she said, * What need hath the queen to make any consulta- tion about that which she hath obliged herself to under hand and seal ?' He replied, * I can give no other answer at pre- sent, for I received no command about it, neither did our queen expect that an account thereof would now be required of me, and you may easily consider with yourself what just causes of delay she at present lies under ;' and, after some other words, the queen returned to the main point, and said, ' I observe what you most insist upon in behalf of the queen ; and, in seconding the requests of the nobles, you put me in mind that your queen is descended from the blood of the kings of England, and that I am bound to love her by a natural obligation as being my near kinswoman, which I neither can nor will deny. I have also made it evi- dent to the whole world that in all my actions I never attempted any thing against the good and tranquillity of herself and her kingdom. Those who are acquainted with my inward thoughts and inclinations are conscious that, though I had just cause of offence given, by her using my arms and claiming a title to my kingdom, yet I could hardly be persuaded that these seeds of hatred came from others and not from herself. However the case stands, I hope she 344 MAITLAND'S INTERVIEW WITH ELIZABETH. does not pretend to take away my crown whilst I am alive, nor hinder my children, if I have any, to succeed me in the kingdom. But if any calamity should happen to me before, as she shall never find that I have done any thing to preju- dice the right she pretends to have to the kingdom of Eng- land, so I never thought myself obliged to make a disquisition into what that right is, and I am of the same mind still, and so shall leave it to those who are skilful in the law to deter- mine. As for your queen, she may expect this confidently of me, that if her cause be just I shall not prejudice it in the least. I call God to witness that, next to myself, I know none that I would prefer before her, or, if the matter come to a dispute, that can exclude her. Thou knowest,' said she, ' who are the competitors ; by what assistance, or in hopes of what force can such poor creatures attempt such a mighty thing ?' " After some further discourse, the conclusion was short : ' That it was a business of great weight and moment, and that this was the first time she had entertained serious thoughts about it, and therefore she had need of longer time to dispatch it.' Some days after she sent for the ambassador again, and told him that she extremely wondered why the nobility should demand such a thing of her upon the first arrival of the queen, especially knowing that the causes of former offences were not yet taken away. But continued she, ' What, pray, do they require ? that I, having been so much wronged, should, before any satisfaction received, gra- tify her in so large a manner ; this demand is not far from a threat. If they proceed on in this way, let them know that I have force at home, and friends abroad, as well as they, who will defend my just right.' To which he answered, that he had shown clearly, at first ' how that the nobility had insisted on this hopeful medium of concord, partly out of duty to their own queen, in a prospect to maintain her weal and increase her dignity, and partly out of a desire to con- MAITLAND'S INTERVIEW WITH ELIZABETH. 345 tribute and settle public peace and amity, and that they dealt more plainly with her than with any other prince. In this cause proceeds,' said he, 'your known and experimented goodwill towards them, and also upon the account of their own safety ; for they knew they must venture life and for- tune, if any body did oppose the right of the queen, or if any war did arise betwixt the nations on that account ; and therefore their desires did not seem unwarrantable or unjust, as tending to the eradicating the seeds of all discords and the settling of a firm and solid peace/ '« She rejoined, ' If I had acted any thing that might diminish your queen's right, then your demand might have been just, that what was amiss might be amended ; but this postulation is without an example, that I should wrap myself up in my winding sheet while I am alive, neither was the like asked before by any prince ; however, I take not the good intention of your nobility amiss, and the rather because it is an evidence to me that they have a desire to promote the interest and honour of their queen; and I do put as great a value upon their prudence in providing for their own se- curity, and of being tender of shedding Christian blood, which could not be avoided if any faction should arise to challenge the kingdom ; but what such party can there be, or where should they have force ? But, to let these con- siderations pass, suppose I were inclinable to assent to their demands, do you think I would do it rather at the request of the nobles than of the queen herself? But there are many other things that avert me from such a transaction. First, I am not ignorant how dangerous a thing it is to venture upon the dispute; the disceptation concerning the right of the kingdom I always mightily avoided, for the controversy has been already so much canvassed in the mouths of many concerning a just and lawful marriage, and what children were bastards and what legitimate, according as every one is addicted to this or that party, that, by reason of these dis- ci 5 346 MAITLAND'S INTERVIEW WITH ELIZABETH. putes, I have been hitherto more backward in marrying. Once, when I took the crown publicly upon me, I married myself to the kingdom, and I wear the ring I then put on my finger as a badge thereof; however my resolution stands, I will be Queen of England as long as I live, and when I am dead let that person succeed in my place which hath most right to it ; and if that chance to be your queen, I will put no obstacle to it. But, if another hath a better title, it were an unjust request to me to make a public edict to his preju- dice ; if there be any law against your queen, 'tis unknown to me, and I have no great delight to sift into it; but if there should be any such law, I was sworn at my coronation that I would not change my subjects' laws.' " ' As for the second allegation, that the declaration of my successor will knit a stricter bond of amity betwixt us, I am afraid rather it will be a seminary of hatred and discontent. What ! do you think I am willing to have some of my grave- clothes always before my eyes ? Kings have this pecu- liarity, that they have some kind of sentiments against their own children, who are born lawful heirs to succeed them. Thus Charles VII. of France somewhat disgusted Louis XI., and Louis XII. Charles VIII., and, of late, Francis ill re- sented Henry, and how likely it is I should stand affected towards my kinswoman, if she be once declared my heir, just as Charles VII. was towards Louis XI.; besides, and that which weighs most with me, I know the inconstancy of this people ; I know how they loathe the present state of things ; I know how intent their eyes are upon a successor. 'Tis natural for all men, as the proverb is, to worship rather the rising than setting sun. I have learned that from my own times ; to omit other examples, when my sister Mary was sat at the helm, how eager did some men desire to see me placed on the throne, how solicitous were they in ad- vancing me thereto. I am not ignorant what danger they would have undergone to bring their design to an issue, if MAITLAND'S INTERVIEW WITH ELIZABETH. 347 my will had concurred with their designs ; now, perhaps, the same men are otherwise minded, just like children, when they dream of apples in their sleep, they are very joyful, but, waking in the morning, and finding themselves frustrate of their hopes, their mirth is turned into mourning. Thus I am dealt with by those who, whilst I was yet a private woman, wished me so well. If I looked upon any of them a little more pleasant than ordinary, they thought presently with themselves, that as soon as ever I came to the throne, they should be rewarded rather at the rate of their own desires than of the service they performed for me. But now, seeing the event hath not answered expectation, some of them do gape after a new change of things in hopes of a better fortune, for the wealth of a prince, though never so great, cannot satisfy the unsatiable desires of all men. But, if the good-will of my subjects do flag towards me, or if their minds are changed, because I am not profuse enough in my largesses, or for some other cause, what will be the event when the malevolent shall have a successor named, to whom they may make their grievances known, and in their anger and pet betake themselves ? What danger shall I then be in, when so powerful a neighbour prince is my successor ? the more strength I add to her in ascertaining her succes- sion, the more I detract from my own security. This dan- ger cannot be avoided by any precautions or by any bands of law ; yet, those princes who have hope of a kingdom of- fered them will hardly contain themselves within the bounds either of law or equity ; for my part, if any successor were publicly declared to the world, I should think my affairs to be far from settled and secured.' " A few days after, the ambassador asked the queen whether she would return any answer to the letter of the Scottish nobility ? ' I have nothing,' said she, ' at present, to answer, only I commend their diligence and love to their prince, but the matter is of such great weight that I cannot 348 MARY'S WARDROBE. so soon give a plain and express answer thereunto ; but when the queen shall have done her duty in confirming the league she obliged herself to ratify, then 'twill be reasonable to try my affection towards her; in the mean time, I cannot gratify her in her request without diminution to my own dignity.' The ambassador replied, he had no command about that affair, nor ever had any discourse with his mistress concerning the same ; neither did he then propound the queen's judgment concern- ing the right of succession but his own, and had brought reasons to enforce it ; but, as for the confirmation of the league by her husband, 'twas enforced from the Queen of Scots without the consent of those to whom the ratifying or dis- annulling thereof did much concern ; neither was the thing of such consequence as therefore to exclude her and her posterity from the inheritance of England. ' I do not in- quire,' said he, ' by whom, how, when, by what authority and for what reason that league was made, seeing I had no command to speak about any such matter; but this I dare affirm, that though it were confirmed by her in compliance with her husband's desire, yet, so great a stress depending on it, his queen in time would find out some reason or other why it should and ought to be dissolved. I speak not this,' said he, ' in the name of the queen, but my intent is to show that our nobility have cause for what they do, that so, all controver- sies being plucked up by the roots, a firm and sure peace may be established amongst us.' As this aggravated the spirits of Queen Elizabeth, so it was, no doubt, a great mor- tification to Queen Mary; but truckle she must, and so she confirmed the league, resigning any pretensions to wear the arms of England and Ireland during the other's life." 1562. The following miscellaneous particulars, illustrative of the tastes, habits, and manners of the Queen of Scots, relate almost exclusively to that period of her life when she enjoyed MARY'S WIDOW'S GARB. 349 the power, as well as the state and title, of royalty. Of that power she was deprived for ever upon her imprisonment in the castle of Lochleven. This appears, therefore, to be a proper place for the introduction of these gleanings. Cotgrave tells us that Mary, after the decease of Francis II., was called by the people of France, " the white queen," be- cause she wore that colour for mourning, a fashion which was altered in 1559, at the funeral of Henry II., by the queen - mother. Mary always took great delight in dress, and this she shows in several of the letters of this collection addressed to her minister in Paris. " She had," says Chalmers, " a great variety of dresses, as we learn from her wardrobe accounts. They consisted of gownes, vaskenis, 1 skirts, sleeves, doublets, veils, fardingales, cloikis. She had ten pair of wolven hois [woven hose] of gold, silver, and silk, three pair of woven hose of worsted of Guernsey. She had thirty-six pair of velvet shoes, passamented [laced] with gold and silver. She had six pair of gloves of worsted of Guernsey." " Elizabeth," remarks the same writer, " is said to have re- ceived, as a present from France, a pair of black silk stockings, which she had the honour to wear the first in England. As hose seems to be an elder word than stockings, it is not quite certain whether Mary's hois may not have been silk stockings woven with gold and silver, and of earlier importation and use." Mary's common wearing gowns appear to have been made some of camlet, some of damask, and some of serge of Florence, bordered with black velvet. Her riding cloaks and skirts were of black serge of Florence, stiffened in the neck and other parts with buckram, and mounted with passaments [lace] and ribbons. 1 Vasquine, we learn from Cotgrave, is a kirtle or petticoat, also a Spa- nish fardingale. We take it to be the basquina or loose robe which with the mantilla-veil formed the national walking costume of Spanish ladies. 350 THE queen's amusements. Her household-book, which is still preserved, furnishes a complete detail of the queen's establishment, but, says Chalmers, " some research and some skill are required to render it intelligible. Her cloth of gold, her tapestry, her Turkey carpets, her beds and coverlets, her burd claithes, her table cloathes of dor nick, her vessels of glass, her chairs and stools covered with velvet, and garnished with fringes, her doublettis, vaskenis, and skirtes, though very gorgeous, may be allowed to have something of the tawdry appearance of a pawnbroker's warehouse." For some time after her return to Scotland, the clothes and equipments for herself, her ladies, and attendants, were black, and some of the servants wore (i black, and some of the servants wore " black grey." Randolph writes to Cecil respecting the intended interview between the two queens, that to avoid expence it was determined that all men should wear nothing but black cloth, as the queen had not cast off her mourning garments, and these she continued to wear till her marriage with Darnley in July, 1565. As to the queen's amusements, we may see in the wardrobe- book that she was a chess-player, but one of her great domes- tic amusements was shooting at the butts. "The next day" [April 22, 1562] writes Randolph to Cecil, '* after the council was risen, the queen's grace, a* she doth oft, did in her privy garden shoot at the butts ; where the duke and other noblemen were present, and I also admitted for one to behold the pastime." After some con- ference with the duke, he adds : " we ended our talk for that time, and gave ourselves again to behold the pastimes, which would have well contented your honour to have seen the queen and the master of Lindsay to shoot against the Earl of Marr and one of the ladies." It was then the queen's ordinary practice to sit in the council-chamber sewing some work, when her ministers were assembled, to hear their discussions and conclusions. ROYAL GARDENS. 351 Hawking was a favourite pastime with the great in the middle ages. Mary's father and grandfather were both pas- sionately attached to this amusing as well as healthful sport; and a falconer and his assistants formed part of their esta- blishments. James Lidsey, who was master falconer at the death of James V., with a salary of £66. 13s. 4cL, had seven falconers under him ; he continued to hold the office during Mary's minority, but his assistants were reduced to four. The queen herself was fond of hawking, and frequently par- took of that diversion, with the lords and ladies of her court, in Lothian, and sometimes in Fife. In 1562, she sent a present of hawks to Queen Elizabeth, and her treasurer paid James Gray £80 for carrying them to London. After her second marriage, two additional falconers were added to her establishment on account of Darnley, who was passionately fond of the sport. The queen had gardens at all her houses, though not per- haps of great extent, or much improved by bringing art to the aid of nature. In her gardens she delighted, (as was the practice of Elizabeth,) to receive and converse with ambassa- dors, and other public men on business. She was in the habit, not only of walking in gardens, but of taking long walks with her ladies and lords, and also with the foreign ambassadors, who, as we learn from Randolph's letters to Cecil, transacted much of their business in those walks. At Holyrood House there were two gardens, the southern and the northern, one of them probably the old garden of the abbey, the other formed by James IV. when he built the palace. The park to the same palace was enlarged by her father. At Linlithgow, at Stirling Castle, and at Falkland, she had gardens and parks. Lindsay, the poet, who flourished under James V., describes the hunting of the deer in the park at Falkland, with the other pastimes, of which he seems to have had his full share. At St. Andrew's, and at Perth, she had a house and garden, and she made use of those gardens, as 352 THE queen's musicians. we have seen, for the more private pastime of shooting at the butts. It is related that the queen brought with her from France a young sycamore plant, which, nursed in the garden of Holyrood House, became the parent of all the beautiful groves of that tree so often celebrated in Scottish songs. Miss Benger says that it was in existence till about four years before her life of Mary was written (1823), when it was blown down, and its wood formed into trinkets, which were sold as precious relics. The queen's musicians, as objects of amusement, and still more as essentials in her religious worship, engaged much of her attention. In her earliest age she had minstrels attached to her establishment. In 1561 and 2 she had five violars, or players on the viol. At the same time she had three players on the lute. Some of the valets of the chamber also played on the lute and sang. The queen herself played on the lute and the virginals, as we learn from Melvill. In 1564, when he was sent by Mary to Elizabeth, the latter asked "if his mistress played well," to which he answered, "reasonably, as a queen." Mary had also a schalmer, which was a sort of pipe or fluted instrument, but not a bagpipe ; and pipers and schalmers were sometimes used synonymously in the trea- surer's books in the time of James IV. The queen had also a small establishment of singers. Melvill informs us that she had three valets of her chamber, who sung three parts, and wanted a bass to sing the fourth part ; and Rizzio, being recommended to the queen as a person fit to make the fourth in concert, was drawn in sometimes to sing with the other valets. Before the reformation, organs were the common instru- ments of music in churches ; but in 1559 and 1560 they were generally destroyed as profane. That in the royal chapel in Stirling Castle was saved, because the mob could not reach it. MARY'S PERSON. 353 In December, 1562, Randolph informed Cecil that the queen's musicians, both Scotch and French, refused to play and sing at her mass and even-song on Christmas-day ; "thus," he adds, "is her poor soul so troubled for the pre- servation of her silly mass, that she knoweth not where to turn herself for defence of it." In April, 1565, she had a band of music, concerning which Randolph writes : " Your honour shall know for certain that greater triumph there was never in any time of most popery than was this Easter at the resurrection and at her high mass ; organs were wont to be the common music; she wanted now neither trumpets, drum, nor fife bagpipe nor tabor. The queen's women formed a great object of her solici- tude, though she had nothing like the female establishments of modern courts. The four Maries, Fleming, Beaton, Livingston, and Seaton, who had been her companions in infancy, and accompanied her to France, continued still about her, besides other " dames, damoisellis, and mai- dinnis." To the service of the ladies were attached an embroiderer and a tapestry-maker ; and each lady had a man and woman servant to attend her. At breakfast and collation, two dishes were allotted to each person of the higher class. Wine was served in profusion at every meal, and the daily consump- tion in the hall and the queen's chamber amounted to thirty gallons. As Mary's mother was one of the largest of women, so was she " of higher stature" than Elizabeth, as we learn from Melvill. Elizabeth's hair was " more red than yellow," says the same writer, while Mary's was light auburn, with chesnut-coloured eyes. Mary had Grecian features, with a nose somewhat out of proportion long, as her father's was ; the real hue of her hair was black, though she often wore light-coloured false hair. According to the general opinion, the Queen of Scots was handsomer than her rival. When Elizabeth asked Melvill " whether she or his queen 354 RUIN OF THE EARL OF HUNTLEY. danced best, the cautious Scot replied that his queen danced not so high and disposedly as Elizabeth did :" he might have added, that his queen danced the most gracefully, but he had tact enough to keep in favour with the royal ques- tioner. In the summer of 1562, Mary, being entirely under the influence of her illegitimate brother, who then bore the title of the Earl of Marr (afterwards Murray), the Earl of Mor- ton, and Maitland, set out on a progress to the northern parts of the kingdom. It was during this progress that the harsh and unjust proceedings against Gordon, Earl of Huntley, impelled him to resort to arms, and brought ruin upon that nobleman, though at this time the most powerful in Scotland. These transactions occupied the whole of the autumn. During this progress, which more resembled a military expedition, the queen came in September to Inverness. The great object of Murray in bringing her to this place seems to have been to wrest the castle from the keeping of Lord Gordon, son of the Earl of Huntley, to whom it be- longed hereditarily, as well as the sherifalty of that shire. On the arrival of the queen and her train, possession was demanded of Lord Gordon's deputy, who returned for answer that he could not surrender it without the command of his principal. Next day the country was raised for the assist- ance of the queen, and the keeper, whose force amounted to only twelve or thirteen men, gave up the castle ; but he was immediately hanged, and his head stuck up on the building. Randolph, who accompanied the queen in this progress, says : u In all those garboilles I never saw the queen merrier, never dismayed, nor never thought I that stomach to be in her that I find. She repented nothing but, when the lords and other at Inverness came in the morning from the watch, that she was not a man, to lie all CHATELARD. 355 night in the fields, or to walk upon the causeway, with a jack and knapsack, a Glasgow buckler, and a broadsword." Randolph, in a letter to Cecil, dated " at Edenbourge, the last of November, 15G2," writes : ie Immediately upon the queen's arrival here [from her journey to the north], she fell acquainted with a new disease, that is common in this town, called here the ' new acquaintance,' which passed also through her whole court, neither sparing lord, lady, nor damoysell, not so much as either French or Eng- lish. It is a pain in their heads that have it, and a soreness in their stomachs, with a great cough, that remaineth with some longer with other shorter time, as it findeth apt bodies for the nature of the disease. " The queen kept her bed six days. There was no ap- pearance of danger, nor many that die of the disease except some old folks." From the symptoms mentioned by Randolph, this dis- order, regarded as a new one three centuries ago, appears to be the same that has been so prevalent during the last fifty years, and has acquired the name of influenza. 1563. When the queen returned from France, there came, in the train of Mons. d'Ampville, one Chatelard, a gentleman by birth, a scholar from education, a soldier by profession, and a poet by choice. He went back to France with his patron, after sharing in the amusements of Mary's court, and not without being smitten with her charms. In Novem- ber, 1562, he re-visited Scotland as the bearer of letters from d'Ampville and others to the queen, by whom he was favourably received. If we may believe Knox, Mary used such personal freedoms with Chatelard as led him to use similar freedoms in return. 1 At length, on the 12th of Fe- 1 There is no evidence of this excepting in Knox's malignant words. 356 CHATELARD. bruary, 1563, he ventured to conceal himself in the queen's bedchamber, when she was about to retire to it for the night, with his sword and dagger at his side. Her female attend- ants concealed this circumstance till the morning from their mistress, who immediately forbade Chatelard to come into her presence. On the following day, Mary and part of her retinue left Edinburgh for Dunfermline, and next day proceeded to Burnt Island, where she was to sleep. Hither Chatelard also repaired in spite of her prohibition ; and when she re- tired to her bedchamber, he entered it immediately after her, for the purpose, as he alleged, of clearing himself from the imputation against his conduct. Astonished at his audacity, "the queen was fain to cry for help." The Earl of Murray was sent for, and Mary ordered him ft to put his dagger into the intruder." Murray, however, was content with causing him to be apprehended. The chancellor, the justice-clerk, and other councillors, were summoned from Edinburgh, the offender was brought to trial at St. Andrews, and executed on the 22nd of February, " reading over on the scaffold," as Brantome tells us, " Ronsard's hymn on death, as the only preparation for the fatal stroke.'/ As a safeguard against such intrusions, the queen took for her bedfellow Mary Fleming, a daughter of Lord Fleming's, one of the four Maries who had accompanied her to and from France, and continued to be one of her maids of honour till her marriage with Secretary Mait- land. 1565. A highly interesting letter of Randolph's to Queen Eliza- beth describes the manner in which Mary received the proposal #f a marriage with the Earl of Leicester. It is dated from Edinburgh, the 5th of February, 1564-5. " May it please your majesty, immediately after the PROPOSAL OF LEICESTER. 357 receipt of your letter to this queen, I repaired to St. An- drews. So soon as time served, I did present the same, which being read and, as appeared on her countenance, very well liked, she said little to me for that time. The next day she passed wholly in mirth, nor gave any appearance to any of the contrary, ' nor would not,' as she said openly, ' but be quiet and merry.' Her grace lodged in a merchant's house, her train was very few ; and there was small repair from any part. Her will was, that for the time that I did tarry I should dine and sup with her. Your majesty was oftentimes dranken unto by her at dinners and suppers. Having in this sort continued with her grace Sunday, Mon- day, and Tuesday, I thought it time to take occasion to utter that which I received in command from your majesty by Mr. Secretary's letter, which was to know her grace's resolution touching those matters propounded at Berwick by my Lord of Bedford and me to my Lord of Murray and Lord of Liddington. I had no sooner spoken these words but she saith, ' I see now well that you are weary of this company and treatment : I sent for you to be merry, and to see how like a bourgeois wife I live with my little troop, and you will interrupt our pastime with your great and grave matters ; I pray you, sir, if you be weary here, return home to Edinburgh, and keep your gravity and great em- bassade until the queen come thither ; for, I assure you, you shall not get her here, nor I know not myself where she is become ; you see neither cloth of estate nor such appear- ance that you may think there is a queen here ; nor 1 would not that you should think that I am she at St. Andrews that I was at Edinburgh.' " I said that I was very sorry for that, for that at Edin- burgh she said that she did love my mistress, the queen's majesty, better than any other, and now I marvelled how her mind was altered.' It pleased her at this to be very merry, and called me by more names than were given me in 358 SCOTCH ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE, my Christendom. At these merry conceits much good sport were made. * But well, sir,' saith she, ' that which I then spoke in words shall be confirmed to my good sister, your mistress, in writing ; before you go out of this town you shall have a letter unto her, and for yourself, go where you will, I care no more for you.' The next day I was willed to be at my ordinary table, being placed the next person (saving worthy Beton 1 ) to the queen's self. " Very merrily she passeth her time : after dinner she rideth abroad. It pleased her most part of the time to talk with me ; she had occasion to speak much of France, for the honor she received there, to be wife unto a great king, and for friendship shewn unto her in particular by many, for which occasions she is bound to love the nation, to shew them pleasure, and to do them good. Her acquaintance is not so forgotten there, nor her friendship so little esteemed, but yet it is divers ways sought to be continued. She hath of her people many well-affected that way, for the nourriture that they have had there, and the commodity of service, as those of the guard and men-at-arms ; besides privileges great for the merchants more than ever were granted to any nation. ' What privately of long time hath been sought, and yet is for myself to yield unto their desires in my mar- riage, her majesty cannot be ignorant, and you have heard. To have such friends, and see such offers (without assurance of as good), nobody will give me advice that loveth me. Not to marry, you know it cannot be for me ; to defer it long many incommodities ensue. How privy to my mind your mistress hath been herein, how willing I am to follow her advice, I have shewn many times, and yet I find in her no resolution, no determination. For nothing I cannot be bound unto her ; and to place my will against hers, I have of late given assurance to my brother of Murray and Lid- 1 Mary Beaton, niece of the cardinal, who from her infancy had been one of the queen's maids of honour. MARY AND LEICESTER. 359 dington that I am loath, and so do now shew unto yourself, which I will you to bear in mind, and to let it be known unto my sister, your mistress ; and, therefore, this I say, and trust me I mean it, if your mistress will, as she hath said, use me as her natural born sister or daughter, I will take myself either as one or the other as she please, and will shew no less readiness to oblige her and honour her than my mother or eldest sister ; but if she will repute me always as her neighbour Queen of Scots, how willing soever I be to live in amity and to maintain peace, yet must she not look for that, at my hands, that otherwise 1 would and she desireth. To forsake friendship offered, and present commodity for uncertainty, no friend will advise me, nor your mistress self approve my wisdom. Let her, therefore, measure my case as her own, and so will I be hers. For these causes, until my sister and I have further proceeded, I must apply my mind to the advice of those that seem to tender most my profit, that show their care over me, and wish me most good.' " I requested her grace humbly, that forasmuch as I had moved her majesty by your highness' s commandment to let her mind be known how well she liked of the suit of my Lord Robert Earl of Leicester, that I might be able some- what to say or write touching that matter unto your majesty. 1 My mind towards him is such as it ought to be of a very noble man, as I hear say by very many. And such one as the queen, your mistress my good sister, doth so well like to be her husband, if he were not her subject, ought not to mislike me to be mine. Marry, what I shall do lieth in your mistress's will, who shall guide me and rule me.' " I made myself not well to understand those words, be- cause I would have the better hold of them. She repeated the self-same words again, and I shewed myself fully con- tented with her speech, and desired that I might hastily return to your majesty whilst they were fresh in memory. 6 360 MARY'S MARRIAGE WITH DARN LEY. ' My mind is not that you shall so hastily depart. At Edin- burgh we may commune further ; there shall be nothing forgotten or called back that hath been said. I have re- ceived,' said she, ' a very loving letter from my good sister, and this night or to-morrow will write another, which you must send away.' I offered all kind of service that lied in my power, reserving the duty to your majesty. " I made a general rehearsal after of this whole conference to my Lord of Murray and Lord of Leddington ; they were very glad that I had heard so much spoken of herself, whereby they might be encouraged to proceed further ; but, without that principal point whereupon your majesty is to resolve, saith they, neither dare earnestly press her, nor yet of themselves are willing, for that in honour otherwise they see not how she can accord to your majesty's advice, nor so to bend herself unto you as they are sure she will, and therein offer their service to your majesty to the uttermost of their powers." Of the queen's marriage with Darnley, and of the cha- racter of the latter, the English ambassador gives the follow- ing account in a letter to the Earl of Leicester, written on the last day of July, 1565. " They were married with all the solemnities of the popish time, saving that he heard not the mass ; his speech and talk argueth his mind, and yet would he fain seem to the world that he were of some religion. His words to all men against whom he conceiveth any displeasure, how unjust soever it be, so proud and spiteful, that rather he seemeth monarch of the world, than he that not long since we have seen and known the Lord Darnley. f < All honour that may be attributed unto any man by a wife he hath it wholly and fully, all praise that may be spoken of him he lacketh not from herself, all dignities DARNLEY PROCLAIMED KING. 361 that she can indue him with are already given and granted. No man pleaseth her that contenteth not him, and what may I say more, she hath given over unto him her whole will, to be ruled and guided as himself best liketh. She can as much prevail with him in any thing that is against his will as your lordship may with me to persuade that I should hang myself. This last dignity out of hand to have him proclaimed king, she would have had it differed until it were agreed by par- liament, or had been himself twenty-one years of age, that things done in his name might have the better authority. He would in no case have it differed one day, and either then or never. Whereupon this doubt is risen amongst our men of law, whether she, being clad with a husband, and her husband not twenty-one years, anything without parliament can be of strength that is done between them. Upon Satur- day at afternoon these matters were long in debating, and, before they were well resolved upon, at nine hours at night, by three heralds, at sound of the trumpet, he was proclaimed king. This day, Monday, at twelve of the clock, the lords, all that were in this town, were present at the proclaiming of him again, when no man said so much as 'amen,' saving his father, that cried out aloud, ' God save his Grace !' " The manner of the marriage was in this sort. Upon Sunday, in the morning, between five and six, she was con- veyed by divers of her nobles to the chappel. She had upon her back the great mourning gown of black, with the great wide mourning hood, not unlike unto that which she wore the doleful day of the burial of her husband. She was led unto the chappel by the Earls Lenox l and Athol, and there she was left until her husband came, who was also conveyed by the same lords. The ministers, two priests, did there re- ceive them, the banns are asked the third time, and an in-' strument taken by a notary, that no man said against them or alledged any cause why the marriage might not proceed. 1 Darnley's fatber. VOL. II. R 362 WEDDING DINNER. The words were spoken, the rings, which were three, the middle a rich diamond, were put upon her finger, they kneel together and many prayers said over them. She car- rieth out the and he taketh a kiss, and leaveth her there, and went to her chamber, whither in a space she fol- loweth, and there being required, according to the solemni- ties, to cast oft' her care, and lay aside those sorrowful garments and give herself to a pleasant life. After some pretty refusal, more I believe for manner sake than grief of heart, she suffereth them that stood by, every man that could approach, to take out a pin, and so being committed unto her ladies, changed her garments, but went not to bed, to signify unto the world that nought moved them to marry, but only the necessity of her country, not if she will to leave it destitute of an heir. To their dinner they were conveyed by the whole nobles. The trumpets sound, a largess cried, and money thrown about the house in great abundance to such as were happy to get any part. They dine both at one table upon the upper hand. There serve her these earls, Athol shower [sewer], Morton carver, Crawford cupbearer. These serve him in like offices, Earls Eglinton, Cassellis, and Glencairn. After dinner they dance awhile, and retire themselves till the hour of supper, and as they dine so do they sup. Some dancing there was, and so they go to bed." 1566. Rizzio, a native of Piedmont, came over from France, in December 15G1, in the suite of Monsieur Moret, the ambas- sador of Savoy, who was supposed to be commissioned to pro- pose a marriage between the queen and the Duke of Ne- mours. Soon afterwards he was appointed a valet of the queen's chamber. Melvil informs us that the queen had three of these valets, who sung three parts, and wanted a bass for the fourth. Rizzio was recommended to the queen as a person capable of supplying this deficiency ; and Birrel Rizzio. 363 tells us that he was skilful in poetry as well as music. He continued in the queen's service as one of her valets and singers till December, 1564, when she appointed hin "her private secretary for the French language, instead of Roulet, whom she had brought from France, and whom she esteemed till he misbehaved. In this post Rizzio rendered himself ex- tremely useful, and he was very active in promoting the marriage of his mistress with Darnley. A joint letter from Randolph and the Earl of Bedford, who commanded the English forces on the borders, to the council of Queen Elizabeth, furnishes minute details of the circum- stances attending the murder of Rizzio, a scene with which, as Raumer observes, there are few in the history of the world that can be compared. et The queen's husband being entered into a vehement suspicion of David, that by him something was committed which was most against the queen's honour, and not to be borne of his part, first communicated his mind to George Douglas, who, finding his sorrows so great, sought all the means he could to put some remedy to his grief, and com- municating the same unto my Lord Ruthven by the king's commandment, no other way could be found than that David should be taken out of the way. Wherein he was so earnest and daily pressed the same, that no rest could be had until it was put in execution. To this it was found good that the Lord Morton and Lord Lindsay should be made privy, to the intent that they might have their friends at hand, if need re- quired, which caused them to assemble so many as they thought sufficient, against the time that this determination of theirs should be put in execution, which was determined the 9th of this instant, three days before the parliament should begin, at what time the said lords were assured that the Earls Argyle, Murray, Rothes, and their complices should have been forfeited, if the king could not be persuaded through this means to be their friends, who, for the desire r 2 364 CONSPIRACY. he had that his intent should take effect the one way, was con- tent to yield without all difficulty to the other, with this con- dition, that they would give their consents that he might have the crown matrimonial. " He was so impatient to see these things he saw and were daily brought to his ears, that he daily pressed the said Lord Ruthven that there might be no longer delay ; and, to the intent it might be manifest to the world that he ap- proved the act, was content to be at the doing of it himself. Upon the Saturday, at night, near unto eight of the clock, the king conveyeth himself, the Lord Ruthven, George Douglas' f and two other, through his own chamber, by the privy stairs up to the queen's chamber, joining to which there is a cabinet about twelve feet square, in the same a little low reposing bed, and a table, at the which there were sitting at the supper the queen, the Lady Argyle, 2 and David [Rizzio], with his cap upon his head. Into the ca- binet there cometh in the king and Lord Ruthven, who willed David to come forth, saying ' that there was no place for him.' The queen said « that it was her will.' Her husband answered ' that it was against her honour.' The Lord Ruthven said < that he should learn better his duty,' and offering to have taken him by the arm, David took the queen by the blightes [plaits] of her gown, and put himself behind the queen, who would gladly have saved him, but the king having loosed his hands, and holding her in his arms, David was thrust out of the cabinet thorough the bed-chamber, into the chamber of presence, where were the Lord Morton and Lord Lindsay, who intending that night to have reserved him, and the next 1 This George Douglas was an illegitimate son of the Earl of Angus, and not George Douglas of Lochleven, who afterwards aided Mary's escape. 2 Half-sister to Mary, heing a natural daughter of James V., and wife of the Earl of Argyle. The queen's own account mentions her half-brother Lord Robert as likewise at table with her; thus she was surrounded by her nearest relations. MZZIO'S DEATH. 365 day to hang him, so many being about them that bore him eviJ will, one thrust him into the body with a dagger, and after him a great many other, so that he had in his body above sixty wounds. It is told for certain that the king's own dagger was left sticking in him ; whether he struck him or not we cannot know for certain. He was not slain in the queen's presence, as was said, but going down the stairs out of the chamber of presence. " There remained a long time with the queen her husband and the Lord Ruthven. She made, as we hear, great inter- cession that he should have no harm. She blamed greatly her husband that was the author of so foul an act. It is said that he did answer ' that David had more company of her than he, for the space of two months, and therefore, for her ho- nour and his own contentment, he gave his consent that he should be taken away.' < It is not,' saith she, ' the woman's part to seek the husband, and therefore in that the fault was his own.' He said that when he came, she either would not or made herself sick. < Well,' saith she, 'you have taken your last of me and your farewell.' ' That were pity/ saith the Lord Ruthven, < he is yotir majesty's husband, and you must yield duty to each other.' < Why may not I,' saith she, 'leave him, as well as your wife did her husband? Other have done the like.' " The Lord Ruthven said that she was lawfully divorced from her husband, and for no such cause as the king found himself grieved. Besides, this man was mean, base, enemy to the nobility, shame to her, and destruction to her grace s country. < Well,' saith she, < it shall be dear blood to some of you if his be spilt.' < God forbid !' saith the Lord Ruthven, 1 for the more your grace shews yourself offended, the world will judge the worse.' " Her husband this time speaketh little. Her grace con- tinually weepeth. The Lord Ruthven being evil at ease and 366 DARNLEY DECLARED INNOCENT. weak, calleth for a drink, and saith, ' This I must do with your majesty's pardon,' and persuadeth her in the best sort he could that she would pacify herself. " Before the king left talk with the queen, in the hearing of the Lord Ruthven, she was content that he should be with her that night " There were in this company two that came in with the king, the one Andrew Car of Fawsenside, who, the queen saith, would have stroken her with a dagger, and one Patrick Balentyne, brother to the Justice-clerk, who also, her grace saith, offered a dagge [a sort of pistol] against her body, with the cock down. We have been earnestly in hand with the Lord Ruthven to know the verity, but he assured us of the contrary. There were in the queen's chamber the Lord Robert, 1 Arthur Ersken, one or two other. These, at the first, offering to make some defence, the Lord Ruthven drew his dagger, and few mo weapons than that were not drawn nor seen in her grace's presence, as we are by the said lord assured." Respecting the persons concerned in the murder of Riz- zio, we are told, in the same leftter, " the king hath utterly forsaken them, and protested before council that he was not consenting to the death of David Rizzio, and that it is sore against his will : he will neither maintain them nor defend them. Whereupon the next day public declaration was made at the market cross of Edinburgh, the 21st of this in- stant, against the lords, declaring the king's innocence in that matter. 2 1 This agrees with the queen's own statement. 2 In no instance does Mary accuse her husband of Rizzio's murder. She was intimat6 enough with the springs of the leading factions to distin- guish between the acts of her Catholic husband and his Calvinistic father, who was the leader of the conspiracy which destroyed Rizzio. The simple truth was, Rizzio, for the want of a better, was her prime RIZZIO'S PROPERTY. 367 " Of the great substance he [David] had there is much spoken. Some say in gold to the value of two thousand pounds sterling. His apparel was very good ; as it is said, fourteen pair of velvet hose. His chamber well furnished : armour, daggs, pistolets, harquebusses, twenty-two swords. Of all this nothing spoiled nor lacking, saving two or three daggs. He had the custody of all the queen's letters, which all were delivered unlooked upon. We hear of a jewel that he had hanging about his neck of some price, that can not be heard of. He had upon his back, when he was slain, a night-gown of damask furred, with a satin doublet; and hose of russet velvet." On this description of Rizzio's dress, many calumnious reflections on Mary have been founded, by authors ridicu- lously ignorant of costume. It is often asserted that Rizzio was supping with Mary dressed in his robe de chambre and stockings. He was really in attendance on her as her secretary, dressed in the full evening dress of the European courts, as any portrait of that era will prove, in a robe of damask furred, worn over the doublet, and long pantaloons, called hose at that time — the word night-goivn, till the be- ginning of the last century, being often used to designate a robe of full or evening dress, which is proved alike by Henry VIILth's privy purse expenses and Richardson's novels. This letter is dated March 27, 1566. It must be received with caution. It is well known that Randolph on his death- bed repented with the utmost horror of what he called his " tricks as ambassador" and called in vain on Walsingham to do the same. minister and the main mover of the affairs of her government, as far as she was permitted to act as sovereign. Hence the rage of the adverse party against him. It is now known that Randolph, the author of this letter, was deep in the plot, therefore his version of it must not be trusted. 368 throgmorton's letters. 1567. The letters of Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, who had been sent as Elizabeth's ambassador to Edinburgh, in place of Randolph, show how extremely unpopular was Mary's mar- riage with Bothwell. On the 14th of July, 1567, he writes to Queen Elizabeth as follows : " The Queen of Scotland remaineth in good health, in the castle of Lochleven, guarded by the Lord Lindsay and Loch- leven, the owner of the house ; for the Lord Ruthven is employed in another commission, because he began to show great favour to the queen, and to give her intelligence. She is waited on with five or six ladies, four or five gentlemen, and two chamberers, whereof one is a Frenchwoman. The Earl of Buchan, the Earl of Murray's brother, hath also liberty to come to her at his pleasure ; the lords aforesaid, which have her in guard, do keep her very straitly, and as far as I can perceive, their rigour proceedeth by their order from these men, because that the queen will not by any means be induced to lend her authority to prosecute the murder, nor will not consent by any persuasion to aban- don the Lord Bothwell for her husband, but avoweth constantly that she will live and die with him, and saith that if it were put to her choice to relinquish her crown and kingdom or the Lord Bothwell, she would leave her kingdom and dignity to go as a simple damsel with him, and that she will never consent that he shall fare worse or have more harm than herself. " And, as far as I can perceive, the principal cause of her detention is, for that these lords do see the queen being of so fervent affection towards the Earl Bothwell as she is, and being put as they should be in continual arms, and to have occasion of many battles, he being with manifest evi- dence notoriously detected to be the principal murderer, and IMPRISONMENT OF MARY AT LOCHLEVEN. 369 the lords meaning prosecution of justice against him accord- ing to his merits. " The lords mean also a divorce betwixt the queen and him, as a marriage not to be suffered for many respects ; which separation cannot take place, if the queen be at liberty and have power in her hands. " Against the 20th day of this month there is a general assembly of all the churches, shires, and borough-towns of this realm, namely, of such as be contented to repair to these lords to this town, where it is thought the whole state of this matter will be handled, and, I fear me, much to the queen's disadvantage and danger ; unless the Lord of Le- thington, and some others which be best affected unto her, do provide some remedy ; for I perceive the great number, and in manner all, but chiefly the common people, which have assisted in these doings, do greatly dishonour the queen, and mind seriously either her deprivation or her destruction. I use the best means I can, considering the fury of the world here, to prorogue this assembly, for that appeareth to me the best remedy ; I may not speak of dissolution of it, for that may not be abiden, and I should thereby bring my- self into great hatred and peril. The chiefest of the lords which be here present at this time dare not show so much lenity to the queen as I think they could be contented, for fear of the rage of the people. The women be most furious and impudent against the queen, and yet the men be mad enough ; so as a stranger over busy may soon be made a sacrifice amongst them." "It is a public speech," he writes again, July 18th, to the queen, " amongst all the people, and amongst all the estates (saving the councillors) that their queen hath no more liberty nor privilege to commit murder nor adultery than any other private person, neither by God's law nor by the laws of the realm." R 5 370 UNPOPULARITY OF MARY. Sir James Melvil relates the fate of Bothwell in the follow- ing terms : " Now the Laird of Grange, his two ships being in readi- ness, he made sail towards Orkney, and no man was so frank to accompany him as the Laird of Tullybardene and Adam Bothwell, bishop of Orkney. But the earl [Bothwell] was fled from Orkney to Shetland, whither also they followed him, and came in sight of Bothwell's ship, which moved the Laird of Grange to cause the skippers to hoist up all the sails, which they were loath to do, because they knew the shallow water thereabout. But Grange, fearing to miss him, compelled the mariners, so that for too great haste the ship wherein Grange was did break upon a bed of sand, without loss of a man, but Bothwell had leisure in the mean time to save himself in a little boat, leaving his ship behind him 3 which Grange took, and therein the Laird of Tallow, John Hepburn, of Banteun, Dalgleest, 1 and divers others of the earl's servants. Himself fled to Denmark, where he was taken and kept in strait prison, wherein he became mad and died miserably." 1568. Of Mary's first abortive attempt to escape from Loch- leven, Sir William Drury gives the following account, in a letter to Cecil. After mentioning the visit paid her there by the regent Murray, whom she upbraided for the rigour with which she was treated, he proceeds : " From that she entered into another purpose, being marriage ; praying she might have a husband, and named one to her liking, George Douglas, brother to the Lord of Lochleven. Unto the which the earl replied ' that he was over mean a marriage for her grace ;' and said further, * that he, with the rest of the nobi- lity, would take advice thereupon.' " " This, in substance, was all that passed between the queen and the Earl of Murray, at that time. But after, 1 These were soon afterwards put to death. HER ESCAPE FROM LOCHLEVEN. 371 upon 25th of the last, she enterprised an escape, and was the rather nearer effect, through her accustomed long being abed all the morning. The manner of it was thus : There cometh into her the landress early as other times before she was wont, and the queen (according to such a secret prac- tice) putteth on the weed of her landress, and so, with the fardell of clothes and her muffler upon her face, passeth out and entreth the boat to pass the Loughe [Lochleven], which, after some space, one of them that rowed said merrily, < Let us see what manner of dame this is !' and therewith offered to pull down her muffler, which, to defend, she put up her hands, which they espied to be very fair and white, where- with they entered into suspicion whom she was, beginning to wonder at her enterprise. Whereat she was little dis- mayed, but charged them upon danger of their lives to row her over to the shore, which they nothing regarded, but eft- soons rowed her back again, promising her that it should be secreted, and in especial from the lord of the house under whose guard she lieth. It seemeth she knew her refuge, and where to have found it if she had once landed, for there did and yet do linger George Douglas, at a little village called Kinross, hard at the Loughe side, and with the same George Douglas one Semple and one Beaton, the which two were sometime her trusty servants, and as yet appeareth they mind her no less affection." A second attempt, planned by George Douglas, was equally unsuccessful. For his friendly offices he had been previously expelled from the castle, but not till he had se- cured in her interest another Douglas, an orphan boy, who had from infancy lived in the family, a poor dependant on the Laird of Lochleven. Mary, however, discouraged by former failures, wrote to the Queen Dowager of France, that she was watched night and day, the girls of the castle 1 In her letter, May 1st, 1568, to Catherine de Medicis, from the St. Petersburgh Collection, vol. i. pp. 64, 65. 372 HAIR-DRESSING. sleeping in her chamber ; and that, unless the French king interposed, she must be a prisoner for life. In the evening of the very next day, William Douglas had the dexterity to steal the keys from the hall where the laird and his mother were sitting at supper. At the appointed signal, the queen once more descended with her female attendant to the lake, where a little boat was waiting. Both hastily entered : the maiden assisted the youth in rowing, and, on approaching the shore, he flung the keys of the castle into the lake. Another coadjutor in this enterprise was John Beaton, who had held frequent communication with George Douglas, and with his assistance provided horses to facilitate the queen's deliverance. The keys of the castle were found on the 20th of October, 1805, and delivered to Mr. Taylor, of Kinross, by whom they were presented to the Earl of Morton, the lineal representative of the Douglas of Lochleven. From letters of Mr. Lowther's, in the State Paper Office, we learn that when the Queen of Scots entered England, " her attire was very mean," and she had no other to change ; that she had very little money, as he conceived ; and he had himself defrayed the charge of her journey from Cockermouth to Carlisle, and provided horses for herself and attendants. Notwithstanding her apparel, however, Lord Scrope and Sir Francis Knollys could not but discover that she was as superior in person as in rank. The latter wrote to Cecil : " Surely she is a rare woman ; for, as no flattery can abuse her, so no plain speech seems to offend her, if she thinks the speaker an honest man." On the 28th of June, Knollys again writes to Cecil : " So that now here are six waiting- women, although none of reputation but Mistress Mary Seaton, who is praised by this queen to be the finest busker, that is to say, the finest dresser of a woman's head of hair, that is to be seen in any country ; whereof we have seen divers experiences since her coming hither : and among other GLIMPSES OF CHARACTER. 873 pretty devices, yesterday and this day, she did set such a curled hair upon the queen, that was said to be a perevvyke [perriwig], that showed very delicately ; and every other day she hath a new device of head-dressing without any cost, and yet setteth forth a woman gaily well." Graham, the messenger sent by Scrope and Knollys to the Earl of Murray, for the queen's wardrobe at Lochleven Castle, returned with five small cart-loads and four horse- loads of apparel. The letters of Sir Francis Knollys afford many interesting glimpses of Mary's character, and of the impatience mani- fested in this early period of her detention. The day after his arrival at Carlisle, to take charge, jointly with Lord Scrope, of the royal fugitive, he writes to Queen Elizabeth : " Repairing into the castle, we found the Queen of Scots in her chamber of presence ready to receive us ; where, after salutations made, and our declaration also of your highness' sorrowfulness for her lamentable misadventures and inconvenient arrival, although your highness was glad and joyful of her good escape from the peril of her prison, with many circumstances thereunto belonging, we found her in her answers to have an eloquent tongue, and a dis- creet head, and it seemeth by her doings she hath stout courage and liberal heart adjoining thereunto. And after our delivery of your highness' letters, she fell into some passion with the water in her eyes, and therewith she drew us with her into her bed-chamber, where she complained unto us for that your highness did not answer her expecta- tion for the admitting her into your presence forthwith, that, upon declaration of her innocency, your highness would either without delay give her aid yourself to the subduing of her enemies, or else being now come of good will and not of necessity into your highness' hands for a good and greatest 374 CAPABILITY OF ESCAPE. part of her subjects, said she, do remain fast unto her still, your highness would at the least forthwith give her passage through your country into France, to seek aid at other princes' hands, not doubting but both the French king and the King of Spain would give her relief, in that behalf to her satisfaction. " And now it behoveth your highness, in mine opinion, ' gravely to consider what answer is to be made herein, spe- cially because that many gentlemen of diverse shires here near adjoining within your realm have heard her daily defence and excuses of her innocency, with her great accusations of her enemies very eloquently told, before our coming hither ; and therefore I, the vice-chamberlain, do refer to your highness' better consideration, whether it were not honourable for you in the sight of your subjects and of all foreign princes, to put her grace to the choice whether she will depart back into her country without your highness' impeachment, or whether she will remain at your highness' devotion within your realm here, with her necessary servants only to attend upon her, to see how honourably your highness can do for her. For by this means your highness, I think, shall stop the mouths of backbiters, that otherwise would blow out seditious rumours, as well in your own realm as elsewhere, of detain- ing of her ungratefully. And yet I think it is likely that, if she had her own choice, she would not go back into her own realm presently, nor until she might look for succour of men out of France to join with her there. Or, if she would go presently into her own country, the worse were, that perad- venture with danger enough she might get into France, and that would hardly be done, if my Lord of Murray have a former inkling of her departure thither. And on the other side, she cannot be kept so rigorously as a prisoner with your highness' honour, in mine opinion, but with devices of towels or toys at her chamber-window or elsewhere, in the night, a body of her agility and spirit may escape soon, being so MARY'S HIGH SPIRIT. 375 near the border. And surely to have her carried further into the realm is the high way to a dangerous sedition, as I suppose." On the 11th of June he writes to Cecil : " This lady and princess is a notable woman. She seemeth to regard no ceremonious honour beside the acknowledging of her estate regal. She sheweth a disposition to speak much, to be bold, to be pleasant, and to be very familiar. She sheweth a great desire to be avenged of her enemies : she sheweth a readiness to expose herself to all perils, in hope of victory ; she delighteth much to hear of hardiness and va- liancie, commending by name all approved hardy men of her country, although they be her enemies ; and she commendeth no cowardice even in her friends. The thing that most she thirsts after is victory, and it seemeth to be indifferent to her to have her enemies diminish, either by the sword of her friends, or by the liberal promises and rewards of her purse, or by division and quarrels raised amongst themselves ; so that, for victory's sake, pain and perils seemeth pleasant unto her, and in respect of victory, wealth and all things seemeth contemptuous and vile. Now what is to be done with such a lady and princess, or whether such a princess and lady be to be nourished in one's bosom, or whether it be good to halt and dissemble with such a lady, I refer to your judgment." Two days later he thus expresses himseL to the same minister : " To be plain with you, there is no fair semblance of speech that seemeth to win any credit with her ; and, although she is content to take and allow of this message to my Lord of Murray for abstinence from hostilities, because it makes for her purpose to stay her party from falling pre- sently from her, yet she seeth that this cold delaying will not satisfy her fiery stomach, and surely it is a great vanity (in mine opinion) to think that she will be staid by courtesy, 376 MARY'S AMUSEMENTS. or bridled by straw, from bringing in of the French into Scotland, or from employing all her force of money, men of war, and of friendship, to satisfy her bloody appetite to shed the blood of her enemies. As for imprisonment, she makes none account thereof ; and, unless she be removed as a pri- soner, it seemeth that she will not be removed further into the realm, to be detained from her highness' presence. She plainly affirmeth that, howsoever she be detained, the Duke of Shattilleroe [Chatelherault], being heir apparent, shall pro- secute her quarrel with the power of the French, and all the aid of her dowry and mass of money by any means to be levied and made for her. " Now, she being thus desperately set, it is to be consi- dered whether her highness defraying her here within her realm shall not thereby able her to employ £ 12,000 yearly, being her dowry in France, both against Scotland, and con- sequently against England, whereas, if she were at liberty, all her dowry would be spent upon her own finding, and the charges that her highness shall be at in defraying of her here would be well employed in Scotland, to the defending and expulsing of the French from thence. But I speak like a blind buzzard, and therefore will leave these matters to you that have judgment." Again, on the loth of June : " Yesterday her grace went out at a postern to walk on a playing green towards Scotland ; and we, with twenty-four halberdiers of Master Read's band, with divers gentlemen and other servants, waited upon her, where about twenty of her retinue played at foot-ball before her the space of two hours, very strongly, nimbly, and skilfully, without any foul play offered, the smallness of their ball occasioning their fair play. " And before yesterday, since our coming, she went but twice out of the town, once to the like play at foot-ball in the same place, and once she rode out a-hunting the hare, MARY'S COMPLAINTS. 377 she galloping so fast upon every occasion, and her whole retinue being so well horsed, that we, upon experience thereof, doubting that upon a set course some of her friends out of Scotland might invade and assault us upon the sudden, for to rescue and take her from us, we mean hereafter, if any such riding pastimes be required that way, so much to fear the endangering of her person by some sudden invasion of her enemies, that she must hold us excused in that behalf." On the 21st of the same month, Knollys represents Mary as declaring, " ' I will seek aide forthwith at other princes' hands that will help me, namely, the French king and the King of Spain, whatsoever come of me ; because I have promised my people to give them aid by August.' And she said that she had found that true, which she had heard often of before her coming hither, which was that she should have fair words enow but no deeds. And surely all deeds are no deeds with her, unless her violent appetite be satis- fied. 1 And saith she, ' I have made great wars in Scotland, and [ pray God I make no troubles in other realms also :' and, parting from us, she said that, ' if we did detain her as a prisoner, we should have much ado with her.' " " Yesterday," he writes on the 7th of July, " this queen, among other words, fell into this speech, that although she were holden here as a prisoner, yet she had friends that would prosecute her cause, and, saith she, ' I can sell my right, and there be those that will buy it, and peradventure it hath been in hand already.' Whereby she made me to think of your information touching the Cardinal of Lorraine's practice between her and the Duke of Anjou. But whether she spake this bond fide, or to set a good countenance of the matter as though she could do great things, I cannot tell. " My Lord of Murray hath sent by our messenger to this 1 For war and victory, according to Sir Francis Knollys' judgment of her character. 378 CARLISLE CASTLE. queen three coffers of apparel, but because her grace saith that never a gown is sent her hereby, but one of taffeta, and that the rest is but cloaks and coverings for saddles, and sleeves, and partlets, and coifs, and such like trinkets, there- fore we have sent to my Lord of Murray again for her desired apparel, remaining in Lochleven ; but she doth offer our messengers nothing at all for their pains and charges. Wherefore her highness is like to bear the charge thereof also.'' On the 12th of July, after acquainting Cecil with his arrival at Bolton Castle with his charge, he proceeds : " Since our departure from Carlisle with her, she hath been very quiet, very tractable, and void of displeasant countenance, although she saith she will not remove any further into the realm without constraint." " This house appeareth to be very strong, very fair, and very stately, after the old manner of building, and is the highest walled house that I have seen, and hath but one entrance there into. And half the number of these soldiers may better watch and ward the same, than the whole num- ber thereof could do Carlisle Castle, where Mr. Read and his soldiers, and Mr. Morton and Mr. Wilford took great pains, and my Lord Scrope also was a late watcher. The band was divided into five parts, so that the watch and wards came about every fifth night and every fifth day, of the which watch and wards we had five governors ; the first was Mr. Read, and William Knollys, for his learning, accom- panied him, the second was Mr. Morton, the third was Mr. Wilford, the fourth was Barrett, Mr. Read's lieutenant, and the fifth was West, his ensign-bearer, a very sufficient and careful man also. This queen's chamber at Carlisle had a window looking out towards Scotland, the bars whereof being filed asunder, out of the same she might have been let down, and then she had plain grounds before her to pass into Scotland. But near unto the same window we found REMOVAL TO BOLTON. 379 an old postern door, that was dammed up with a rampire of earth of the inner side, of twenty foot broad and thirty foot deep, between two walls ; for the commodity of which postern for our sally. to that window, with ready watch and ward, we did cut into that rampire in form of stair, with a turning about down to the said postern, and so opened the same, without the which device we could not have watched and warded this queen there so safely as we did. Although there was another window of her chamber for passing into an orchard within the town wall, and so to have slipped over the town wall, that was very dangerous; but these matters I can better tell you at my return, upon a rude plat [plan] that I have made thereof. In a postscript to this letter, Knollys adds : " The charges of removing of this queen hither was some- what the larger because we were driven to hire four little cars, and twenty carriage horses, and twenty-three saddle horses for her women and men ; the which was well accom- plished upon the sudden, to her commodity and satisfac- tion." In one of his preceding communications, he had intimated that " this last week's charges came unto £56." In 1581, the allowance to the Earl of Shrewsbury was only £30 per week, and out of this he had to keep forty soldiers for a guard. During the conferences opened at York in October, 1568, and transferred in the following month to Westminster, when the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Sussex, and Sir Ralph Sadler sat in judgment, to hear what the Earl of Mur- ray, Morton, Lindsay, and the rest of the party confederated against her, had to allege ; and what Lord Herries, Lord Boyd, the Bishop of Ross, and others attached to Queen 380 Mary, could say in her behalf; Lord Herries made the fol- lowing speech before the commissioners i 1 My Lords, — We are heartily sorry to hear that these our countrymen should intend to colour their most unjust, ingrate, and shameful doings (as to the world is apparent) against their native liege lady and mistress that hath been so beneficial to them. Her grace [Queen Mary] hath made the greatest of them, from mean men in their own callings, earls and lords ; and now, without any evil deserving of her grace's part to any of them in deed or word, to be thus recompensed with calumnious and false-invented bruits [re- ports], whereof they themselves, that now pretend herewith to excuse their open treasons, were the first inventors, writers with their own hands of that devilish band [com- pact], the conspiracy of the slaughter of that innocent young gentleman, Henry Stuart [Lord Darnley], late spouse to our sovereign, and presented to their wicked confederate, James, Earl of Bothwell, as was made manifest before ten thousand people present at the execution of certain the principal offenders in Edinburgh. 2 But seeing they [i. e. Murray, Morton, &c] can get no other cause to this their treasonable usurpation and manifest wrongs, — yea, such usurpation and wrongs, as never hath been seen the like, that subjects should do before, for the first and best of them hath not in parliament the first vote of eighteen of that realm. [This seems to mean, that the lord of the highest rank of Marys accusers was only the nineteenth in precedency among the Scottish nobility.'] No, no, my lords, this is not the cause why they have put their hands on their sovereign, the anointed of God ; we will 1 Sadler Papers, vol. ii. p. 334. 8 This alludes to some dying confession of the wretched agents of the confederate lords who murdered Darnley, which does not of course ap- pear among their confessions wholly edited by Mary's enemies. MARY'S SLANDERERS. 381 plainly declare the very truth and cause of their usurpation. The queen's highness [Mary], our and their native sove- reign, being of herself, as is well known, a liberal princess, gave them in her youth, for their unshamefaced begging, without their often deserving, two parts of the patrimony pertaining to the crown of Scotland; 1 and when her grace came to further years and more perfect understanding, (seeing that her successors, kings of that realm, might not maintain their state upon the third part — albeit her grace might, for the time, having so great dowry of France, and other casualties not belonging to the Scottish crown) — and for their evil deservings, procuring her slander, as far as in them was, slaying her secretary, David Rizzio, an Italian, in her grace's presence, caused her [to] use the privilege of the laws always granted to the kings of that realm before the full age of twenty-five years— they understanding this to be a way, when it pleased her grace, and her successors by the laws, to take from them the livings [estates] before given them. When they had herein advised with their Machiavelli's doctrine, seeing her son an infant not a year old, they could find no better way than to cut off their sovereign liege lady (which, if it had not been for the queen's majesty of this realm's great diligence, without doubt had been done), for they understood they might long possess their [gains] ere that infant had wit or power to displace them, 2 and, in the 1 This speech of Lord Herries, whose manly character gives great weight to whatever he said or wrote, deserves consideration on this point; which is not difficult to be tested ; he might have added that Morton had a peculiar and selfish interest to destroy Lord Darnley, since he was the claimant, by the female line, of the earldom of Angus, and much of the patrimony of the house of Douglas ; his mother, Ladv Margaret Douglas (heiress of the last Earl of Angus, being his daughter by the queen-dowager of Scotland, sister of Henry VIII.) had long claimed possessions held by Morton, heir male of the house of Douglas. 2 This speech of Lord Herries shows that each of the confederate lords 382 darnley's murderers. mean time, get great riches, under colour of a pretended authority. It was not the punishment of that slaughter [the death of Darnley] that moved them to this proud re- bellion, but the usurping of their sovereign's supreme autho- rity, to possess themselves of her riches and true subjects, we will boldly avow, and constantly do affirm the same, as by the sequel doth and shall plainly appear. And as the queen's majesty [Elizabeth] hath written and said, she neither could nor would be judge in this case, con- sidering the queen's grace, our mistress, and her progenitors have been free princes. Neither yet would her highness [Elizabeth] siuTer them to come into her presence 1 that had thus used their native sovereign. So we cannot doubt but your right honourable lordships [the Duke of Norfolk, Earl of Sussex, and Sir Ralph Sadler], reporting this to her majesty, [Elizabeth], we shall find her of that good mind and disposition to our sovereign — her majesty's own blood — who, upon the affirmed promise of friendship and assistance between them, of her own free option and voluntary will is come into this realm, suing her highness' s [Elizabeth's] help that her grace [Mary] may enjoy her own again, given her of God. Howbeit, our sovereign had not time to advise with her states, but in a very simple manner put herself in her majesty's [Elizabeth's] hands upon these promises, trusting only in her majesty's honour ; and at her highness's [Eliza- beth's] commandment and promises of assistance, hath left bad a selfish pecuniary interest to institute a long minority, instead of obeying an adult sovereign. 1 In this she did not keep her worrl, for when Murray and the rest of the accusers found that the commissioners of York were inclined to doubt the guilt of Mary, they went to Elizabeth at Hampton Court, where Murray had many private interviews with her, and shewed her the celebiated gilt casket and the forged love-letters of Mary to Both- well. MUTUAL CHALLENGES. 383 the seeking of aid of other princes, having no other but her majesty's [Elizabeth's] high honour to appeal her cause to. And that ye, my lords, of the noble ancient blood of this realm, are convened to hear and understand this cause, and that your honours shall report the same to your sovereign, is our great comfort, to expect good answer, which we hurribly require. When the investigation at Westminster regarding Mary's guilt or innocence broke up, challenges passed between her defenders and her enemies, which La Mo the Fenelon, the French ambassador, notices thus : " The matter of the Queen of Scots seems to take another course to what her adversaries thought, who have begun just now to send cartels for combat, because they are them- selves charged with rebellion, treason, and even with the murder of the late King of Scots [Darnley], of which they accused their queen. The Bishop of Ross has been coun- termanded to Hampton Court on this business ; he will in- form me of all that will be proposed to him, for the purpose of having my advice." These combats were, most likely, prevented by this con- ference of the bishop and the queen [Elizabeth]. It must be remembered, that it was the enemies of Mary, and not her friends, who, after a congress in which their accusations against her were heard with excessive partiality, made an appeal to brute force. The intrepid firmness with which Herries maintains his assertions in the face of this cartel, though in a country incipiently hostile, does honour to him- self and to his cause. Here are the cartels. Challenge to Lord Herries by Lord Lindsay. l Lord Herries, — I am informed that ye have spoken and 1 From Pepysian Collection of State Papers, Magdalen College, Cam- 380 HERRIES' ANSWER. affirmed that my Lord Regent's Grace [Murray] and his company, here present, were guilty of the abominable murder of umquhile [the late] king, our sovereign lord's father. If ye have so spoken ye have said untruly, and therein have lied in your throat ; which I will maintain, God willing, against you, as becomes me of honour and duty, and hereupon I desire your answer. Subscrivit with my hand, at Kingston, the 22nd day of December, 1568. Patrick Lindsay. Lord Herries* answer to the above challenge, carried by John Hamilton, of BroomieliilL Lord Lindsay, — I have seen ane writing of yours, the 22nd of December, and thereby understand — " Ye are in- formed that I have said and affirmed, that the Earl of Murray, whom ye call your regent, and his company, are guilty of the queen's husband's [Darnley's] slaughter, father to our prince; and if I have said it I have lied in my throat, which ye will maintain against me as becomes you of honour and duty." In respect they have accused the queen's majesty, mine and your native sovereign, of that foul crime, for by the duty that good subjects owe, or ever has been seen to do to their native sovereign, 1 have said, — "There is of that bridge, fol. 148. It is here given in English orthography, no original word, however, being altered. These cartels are mentioned »in the de- spatches of La Mothe Fenelon, vol. i. p. 102. Lindsay, who was one of llizzio's assassins, and the most brutal of Mary's enemies, was then at Kingston, close to Hampton Court, where Elizabeth gave frequent audi- ence to the accusers of Mary, when the commissioners at York were found to be favourable to her. Lindsay was said to be ferocious but utterly ignorant ; and it may be observed he does not write, but only signs, this cartel. He was one of the Scotch commissioners against Queen Mary in the course of the inquiry then pending. MARY AT TUTBURY. 385 company 1 present, with the Earl of Murray, guilty of that abominable treason, in the fore-knowledge and consent thereto." That ye were privy to it, Lord Lindsay, I know not ; and if ye will say I have specially spoken of you, ye have lied in your throat, and that I will defend as my honour and duty becomes me. But let aught of the principals that is of them, subscribe the like writing ye have sent to me, and I shall point them forth and fight with some of the traitors therein ; for meetest it is that traitors should pay for their own treason. Off London, this 22nd December, 1568. Herys. 1569. Of Mary's condition, a month after her removal to Tut- bury, the following letter from Nicholas White (afterwards knighted, and made Master of the Rolls in Ireland) furnishes many interesting particulars. " Sir, when I came to Colsell, a town in Chester way, I understood that Tutbury Castell was not above half a day's journey out of my way. Finding the wind contrary, and having somewhat to say to my Lord Shrewsbury touching the county of Wexford, I took post-horses and came thither about five of the clock in the evening, where I was very friendly received by the earl. 1 Lord Herries points here at the Earl of Morton, and his words per- fectly coincide with Both well's death-bed confession. Morton was one of the Scotch commissioners for accusing his queen of the crime of which he was convicted, and for which he was executed many years afterwards. Lord Herries, the same day, namely, December 22, when he received this challenge, sent copies of Lindsay's cartel and his answer to the Earl of Leicester, and declared his willingness to maintain all he had said in defence of his queen, at any hour or time. All Mary's accusers had their hands stained with Rizzio's blood ; her defenders were men like Herries, of unblemished honour and character. VOL. II. S 386 CONVERSATION tl The Queen of Scots, understanding by his lordship, that a servant of the queen's majesty of some credit was come to the house, seemed desirous to speak with me, and thereupon came forth of her privy chamber into the presence chamber where I was, and in very courteous manner bade me welcome, and asked of me how her good sister did, I told her grace that the queen's majesty (God be praised) did very well, saving that all her felicities gave place to some natural pas- sions of grief, which she conceived for the death of her kins- woman and good servant the Lady Knollys, and how by that occasion her highness fell for a while, from a prince wanting nothing in this world to private mourning, in which solitary estate, being forgetful of her own health, she took cold, wherewith she was much troubled, and whereof she was well delivered. (i This much past, she heard the English service with a book of the psalms in English in her hand, which she showed me after. When service was done, her grace fell in talk with me of sundry matters, from six to seven of the clock, be- ginning first to excuse her ill English, declaring herself more willing than apt to learn that language ; how she used trans- lations as a mean to attain it ; and that Mr. Vice-Chamber- lain was her good school-master. From this she returned, back again to talk of my Lady Knollys. 1 And after many speeches past to and fro of that gentlewoman, I, perceiving her to harp much upon her departure, said, that the long absence of her husband 2 (and specially in that article), to- gether with the fervency of her fever, did greatly further her end, wanting nothing else that either art or man's help could devise for her recovery, lying in a prince's court, near her person, where every hour her careful ear understood of her 1 She was the daugher of Lord Hunsdon, the cousin-german of queen Elizabeth ; it is said, she was more beloved by that queen than any of her relatives. It appears by this passage that Lady Knollys died in the South, at a distance from her husband. 2 Sir Francis Knollys. AT TUTBURY. 387 estate, and where also she was very often visited by her majesty's own comfortable presence ; and said merely that, although her grace [Mary] were not culpable of this accident, yet she was the cause without which their being asunder had not happened. She said she was very sorry for her death, be- cause she hoped well to have been acquainted with her. ( I perceive by my Lord of Shrewsbury,' said she, * that ye go into Ireland, which is a troublesome country, to serve my sister there.' ' I do so, madame ; and the chiefest trouble of Ireland proceeds from the north of Scotland, through the Earl of Argyle's supportation.' Whereunto she little an- swered. " I asked her how she liked her change [of air. She said if it might have pleased her good sister to let her remain where she was, she would not have removed for change of air this time of the year ; but she was the better contented therewith, because she was come so much the nearer to her good sister, whom she desired to see above all things, if it might please her to grant the same. I told her grace ' that although she had not the actual, yet she had always the effectual .presence of the queen's majesty [Elizabeth] by her great bounty and kindness, who, in the opinion of us abroad in the world, did ever perform towards her the office of a gracious prince, a natural kinswoman, a loving sister, and a faithful friend ; and how much she had to thank God that, after the passing of so many perils, she was safely ar- rived into such a realm, as where all we of the common sort deemed she had good cause, through the goodness of the queen's majesty, to think herself rather princelike enter- tained, than hardly restrained of any thing that was fit for her grace's estate ; and for my own part did wish her grace meekly to bow her mind to God, who hath put her into this school to learn to know him to be above kings and princes of this world ; with such other like speeches as time and occa- sion then served, which she very gently accepted, and con- s 2 388 OPINION OF PAINTING. fessed that indeed she had great cause to thank God for sparing of her, and great cause likewise to thank her good sister for this kindly using of her. As for contentation in this her present estate, she would not require it at God's hands, but only patience, which she humbly prayed him to give her.' " I asked her grace, since the weather did cut off all ex- ercises abroad, how she passed the time within. She said that all the day she wrought with her needle, and that the diversity of the colours made the work seem less tedious, and continued so long at it till very pain did make her to give it over; and with that laid her hand upon her left side and complained of an old grief newly increased there. Upon this occasion she entered into a pretty disputable comparison between carving, painting, and working with the needle, affirming painting in her own opinion for the most commend- able quality. I answered her grace, I could skill of neither of them, but that I have read Pictura to be Veritas falsa. With this she closed up her talk, and bidding me farewell, retired into her privy chamber. Si She said nothing directly of yourself to me. Neverthe- less, I have found that, which at my first entrance into her presence chamber I imagined, which was, that her servant Bethun [Beaton] s had given her some privy note of me ; for, as soon as he espied me, he forsook our acquaintance at court, and repaired straight into her privy chamber, and from that forth we could never see him. But after supper, Mr. Harry Knollys and I fell into close conference, and he, among other things, told me how loth the queen was to leave Bolton Castle, not sparing to give forth in speech that the secretary [Cecil] was her enemy, and that she mistrusted by this re- moving he would cause her to be made away ; and that her danger was so much the more because there was one, dwell- ing very near Tutbury, which pretended title in succession to the crown of England, meaning the Earl of Huntingdon. TUTBURY. 389 But when her passion was past, as he told me, she said that though the secretary were not her friend, yet she must say that he was an expert wise man, a maintainer of all good laws for the government of this realm, and a faithful servant to his mistress, wishing it might be her luck to get the friend- ship of so wise a man. " Sir, 1 durst take upon my death to justify what manner of man Sir William Cecil is, but I know not whence this opinion proceeds. The living God preserve her life long, whom you serve in singleness of heart, and make all her desired successors to become her predecessors. 1 " But if I, which in the sight of God bear the queen's majesty [Elizabeth] a natural love beside my bounden duty, might give advice, there should be very few subjects in this land have access to or conference with this lady. For, beside that she is a goodly personage, and yet in truth not compar- able to our sovereign, she hath withal an alluring grace, a pretty Scottish accent, and a searching wit, clouded with mildness. Fame might move some to relieve her, and glory joined to gain might stir others to adventure much for her sake. Then joy is a lively infective sense, and carrieth many persuasions to the heart, which ruleth all the rest. Mine own affection by seeing the queen's majesty our sovereign is doubled, and thereby I guess what sight might work in others. Her hair of itself is black, and yet Mr. Knollys told me that she wears hair of sundry colours. "In looking upon her cloth of estate 2 [canopy], I noted this sentence embroidered, En ma Jin est mon commencement, which is a riddle I understand not. The greatest personage in house about her is the Lord of Levenston and the lady his 1 Nicholas White's expression is somewhat ohscure — he wishes that all who desire by Elizabeth's deatb to occupy her place may die before her. 2 The cloth of estate represented by letters the names of the queen's father and mother, with the arms of Scotland in the middle, quartered with the arms of Lorraine. 390 THE QUEEN AT TUTBURY. wife, which is a fair gentlewoman, and it was told me both Protestants. She hath nine women more, fifty persons in household, with ten horses. The Bishop of Ross lay then three miles off in a town called Burton-upon-Trent, with another Scottish lord, ' whose name I have forgotten. My Lord of Shrewsbury is very careful of his charge, but the queen over-watches them all, for it is one of the clock at least every night ere she go to bed. " The next morning I was up timely, and, viewing the site of the house, which in mine opinion stands much like Windsor, I espied two halberd men without the castle wall searching underneath the queen's bed-chamber window. "Thushave I troubled your honour with rehearsal of thislong colloquy which happened between the queen of Scots and me, and yet had I rather, in my own fancy, adventure thus to en- cumber you, than leave it unreported, as near as my memory could serve me, though the greatest part of our communica- tion was in the presence of my Lord of Shrewsbury and Mr. Harry Knollys ; praying you to bear with me therein, among the number of those that load you with long frivolous letters. And so I humbly take my leave, awaiting an easterly wind. From West Chester, the 26th of February. " Your honour's assuredly to command, « N. White." During the northern rebellion of 1569, 2 the regent Murray, endeavoured to bargain with Queen Elizabeth to put his un- fortunate sister, the Queen of Scots, into his hands in ex- change for the Earls of Westmorland and Northumberland. 1 The Bishop of Ross is said to have chosen Burton for his residence that he might be less under the surveillance of the Earl of Shrewsbury's servants and retainers. 2 Sadler Papers, vol. ii. p. 118, edited by Arthur Clifford, Esq. MOSS TROOPERS LOYAL TO MARY. 391 An English spy, Robert Constable (too good a name for so treacherous a man), was in treaty with Sir Ralph Sadler to betray the Earl of Westmorland to the mercy of Elizabeth. This man, who was, without knowing it, a narrator and author of no little power, describes, in one of his most interesting letters, a scene at a common hostelry, where (when he was creeping about his dirty errand) he stole in, among the out- laws of Tynedale, and heard, in their company, an expression of public feeling respecting the Queen of Scots, which might have shamed the regent Murray, and his ally, Queen Eliza- beth. " So I left Farnihurst, and went to mine host's house, where I found many guests of divers fashions, some outlaws of England, some of Scotland, and some neighbours there- abouts, at cards, some [playing] for ale, some for plack l and hardheads. So, after I had diligently inquired that here was none of any surname, that had me on deadly feud, nor none that knew me, I sat down and played for hardheads amongst them, where I heard, vox populi, that the lord regent [Murray] would not, for his own honour, nor for the honour of his country, deliver the Earls of Northumberland and Westmorland, if he had them both, unless it were to have their queen [Mary of Scots] delivered to him. And if he would agree to make that change, the borderers would start up in his own country, and reive [take] both the earls and the queen from him ; and that he had better cut his own luggSy than come again to seek Farnihurst ; if he did, he should be fought with ere he came over Sowtray Edge. Hector of the Harlowe's head was wished to be eaten amongst them at supper. This was a moss-trooper, who had betrayed the Earl of Northumberland into the power of the regent Murray. 1 Small coins used in Scotland ; a plack and a baubee were, in the last century, named as the price of a certain quantity of hot grey pease sold in the streets of Edinburgh. 392 REDUCTION OF RETINUE. 1571. In May, the Earl of Shrewsbury informed Cecil that he had, with great difficulty, reduced the queen's attendants to thirty, but that she had entreated him, with tears in her eyes, to allow nine more to remain. Lord and Lady Living- ston appear to have been the principal persons about her. She seems to have had five bed-chamber women and dressers. Castel was her physician, and Roulet her secretary. Above all, she had with her William Douglas, who had so essentially contributed to her escape from Lochleven Castle. The others were chiefly menials. This establishment, on the discovery of the Duke of Norfolk's conspiracy, fomented by the Queen of Scots, was reduced in September to ten persons. When the order for this reduction was communicated to Mary by Lord Shrews- bury, he wrote to Elizabeth that " she was exceedingly troubled, weeping and sorrowing, and said that now she looked shortly that her life should end, * for thus doth the queen use me,' saith she, * to that purpose ; yet I desire,' saith she, ' that some good and learned man may be with me before my death, to comfort and stay my conscience, being a Christian woman, and the world shall know,' said she, ' that I died a true prince, and in the Catholic faith that I pro- fess.' " On her refusal to select the servants whom she wished to retain, the earl was obliged himself to name those who were to stay. He further mentioned, that neither she nor any of her attendants should depart out of the gates, till her majesty should otherwise command. In December, the same year, the earl acquainted Cecil, now created Lord Burghley, that " this queen make eftesoons great complaint unto me of her sickly estate, and that she looked verily to perish thereby, and used divers melancholy words, that it is meant it should so come to pass without help of medicine, and all because 1 was not ready to send up LIBELS AGAINST MARY. 393 her physician's letters unto you. Which indeed I refused, for that I perceived her principal drift was, and is, to have some liberty out of these gates, which in no wise I will consent unto, because I see no small peril therein. " Notwithstanding, lest she should think that the queen's majesty had commanded me to deny her such reasonable means as might save her life, by order of physic, I thought it not amiss, upon her said complaint and instance, to send up the said letters here inclosed, to be considered on as shall stand with the queen's majesty's pleasure. But truly I would be very loath that any liberty or exercise should be granted unto her, or any of hers, out of these gates, for fear of many dangers needless to be remembered unto you. I do suffer her to walk upon the leads here in open air, in my large dining chamber, and also in this court-yard, so as both I my- self or my wife be always in her company, for avoiding all others' talk either to herself or any of hers. And sure watch is kept within and without the wallsboth night and day, and shall so continue, God willing, so long as I shall have the charge." 1572. Catherine de Medicis to President De Thou. Blois, March 22, N.S.— 1572. Monsieur le President, — I pray, according to what the king, my son, has written to you, that you will quietly in- quire out the printer who has printed a book, translated from the Latin into French, (made or) written in London, against madame my daughter, the Queen of Scots. Meantime, get hold of and burn, secretly and without any notoriety, all you can find of the said book ; serving also, under your hand, warnings to the said printers, how they print any more, under such penalties as you may advise. And this, if it is possible, must not remain a mere formulary. And you will do that thing which will be to the king my son and me most agreeable. s 5 394 INCENDIARY LETTER. We pray to God, M. le President, to have you in his holy and worthy keeping. Written at Blois, the 22nd day of March, 1572. (Signed) Caterine. (Beneath) Pinart. [Endorsed to M. de Cely (de Thou), councillor of the council of the king, Charles IX., my son, and first president of the parliament of Paris.] There is a letter among the Harleian Manuscripts, which offers a specimen of the fury of party feeling against the cap- tive queen. It is anonymous both as to the writer and re- ceiver, yet it was of consequence sufficient to be preserved among the documents of the era. So early as 1572, a person affecting religious impressions, shamed not to howl for the slaughter of a helpless female, incarcerated at *the mercy of her enemies, and liable, at their pleasure, to be destroyed by them, either by private assassination, or the judicial murder which was the end of her dolorous imprisonment. A reader of the following letter, who knew not a word of the case, would infallibly draw the inference that Elizabeth was the imprisoned victim and Mary the powerful tyrant. And yet iEsop's fables were read and quoted by every one in that day, and of course the fable of the lamb accused of troubling the water for the wolf was familiar to the Christian (as he calls himself) who wrote this envenomed missive. Those, however, familiar with the principles of that time-serving age will doubt whether the writer would have so affection- ately advocated Elizabeth, had she been in the lamb's place at the foot of the stream. LETTER. There is here such common lamenting, such remembrance 1 Perhaps the letter was written to Walsingham, ambassador to France in 1572. INCENDIARY LETTER. 395 backward, such seeing forward, such ominous fear of our queen [Elizabeth], that for mine own part I can speak with no man — and yet I speak with many — but they all hold it for most certain that our princess's life is in peril, and that her only safety is, with speed to execute the dangerous traitress and pestilence to Christendom [Mary Queen of Scots] ; and if that be not speedily done, loyalty is discou- raged, and true faith put out of hope. It cannot be but the Scottish queen is appointed to be the means to overthrow religion, and to advance all papistry. Our good queen's life is the only impediment; and what will not papists do to remove any impediment ? When Elizabeth is dead, two kingdoms joined in Mary, what security is there for Christians ? Think you, besides the zeal of papistry, that these ambi- tious hopes of earthly kingdoms will not carry them to at- tempt the murder (oh sorrow !) of our princess, who so much despiseth her own life? Will it not stir them forward whom no virtue, no pity, no honesty, no dutiful, no gracious, no merciful respect, can hold back ? Mary is now free from known contracts, for herself reckon- eth Bothwell but as her fornicator, else she could not have contracted with the Duke of Norfolk. It is likely then that some marriage, if not an adoption, like the example of Joan of Naples, shall, or is already perhaps, practised with some mighty one, as for example, monsieur [the Duke of Anjou], or Don John of Austria. So is there no remedy for our Queen Elizabeth, for our realm of Christendom, but the due execution of the Scottish queen. God forbid that our Queen Elizabeth should lose the ho- nour of her gracious government, that posterity should say that she had destroyed herself, had undone her realm, had overthrown all Christianity in Christendom, if she do not duly and speedily execute the Scottish queen. Let her ma- jesty be prayed to remember conscience and eternity ! ! God 396 INCENDIARY LETTER. forbid so grievous a thing, as for her to carry out of this world to God's judgment the guiltiness of so much noble and innocent blood as has and shall be spilt, and what worse is, of the damnation of so many seduced souls, both here and in the world of Christendom, by advancing of papistry, and the withdrawal of true religion, and all for piteous pity and miserable mercy in sparing one horrible woman, that carries God's wrath wherever she goes— the sparing of whom has been told us by God's messenger to be a failing of God's service, who hath not for nothing delivered her into His ministers' hands, and miraculously detected her treason, either to have his people preserved by her due execution, or to add more inexcusableness to them that preserve her to waste the church of God. It is true mercy to deliver so many — to deliver the earth from a devouring, wasting, unfeeling, destroying monster of unthankfulness 1 is afar more glorious act than all the la- bours of her rules, or than any one victory of the noblest prince that ever served God. Will Elizabeth leave England, and us all subject to an adulterous traitoress, a seeker of the life of her own saviour, one irritated tyrant — and shall I say, all in one word — Scottish Queen ! Shall we not trust that her majesty, our mother, will not stick to command to kill a toad, a snake, or a mad dog, whom she findeth poisoning or gnawing the throats of her infants, and presently threatening the same to her life?" This invective is considered, in some degree, excusable, because it was issued about the same time as the Massacre of Bartholomew ; and so it might have been, if the helpless captive had been at the head of a Catholic army : as it is, it merely proves that persecutors are the same in spirit, of whatever religion they may please to call themselves ; and 1 It would have been very difficult for the author to define for what his monster, Mary Queen of Scots, had to be thankful to Queen Elizabeth. INCIDENTS OF MARY'S CAPTIVITY. 397 when the assassins who murdered the helpless Protestants on that black day are called to their great account, the author of this letter will probably find himself in closer vicinity to them than will be at all agreeable to his feelings.] 1575. James, Duke of Chatelherault, head of the house of Ha- milton, and, by Act of Parliament, presumptive heir, after Mary and her son, to the crown of Scotland, died in the year 1575. He was first known as the Earl of Arran, and was guardian of Mary in her infancy. When he resigned her for education in France, he was created Duke of Chatelherault. Mary, in her captivity, appointed him the chief of three go- vernors she appointed for Scotland. On the whole, he seems to have defended her cause to the best of his intellect and ability ; "but he being a plain and well-meaning man, was vexed with all manner of politic and crafty devices." So says Udal in his Life of Mary Queen of Scots, p. 245. 1580. After Mary, Queen of Scots, had found relief from Bux- ton Baths for the pain in her side, Burleigh and Sussex fancied that they would do their ailments good, to the indig- nation of Elizabeth, whose suspicions were excited lest they should have friendly communication with Mary. The Earl of Shrewsbury wrote to court July 26, 1580, '* This day I go with my charge to Buxton Wells ;" his next letter mentions his prisoner with more kindness and sympathy than ever occurred in his epistles. " I came hither to Bux- ton," he says, " with my charge, the 28th of July. She had a hard beginning of her journey, for when she should have £98 INCIDENTS OF MARY'S CAPTIVITY. taken her horse, he started aside, and therewith she fell and hurt her back, which she still complains of, notwithstanding she applies to the bath once or twice a day. I do strictly observe her majesty's commandment in restraining all resort to this place, neither does she see, or is seen, by any more than her own people, and such as I appoint to attend. She has not yet come forth of the house since her coming, nor shall not before her parting." Notwithstanding this severity of restraint, Burleigh, by Elizabeth's orders, wrote him a rating, when he implored permission " to remove to his seat at Chatsworth to sweeten his house, that the Scottish queen had been seen by strangers at Buxton;" this accusation oc- casioned a general inquisition regarding comers and goers, and the result gives curious information as to the customs of the times. " For at her first coming to Buxton, there was a poor lame cripple laid near, unknown to all my people, who guarded the place ; and when she heard there were gentle- women come, she cried out for some charitable person to give her some linen, whereupon they [either Mary or one of her maids] put one of their linen garments out to her through a hole in the wall. As soon as it came to my knowledge, I was offended with her, and took order that no poor people came into the house during that time, neither at the second time of her abode was there any stranger at Buxton, for I gave such charge that none of the country people should come in to behold her." 1581. Leicester wrote in the month of April a letter of re- monstrance to Shrewsbury, intimating that the French ambassador complained of the diet of his royal prisoner, " insomuch that, on Easter-day, she had scarcely any meat, and that so bad she could not eat it," and that Mary, finding fault, " the Earl of Shrewsbury told her he had been cut off in her allowance, and could yield her no REMOVAL TO WINGFIELD. 399 better." Leicester's letter evidently implied that this con- duct must be amended. 1584. In August 1584, Sir Ralph Sadler was appointed warden of the queen, with Somer, his son-in-law, for his assistant ; and on the 2nd of the following month she was removed, in pursuance of Elizabeth's orders, from Sheffield to Wingfield, though Sadler wrote to Walsingham that he would rather have had the custody of the captive queen with sixty soldiers at the former place, than with three hundred at the latter, on account of its openness. At Wingfield, the queen was guarded by forty stout soldiers, with the aid of eight persons of Shrewsbury's house- hold. Sadler soon became so disgusted with his office that he besought Burleigh and Walsingham, " in the bowels of Jesus Christ," to relieve him from it, as " he would rather be a prisoner for life in the Tower than continue in so disagree- able a service." The queen was continually urging him to keep a vigilant eye over his prisoner, and desired that the servants who attended her should be furnished with " daggers and petronels." Sadler, in reply to Walsingham, intimated the improbability of her attempting to escape, considering the extraordinary precautions and "her tenderness of body, subject to a violent rheum upon any cold, which causeth a plentiful distillation from above down to her left foot, which is much pained and sometimes a little swollen." He ex- plained the strength of the place, and the extraordinary pains taken to prevent the possibility of escape ; and mentioned the gentlemen living around the castle who were ready to render assistance. Besides the establishment of the castle, he had forty-three of his own servants, every one armed with sword and dagger, some with pistols, and some with long shot. 400 HER REMOVAL TO TUTBURY. He concluded with recommending the queen's ministers to enter into a treaty and end the matter with the Queen of Scots by an honourable composition. 1585. The failure of the treaty which had been for some time on foot for Mary's liberation was extremely mortifying to her ; but when she learned that the place of her residence and her keeper were again to be changed, she was thrown into de- spair. The fact was that at Wingfield the great difficulty was to obtain a sufficient supply of provisions and other ne- cessaries : and Sadler, while enlarging on his own age, in- firmities, and disabilities to Elizabeth, gave the following account of the state of the Queen of Scots at the end of 1584. "I find her much altered from that she was when I was first acquainted with her. This restraint of liberty, with the grief of mind which she hath had by the same, hath wrought no good effect in her temperament. She is not yet able to strain her left foot to the ground, and, to her very great grief, not without tears, finding that, being wasted and shrunk of its natural measure and shorter than the other, she feareth it will hardly return to its natural state, without the benefit of hot baths." Sir Ralph, nevertheless, received orders to remove his prisoner to Tutbury Castle, in Staffordshire, and appointed the 1 3th of January, 1585, for leaving Wingfield, intending to reach Tutbury on the following day ; but " the ways being so foul and deep, and she so lame, though in good health of body ; myself also," adds Sadler, " being more un- able than she is to travel, as I have not been well this month or more," they could not go through in a day. Accordingly they halted for the night at Derby. Elizabeth expressed displeasure that Sir Ralph had lodged the queen in the town. His answer was, that " it could not possibly be avoided ; as he ascertained before, by sending persons of judgment to sur- HAWKING. 401 vey the country and to see if any other road passable by coach and carriage could be found, but they could find no other that was passable, and besides there was no gentleman's house to lodge her at during the night ; even the road to Derby was bad enough at that season of the year, and he was obliged to cause bridges to be made to get over some bad passages. As to the information of a great personage, delivered to him by some officious officer, that this queen was offered to salute and kiss a multitude of the townswomen of Derby, and of the speeches she was said to have made to them, I do assert, that Mr. Sommer will be sworn, if need be, I going before the queen, and he next behind her, yea, be- fore all the gentlemen, on purpose, saving one that carried up her gown, that her entertainment was this : In the little hall was the good wife, being an ancient widow, named Mrs. Beaumont, with four other women, her neighbours ; as soon as Queen Mary knew who was her hostess, after she had made her curtesy to the rest of the women standing next to the door, the queen went to the hostess and kissed her and none other, saying that she was come thither to trouble her, and that she was also a widow, and therefore trusted that they should agree well enough together, having no husbands to trouble them ; and so went into the parlour, upon the same low floor, and no stranger with her but the good wife and her sister." It had been reported to Elizabeth that Sadler had allowed Mary to go a-hawking, and the honest old knight deemed it necessary to justify himself in a letter to Walsingham, to this effect. When he came to Tutbury, finding the country suit- able for the sport of hawking, which he had always delighted in, he sent home for his hawks and falconers, " wherewith to pass this miserable life which I lead here." When they came he used them sometimes not far from the castle ; " whereupon this queen, having earnestly entreated me that she might go abroad with me to see the hawks fly, a pastime 402 HAWKING. indeed which she had singular delight in, and I, thinking it could not be ill taken, assented to her desire ; and so hath she been abroad with me three or four times hawking upon the river here [the Dove], sometimes a mile, sometimes two miles, but not past three miles when she was farthest from the castle. She was guarded, he added, by forty or fifty of his own servants and others on horseback, some armed with pistols, which he knew to be a sufficient guard against any sudden attempt that could be made for her escape. Herein, he concludes, he used his discretion, and he thought he did well ; " but," he says, " since it is not well taken, I would to God that some other had the charge who would use it with more discretion than I can ; for I assure you I am so weary of it, that if it were not more for that I would do nothing that would offend her majesty than for fear of any punishment, I would come home and yield myself to be a prisoner in the Tower all the days of my life rather than I would attend any longer here upon this charge. And if I had known, when I came from home, I should have tarried here so long, contrary to all the promises which were made to me, I would have refused as others do, and have yielded to any punishment, rather than I would have accepted of this charge ; for a greater punishment cannot be ministered unto me than to force me to remain here in this sort, as it appears things well meant by me are not well taken." Sommer confirmed Sir Ralph's statement, denying that he allowed the Queen of Scots more liberty than Shrewsbury had done. He testified that when she went a-hawking she was always attended by a strong guard, well mounted and armed, and she had only four men and two gentlewomen with her ; and her majesty may be assured that, " if any danger had been offered, or doubt suspected, this queen's body should first have tasted of the gall," — so that Elizabeth's officers were invested with the power of life and death over their royal prisoner. 10 SIR A. PAULET APPOINTED KEEPER. 403 In the spring of 1585, Sir Ralph Sadler was relieved from his disagreeable office by SirAmias Paulet, formerly am- bassador in France, and in the sequel he had his old friend, Sir Drue Drury, given him for an assistant. Soon after the custody of Mary was committed to Paulet, her letters to France were ordered to be sent to Walsingham to be forwarded. This direction she received with indigna- tion. She exclaimed, as Paulet wrote to Walsingham, " that she would not be separated from her union with the King of France, who was her ally ; and she could see plainly that her destruction was sought, and that her life would be taken from her, and then it would be said that she had died of sickness ; but when she was at the lowest her heart was at the greatest, and, being prepared for extremity, she would provoke her enemies to do the worst." The letters of Mary Queen of Scots, in the present volume, about this era, 'occasionally allude to her certain knowledge, that a dominant faction in Queen Elizabeth's council were incessantly labouring to bring her to a violent death. This assertion, expressed in the bitterness of anguish, was founded on fact. Mr. Tytler, in his recently published History of Scotland, unveils more than one black plot for this purpose, particularly that which was frustrated by the sudden death of the Regent Marr, in 1573. The following letter, pub- lished among Mr. Tytler's Proofs and Illustrations, (History of Scotland, vol. vii. p. 383,) edited and discovered by John Bruce, Esq., is in complete unison with Mary's series of letters, March, 1585. It is from the Earl of Leicester to some unknown political coadjutor, and, like most of the private letters of poor Mary's enemies, looks hideous in the broad light into which it is brought by the printing-press. 404 Leicester's letter. " Oct. 10, 1585. " I have written very earnestly, both to her majesty and lord-treasurer [Burleigh], and partly, also, to yourself and Mr. Vice-chamberlain, for the furtherance of justice on the Queen of Scots ; ' and believe me, if you shall defer it, either for a parliament or a great session, you will hazard her majesty [Elizabeth] more than ever, for time to be given is that [what] the traitors and enemies to her will de- sire. " Remember — upon a less cause —how effectually all the council of England once dealt with her majesty [Elizabeth] for justice to be done upon that person, for being suspected and infamed to be consenting, with Northumberland and Westmorland, in the rebellion [1569]. You know the Great Seal of England was sent then, and thought just and meet, upon the sudden for her execution ; shall now her consent and practice for the destruction of her majesty's person with more regard to her danger than a less found fault ? Surely I tremble at it ; for I do assure myself of a new, more des- perate attempt, if you shall fall to such temporising solem- nities, and her majesty [Elizabeth] cannot but mislike you all for it, for who can warrant these villains from her if that person* live, or shall live any time ! God forbid ! and be you all stout and resolute in this speedy execution, or be con- demned of all the world for ever! 2 " It is most certain, if you would have her majesty [Eliza- beth] safe, it must be done, for justice doth crave it, besides policy. It is the cause 1 send this poor lame man, who will 1 Leicester bore her deadly malice ever since she refused the offer of his hand. He wrote this letter from the Low Countries. 2 In Mary's letter to Mauvissiere the reader may note that this insti- gator to her murder had been trying to insinuate himself into her favour in the preceding year, no doubt with the basest intentions. It will be per- ceived that Mary repulsed him, perhaps, too decidedly, hence this malig- nant attack privily on her life. STATE OF MARY'S HEALTH. 405 needs be a messenger for this matter ; he hath bidden such pain and travail here, as you will not believe ; a faithful creature he is to her majesty [Queen Elizabeth] as ever lived. I pray you let her not retain him still now, even to save his life, for you know the time of the year is past for such a man to be in the field, 1 yet he will needs be so, and means to return [t. e. to the war in the Low Countries], and you must procure his stay, as without my knowledge, or else I lose him for ever ; but if he come hither it is not like [ly ] he can continue ; he deserves as much as any good heart 2 can do. Be his good friend, I pray you ; and so God bless you ! Haste — written in my bed on a cushion, this 10th, early in the morning. " P. S. I pray you let not Ceandish [Cavendish] know I wrote this for his stay, but yet procure it in anywise. " Your assured, &c. v At this time the Queen of Scots was in a very weak state. In June, Paulet reports that she was sometimes carried in a chair into the garden, her legs being so weak that, when she did sometimes use them, she was obliged to be supported by two of her gentlemen. He was satisfied that, without great negligence on his part, she could not escape : and adds, " If I should be violently attacked, so I will be assured that she shall die before me." On the 16th of August, Paulet gives the following account 1 Mr. Bruce points out that there is some error of the pen here ; for the wish of Leicester is evidently that the lame man may be detained, to save his life, lest he should lose it in battle against the Spaniards ; he seems to be the same as Ceandish in the postscript. 2 The errand of this lame man was not much to the credit of the good- ness of his heart — that of undertaking a journey from Holland to England to urge the private assassination of a helpless female prisoner! The words good and evil were strangely used in those days. 406 REMONSTRANCE OF THE QUEEN TO PAULET. of a long conversation with his prisoner. She said "that she had given herself wholly to her majesty in all humble- ness, in all faithfulness, in all sincerity, in all integrity (I use her own words), and had renounced all foreign help to please her highness, and thereby given her to know that she de- pended wholly of her. That her words had no credit ; she was not believed ; and her proffers refused, when they might have done good. That she had proffered her heart and body to her majesty ; her body is taken, and great care had for the safe keeping of it, but her heart is refused. She said, if she were employed she might do good, and when she shall be required hereafter, it will be too late : then she is said to boast. When she offered herself and her services with all humbleness ; then she is said to flatter ; that she feeled the smart of every accident that happened to the danger of her majesty's person or estate, although she were guiltless in hand and tongue. That if she had desired great liberty, her majesty might have justly been jealous of her, but she desired only reasonable liberty for her health. That if the treaty had proceeded between her majesty and her, she knowed France had now been quiet. That, in considering the in- dispositions of her body, she had no hope of long life, and much less of a pleasant life, having lost the use of her limbs, and therefore is far from the humours of ambition, desiring only to be well accepted where she shall deserve well, and by that means during her short days to carry a contented and satisfied mind. That it was not her calling to win fame by victories, but would think herself happy if, by her medi- ation, peace might be entertained in all the countries gene- rally, and in this country especially. That if she had spoken with the King of Navarre his ambassador, at his being here this last winter, she thinketh there had been now good amity between her majesty and the house of Guise, and did not doubt to have done some good if she had been made acquainted with his last coming here. That her son REPORT OF MARY'S HEALTH. 407 is a stranger unto her, but if he should be possessed with ambition, he might play with both hands and do bad offices. That he did express to her in his letters ' that she was shut up in a desert,' so as he could not send to her or hear from her, which was the reason that he did help himself by other means the best he could, and was forced to do so. Finally, that although she had been esteemed as nobody, and had determined when her help was hereafter required to be in- deed as nobody, and so to answer ; yet, for the love she beareth her majesty and this realm, she will not refuse to employ her best means, if it shall please her highness to use her service, which she will do, not so much for respect of her own particular as for her majesty's security and benefit of this realm. I omit the protestations of her sincere and upright dealing with her majesty, and her solemn oaths, that she had not of long time given or received any intelligence to or from any of her friends, because they are no new things unto you. It seemed she would not satisfy herself with speaking, and therefore I said the lesser, advising her to comfort herself with your majesty's favour, whereof some good effect would come, if herself or her friends did not give cause to the contrary. I know this kind of matter is not new unto you, and perchance I should have forborne in some other time to have reported the same ; but consider- ing the scope of her majesty's letter unto this queen, I thought it agreeable with my duties to acquaint you with her speeches, and so do refer them to your better con- sideration." During the summer of this year the queen's health did not improve. In September, Paulet writes : " The indis- position of the queen's body and the great infirmity of her leg, which is so desperate that herself doth not hope of any recovery, is no small advantage to the keeper, who shall not need to stand in great fear of her running away, if he can foresee that she be not taken away from him by force." 408 SEIZURE OF HER PAPERS. In another report he says : " The queen is very much grieved with ache in her limbs, so as she is not able to move in her bed without great help, and when she is moved en- dures great pain." 1586. On the third of June, Paulet informed Walsingham : " The Scottish queen is getting a little strength, and has been out in her coach, and is sometimes carried in a chair to one of the adjoining ponds to see the diversion of duck-hunting ; but she is not able to go [walk] without support on each side." The helpless state to which the Queen of Scots was re- duced by ill-health, did not, however, save her from persecution on account of fresh plots, which it was alleged, were raised by her friends against Elizabeth. In the month of August, Babington's conspiracy against the life of Elizabeth was dis- covered by Walsingham. Mary had been by this time removed to Chartley, whither orders were sent to Paulet to take her for a short period to Tixall, a mansion of Sir Walter Aston's, about three miles distant. Paulet accordingly went out with her on horseback, accompanied by her attendants, upon the pretext of hunting. Being informed by the way of the orders which Paulet had received, and that her secretaries, Nau and Curie, were to be separated from her, Mary was so exasperated that she used violent language to the messenger and of his mistress, and even called upon her people to protect her. Regardless of her passion, Paulet led away the Queen of Scots ; the mes- senger returned with her two secretaries, who were sent pri- soners to London ; while Wood and Alley, despatched for the purpose by Walsingham, secured the queen's papers during her absence at Tixall. Before the end of August the queen was taken back to Chartley. " As she was coming out of Sir Walter Aston's gate," says Paulet, in a report of the 27th, " she said with a RETURN FROM TIXAL TO CHARTLEY. 409 loud voice, weeping, to some folks which were there assembled, * I have nothing for you; I am a beggar as well as you ; all is taken from me.' And when she came to the gentlemen she said, weeping, ' Good God ! I am not witting or privy to any- thing against the queen.' " " She visited Curl's wife, who was delivered of a child in her absence, "before she went to her own chamber, willing her to be of good comfort, and that she would answer for her husband in all things that might be objected against him. Curl's child re- maining unbaptized, and the priest being removed before the arrival of their lady, she desired that my minister might baptize the child, with such godfathers as I might procure, so as the child might bear her name, which being refused [probably be- cause the child was to have been baptized and brought up ac- cording to the Catholic faith] she came shortly after in Curl's wife's chamber, where, taking the child on her knees, she took water out of a basin, and casting it upon the face of the child, she said, ' I baptize thee in the name of the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost/ calling the child by her own name, Mary. This may not be found strange in her, who maketh no conscience to break the laws of God and man. " On her coming hither, Mr. Darell delivered the keys as well of her chamber as of her coffers to Bastian, which he re- fused by direction of his mistress, who required Mr. Darell to open her chamber-door, which he did, and then the ladv, find- ing that the papers were taken away, said in great choler, ' that two things could not be taken away from her, her English blood and her Catholic religion, which she would keep unto her death/ adding these words, ' Some of you will be sorry for it/ meaning the taking away of her papers." Those who read the heavy maledictions which the captive Mary writes, in the bitterness of a wounded heart, against her son, ought, in justification of both mother and son, at the same time to read the letter that the prime author of mischief, the VOL. II. T 410 PATRICK GRAY'S TREACHEROUS LETTER. Scotch ambassador, Patrick Gray, wrote to his confederate in treachery, Archibald Douglas. Men are bad, indeed, when their own autographs remain to convict them of all that is base and treacherous in human nature. The Master of Gray to Archibald Douglas. For that within a day or two, his majesty [James] is to write answer to her majesty's [Elizabeth's] last, and that you are to hear, God willing, then at length from me, these lines shall be only to let your lordship know the state of matter, here [in Scotland] since my last, which is in no worse case yet ; bruits [reports] are more abundant, proceeding from a conven- tion, which has been lately held, of a number of the late lords who were about the king, holden at Cairn, the Earl of Craw- ford's house. The Earl of Huntley was there, Crawford, Mont- rose, Arran, and Doune. 1 What they mean all the world knows; it is to cut all our throats, and seize themselves of the king's majesty, though he himself, assure you, remains constant in all points. It may be thought, how dare they presume anything, if they have not his majesty's consent thereto ? and this is ever the argument his majesty himself uses; but they ground them- selves a simili ; they having his majesty's good favour, albeit they [ask] themselves, why may he not forgive them sooners nor such ~ whom he headed to the death, as they now about him ? This kind of argument makes them over bold and deceive us ; in a day or two i shall get at a certainty of these matters. The king's majesty hath commanded me to write to you very 1 These Lad lately formed bis ministry and household ; their leader, the Earl of Arran, we have seen by the curious cipher-letter to Mary Queen of Scots, April 12, 1584, was as inimical to Queen Mary as Patrick Gray or the Ruthvens. 2 Those who participated in the Raid of Ruthven, who, with the excep- tion of their leader, Ruthven, Earl of Gowry, were merely banished, and were now back again ruling at court. It may be seen here how one suc- cession of daring traitors after another presumed on James's want of power and personal good-nature. CHARACTER OF PATRICK GRAY. 41 I earnestly, to deal for his mother's life ; and I see, if it cannot be done by you, he means to take the matter very highly. All this I take, as God judge me, to proceed from his own good- nature, and to have no other matter secret, and therefore do you what we can to avoid wrong constructions. This is a hard matter, to speak truly, to the king our sovereign, not [for us] to make any mediation for his mother, and yet the matter is also hard on the other side for you and me, although we might do her good to do it ; for I know, as God liveth, it shall he a staff [to break] our own heads. Yet I write to you, as he hath com- manded me to deal very instantly [earnestly], for her; but if matters might stand well between the queen's majesty [Eliza- beth] and our sovereign, I care not although she [Mary] were out of the way. His majesty [James] hath written to me, e * that if ye receive not a good answer at this time touching his mother, he will send me [to England] ;" but I will make no answer till he him- self comes here, which will be on Thursday next. I will [shall] be very loth to enterprise any such commission, but of this you shall hear further shortly, at his majesty's being at my house. Remember, I pray you, his horses, his bucks and his hounds. 1 I marvel you send me no word of my letters written to my Lord Hunsdon and my Lord Admiral. Till my next I commit you to God. From Dumfries, this 11th of October, 1586. Your lordship's as his own, Master of Gray. " Patrick Gray was eldest son of Patrick, sixth Lord Gray of Scotland, by Barbara, daughter to Patrick, Lord Ruthven. Having undermined the Earl of Arran (the profligate men- tioned as the corrupter of young King James, in the cipher etter of April, 12, 1584, which see in this volume), the Mas- 1 Large presents of this kind were at this time sent into Scotland by Elizabeth, to divert James's attention as much as possible from his mother's tragedy — it maybe seen at whose suggestion. T 2 412 PATRICK GRAY A PAPIST. ter of Gray rose at the court of King James to a degree of favour and ""confidence greater than Arran ever enjoyed, and repaid it with the most detestable treachery. When ambassa- dor from James to Elizabeth, an office frequently confided to him, he became a conspirator with her against his country, and when at home he was busily employed in thwarting the mea- sures of his king, though bearing the office of his prime minis- ter.'' The general charge made against him by history is, that he advised the execution of the Queen of Scots at the very time he was sent by her son to prevent it. " And this," adds Mr. Lodge, " the letters of Gray, given by him at length/' "fully prove, and it is almost certain that his intrigues on that occasion determined Elizabeth to put her to death." Another editor of contemporary letters (the Sadler Papers) has come to a similar conclusion regarding this man. He says of Patrick Gray, " This faithless ambassador was soon gained bv Elizabeth's bribes, and promised to act as a spy on the Scottish queen, to sow division between her son and her, and finally, to connive at her murder, against which he was sent by his young sovereign to remonstrate." The manner in which he prompted Elizabeth to murder was by whispering in her ear, a Latin proverb which may be translated, " When dead she bites not." To add to the capabilities of Patrick Gray for doing mischief to poor Mary, he affected to be a Roman Catholic ;* therefore when King James appointed him his ambassador to plead for his mother's life — young as he was in years and judgment of character — it was natural for him to think that he had appoint- ed an agent, who was violently partial to his mother's cause, instead of an enemy to her. His affected Catholicism was evi- dently a mask to fit him better for a spy, in which office he consulted no party but that of his own interest. King James indicted him for high treason after the execution of his mother. The king probably never knew the depth of his 1 See Archbishop Spottiswoode's History of the Reformation in Scotland. SKETCH OF ARCHIBALD DOUGLAS. 413 vileness in the matter, for he was only banished ; in truth, he was the secret agent of many of the Scotch nobles who tried him. When banished, he found his way to Rome, where, under the character of a Scotch Catholic exile, he pursued his trade as a spy in a very thriving manner, and transmitted intelligence constantly to Elizabeth, " who, to her eternal dishonour," says Mr. Lodge, " countenanced him to the last." He sneaked home when he succeeded to his barony, in 1609 (when James I. was on the English throne), and died before three years — in what religion it would be a curious point to ascertain. Archibald Douglas, the correspondent of Patrick Gray, was at this time ambassador-resident from Scotland to Elizabeth. He was a cousin of the Earl of Morton, and perfectly worthy of the relationship; he had fled into Scotland in 1582, on the inquiry into Morton's ill deeds, and, by some means or other, had insinuated himself into the confidence of Mary, Queen of Scots, whom he regularly betrayed to Elizabeth. He had (very probably by his interest with Mary.) been invited back to Scotland by young King James, cleared of all stigma, and sent back to Scotland with the honourable office of ambassador. He is the man whom Mary, in the first and second volumes of her letters in this collection, so often names with complacency as Archubal DugJas. He was one of the blackest of Mary's betrayers, excepting, perhaps, her trusted secretary, Nau. Mary having experienced great fidelity from the two cousins of this Archibald Douglas, young George of Lochleven and William Douglas (the same whom she calls in her letters Little Volly), trusted him with the more good- will. It was about the autumn of 1584 that Mary first began to form an idea of the real characters of Patrick Gray and Archibald Douglas. (See Sadler Papers, vol. ii.) When the young king found that his ambassador-extraordi- nary, Gray, and his ambassador- resident, Archibald Douglas, were making no exertions to save the life of his unfortunate mother, he wrote the angry epistles quoted among the stream of letters in this volume, and sent another ambassador, Keith, 414 DAVISON'S APOLOGY. to urge different measures; but, alas! Keith only fulfilled the old proverb, which deprecates sending " fire after fuel," for Mr. Lodge deems Keith as treacherous and corrupt as the two former ambassadors. Thus, neither James VI., nor the great body of the Scottish people, were in fault at this crisis, but the utter impossibility of finding an honest man among the domi- nant party of the Scottish ministry. Sir Robert Melville was sent at last by King James, but came too late to rectify the villanies of the other ambassadors. The conduct of Elizabeth after the signature of the warrant for the execution of the Queen of Scots betrays a manifest conviction of the unjustifiable rigour of such a proceeding, and a desire to spare herself the odium of commanding it; and it would lead us to infer that the indignation afterwards shown by her against Burleigh and the other members of her council, but more especially against secretary Davison, proceeded not so much from the despatch of the warrant without her know- ledge, as from a disappointed expectation that they would have found obsequious tools willing, for her sake, to incur the guilt of murder. Such a fact would appear incredible, were it not proved by the strongest evidence. Though the queen hesitated to order the public execution of her royal prisoner, she felt no scruple to direct her secretaries, Walsingham and Davison, to urge Paulet and Drury to take the life of Mary in private. These two wardens, however, were too circumspect to follow a suggestion the adoption of which must have devoted them to everlasting infamy. The apology addressed by Davison to Walsingham respect- ing the execution of the warrant for Mary's death, given by Camden, places it beyond doubt that this instrument was sent from Whitehall, without the knowledge of Elizabeth, by the members of her council ; and it furnishes equal proof of the anxiety which she felt to get rid of her prisoner by assassina- tion. SANGUINARY COMMISSION. 415 " The queen," says the secretary, u after the departure of the French and Scottish ambassadors, of her own motion, commanded me to deliver the warrant for executing the sen- tence against the Queen of Scots. When I had delivered it, she signed it readily with her own hand. When she had so done, she had commanded it to be sealed with the great seal of England, and in a jesting manner said, ' Go tell all this to Walsingham who is now sick, although I fear me, he will die for sorrow when he hears of it.' She added also the reasons for her deferring it so long ; namely, lest she might seem to have been violently or maliciously drawn thereto, whereas, in the mean time, she was not ignorant how necessary it was. Moreover, she blamed Paulet and Drury that they had not eased her of this care, and wished that Walsingham would feel their pulses in this matter. The next day after it [the war- rant] was passed under the great seal, she commanded me by Killigrew that it should not be done ; and, when I informed her that it was done already, she found fault with such great haste, telling me ' that in the judgment of such wise men another course might be taken.' I answered, f that course was always safest and best which was most just.' But, fearing lest she would lay the fault upon me, as she had laid the putting to death of the Duke of Norfolk upon the Lord Burghley, I ac- quainted Hatton with the whole matter, protesting that I would not plunge myself any deeper in so great a business. He pre- sently imparted it to the Lord Burghley, and the Lord Burgh- ley to the rest of the council, who all consented to have the execution hastened, and every one of them vowed to bear an equal share in the blame, and sent Beal away with the war- rant and letters. The third day after, when, by a dream which she told of the Queen of Scots' death, I perceived that she wavered in her resolution, I asked her whether she had changed her mind ? She answered, ' No, but another course might have been devised.' And withal, she asked me whether I had re- ceived any answer from Paulet ; whose letter when I showed it to her, wherein he flatly refused to undertake that which 416 AFFECTED ANGER OF ELIZABETH. stood not with honour and justice, she, waxing angry, accused him and others who had bound themselves by the association of perjury and breach of their vow, as those who had promised great matters for their prince's safety, but would perform, nothing. Yet there are,' said she, ' who will do it for my sake.' But I showed her how dishonourable and unjust a thing this would be, and withal, into how great danger she would bring Paulet and Drury by it ; for, if she approved the fact, she would draw upon herself both danger and dishonour, not with- out the note of injustice; and, if she disallowed it, she would utterly undo men of great desert and their whole posterity. And afterwards she gave me a light check, the same day that the Queen of Scots was executed, because she was not yet put to death." The letter from the secretaries to Paulet and Drury, dated the first of February, was answered by them on the following day ; and on the 8th Paulet again wrote to Davison in allusion to the detestable commission. " If I should say I have burnt the papers you wot of, T cannot tell if any body would believe me ; and, therefore, I keep them to be delivered to your own hands at my coming to London.' , This letter is in the State Paper Office ; but Paulet had entered this correspondence in his letter-book, from which it has been transmitted and pub- lished. Chalmers, in a note to his Life of Mary, informs us "in the Harley MSS. (6994, Art. 29 and 30) there are copies of these letters, partly in the handwriting of Lord Oxford him- self, which were lent by him to the Duke of Chandos, who returned them in a letter dated at Cannons, August 23rd, 1725, expressing his opinion that 'they are a very valuable curiosity, and deserve well to be preserved.' But neither Lord Oxford nor the duke seems to have known that they had been already published in 1722, by Mackenzie, in his life of Mary (Lives, iii. 340-1). They were also published in 1725, in Jebb's History of the Life and Reign of Mary (App. viii.). It was not sufficient," adds Chalmers, w to say that those letters were curiosities ; they will for ever remain indubitable proofs of BURGHLEY'S LETTER TO ELIZABETH. 417 the murderous spirit of Elizabeth." They are republished in the present collection in this volume, see pages 229—232. Davison's fate was particularly hard. Elizabeth affected extreme anger with him on the ground that he had despatched the warrant without her order; and his case being carried into the Star Chamber, he was fined £ 1 0,000 and utterly ruined. Raumer takes a different view of this matter. He not only insists that Elizabeth was kept in ignorance of the despatch of the warrant till after the fatal catastrophe, but doubts whether she gave directions for the suggestion made by Davison to Paulet before the execution of the Queen of Scots, and whether she had seen Paulet's answer. The same writer has transcribed from the Harleian MSS. and printed two letters from Burghley, the old, able, and faith- ful servant of Elizabeth, in confirmation of his views. The first, addressed to the queen herself, when bowed down by the weight of her displeasure, is as follows : " Most mighty and gracious queen ! — I know not with what manner of words to direct my writing to your majesty ; to utter any thing like a counsellor, as I was wont to do, I find myself debarred by your majesty's displeasure, declared unto me many ways ; to utter any thing in my defence, being in your majesty's displeasure, I doubt, whilst the displeasure lasteth, how to be heard without the increase of the same ; and to rest also dumb must needs both increase and continue your heavy displeasure. And therein is my misfortune far beyond others in like case, who, coming to your person, may with boldness say that for themselves which I also might as truly allege for myself. Therefore, most gracious queen, in these perplexities, I am sometimes deeply drawn down near to the pit of despair but yet sometimes also drawn up to behold the beams of your accustomed graces ; and therefore stayed and supported with the pillar of my conscience before God, and of my loyalty to- wards your majesty ; and so I am, I thank my God, prepared to suffer patiently the discomfort of one, and to enjoy the com- fort of the other, knowing both to be in your power. T 5 418 BURGHLEY'S SECOND LETTER. " I hear with grief of mind and body also that your majesty doth utter more heavy, hard, bitter, and minatory speeches against me than almost against any other, and so much the more do they wound me in the strings oi' my true heart, as they are commonly and vulgarly reported, although by som?, with compassion of me, knowing my long, painful, dangerous, unspotted service ; but by divers others, I think with applause, as maligning me for my true service against your sworn ene- mies. And if any reproach, yea, if any punishment for me may pleasure your majesty, and not hinder your majesty's reputation (which is hardly to be imagined), I do yield there- unto, and do offer me, your majesty, (a sacrifice to satisfy your majesty's displeasure, or to pleasure any other person,) to acquit myself freely of all places of public governments or con- cernments, whereof none of them can be used by me to your benefit, being in your displeasure. And yet, nevertheless, I shall continue in a private state as earnest in continual prayers for your majesty's safety and my country, as I was wont to be in public actions. And whatever worldly adversity your ma- jesty shall lay upon me, I shall, by assistance of God's grace, constantly and resolutely affirm., prove, and protest to the world, during the few days of my life, that I never did, or thought to do, any thing with mind to offend your majesty. But, in the presence of God, who shall judge both quick and dead, I do avow that T never was in my under age more fearful to displease my masters and tutors than I have always been inwardly, both out of and in your presence, to discontent your sacred majesty. I thank God, out of due reverence, and not out of doubtfulness now, to do my duty. " Thus, most gracious queen, being by my own mishaps de- prived of your presence, I have confusedly uttered my great griefs, and have offered the sacrifice of a sorrowful wounded heart, ready to abide your majesty, and to wear out the lew, short, and weak threads of my old, painful, and irksome days as your majesty shall limit them ; being glad that the night of my age is so near, by service and sickness, as I cannot long wake THE CONDUCT OF ELIZABETH. 419 to the miseries that I fear others shall see to overtake us, from the which I shall and do pray the Almighty God to deliver your person, as he has hitherto done, rather by miracle than by ordinary means. " I beseech your majesty, pardon me to remember, to let you understand my opinion of Mr. Davison. I never perceived by him that you would have misliked to have had an end of the late capital enemy, and what your majesty minded to him in your displeasure I hear to my grief; but, for a servant in that place, I think is hard to find a like qualified person, when to reign [remain ?] in your majesty's displeasure shall be more your loss than his." Thus far the first letter of Burghley to Elizabeth. The se- cond, addressed to a person whose name does not appear, dated the 10th of March, 1587, is as follows : " Her majesty was altogether ignorant of the deed, and not privy thereto until a reasonable time after the same was done. Besides her royal solemnly given word that she is ignorant of this transaction, there are many proofs which testify her dislike to the measure. She paid no attention to the demands of the parliament, which departed in no small grief of mind. After the dissolution of the parliament, all her counsellors, both pri- vately and publicly, continued their solicitations by many urgent reasons, that concerned the safety of her own person, against which, though she had no reason to maintain her re- fusal, yet she dismissed them always unsatisfied with the only repugnant disposition of her mind. Of these arguments before the fact, the times, places, persons, were so many as there is nothing more notorious in court or country. And thus she continued her mind constantly, to the great grief of all who loved her, and saying that she had this repugnancy in her own nature. She did know that to have assented thereto had been agreeable to God's law and man's, and most pleasing to all her faithful subjects. " Now for the time and manner of the fact done she was also ignorant, and so all of her council that had any knowledge 5 420 SECRETARY DAVISON. thereof did afterwards confess, that though they were abused by one of the council, being her secretary, whose office was in all affairs to deliver unto their knowledge her majesty's liking or misliking, yet, in very truth, no one of them was able to show any other proof of knowledge of her liking but the report colourably uttered by the said secretary. Yet such was the universal desire of all people to have justice done, and the bene- fit so manifest for the safety of her person, that no man had any disposition to doubt of the report. And so it appeared manifestly afterwards of what was done. She fell into such deep grief of mind, and that accompanied with vehement, un- feigned weeping, as her health was greatly impaired. And then she charged all her councillors most bitterly that were privy thereto ; and though they did affirm that they thought that she assented, as they were informed only by the secretary, yet she furtherwise commanded the secretary to the Tower, who confessed his abuse in the report, having no such declara- tion to him made of her majesty's assent ; and commanded the greater part of her principal counsellors to places of restraint, banishing a great part of them from her, notwithstanding the great need she had of their presence and service all the time ; a matter seen in her court, universally misliked to see her so greatly grieved and offended for a matter that was in justice and policy most necessary. In this manner she continued a long time to sorrow for that which was done, and in offences against her councillors, and the prosecution of the cause, with intention of displeasure. She called to her five of her judges and men learned in law, and directed them to use all means possible to examine her secretary of the grounds of his actions, and how many were privy of his abuse ; and also the most part of her privy councillors ; and to that end gave a like commis- sion to a number of noblemen of the realm, though not privy councillors, and to the two archbishops, and to all the chief judges of the realm, who did very exactly proceed against the secretary, upon his own confession, in public place of judg- ment ; and did likewise examine the rest of the council upon DISTRIBUTION OF MARY'S EFFECTS. 421 sundry interrogations, tending to burden them as offenders ; and finding no proof against them of any thing material, but of their credulity to the secretary, the judges of the commission only proceeded against the secretary for his imprisonment in the Tower, a fine of 1000 marks for his contempt against her majesty, the process of which sentence is to be publicly seen in the Court of Chancery." "The queen," it is further stated, "is innocent, and Davison guilty, he affirming truly that her majesty was neither willing nor privy thereto ; but yet he affirmed, that he at the same time saw so imminent danger to her majesty's person, by the suffer- ance of another to live that was justly condemned to death, and the whole realm in a murmur against the life of the said person, as he was provoked in his conscience to procure justice to be done without her majesty's consent or knowledge. And upon the said trial, and the said secretary's own confession, and upon other proofs, tending to show the said secretary fully culpable of the fact, notwithstanding the allegation of the motive of his conscience, the lords and judges very solemnly gave sentence against him." In the last letter which Paulet wrote to Walsingham on the 25th of February, 1587, he informed him that he had brought all the Scottish people from Chartley to Fotheringay, and dis- charged all the soldiers, except four for the gate. All the jewels, plate, &c, belonging to the late Queen of Scots, were divided among her servants, previously to the receipt of Wal- singham 's letter. None of the servants or attendants, he says, except Mrs. Kennedy, have any thing to show in writing to prove that they were given to them by the late Scottish queen ; for they all affirm that they were delivered to them with her own hands. They have been collected together, and an inventory taken of them, and they are now entrusted to the care of Mr. Melvin, the physician, and Mrs. Kennedy. " The care of em- balming the body of the late queen was committed to the high sheriff of this county, who, no doubt, was very willing to have it well done, and used therein the advice of a physician dwell- 422 HER MONUMENT. ing at Stamford, with the help of two surgeons; and, upon order given, according to your direction, for the body to be covered with lead, the physician hath thought good to add some- what to his former doings, and doth now take upon him that it may continue for some reasonable time.'' The expense of the queen's funeral, as certified by the lord treasurer, was £320 14s. 6d. After her body had lain in Peterborough cathedral twenty- five years, her son, James I., caused it to be removed to Henry the Seventh's chapel, Westminster Abbey, in October, 1612, and had a stately monument erected for her. For this monu- ment, for Queen Elizabeth's, and for those of his own two daughters, Mary and Sophia, James paid £3500. Of the mo- nument of the ill fated queen Mr. Brayley gives (Londiniana, vol. iv. p. 6 — 8.) the following description : — " This monument, which stands in the south aisle, is an elaborate and costly architectural pile ; like that of queen Eliza- beth, in the north aisle, it is principally a composition from the Corinthian order, and of similar design ; but its dimensions and elevation are much greater, the armorial crests which surmount the upper entablature reaching almost to the vaulting. It is constructed of different coloured marbles. The basement is raised on a two-fold step or plinth, and has four projecting pedestals on each side near the ends : on these stand eight columns, supporting the entablatures and canopy,beneath which, upon a sarcophagus, ornamented wiih lions' heads, &c, is a re- cumbent statue of the queen, very finely executed. Her head reposes on two embroidered cushions ; aud her hands are raised in prayer, but several of the fingers have been broken off. She wears a close coif, with a narrow edging, and a laced ruff and a tucker, both plaited. Her features are small, but peculiarly sweet and delicate. Her mantle, which is lined with ermine and fastened over the breast with a jewelled brooch, is folded gracefully over her knees and legs. The borders of her sto- macher are wrought with chain-woik; and her vest has a row of small buttons down the middle, with knots on each side. Her HER MONUMENT. 423 shoes are high-heeled, and round at the toes ; at her feet is the Scottish lion sitting, crowned, supporting the emblems of so- vereignty. " The columns which sustain the canopy are fancifully diver- sified as to materials ; the shafts of four of them being of black marble, and their bases and capitals of white marble, and the shaft, bases, &c, of four others, directly the reverse. Beneath the lower entablatures are circles surrounded by small cherubs ; and upon them, over the cornice, are shields of arms and small obelisks. The underpart of the semicircular canopy is divided into several ranges of small panelling thickly ornamented with roses and thistles, in complete relief. In the spandrils at the sides are angels, draped, holding chaplets : on the summit are large shields, with the royal arms and supporters of Scotland ; and at the angles are four unicorns, now broken and somewhat displaced, supporting smaller shields charged with badges." The inscriptions, which are in Latin, include four verses of ten lines each, and record the unfortunate queen's royal descent and relations, the extraordinary endowments both of her body and mind, the troubles of her life, her constancy in religion, and her resolution in death. INDEX. Alava, D. Francis de, letter from the Queen of Scotland to, i. 120 Alencon, Duke of, i. 301. After- wards receives the title of Duke of Anjou, 503 ; ii. 22. He visits London, and Elizabeth signs a promise to marry him, 53. His project in Flanders frustrated, 54, 116. His death, 112 Andrews, St., Archbishop of, hanged by the Regent Lenox, i. 225, 239 ; ii. 79 Anjou, Duke of, i. 158, 178. Cecil recommends Elizabeth to espouse him, 239. He becomes Henri III. of France, 287, «., 291, 300 Appendix, ii. 355 Arbroath, Abbot of, (Lord John Ha- milton,) i. 162. Queen Mary's let- ter to him, 125 Arden and Somerville's plot against Elizabeth, ii. 75 Argyle, Earl of, his actions and con- duct, i. 17, 37, 127, 145 Argyle, Countess of, half sister to Mary Stuart, i. 22 Arran, (James Hamilton,) Earl of, Regent, i. 15, 17, 307. His duke- dom of Chatelherault, 113, 161 n. His insanity, 125, 162. Was ar- rested at York, 155. And also by Murray in Edinburgh, 166, 172. His loyaltv to Queen Mary and his forced submission to James VI., 165, 168. Was heir-presumptive (in case of the dpath of James VI.), i. 161, n.\ ii. 397. His sons David, John, and Claude, i. 125, 162 Arran, Earl of (Stuart), account of, ii. 79—82, 101, n., 104, &c. Arundel, Philip, Earl of, accused ii. 90 Arundel, Charles, ii. 80 Athol, Earl of, i. 24, 52 Babington's conspiracy, ii. 177, 218, 221. His execution, 181, 218 Balfour, Sir James, threatened by conspirators, i. 24, 37. His death, 135 Ballantyne, his conduct, i. 22 Ballard, conspirator, ii. 174, 177, 180 Bastien and Margery, faithful ser- vants of Queen Mary, i. 71, 225 n. Bateman, an adviser of Lord Shrews- bury, i. 218 Beale, his mission to Queen Mary at Sheffield, ii. 55, 51, 120, 255. Com- municates to her the sentence of death, 184, 201, 279. He reads it aloud, 265. His payment, 551 Beaton. Sec Archbishop of Glasgow. Beaton, James, his faithful services, i. 14. 22, 56, 60, 65,67,75, 114 n. Bedford, Earl of, i. 7, 22,57 ; ii. 363 Bellievre, M. Pompone de, his mis- sion to England, and dispatches to Henry King of France, ii. 192, 205, 214. Statement to Villeroy, of his transactions in England, 206 Berwick, Marshal, attacks the Castle of Edinburgh, i. 252 Borthwick, his mission, i. 155, 157, 207 Bothwell, Earl (James Hepburn), his escape from assassination, i. 24. His evil compact with others of the Lords, 57. His enmity to Darnley, 40. The council declares him innocent of the murder of King Henry, 45. His marriage with the Queen of Scotland, 45, 49, 50, 151 j ii. 368. General belief ofhis 4-26 INDEX. guilt, i. 50. He is defeated in a skirmish, 51. Is pursued by Kirk- aldy into Denmark, and is there imprisoned for life, 52, oiO, 325. Supposed Letters, Sonnets, &c. ad- dressed to him before marriage by Queen Mary, 129, &c. His death and declarations of Queen Marys innocence of the death of Darnley, i. 196, 303 to 332 ; ii. 368. His death-bed confession, i. 334. His actions and adventures recorded by himself, 304— 330. Sir J. Me> vil's account of his imprisonment and death, ii. 370 Bourbon, Antoinette de, i. 26 , Cardinal de, i. 283, 289,295 Boyd, Lord, an adherent of Queen Mary, i. 69,113, 145, 196 Bretagne, Anne de, i. 3 n. , Claude Duchess of, i. 179 n. Buchanan, poet, i. 66. His Latin version of the letters in the casket, 141 Buckhurst, Lord, announces to Mary Stuart her condemnation, ii. 184, 199,201 Burleigh, Earl of (Sir William Cecil), i. 44, 52, n. Letters of Queen Mary to, i. 78. His official acts and writings relative to the captive Queen, i. 151, 226, 237, 238; ii. 23, 181, 272,417,419 Carey, Sir Robert, kinsman of Queen Elizabeth, ii. 273,274 a. Carr or Kerr, i. 107 n. 7 &c. Castelnau. See Mauvissiere. Catherine de Medicis, Queen Regent of France, i. 6, 16, 26, 58 ; ii. 143 n. Letter of Queen Elizabeth to, i. 55. Her Letter to Queen Eliza- beth, 72. Letters of Mary of Scotland to Catherine, i. 56, 58, 64, 74, 154, 209. Of the Lords of Scotland to, 100. Letter of the Regent Murray to, 61. Memo- rial of M. de la Vergne to her, i. 149. Her letter to the President de Thou, ii. 393 Catholics, the, i. 4 »., 110; ii. 76 89,221 Catholic religion, and royal support- ers of the Catholics i. 19, 27, 38, 41, 58 n., 121, 224; ii. 15,33, 175, 187,201 Cave, Bryan, ii. 329 Cavendish, Charles and William, ac- count of, ii. 87, 88 n., 97 Charles IX. King of France, i. 6, 1 1 , 29, 61, 179. Interest taken by him in the welfare of the Scottish Queen, i. 30, 76, 220. His dis- putes with the Huguenots, i. 59, 236. The massacre of St. Bartho- lomew's Day, i. 252. His death, 284, 286. Letters of the Queen of Scots to the French King, 34, 85. Letter of the Regent Murray to, 62. Lord Fleming to King Charles, 63. Scottish Lords ap- ply to, 101, 102 Chateauneuf, M. de, his mission from Henri III., in favour of Mary Stuart, and his dispatches to the King, ii. 160, 192, 278, 281, 300, 323. Affair of Mr. Stafford, 205, 215, &c. Chatelhard, M., ii."355 Cbatelberault (James Hamilton), Duke of, i. 15. See Arran. Chaulnes, M. de, letter from Queen Mary Stuart to, ii. 158 Cherelles, Sieur de, ii. 160, 165 Cobbard, John, a Scotchman, i. 237, 238. Letter to, 236 Colommiers, M.Arnauld, surgeon, i. 275 Conde, Serves de, i. 289 Cosse, Marechal de, Letters of Mary Stuart to, i. 10 ; ii. 22 Courcelles, M. de, Letter of Mary Stuart to, ii. 17 1. Letter of Henri III. to, 184. His despatches to that king, 291 Craigmillar, Castle of, events at the, i. 37 Crawford, Earl of, i. 51, 168 , a retainer of the Earl of Lenox, i. 131 Croc, M. Du, i. 9, 29, 34. Letter from him to Archbishop Beaton, i. 37. To Catherine de Medicis, 50 Curie, Secretary, i. 73, 274, 281, 292; ii. 177, 187, 247, 251, 324, 409 Cyr, M. de St., ii. 212 INDEX. 427 Dalgleish, George, captured and hanged, i, 130 — 133 Daruley, Henry Lord, grandson of the Princess Margaret, (daughter of Henry VII.,) his marriage with the Queen of Scotland, i. 17, 18; ii. 360. His concern in the murder of Rizzio, i. 22. He dissolves the Parliament, 22. He escorts the Queen from Holyrood, 25. His Letter to the Cardinal de G uise, 28. His conduct, 35, 37, 39, 68. The Lords conspirators for his divorce ! or his murder, 37. Mary pardons his coldness, 40, 136. He is mur- dered, 40, 42, 44, 73, 128 ; ii. 316, 368. See Conferences held at York and Westminster, relative to the question of Queen Mary's guilty knowledge of this crime, i. 113 — 128, &c. Davison, Mr. Secretary, his mission to Scotland, ii. 54. His injunction conjointly with Walsingbam, to Paulet and Drury, 235. His cri- minality in the despatching of the warrant, 273, 414, 421. He is sent to the Tower, 287. His pay- ment or reward, 329. His heavv fine, 417— 421 Derhy, Henry Earl of, ii. 239 Destrappes, M., his honourable con- duct, ii. 205, 215—217, 289, 305 Devon, Frederic, esq., evidence on the Exchequer documents, ii. 327, 331 Diamond presented by Queen Eliza- beth to Mary of Scotland, i. 66 ; ii. 41. Mary returns it, 203 Dogs, Mary Stuart's favourite, i. 298, 302. Curious anecdote of one at her execution, ii. 271 Douglas, William, i. 52 , Lady, of Lochleven, the cus- todian of Mary Stuart, i. 60 n. Archibald, ii. 63, 69, 108, Annibal and William, called by Queen Mary her orphans, i. 282 ; ii. 247 -, George, son of the Earl of 183, 413 , George, assists in the rescue of Queen Mary from Lochleven Castle, &c. i. 57, 65, 83, 194, 213. His rewards, 65, 275, ii. 371 -, William, the younger, effects the escape of Queen Mary from Lochleven, i. 65. 282 : ii. 371. Angus, ii.364 Drondeveriel and Lowener, i. 21 Drury, Sir Drue, one of the custo- dians of Queen Mary, ii. 235, 238, 261, 403, &c. Dunbar.Castle of, refuge of the Queen of Scotland at this town, i. 19, 22, 25, 35,49,51, 322 Du Verger, M., i. 253, 261, 277 Edinburgh, articles of the treaty of, i. 5 ; ii. 23 — 29. The townsmen support Mary, i. 24. Taken by Marshal Berwick and the English, 252, 254 Elizabeth, Queen, accession of, i. 3. Her right acknowledged, 5. She refuses the Queen of Scotland a passage through England to Edinburgh, 7, 10. She opposes the marriage of Mary Stuart with Darnley, 14, 17. Mission of De Mauvissiere to Elizabeth from Charles IX., 30. The Queen of Scotland addresses a memorial to the Lords of Elizabeth's council on her own and her son's future rights, 35. Anger of Elizabeth on this occasion, 36 n. She refuses to recognize Darnlev's title of King, 37. She desires the custo- dy of James VI., and with what favourable views, 53, 54. Her conduct to the fugitive Queen of Scots, 63—73, 178 n. Her state- measures with regard to the Scot- tish troubles, 90, 117, 125—131, 134. Her policy and jealousies at home, 126, 187, 238, 249; ii. 77—79, 80, 89, 90, 221. Her letter of condolence addressed to Queen Mary after the commis- sion of inquiry, i. 143. Her hatred of Mary, 165 n. Her anger at the supposed cession by Mary Stuart of her rights, 178 n. The Privy Council persuade Elizabeth to put Queen Mary to death, 193; She refuses every intercession for Mary's liberation, 194. Torture employed under her government, 428 INDEX. 238; ii. 85. Cecil recommends her to espouse the Duke of Anjou, [Henri 111.] i. 239. Negociation for the union of Elizabeth with the Duke of Anjou [Alencon], ii. 20, 32. She promises to marry him, 33. Plots against her life, 75, 80, 85, 90, 130, 132, 134, 152 n., 174, 177, 195, 205, 218. Design of the Spanish invasion of England, 85, 292. Her subse- quent conduct to Mary — plots against her own life — her conti- nued severities — consents to the beheading of Queen Mary, and repentance for this measure, 95 — 325, &c. &c. Memorial by Queen Mary sent by the hand of Mr. Sommer to Queen Elizabeth, 156. Her interview with Mait- land, 341. Letter of Elizabeth to Sir Amias Paulet, 234. To the Earl of Shrewsbury, 330. To King James VI. after his mother's exe- cution, 272. Her death, 327 Elizabeth, letters of to Mary of Scot- land : on the death of Darnley, i.52. Respecting Scotland, 96. On the inquiry had into Mary's conduct, 143. On Mary's griefs, 159. On Mary's illness, and relating to the Duke of Anjou, 176, 178 n. In complaint of Mary, 250 to Sir N. Throckmorton, am- bassador, i. 53 to Catherine de Medicis, i. 55 i. 72 Queen Catherine's letter to, letters addressed by the Queen of Scotland to ; — From St. Johns- town, i. 18. From Dundrenan, Kirk- cudbright, 66. From Workington, 67. From Carlisle, 75, 79, 82, 87. From Bolton Castle, 90, 92, 93, 95,98, 104, 106, 113, 118, 147. From Tutbury in Staffordshire, 1 50, 155, 187; ii. 146, 156. From Wingfield, i. 163, 169, 171, 172, 244 n. From Sheffield, T39, 242, 255, 257, 284; ii. 39. From Fo- theringay, on hearing her sentence of death, ii. 200 , daughter of Henri II. and queen of Philip II., i. 109, 121, 122 Exchequer documents of the reign of Elizabeth, ii. 327—332 n. Fernihurst, or Farnhest, Lord, i. 107, 300 ; ii. 8, 385 Flavigny, M. de,i. 282 Fleming, Lord, services of, i. 24, 63, 74, 85,89 Fletcher, Dr., Dean of Peterborough, addresses a religious exhortation to Mary Stuart previous to her exe- cution, ii. 266. Her reply, 267. Her last prayers, 269 Foix, M de, i. 16 Forest, Sieur de la, ambassador, i.SO. Letter of Queen Mary to, 115 Francis II., first husband of Mary Stuart i. 2, 6, 7. Called, on his marriage, King of Scotland, &c. 3, 5, 35, 179, 253 Galloway, Bishop of, ii. 23 Gifford and Maude, ii. 180 Glasgow, Beaton Archbishop of ; Queen Marv's Letters and instruc- tions to, i. 14, 15, 17, 20, 22, 42, 193, 211, 213, 226, 241, 276, 285, 286,290,293,298,301.332; ii. 1, 7, 18, 19, 20, 325. He writes to the Duke of Nemours, i. 120 Glencairn, Earl of, i. 52, 69 Gonor, Monsieur de, Marechal de Cosse, i. 10 ; ii. 22 Gordon, Adam, in the Scots guards of the French king, i. 282 Gowry, Earl of, seizes the person of James VI., ii. 34, 39. His defeat and execution, 106 Grange, the Laird of, i. 24, 52, 320, 325 Gray, Master of, his mission from James VI. to Elizabeth, and his treachery against Mary Stuart, ii. 106, 129, 153, 183, 223, 229, 230, 274, 276. His letters, 410 Gray, Lady Katharine, sister of Lady Jane Gray, i. 126. Her children's claim to the throne, 182 n. Guise, the House of, i. 26 n., 117, 257 ; ii. 14, 33, 325. Mary de, Regent of Scotland for her daughter Mary Stuart, i. 1 ; ii. 337. She was daughter of INDEX. 429 Claude De Lorraine, Duke de j Guise, i. 26 Anne D'Este, Duchess de, correspondence of Mary Stuart addressed to, i. 25; she marries the Duke de Nemours, 26, 30; reproaches Queen Mary, 28. Her children, 257. See Nemours. Duke de, correspondence of Queen Mary with, ii. 8, 21, 189, 317. His design to invade Eng- land, in conjunction with the Spa- niards, 85, 99,100, 102 Guise, Francois le Balafre, Duke de, murder of, i. 26. His widow re- marries, 30 n. Henri, Duke de, murdered with Charles, Cardinal de Guise, at Blois, i. 27. Louis Cardinal de, i. 17, 28, 300. Letters of Mary Stuart to her uncle, ii. 11, 13, 15 Hamilton, James, Earl of Arran, pre- sumptive heir to the Scottish crown before the birth of.lamesVL, i. 15, 17, 125 ; ii. 397. See Arran. , Lord, and his brother, the Abbot of Arbroath, i. 125, 162 n. j ii. 67. Their interests, ii. 82 -, House of, gallantry of this family in Queen Mary's cause, i 66, 125, 162 n. Hay, John, of Balmerinoch, i. 18 Henri II. of France, court of, i. 3, 5. Conditional cession by Mary Stuart made to, 178 ; ii. 85. Heg^-i 111. King of France, (previ- ously Duke of Aniou and King of Poland,) i.158, 173, 175, 239, 253, 255. Acts relating to a cession by Mary Queen of Scots, of her rights to the crowns of Scotland and Eng- land, to Henri II. with a reversion to the Duke of Anjou, 178, 244. Declaration made by Anjou, 180. He succeeds Charles IX., 284. His reign, and interest taken by him in the preservation of Mary Stuart's life, 287 ??., 300 ; ii. 54, 69, 89, 184. Letters of Mary Stuart to the king, 17, 19. Her last requests to Henri 111., 250. His letter to Queen Mary, 83. To M. de Courcelles,'184 IV., reign of, i. 4 n., 295 ; ii. 73, 186 Henry VIII., i. 2, 224 Herries, the Lord, adherent of Marv of Scots, i. 71, 76, 81, 84, 89, 99, 107, 113, 146, 163, 166; ii. 380, 383 Hertford, Earl of, i. 126, 182 Holyrood, palace of, i. 18, 23, 44, 59 n., ii. 351 Howard, Lords William and Henry, ii. 89, 90 Huguenots, the, i.3 n., 27 n., 158 «., 301 ; ii. 186 Hume, Lord, i. 52, 69, 253 Humieres, M. de, letters from Mary of Scots to, i. 253 ; ii. 9 Hunsdon, Lord, his transactions in Scotland, i. 107, 165, 171 ; ii. 46 Huntingdon, Hastings Earl of, i. 182, 237; ii. 96 n. 117 Huntley, Earl of, his conduct, i. 24, 25, 45, 94, 98, 127, 167, 314, 318. Letter of the Queen of Scots to, 144. His replies, 168 Incendiary letter, an, ii. 394 James V., death of, i. 2. His illegi- timate children, 22, 60 James VI., his birth, i. 28 n., 31,33, 243 ra. His baptism, 37, 38. His mother's solicitude for bun, 36. The custody of him in England required by Queen Elizabeth, o3. Iscrowned King, on Mary Stuart's imprison- ment, at Lochleven, 51, 161. His state policy, and general conduct while King of Scotland, i. 162, ii. 223. Some details as to his and Queen Mary's mutual affection, and her occasional distrust of him, i. 233, 243; ii.15, 29,39,75 v., 146, 409. He assumes the reins of government, ii- 7, 79,80, 148. His letters to his mother, Queen Mary, 29, 74. He is seized by Earl of Gowrv, 34, 39. His letter to Queen Elizabeth, 229, 230. Letter of Mary to Elizabeth, re- quiring aid for him, 39 — 54. He again governs his kingdom, 62. 430 INDEX. His letter to Archibald Douglas, 184. Letter ofa gentleman of King James to Mary of Scots, 99, 100. The King's measures to save his mother's life and his resentment for her'death, 103—274, 289. Let- ter of Elizabeth to James VI., ii. 272. He succeeds Elizabeth, 327 Kent, Henry Earl of, sees execution done on. the condemned Mary Stuart, ii. 239, 241, 261, 264, 271 Kerr, Morton, and liuthven, plot of, i. 22, 107 , Henry, Secretary, i. 212, 214 Killigrevv's mission, i. 252 Kilvourne or Kilburne, the Abbot of, i. 106, 108, 115 Kirk-at-field, the House of, near Edinburgh, i. 40, 59 n. Kirkaldy, of Grange, i. 24 ; surren- der of Mary Queen of Scots to this chief, i. 51, 321. He pursues Both- well at sea, 52, 325. He defends Edinburgh Castle, is taken by the English, and executed by the Re- gent Morton, 253, 254. The Laird of Grange's daughter, ii. 35 Knollys, Sir Francis, his conduct, i. 71, 76, 88, 92, 113, 150. Letters of the Queen of Scotland to, i. 18 7?., 105. His letters, ii. 373 Knox, John, and the Kirk of Scot- land, i. 241, 252 ; ii. 30 n. The raid of Ruthven, ii. 142 n. Letter of Knox to Railton, 336 Labanoff, Prince, his Memoir of Mary Queen of Scots, i. 41, 57, 67 «., 153 n., 251, 265, 272 Langside, battle of, i. 66, 70, 110, 162 n. Leicester, Earl (Robert Dudley,) marriage proposed for him with Mary Queen of Scots, i. 14, 16. He supports the pretensions of the Duke of Norfolk, i. 147. His sentiments respecting the captive Queen, 151 ; ii. 88. Allusions to this court favourite, i. 31 ; ii. 15, 116, 178, 272 n. Letters of to Walsingham, ii. 200. Project of marrying his son to Arabella Stuart, 96. His' letters, 398,403, 404 Lenox, Henry Earl of (father of Henry Lord Darnley), he is rein- stated in his possessions, i. 16. He accuses Bothwell of Darnley's murder. 45. Allusions, 162 n. , Matthew Karl of, i. 223, 232. History of this noble, 224. He is assassinated when Regent, 225, 239 , Charles Stuart, Earl of, i. 223. His death, ii. 7. His daughter in remainder to the English crown, 7, 87 , Countess of, daughter of Margaret, sister of Henry VIII. , i. 14, 17, 38 n., 225 n. Queen Mary Stuart's letter to her mother- in-law, i. 222. Her death, ii. 7 , Duke of ( Esme Stuart), Lord D'Aubigny), i. 65, 162. He is the chief adviser of Kin": James, ii. 11, 33, 34, 68, 79. His son, 80, 115 Lindsay, Lord, i. 23, 52, 146, 320 n. ; ii. 383 Lislebourg, i. 8, 14, 15, 20, 28 Livingstone, Lord, i. 24, 73, 113, 240; ii.23 , Thomas, i. 212 ; ii. 167 , J ,i. 73 , Lady, i. 153 Lochleven, Castle and Lake of, i. 52 n., 59 n., 60 n., 65, 331 Lorraine, House of, i. 26, 27 , Cardinals de, and letters of Mary Stuart to. i. 12, 26, 32, 234. 266, 295. His death, 299 Love-letters and Sonnets of Mary produced as evidence, i. 83 (.*»., 106, 128. Said to be forged, 129, 136, 141. See also Duke of Norfolk. Lowther conducts Mary Stuart, i. 71, 78 Mackenzie family, the, i. 107 n. Maitland of Lethington, joins the conspiracy against Darnley, i. 37, 40. A commissioner at York for the inquiry into the Scottish accu- sations, 113, 116. Further allu- sions to, 147 ; ii. 335. He is poi- soned by Morton, i. 254 William, ambassador from Mary, of Scotland to Queen Eliza- INDEX. 431 beth, his interview with Elizabeth narrated, ii. 341 Marr, Earl of, Regent of Scotland, i 52,69,239. He declines to receive Mary Stuart as proposed by Kil- ligrew on the part of Queen Elizabeth, 252. His death, 252 Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots.herbirtb, i. 1. Marriage with the Dauphin Francis, afterwards Francis II. i. 2, 35, 178. Death of Francis, i. 6. She lands at Leith, 7. Suitors for her hand, 14. Her marriage with Darnley, 17, 18; ii. 360. Con- spiracy of her kinsmen and nobles to seize her, i. 18, 69. Time other acquisition of the English language, 18, 44 «., 136. Her resolution not to treat with the rebels, 20, 22. Her military success at Dumfries, 22. Her reconciliation with Darnley at Dunbar, 22. Her account of Riz- zio's murder, 23. Rutbven's in- solent speech to her, 23. Danger to her life, 24, 68. Account of her maternal relatives, 26 n. Birth of her son, 27, 28 n., 31, 33. She is ill of fever at Jedburgh, 34, 36 ; writes to the English Council from Dunbar, 35; refuses to divorce Darnley, 37. Her uespair,37, 50. Murder of her husband, Darnley, 40, 43. The question as to her culpability, 42. Her proclama- tion, 44, Her promise to marry Earl Bothwell, 45. Marriage of two of her servants, 43, 44. Her marriage with Bothwell, 45, 49,50. The divorce, 49 n. ; 59 n. She is imprisoned at Edinburgh, 51, 52 ; is confined in Lochleven Castle, 52, 56, 59 n.; ii. 368. She refuses to disown Bothwell, being again with child, i. 54, 58 n. Her son James VI. crowned, 54, 69. Birth of her daughter, who became a nun in France, 57. She applies to be re- moved from Eochleven to Stirling Castle, 57 : is constrained to ab- dicate the throne, 60, 113. Escapes from Lochleven to Hamilton Cas- tle, and revoking her abdication, collects her partisans, 65. Her de- feat at Langside, 66; crosses the Solway Frith to Workington in Cumberland, whence she solicits Elizabeth to send for her to her presence, 67, 75, 79, 124, n. She is conducted to Carlisle, 71. Her Scottish attendants, 71. She is kept prisoner, 82. Her former love-letters, sonnets, &c. to Both- well, forwarded to Elizabeth, Son., 128. She is transferred to Bolton Castle, 90, 113. Queen Mary re- fuses to plead her innocence before a commission appointed by Eliza- beth, 90 ; at last consents, 90, 113, 124. She is denied permission to retire into France, 110. Her stea- diness to her creed, 111 , 121,123. She seeks succour from France and Spain, 111. The conference of York broken up by Elizabeth's ministers, 113; is transferred from York to Westminster, 120. Her letters, &c, to Bothwell produced by Murray, 128. She asserts that they were forged, 131. Notes of her letters to Bothwell, with argu- ments against their authenticity, 135 — 142,147 ; opinion of eminent persons of her times respecting these letters, 142, 147. She is im- prisoned in Tutbury Castle, 149, 153, 183, 187,193; ii. 161,385, 400. Attempt made to compel her to resign her royal rights, i. 147, 150. Her frequent illness, and personal afflictions, 153 »., 174. She forbids the Duke of Norfolk, who desired to waj r - lay the Regent Murray, 156 n. Her sojourn at Wingfield,161,&c. Her report of her authority being st ill considerably supported in Scot- land, 107—166. She supplicates Eli- zabeth to liberate her, 170, 171, 188. Rumour of her intending a cession of her claim to the English crown to the Duke of Anjou, 175, 176. Acts relative thereto, and indignation of Queen Elizabeth, 178, 179, 180. Plot of Eeonard Dacres to liberate the Queen of Scots, 183 n. Mary's Betters to La Mothe Fenelon violently in- tercepted, 185. Her thoughts of 432 INDEX, espousing the Duke of Norfolk, 186. Earl of Northumberland's insurrection for her liheration, 1 92; its failure endangers her life, 193. Her history by Pesant du Bois Guilhert, 195. Her love-letters to the Duke of Norfolk, 196, 198, 206, 208,212, 217, 219. Her so- journ at Chatsworth, and Bux- ton-baths, 217, &c. &c. ; ii. 7. Her vexation against James VI,, i. 253 n. Her long confinement at Sheffield. 234;ii.l3,&c. A new plot for her liberation detected, and the tnaloftheDukeof Norfolk. i. 258— 240. She pleads to Elizabeth, 243 ; implores her to punish the Scottish rebels, and to reinstate her, 244 ; she mourns for the death of the Duke of Norfolk, 2+7, 251. Her deplor- able state of mind, and alarms, 251 , 252 ; ii. 44, 161.1 66, 199, 397, 400, 403,405; offerof transferring Marv to the Lords of King James's coun- cil, rejected by the Earl of Marr, i. 252. Documents relating to her landed possessions and dowrv in France, i. 261—276 ; ii. 22, 55^ 38, 135, 159. Her costume, i. 288; ii. 349. Her arrangement of her af- fairs, i. 261, 296, 297. Her inno- cence declared by Both well on his deathbed 303—332. The Articles proposed to Mary by Elizabeth's ministers, ii. 23 — 29,34. The Eng- lish Council propose tobring Mary to trial, 33. Her Letter to her Cou- sins (de Guise, &c.) 33. Her mes- sage to her son, 18. She consents to reign conjointly with James, 54. Her son'sletters toher intercepted, 75 n. Scandalous imputation on her character, 86 — 88, &c. The Earl of Shrewsbury charged asher lover, 91, 95. A guard set over her, 93 n. Her sentiments, religious feelings, miseries, and oppressions, 95 — 252. Her trial in Fotheringay Castle, 181 et seq. Hersentence passed at Westminster isread toher atFother- ingay, 210. Warrant for her execu- tion, 239, 241. Her will, 245. Her preparations to die, and her pious resignation, 199, 243 — 257. Narrative of her execution ad- dressed to Cecil, 261—271. De Chateauneuf's Narrative, 281 — 291. The funeral, and order of burial, 284, 313,317, 323. The warrant of the Privy Council for her execution, 241. Her body re- moved by King James from Peter- borough to Westminster, who dis- mantles the Castle of Fotheringay, 327. Her character pourtrayed, ii. 348, 375, 409. Her monument in Henry VII.'s Chapel, Westminster, 422 Mauvissiere, Michel Castelnau de, ambassador from Charles IX. to Elizabeth and to Mary of Scotland , i. 14, 20, 26, 29, 58, 301 ; ii. 84, 169. Instructions for his conduct, i. SO. His Letters to Henri III., ii. 54, 66, 75. To the Queen of Scots, 116. His Memoirs, i. 57. Queen Marv'sletters to, ii. 21, 31, 34, 36. 6% 64, 86, 95, 107, 111, 127, 136, 141, 144, 153, 159,160, 170. Her letter to his daughter, her godchild, ii. 85 Melville, Andrew, ii. 244, 249, 256, 263 Melville, Sir James, i.50, 52 n. ; ii. 362, 370 Melville, Sir Robert, i. 55, 55, 57 ; ii. 102, 274, &c. Mendoza, Don Bernard de, Spanish ambassador, ii. 85, 119. Letters of Mary Stuart to, 174, 176, 186 Middlemore. See Mydlemore. Mildmay, Sir Walter, i. 243 ; ii. 23 Montlovet, M. de, solicits Queen Elizabeth to liberate Mary, i. 194 Montmorency, Anne de, and also Henri de, each styled the Con- stable or Connetuble, letters of Queen Mary to these celebrated soldiers, i. 3, 5, 8, 9 Montmorin, Sieur de, ambassador, i. 73, 82, 85 Morgan and Paget, plot of against the life of Queen Elizabeth, ii. 130, 132, 174, 180, 195 Morton, Earl of, conspiracies of the, i. 22, 23, 40, 51, 52, 60, 69, 130 — 152, ii. 515,585 n. He is declared Regent, i. 252. His cruelties, 254. INDEX. 433 He is dismissed, ii. 7. He seizes King James VI. at Stirling, 7 ; is himself imprisoned, 21 ; is tried and executed, 33 Moss-troopers, the, ii. 391 Mothe-Fenelon, M. de la, ambassa- dor, i. 119, 174, 178, 185, 233, 255, 293 ; ii. 102. His letter to Catherine de Medicis, i. 142, 175 n. ; to Charles IX., i. 186. Queen Mary's correspondence addressed to, i. 157, 161, 165,173, 182,251. His mission to Scotland from Henri III., ii. 54 Murray, James Stuart, Earl of, natu- ral son of James V., i. 17, 69, 94. 304. His visits to London, 22,81, 120, 156 n. ; to his sister at Holy- rood, 24. He intreats Queen Mary to divorce Darnley, 37 ; is appointed Regent, 60, 61, 95, 126. His letter to Catherine de" Medicis, 61 ; is accused at the Conference of York, 113, 116, 146. His conduct in that at West- minster, 128 — 141. His brother Lord Robert, the Commandator of Holvrood, i. 22, n. Various allu- sions to his Regency and State measures, 113 — 127, 131, 159, 166, 171, et seq.; ii. 308, 390 — , John, Esq., MSS. i. 251 n. Mydlemore's conference with the Queen of Scotland, i. 83, 9l. Nau, his conduct, and an account of secret service money received by him, i. 72, 300; ii. 19, 30 n., 1 10, 177, 187, 246, 251, 313, 324, 330 Navarre, King of, i. 4 n. 295; ii. 73 186 Nemours, James of Savoy, Duke de, letters of Mary Stuart to, i. 10,12, 13, 26, 29, 219, 229 ; ii. 5, 6, 362 Nemours, Anne Duchess de, i. 26. Letters of Queen Mary to, i. 256 ; ii. 4, 38 Nevres, Duke and Duchessde, letters of Mary Stuart to, i. 254 ; ii. 3 Norfolk," Duke of, i. 71, 113, 149. Account of, i. 195. A suitor for the hand of Mary Stuart, 116, 119, 178 n. His earnestness in her cause, 156, 186. He is sent VOL. II. to the Tower, i. 187, 239. His trial, 238, 246 ; is beheaded, 240, 251, ii. 338. Mary's love-letters to the Duke, i. 194, 196, 198, 208, 212, 217, 219 Northumberland, Earl of, his con- duct, i. 78. He marches towards Tutbury, to rescue Queen Mary, 192. Defeated and imprisoned in Lochleven, 193, 218. He is de- livered up to Elizabeth and be- headed at York, 251, 252 ; ii. 90 Northumberland, Henry, Earl of, ii. 89, 90 n. Nuncio, the Pope's, reports, to the Grand Duke of Florence, the mur- der of Henry Lord Darnley, i. 41. Ogilvie, Lord, i. 168 ; ii. 102 Paget, Lord Charles, ii.80, 90, 195 Parry gives information of Morgan's plot, ii. 130. Is hanged, 132 Paulet, Sir Amyas, chief custodian of the captive queen, ii. 155, 164, 201, 234, 255, 329,330, 332, 403, 405. His honourable reply to a treacherous letter from Walsing- ham, 235, 237. His letters, 405, 408 Philip II. King of Spain, hopes enter- tained by Queen Mary of his suc- couring her, i. 110, 122,201; ii. 34, 119, 280, 295. Mary of Scots' letters to, i. 5, 6, 19, 122 ; and to Elizabeth Queen of Spain, i. 109 Poigny, M. de, his instructions from Charles IX., i. 220,229 ; ii. 5 Preau, de, ii. 184, 201. Letter from the Queen of Scotland to her almoner, 243 Protestants, Huguenots and Calvi- nists, Scottish Kirk, &c, affairs of, i. 3 n., 5 7i., 21,25, 38 n., 41, 59, 158, 173, 182, 224, 241, 252; ii. 71, 101, &c. The Protestant League, i. 333; ii. 73 Puyguillem, Sieur de, i. 266, 271, 275 Rambouillet, M., letter of Queen Mary to, ii. 10 Randolph's letters to Cecil, ii. 353, 355,363 454 INDEX. Rizzio, David, murder of, i. 22, 28; ii.362. Queen Mary's account of, i. 23,68 Rothes, Earl of, i. 42 Ross, John Leslie, Bishop of, his par- ticipation in the affairs of Scotland, and his protests against the injus- tice done to Marv Stuart by Queen Elizabeth, i. 113, 115, 146, 208, 210, 236, 237, 239, 255, 274 ; ii. 325. The Queen of Scotland's letters to this minister, i. 174, 199, 230, 231, 235; ii. 23. He gives Queen Mary an account of the commission at York, i. 116 Roullet, secretary, servant of Queen Marv, i. 72 «., 212, 216, 229, 287, 293; ii. 330 Rudolphi, his mission to the King of Spain, i. 200 Ruthven, Lord, one of the nobles who slay Rizzio, i. 22, 23; ii. 364. He imprisons the Queen of Scots, i.52 Sadler, Sir Ralph, i. 113; receives the commission to detain the Queen of Scots, 247 n„ 249 it.; ii. 399. His letter to Burleigh, i. 246 Scotland , kingdom of, its civil dissen- sions, and relations with England; conspiracies and long rebellion against Mary and King James, i. l\ 31, 92, 1 13, 125, 162, 244, 252, 258; ii. 1,7, 23—29, 34,30—54, 66—88, 79, 107, 223, &c, passim. Scottish Lords of the Council ; their acts with regard to Queen Mary, Darnley, Both well, &c, i. 37, 48, 51, 52, 54, 69 Scottish Lords address the French court in favour of Mary Stuart, i. 100. Their Manifesto, ii. 336 Scottish Parliament, acts and trans> actions of the, i. 22, 25, 45, 87, 94 161 Scott, Sir Walter, i. 65 n., 281 n. crope, Lord, his commission as cus- todian of the captive queen, i. 71 75,76,82,88, 149.150 Scrope, Lady, sister of the Duke of Norfolk, i. 7 1,1 49 Seaton, George, Lord, i. 86, 289. Lord Seaton's Letter to Queen Mary intercepted, ii. 65 Segur,'M. de, ii. 76 Semple, Lord, i. 52,69 Shrewsbury, Georo-e, Earl of, has charge of Mary Stuart, i. 149, 151, 163,^182, 184, 193, 240; ii. 20, 117, 252, 265,330. His conduct to- wards her leaning to gentleness, i. 218 ; ii. 36, 86, 89, 91, 385. His letters, ii. 397 Shrewsbury, Countess of, i. 184 n. ; her jealousy of the Queen of Scot- land ; complaint of the Earl's gallantry to his prisoner, ii. 86, 117. Explanation of her plot against Mary Stuart, ii. 93 — 97, 127 Smith, Sir Thomas, i. 238 Sommer, Mr., account of, ii. 105, 106, 120, 122, 399, 401 Stafford, his plot to assassinate Queen Elizabeth, ii. 205, 215, 217, 290 Stanley, William, ii.229, 278 Stuart, Ladv Arabella.ii. 7, 87, 94, 96 Stuart, Colonel William, ii. 101 , 114 Stuart, James, Earl of Arran. See Arran. Stuart, Lord Robert, brother of Murray, i. 22 Style, the Old and New, explained, i. 1 n. ; ii. 36, 63 Throckmorton, Sir Nicholas, his em- bassy to Scotland i. 7, 17, 31 ; ii. 41. His instructions, i. 53, 54 n. His letter to Queen Elizabeth, 57 n., 58 n. His letters, ii. 368 Francis, his treason and execution, ii. 85, 112 Treaties, various, of the Times of Henrv VIII. and Elizabeth, i. 5, 59, 251, 303 ; ii. 24—29, 125 n. Tutbury, Castle of, imprisonment o; Queen Mary in, i. 149, 157, 161, 183, 193 ; ii. 161, 385, 400 Vergne, M. de la, his Memorial, i 149 Villeroy, M. de, Statement to, ii 206 Walsingham, Secretary, ii 63, 64 INDEX. 435 66, 88, 100, 113,139, 155, 177, 181, 200,221,272, 399. His letter to Sir Amyas Paulet, inducing him to make away with his prisoner, ii. 235 Warrants for the execution of Mary of Scots, ii. 239, 241 White, Nicholas, his account of Mary at Tutbury, ii. 385 Winkfieldor Wing-field Castle, i.161, 163, 165; ii. 399, 400 Witchcraft and sorcery, imputations of, i. 142 Wood, John, his mission, i. 81, 83, 129, 159; ii, 408 York, conferences of, for the justifi- cation of Queen Mary of Scotland, i. 113, 115, 120. Journal of the Commissioners after their removal to Westminster, i. 120, 127, 134. Documents now lodged in the State Paper Office, 134, 136. THE END. LONDON: PRINTED BY G. J. PALMER, SAV01 STREET, STRAND 13 Great Marlborough Street. 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