mti)eCttpotHmtcrk LIBRARY NOTES ON THE CONTKIBUTIONS THE REV. GEORGE TOWNSEND, M.A. PREBENDARY OF DURHAM, &C. ^ TO THE NEW EDITION OF FOX'S martyrologyn.york REV. S. R. MAITLAND, LIBRARIAN TO HJS GRACE THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBUR\ . PART I. ON THE MEMOIR OF FOX ASCRIBED TO HIS SON. LONDON: PRINTED FOR J. G. F. & J. RIVINGTON, ST. Paul's church yard, AND WATERLOO PLACE, PALL MALL. 1841. LONDON : GILBERT & RIVINGTON, PRINTERS, ST. John's square. NOTES, There are many things in Mr, Townsend's contribu- tions to the new edition of Fox's Martyrology which require notice ; but they are of such different kinds, that it may be better to keep them in some degree distinct. The object of this publication is merely to point out what appears to me to be one great error — the cause of many others — in his Life of Fox ; I mean his adopting, and treating as genuine and authentic, the legendary Memoir which has been ascribed to Samuel Fox, the son of the martyrologist. I know that several writers who have had occasion to speak of Fox, have done the same ; but that such a mistake should be committed by one who has been so many years engaged to write the Life of Fox, seems to me very remarkable. Speaking of the martyrologist, Mr. Townsend says : — " His principal biographer is his son ; and though many inter- esting circumstances of his more active life, after he left the a2 university, are to be derived, as we shall see, from various sources ; it is impossible, at the distance of three centuries, to collect any information respecting his early years, but that which his son has recorded. In the Preface to the Reader, prefixed to his account of his father, his son informs us, that ' he had been solicited by many persons to gratify posterity with a history of his father's life, which he had written thirty years before.' He had, however, continually ' to refuse to publish it ; and he should have persevered in doing so, if he had not perceived that many who were mere strangers, and utterly ignorant of his conversa- tion, had presumed to write his life.' The deficiencies and in- accuracies of these unauthenticated publications induced him ' to preserve his memory from wrong, and to place it in its true and proper light.' ' The importunity of both those who admired, and those who disapproved, also, of his father's opinions and con- duct, were additional reasons,' he informs us, 'for writing ;' and he trusts ' that his narrative may be regarded as free from the suspicion of intentional falsehood, or partiality, though it was compiled by a son.* He had written it originally ' for his own private satisfaction ; and it was now given to the world because it was deemed worthy of publication by others rather than by himself.' None of the spurious works to which Mr. Fox here alludes are known, I believe, to exist at present ; and we must consequently be content with a few brief notices of his early life, till he was expelled the university of Oxford for heresy, as they are related in the Memoir by his son." — p. 45. Now, what does this involve ? The hypothesis of Mr. Townsend, and of all who believe in the Memoir, is this : — That about twenty-four years after his fa- ther's death, his son Samuel wrote his life, — that he did this merely for his own satisfaction ; and for that same satisfaction, kept it by him for thirty years more ; — that he was then prevailed on to publish the Memoir thus written and preserved, because of the spurious lives put forth by others ; of which spurious lives, Mr. Townsend confesses that he can find no trace. This is a singular story to begin with. A few pages forward, Mr. Townsend says : " It is much to be lamented that the Memoir of Foxe, by his son, is written without a proper attention to dates." True ; but if Mr. Townsend had paid proper atten- tion to a date which he has himself given, he would have seen that the document which he was quoting could not have been written by Samuel Fox. This Preface to the Reader, whence Mr. Townsend quotes, purports to be written in 164 1 ; and at page 205 of Mr. Townsend's Life, we read that " Samuel Fox died in 1629, about Christmas." The Preface, therefore, which Mr. Townsend has quoted is clearly not the work of the person to whom he ascribes it, and naturally leads to a suspicion that the same may be the case with the Memoir to which it is prefixed. That this should not have been perceived by Mr. Townsend, even when he was trying to patch up the " discrepancies in the narration," by suggesting that Samuel Fox "pub- lished the Memoir when he was old \" is very strange. In this matter Mr. Townsend will not complain that I am indulging in that minute criticism which is so annoying to random writers. Every one who looks, even in the most cursory way, at his Life of ' P. CO. 6 Fox, will see that the authenticity and genuineness of this Memoir is a point of great importance ; and that if Mr. Townsend's want of discrimination, and ac- quaintance with his subject, has been imposed on, the mistake is one which ought to be pointed out. I believe it is nearly true, though I should not have ventured to state it so dogmatically as Mr. Town- send does, — for I have always a hope that truth will come out, — that " it is impossible, at the distance of three centuries, to collect any information respecting his early years, except that which his son " [or who- ever was the writer of the Memoir] " has recorded." If Mr. Townsend can say this after the years which he has been at work, and if it should appear that the Memoir is not to be trusted, I hope J shall not be blamed if I make free with some things which rest on its single authority. If we look at what is supposed to be the original manuscript, and which is now in the British Museum ^ we find various marginal corrections, in a hand quite different from that of the text, which have been, I believe, generally followed in the printed copy. Whether these marginal notes are the work of some other person, correcting the author of the manuscript ; or of the author, correcting some copy of his own text not in his own hand-writing, is of little conse- quence ; all that I wish to be observed is, that where there is a variation between the text and the margin, ^ Lansd. No. 388. the teM represents the original or earlier statement of the two. Let us look at one or two of these variations. For instance, the want of dates of which Mr. Townsend complains, was more deplorable as the Memoir was originally written. None was assigned to the birth of Fox, until the marginal corrector added, "anno Salutis humanse 1517." Did not Samuel Fox know when his father was born ? Has not Mr. Townsend given " an inscription by his son," which states that the martyrologist died in April, 1587, being "jam septuagenarius ?" Could not he have given some sort of guess, by deducting 70 from 1587? I suspect that this is what the marginal corrector did; and that he thus originated a date which has been followed ever since ; but which Samuel Fox, if lie had written or corrected the Memoir, would not have set down as that of his father's birth. He might very well, in the epitaph, state him to have been " septuagenarius," even if he supposed him (as I think he did) to have been born in 15161 Twelve years before it is pretended that this Memoir was written, a grant of arms had been made to the Fox ^ I am sorry that Mr. Townsend has adopted a style of con- troversy which makes it necessary for me to remind the reader that I am not here discussing the question whether Fox was born in one year or another, or in that interval which might be described as either. The question is, What would Samuel Fox have written? and it is asked merely to help us in judging whether he wrote what Mr. Townsend says he did. family ; and the patent, written, we may presume, on the information of Samuel Fox, or some of the fa- mily, assigns the earlier year. The arms I have given on the title-page of this pamphlet ; and as the patent does not appear to be known to Mr. Towns- end, I will here subjoin it *. " Virtuti semina natura ministrat, incrementum industria, fruc- tum gloria. Naturam a majoribus accepimus, industriam ipsimet nobis accersimus, a posteris gloriam consequimur. Parvis ortis natalibus, magna industria et solers ingentem ssepe peperit glo- riam, dum Generositatem quae in gente aut familia defecit, Nobi- litas, id est, nobilis virtus, reparavit ; generosos enim ortus fortuna quandoque dat ; nobiles certe fimus, non nascimur. Nobilitasque ipsa, sive id constantis Dei consilio seu variantis fortunae ludibrio tribuendum est, oritur, crescit, moritur, revi- rescit ; more corniculantis lunse, quae precaria luce nunc resplen- dens, quandoque deficiens, incipit, auget, intumescit, minuitur. Gloria, pariter virtutis umbra, dum banc sequitur extat, qua derelicta evanescit. Hinc tot clarorum virorum, tot heroum ac ducum, tot sapientum ac Caesarum, insignia, trophasa, decora, statuse, imagines, monumenta, quae felicibus inchoata auspiciis, magnis incrementis provecta, improbo conatu ac labore commen- data posteris, tamdiu floruerunt, donee aut prolis degeneris desi- dia, aut invidiosae vetustatis lue tandem obsoleverunt. Heroum enim filii noxae nee semper generosa in ortus semina exurgunt suos. [sic] Pelopidarum genus, ac Cecropidarum gentem tempus abolevit. Ubi nunc Fabii, Scipiadaj, Lelii ? Alexandri aut ^ I am indebted to the kindness of William Courthope, Esq., Rouge Croix, for a copy of the Patent, transcribed from the Records of the College of Arms. It appears, from the memoran- dum at the foot, that the original was exhibited at the College in 1692, and copied by the registrar. It is probably still in existence. 9 Caroli cognomentura quis audet usurpare ? In se magna ruunt, summis negatum stare diu, tempus omnia vocat. Quo fit ut satius multo sit honestse gentis, ac nascentis familiae, novum autorem aut collapsse domus instauratorem, quam ingentis glorias a majoribus acceptaa, prodigum haeredem, nepotem, ac dissipa- torem haberi, nisi quis ista [sic] animo afFectus est ut malit suorum postremus esse quam primus, ac fama [sec] aliense depeculator, contemptor suas. Enimvero Foxorum gentis ac farailiae res gestae, amplae adeo magnificasque fuerunt, ut ex ea Anglia suos cancel- larios, Roma legatos, Reges consiliacerios, {_sic'] Respublica guber- natores, Ecclesia presules, Concilia patres, Collegia fundatores, Templa instauratores habuerint, testis Ricardus Foxus Wintonien- sis, testis Edwardus Herefordensis, Episcopus ; testes innumeri quos enumerari nimis longum. Sed ut aliarum ita hujus dignitas domus concidit, atque (sive id temporum injuria, sive posteriorum incuria factum est) in tenebris semi-sepulta diu jacuit, squa- loreque obsita ad metas diutius haesisset, nisi qui semen suscitat Abrahae, fons virtutis, auctor et origo nobilitatis, dignitatis largi- tor, Deus opt. max. antiquissimae ac pientissimae memor ac misertus familiae, in hac senescentis mundi periodo Johannem FoxuM demum anno Salutis 1516, patriae ornamentum, ecclesiae columen, et enectse jam prope familiae assertorem ac vindicem excitasset. Quem amarunt musae, charites coluerunt, principes honestarunt, boni omnes foverunt, ipse livor invidiaque suspexe- runt, de cujus laudibus nihil attinet dicere, cum neque instituti nostri id sit, ac scripta ejus dictaque ac facta mandata literis, monumento posteris esse possint, nunquam ejuscemodi virum sine afflatu divino extitisse. Hujus ob insignia in remp. merita, ob studium in patriam singulare, ob egregiam Dive [sic] Eliza- bethas Anglise reginae serenissimae domi forisque navatam operam, virtutis ac pietatis, ergo nos Guilielmus Camden, Clarenceux rex armorum in australibus, orientalibus et occidentalibus Angliae partibus, et Guilielmus Segar, Norroy rex itidem armorum in partibus regni septentrionalibus, ex authoritate nobis sub magno AngliiE sigillo delata, eidem Johanni Foxo posterisque ac sue- 10 cessoribus ejus debitos hos virtutum honores, armaque et insignia hsec, gentilitia ilia quidem aucta tamen, ac imrautata deferimus, ut et ipsi studium atque officium erga tan turn talemque virum nostrum probemus, et posteri ejus (quibus in iisdem armis et insignibus par jus esse volumus) stimulo hoc ad res prseclare obeundas incitentur. Mandantes insuper ac prohibentes ne quis alius armis hiis atque insignibus Foxorum genti peculiaribus utatur. In cujus rei testimonium, robur, ac fidem, privilegium hoc, presentesque literas scribi et arma ipsa cum crista hie depingi in tabulas referri, nostrorumque nominum subscriptione, sigillorumque appensione corroborari fecimus. Datum in Collegio nostro xxj die Decembris, anno Domini 1598, annoque regni Dominae nostrae Elizabethae Dei gratia Anglise, Franciae, et Hibernise reginae, fidei defensoris, &c. quadrigesimo primo. " GuiLiELMUs Camden, " Gulielmus Segar, " Clarenceux Rex Armorum. "Norroy Rex Armoirum." " Transcribed from and examined with the Original, 16th August, 1692, per Hen. St. George, Clarenceux, " Robert Dale." But whether this date is right or wrong, what is the next thing that surprises us with regard to this Memoir ? It is, that Samuel Fox, writing twenty- four years after his father's death, and about half as many after the grant of this patent, not even saying " Nobles and heralds, by your leave," flatly contradicts all the fine things contained in it. In the very teeth of Clarenceux and Norroy, he tells us in the text that the martyrologist was '' paterno genere plebeio sed honesto;" and, as if most particularly to repudiate the honours which heraldry had assigned to the 11 paternal side, lie adds, " materno illustriore fuit ;" and then again this is corrected in the margin, not in- deed so as to make it agree better with the patent, but the contrary, into " utroque genere plebeio, sed honesto inter suos et copioso fuit," as it is printed. All this seems to me very strange. But, further, and stranger still. The person who makes so important a figure, in all modern versions, as the step-father of Fox, is unknown to the Memoir writer in that relation ; and he fills up that character of the story with an uncle. The marginal critic is obliged to follow and correct him repeatedly: — Text of MS. Marg. of MS. ^ printed text. " in domo patrui concessit " " probatusque palruo " " prassertim patrui " " in domum vitrici concessit " " probatusque suis " " prassertim vilrici." To me this does not look like the performance of a son. But having got thus far, we may perhaps very properly inquire, what there is about the Memoir which does look like it. Throughout the whole of it, I do not observe the slightest hint or intimation that the writer was the son of the person whose life he was writing, or that he had the least intention that the reader should think so, except in six or seven lines in the very last paragraph of the Memoir ^ where * Since this was sent to the press I have looked again at the MS., and I see that in a sort of rhetorical exordium, (not printed,) in which the author talks about writing history, and tells us how an estimate of his means and powers had rather induced him to 12 the writer attempts to explain his acknowledged inability to give any account of Fox's death. He tells us that his father would not allow one of his sons to be fetched, and sent the other away ; " which to me and my brother was the most grievous of all chances," and this he seems to think a sufficient reason for his knowing nothing about the matter. Suppose the writer had been out of the way, where was his mother ? — did her sons never ask her any- thing, or could she tell nothing? She survived the martyrologist ; and, even after Samuel Fox was in the service of Mr. Vice-Chamberlain, and living " at Copthall or elsewhear," he had his letters directed to " Mrs. Fox her house in Grub Street, without Cryple- gate, to be conveyed." Yet we do not in the Memoir learn that she was living ; and it is, I believe, in these sentences alone that the writer speaks of Fox as his father, or adverts to the existence of his brother. Is this possibly the work of a son ? Both the sons of Fox were men of good education, and bred respectively at Magdalen College, Oxford, and King's College, undertake biography, &c., I find that he says, " Unum illud for- tasse insolentius fecisse etiam apud graveis viros existimabor, quod filius patris vitam, exemplo nimis suspecto, composuerim." This is not in the printed copies, but seems to have furnished the hint for what is in the letter ascribed to Samuel Fox, and quoted by Mr. Townsend. It may be, therefore, that the writer did mean to pass for a son of Fox ; or it may be that both a head and tail piece were added to what had been written, however igno- rantly, in good faith ; and it was afterwards thought fit to change the form of the introductory addition. 13 Cambridge ; both had seen a good deal of the world ; and, whatever there was of right or wrong about the martyrologist and his family, there seems to have been no want of strong feelings in general, and family love and affection in particular. Imagine one of those sons writing the few words which I have mentioned, to comprise all that was filial and fraternal in his long narrative. Imagine him sitting down, at the age of fifty, or near it, to write the life of a venerated parent, and never (except in such a way, and in those two paragraphs) letting out that the person whom he called " Foxius noster " Avas his own father. "Ssepe audivi Foxium narrantem," and the like, was not, I think, the filial style in those days. And here, as I do not write under any fear of Mr. Townsend's displeasure, and address myself rather to those who are better able than he is to estimate the valuo of things which to him appear trifling, I will venture upon an observation, suggested by the name which I have just quoted. I think that the letter i in it furnishes some little argument against the authorship of Samuel Fox. The martyrologist, I believe, always wrote himself Foxus. So his name stands under the j)ortrait prefixed to Mr. Townsend's life ; and so it is, I believe, wherever his autograph occurs in the books under my care. So also it stands in the patent which I have quoted, which was probably fashioned in that respect, according to the taste of Samuel Fox. Indeed, we may col- lect a more direct proof of his mode of Latinizing 14 liis name, from an anagram contained in a sort of common-place book which belonged to him, and is preserved in the British Museum ^ If he had written his name with an i, he could not have turned it into "Famosus exul." This contained, I presume, an allusion to the pranks of his youth ; but he had set up for a gentleman long before the time when he is supposed to have published the Memoir ; the patent of arms had been granted, and he had become con- nected with several families of high respectability. He had married into that of the Levesons of Kent ; not, I suspect, to their liking, but the matter had been made up ; and his son Thomas, and daughter Ann, had connected him with the Honiwoods of the same county, and the Botelers of Hertfordshire. He was apparently an exact man, who took the pains to register the names of all the sponsors of all his children and grandchildren, among whom were many persons of quality ; but he did not think it worth while to drop a hint in the Memoir, that the martyr- ologist had a single kinsman or descendant in the world but himself. Having stated many things which the Memoir writer (to my mind most unaccountably) did not know, may I ask what he did know ? It must have been almost nothing. Did he know that his mother (about whose station he had been in doubt) ever had a daughter ? Did he know when, or by whom, or even " Lansd. No. 679, p. 126, b. <9 15 whether his father ever received holy orders ? Did he know that John Fox ever was at Frcmkfort f It is easy to pass over matters in his verbose legend, but really I have not observed in it any answer to these questions, or anything to show that they may not be truly answered in the negative. Further, as the Memoir writer seems to have known but little of Fox's family, and of, at least, one of the most memorable as well as notorious periods of his life, may we ask what he knew of his Worhs Why, he tells us that Fox began his martyrology at Basil, and was eleven years writing it, — a statement so monstrous, that one wonders how any body could have written it, and how even Mr. Townsend could read it without suspicion. It needs no confutation ; but as Mr. Townsend has himself made a confusion ahout Fox's two editions of the Latin book printed abroad, it may be as well to say (and I believe he will not dispute) that the writing of the work was begun in England, that it was first printed at Stras- burg, in 1554, and reprinted at Basil, in 1559. Moreover, the author of the Memoir, with peculiar absurdity, and as if he wished to show that he knew nothing- about the matter, tells us that Fox only drew out the plan of his martyrology abroad, brought it home that he might use the testimony of more witnesses, and having filled it up, sent it abroad to be printed. Whereas few things in Fox's history seem clearer than that he stayed abroad, after most of his fellow-exiles had returned, to superintend the 9 16 publication of his book, and dated the dedication from Basil ^ Again, the author of the Memoir makes a mistake, which a son of Fox could scarcely have made, re- specting a work published by his father, with his name. He sets down in the list of Fox's works one which he entitles " De lapsis per errorem in ecclesiam restituendis." After Fox had become known, indeed at a period when one might almost say, that he was known only as a martyrologist, it was not very un- natural that a careless compiler, who had not seen his books, should suppose that one entitled " De lapsis in ecclesiam recipiendis," &c., related to the reconcilement of heretics, or persons " lapsi per errorem ;" but every one who had seen the tract, or even the title-page with which it was first published, must have been aware that it related to those who ^ " His industry may be from hence abundantly testified : that being so full of employment at Basil, there, nevertheless, he began to write his history of the Acts and Monuments of the Church ; — a work, by the title alone, seeming beyond man's belief. At first, it sufficed only to mark it out, and to draw the first lines or rudiments, or, as it were, to fasten the warp to the loom : the whole body of the history he added, and interwove it after he returned into his own country. First he wrote it in Latin, and sent the copy to Basil to be printed ; where the work is still in great estimation, as also in divers other foreign nations, — among our ov/n men hardly known, whilst we seek after and admire strangers only, either through carelessness or envy, neglecting our countrymen. Shortly after, to gratify the un- learned, he wrote it in his mother-tongue." 17 had fallen, not into error, but into adultery. Did not Fox's son know, that the tract " De lapsis in Eccle- siam recipiendis per poenitentiam resipiscentibus," &c., was the same book as the " De non plectendis adulteris," &c. ? Perhaps it is hardly worth while to add further proof that the Memoir was not written by a son of the martyrologist ; but yet I must mention one thing which has amused and helped to convince me. The author says that Fox was commonly reported to have been so liberal as to give away his property, without the knowledge of his wife, even to the dis- furnishing of his house ; but that he did not himself believe the statement for two reasons — which, coming from a son who had boasted of his peculiar qualifica- tions to write his father's life, arising from his having been so much with him ^, are very pleasant — first, that he had not found that fact recorded by any author of good credit ; and secondly, that it was, simply considered, improbable that Fox " should descend to such extream courses." I cannot help thinking that most people will agree with me in the belief that this Memoir was never written by Samuel Fox. But I have as yet said nothing of his younger brother, feimeon; and if I * " Having myself, when I was a young man, been always conversant with him in his later days, and when I was absent from him, had better intelligence of any remarkable passage in his life." Only, it seems, that he had not happened to hear any thing about Frankfort, and some few other matters, B 18 make no allusion to him, I may be thought guilty of unfair suppression. Of course almost every thing that I have said of Samuel Fox applies equally to Simeon; but there is one thing which does not. The edition in which this Memoir was originally published bears the date of 1641 ; and though Samuel Fox had been dead a long while, yet Simeon Fox was living in that year. This is true ; but there are some things to be considered which render it almost impossible to believe that it was the work of Simeon Fox. First, there is all that has been advanced against the idea of its having been written by a son at all : and this will, I think, with all moderate persons, be sufficient ; and secondly, there seems to me a great improbability that a gentleman of eighty, who had been for several years President of the College of Physicians, should make his debut as an author, by prefixing an anonymous Memoir, conceived in such a style, to an edition of his father's work, with the previous editions of which (and there had been at least three others since his father died) he does not seem to have interfered^. Thirdly, it is literally true, that the edition bears date, and that Simeon Fox was living in 1641 ; but I do not know ' He had been a fellow ever since the 17th June, 1608 ; and I imagine, generally speaking, always on the spot. For the per- mission by which I was enabled to learn what I state respecting Dr. Fox, in the archives of the College of Physicians, I am in- debted to my friend R. B. Todd, Esq., M.D., one of the Censors of that learned body. 19 that the edition was completed in 1641 ; and I do know that Dr. Fox died on April 19th, 164-2. Further, it seems obvious that the publication of this Memoir with this edition was not originally contemplated, from its being placed not in the first, but the second volume. Now Dr. Fox, though alive in 1641, resigned his Presidency of the College, and retired from public life, on the 20th of October in that year; and, though I pretend not to explain the matter, yet I cannot but think that the circumstances of Dr. Fox had something to do with it. Either that his withdrawing from public life in a state of infirmity emboldened the booksellers to print what had really perhaps been prepared (as it states) thirty years before (that is, probably, for the edition of 1610, and perhaps prevented from being published by one of the brothers or some of the family), or else that this manuscript, whatever its origin, had been in the possession of Dr. Fox, and that on his death it got into the hands of the booksellers, who employed some Grub-street writer to do what he and they considered necessary for making it appear to be the work of a son of Fox ; which is more likely. It is perhaps hardly worth while to offer these conjectures — certainly not worth while to pursue them at present — for the ignorance and absurdity of the Memoir is so gross and palpable, that the question of its authorship becomes one of very little interest. If Mr. Townsend can prove that it was written by either of Fox's sons, or by both of them together, B 2 20 that will be no excuse for his having taken it for an authority ; and will not make it a whit more credible to those who have any acquaintance with the undoubted facts connected with Fox's history. We may be amazed that persons with such opportunities for gaining correct information should have written such rubbish, but we are not to receive it on even their authority. A further specimen will corroborate what I say ; and will, I hope, be a sufficient excuse for my treating it with very little respect. Let us see how Fox's story stands in the Memoir. The author tells us that he was a Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford — ^that he lost his fellowship, and fell into want — that his step-father took advantage of his friendless state to rob him of his patrimony — that he was relieved by obtaining the situation of tutor in the family of Sir Thomas Lucy, a worshipful knight of Warwickshire, in whose house he found an asylum until his pupils, " coming to riper years, had now no longer need of a tutor" — that having, during this period, married a wife, and being thus set adrift in the world, he was at a loss whether to apply for hospitality to his step-father or his wife's father, not looking for much courtesy from either — that, in fact, he found more kindness from them than he had ventured to expect ; and by judiciously alternating between the two, he was tolerated for a longer time than he had anticij^ated — that after this, and a few years before the death of Henry VIII., he came to London — that there •21 he fell into a state of destitution ; in fact, was so reduced, that he went and sat in St. Paul's, looking " after the gastful manner of dying men, every one shunning a spectacle of so much horror," — that he was rescued from this condition, and taken into the service of the Duchess of Richmond, to be tutor to the Earl of Surrey's children, who had been consigned to her care on their father's (her brother's) committal to the Tower — and that with her, and in this office of tutor. Fox lived during the remainder of the reign of Henry VIII. This is the account given by the author of the Memoir, whoever he might be. Would anybody dream that this long story (or rather this story which seems to relate to a series of events occupying a long space of time) refers to a period of only one year and a half? All these adventures must have been passed through in about eighteen months. Dates, to be sure, there are none in the Memoir; but they exist else- where, and are relentless. Fox, Mr. Townsend tells us, was expelled from Magdalen on the 2 2d of July, 1545, and Henry VIH. died on the 28th of January, 1547'. Fox's Warwickshire pupils must have grown up with mushroom rapidity; the unexpectedly protracted courtesies of his step-father and his wife's father must, after all, have been but brief; and as to his coming to London " a few years before the death of Henry VIII.," it is obviously absurd ; P. 51. 22 as it is also to talk of his living with the Duchess of Richmond, as tutor to the Earl of Surrey's children, during the remainder of the reign of Henry VIII. Why, Surrey was only committed to the Tower on the 12th of December 1546, and Henry, as I have just said, died on the 28th of January 1547. At the time of the earl's committal his children were in Norfolk, under the care of their own mother. How long it was before they were transferred to that of their aunt, I do not take upon me to decide ; but, that the children of the Earl of Surrey were not under the care of the Duchess of Richmond at all during the lifetime of Henry VIII. seems beyond all doubt. In reference to this part of the Memoir, Mr. Townsend says, " some difficulty has arisen in making the account of Fox's life by his son consistent with itself." I should think so indeed. How can we account for Mr. Townsend's setting about such a business ? And are not we to be pitied, who have to pay for his unlucky attempts ? I stated at the outset, that my object in this publi- cation is to point out the great mistake which Mr. Townsend has made in considering the life ascribed to Samuel Fox as genuine and authentic ; and it is no part of my present purpose to show all the mis- takes to which this capital error has led, though I believe that my argument would be strengthened by a full and particular examination of the facts which Mr. Townsend has related on the authority of the Memoir. Of course I do not mean to say, that 23 nothing in that document is true ; but I do mean to say, that an examination of all its statements would probably bring out many confirmations of my opinion that it is spurious. Some of the things which rest on its authority only (in addition to those which I have already noticed, as obviously erroneous or absurd), are, in my opinion, very doubtful ; and would, if sifted, add to our reasons for rejecting the Memoir. I will, however, give two specimens to illustrate what I mean. The author of the Memoir tells us that, when Fox lost his fellowship, he was entertained as tutor in the house of Sir Thomas Lucy, a worshipful knight of Warwickshire. Mr. Townsend seems to believe this, and gives a note which has such a show of research, that I do not deny it ; but my own belief is, that there was no Sir Thomas Lucy, and no Warwickshire knight at all named Lucy, when Fox is said to have been expelled, or for twenty years before or after. Secondly, I will mention a still more important matter, which, though it has been generally received, rests, as far as I know, entirely on this Memoir, and which appears to me to be very doubtful. I do not pretend to have sifted it as thoroughly as I ought to have done, if I had undertaken to write the life of Fox, nor do I wish to speak dogmatically; but I must say plainly, that with such light as I have, I do not believe that John Fox was ever expelled from Magdalen College at all, either for heresy or anything else. His expulsion on the ground commonly stated, 24 is certainly not what I should have been led to ex- pect from such particulars of the state of things as I have happened hitherto to glean. I should have sup- posed that Fox might have been in more danger, in such a time and place, if he had been a stiff papist, denying the king's supremacy ; and that a scholar secretly inclining to the Reformation, could hardly have been in a safer place than Magdalen College. Laurence Humphrey, president of that college. Fox's companion in exile, and his intimate friend so long as they both lived, (and therefore a most unexcep- tionable witness,) wrote the life of their common friend. Bishop Jewel. He accounts for that prelate's early bias towards the principles of the Reformation, from his having been a pupil of Parkhurst, at JNIerton College ; and for Parkhurst's protestantism, (if I may use the word for brevity,) from his having been edu- cated at Magdalen College. And the period of which he is speaking, is somewhere about ten years before the time when Fox is said to have been expelled ^. But Laurence Humphrey was, as I have said, the friend of Fox, jirobably one of the most intimate and attached. In this Life of Jewel, he had occasion to say much of the sufferings of the martyrs for the Pro- testant cause ; and, as in private duty bound, he makes a digression to commemorate the sufferings of the members of that college of which he was the ^ " Parckhurstus enim tunc ccepit Papisticum fernientum et feces subodorari, piius in Collegio Magdalenensi educatus, et op- tinioiuni virorum saluberrima institutiune cdoctus." p. 20. 25 head — the " privatum ulcus Magdalenensium." But he says nothing, that I can see, of any persecution in the college for religion, or of Fox's having suffered anything on that account, before the time of Queen Mary; Fox's sufferings after that time are not for- gotten. Is it possible, that one who felt so deej^ly and strongly as the president, should have thus passed over the personal friend, the proto-martyr of his college"'? * " Privatum ulcus Magdalenensium breviter liceat, quaeso, (candide lector) attingere, ut ad Juellum mox commodius redeam. Si omnes recenserem qui in hac procella injuriam passi sunt, nimis alte repeteretur oratio : si nullos, ingratus viderer cum in hsec tempora ea narratio incidat. Omitto Joannem Foxum Mag- dalenensem, martyrum suorum monumentis scriptorum varietate et elegantia, virtutibus, religione et exilio in hac Mariana tempes- tate satis clarum. Omitto Joannem Harlaeum," &c. p. 69. This was printed in 1573 ; and the same may be said of the Preface to his " Jesuitismi pars prima," addressed to Robert Dudley, earl of Leicester. If he had known all that Mr. Townsend tells us, could he have written thus in deducing the line of witnesses which Oxford had furnished ? " Venio ad Henrici Octavi aetatem, quando G. Tindallus, interpres bibliorum fidelissimus, multorum bibliorum autor doctissimus, et martyr constantissimus : quando Tavernerus, homo tum verse religionis sitientissimus, tum artis suae musicse peritissimus : quando Clercus eruditissimus, salsa- mentorum et putridorum piscium in carcere gymnasii Friswiden- sis foetorem et pedorem non ferens extinctus : quando Joan. Fri- thus cum Thoma Moro, viro doctrina et ingenio praestanti saspe congressus est et demum concrematus ; cujus tamen mortem in- dignam Mori ejusdem morte justissimus Dominus ultus est : quando Ric. Coxits, ecclesiag Christi Decanus primus, Cancella- rius noster, et post pjliensis Episcopus : quando Hedonus, Gar- 26 I am not able to mention any other person who seems to have been as intimate a friend of Fox as Humphrey was, except it may be one, who cer- tainly was a very intimate one. He tells us that he used to be with Fox at the Duchess of Richmond's ; that they were together in Germany ; and that, for ten years. Fox was his Achates. Moreover, he wrote a biographical sketch of Fox, in which he tells us of his having belonged to Magdalen College ; but not a word of expulsion, or even persecution. Was it like John Bale to pass over such a matter ? Were these two bosom friends of Fox in a con- spiracy to rob the martyrologist of the honour of martyrdom ? Their silence seems to me unaccount- able. There is, however, another person whose silence is quite as surprising — that is, Fox himself. No one who reads his writings can doubt that he was a man who felt, and exjDressed his feelings, very strongly, and one who did not spare those whom he considered as persecutors of the Church of God. I rettus, HoTvkerus, Harlceus, Episcopus Herefordensis, tuae pue- ritiae nobilissime Comes olim peritus et pius informator, et alii non pauci Magdalenenses, banc ipsam nostram fidem professi, alii comprehensi, alii pedicis, alii manicis constricti, alii duro ex- amine torti, alii combusti, alii multis modis excruciati pie quon- dam Oxoniae degerunt. Ut de reliquis tempore Mariano vel Collegio suo ejectis, vel peremptis, vel bine, inde misere oberran- tibus sileam. Nam de istorum nonnullorum et aliorum doctrina, confessione, poena satis superque docebit Joannis Foxi diligentis- simi et politissimi historici magno labore, multis impensis, fide optima, congestura Martyrologium." 9 27 believe Fox was a man of kind disposition, very cha- ritable to the poor, a comforter of the afflicted, a great lover of peace all his life, if he could have had it his own way ; and perhaps, in his elder years, glad to have it in any way that it might be had with a safe conscience ^ This I believe ; but at the same time, look at his language when he has occasion to speak of the proud prancing prelates, and the detestable and abhominable practices of their factors and fautors; and say, whether he could have passed over what (setting aside its necessary magnitude in his own eyes) was really a fact which should have been men- tioned in his history, and, indeed, could not be omit- ted without affectation. Surely, if his college had persecuted him and expelled him, we should, in some way or other, have gathered some hint of it from his writings. There was no motive for concealing it, if it had been a thing that could be concealed ; but * This was written before Mr. Towiisend's Life was published, and is, I am sure, only what those who know my opinions would expect that I should say. I am sorry that he should have descended to the meanness of endeavouring to make it appear that I had avowed " personal dislike " to Fox, and should talk of my " hatred " of the martyrologist. He can scarcely be ignorant that the phrase was not originally mine, but the publishers' ; who, with whatever propriety, used it to express a dislike to the book itself, as distinguished from a simple disapprobation of their par- ticular edition of it. I should have been ashamed to cavil at their phraseology, when I believed that I knew what they meant. In that sense I adopted it ; and very willingly acknowledged all that I supposed them to lay to my charge. — See Letters, p. 61. 74. 28 surely it could not, and, as I have said, the very pre- tence must have been affectation ; more particularly as one or tvs^o occasions offered on which an entire want of reference to it seems quite unaccountable. One of these was when Fox had to record in his Martyrology the history of " a learned and virtuous young man, called Julius Palmer, some time Fellow of Magdalen College in Oxford," who was expelled from the same college as Fox, under circumstances so like what are supposed to have been his own, as must, one would think, have called forth some allusion to himself A second occasion offered, when he presented a copy of his Acts and Monuments to Magdalen Col- lege, accompanied by a letter to his friend Laurence Humphrey, in which there is not only no mention of any thing of the kind, but the tone and whole style of the letter is quite opposed to such an idea. It begins thus : — " Etsi nihil erat in rebus meis dignuni atque idoneum quod B. Marine Magdalenoe, veteris hospitse ac nutricis mese pixidi mitterem," &c. ; and after saying how Garbrand, the bookseller, had per- suaded him to send the book, he adds: — "Auxit porro nonnihil banc mittendi fiduciam tacita qucBdam et jam olim insita mi/ii erga collegium istud propensio, vestrcB delude erga me Jmmanitatis, simulque mei vicissim erga vos officii recordatio. Intelligo enim quid veteri scholae, quid charis consodalibus, quid demum universe Magdalenensium ordini ac coetui, sed prsecipue quid ipsi imprimis charissimo coUegiarchce, 29 viro ornatissimo D. Laurentio debeam," &c. So many important events had intervened, that we are apt to forget that, when this was written, less than seventeen years had elapsed since the time of his supposed expulsion, and narrow escape with his life from this beloved college. What should induce him to write thus ? Farther, he goes on to speak of his work as " de rebus maxime Oxoniensibus conscriptam historiam;" and adds, "Atque ne nihil aliud quam historiam nudam et incomitatam mittere videamur, en ! simul cum historia, inter caeteros quos in hoc multiplici et numeroso christianorum militum satel- litio Oxonia vestra, tanquam foelix mater, tum impri- mis Magdalense foelicissima foecunditas, produxit Jocelinum vestrum Palmerum, e choro vestro proxi- mis his annis ereptum, denuo ad vos tanquam rede- untem et restitutum recipietis ; simulque cum eo caeteros, nee paucos, nee vulgares Oxonise vestrse quondam alumnos," &c. Surely it must have been the most gross and unworthy affectation to write in this way, if Fox had himself been driven from the college as a Protestant heretic. A third occasion on which we might naturally have expected some allusion, is at Vol. IV., page 694, where he gives an account of a kinsman of his, whom he represents as having been hanged in his chamber at Christ's College, for inclining to the doctrines of the Reformation, some years before he is supposed to have been persecuted himself. But the fourth and most remarkable occasion (and 30 to say the truth, I believe that which has given rise to the whole story) is this — whether the story of Fox is true, or a tradition of Julius Palmer misap- plied after near a century — whether Fox was expelled from Magdalen College, Oxford, or not, it is quite certain that his son Samuel was. Fuller^ has given a letter written on the occasion by the martyrologist, to some prelate, which occupies about a folio page and a quarter of close-printed italics. One would have thought that, in so long a letter, full of strong feeling on the subject of his son's expulsion, he could scarcely have failed to make some allusion to his own case, if the thing had really happened to himself; especially with so singular a difference, as that the father had been expelled for protestantism, and now they were expelling the son for popery. But the tone of the letter is quite different. He seems at a loss to express his astonishment that such severity should have been exercised towards his son, with such neglect of his own intercession, by a body whom of all persons in the world, he Avould have been anxious not to injure or offend. He goes on to tell the bishop that, in fact, the college was divided into two parties, one for and the other against the President, his friend Laurence Humphrey ; who, though in some degree a nonconformist, did not go far enough to satisfy the more violent puritanical party. That his son, as was right, took the part of the president : " Quod vero filius meus cum altero ejus collega, prsefecto suo, ut ' Ch. Hist. bk. ix. p. 106. 31 par erat, inclinatior videbatur, propterea societate ex- hseredatur. Accedit liuic et alia causa, quam tam filio quam mihi ipsi imputo," — and then he goes on to state, that this other cause was the moderation which characterized his son as well as himself. Surely it was an occasion in which some allusion to his own case, and the change of times and feeling in the col- lege, would seem to have been unavoidable. There may, perhaps, be evidence suflficient to re- move these doubts ; but as I have not observed any in Mr. Townsend's Life of Fox, or in such part as I have seen of the letters to or from Fox, and other documents forming the large mass to which Strype refers, under the title of " Foxii MSS.," I feel autho- rized to state them. At the same time, I must remind the reader, that this is not the question which I proposed to discuss, but is only incidentally men- tioned, to illustrate it. If it is proved that Fox was expelled, there is, of course, no wonder and no credit in his biographer's being acquainted with the fact ; if he was not, it is another instance of the biogra- pher's relating what is erroneous. The question is simply, Whether the Memoir of Fox is genuine and authentic, and to be received as an authority ? How far the value of Mr. Townsend's Life of Fox depends on the decision of this question, will be obvious to all who read it. THE END OF PART I. LONDON : GILBERT AND RIVINGTON, PRINTERS, ST. John's square. NOTES ON THE CONTRIBUTIONS THE REV. GEORGE TOWNSEND, M.A. CANON OF DURHAM, &C. TO THE NEW EDITION OF FOX'S MARTYROLOGY: BY THE REV. S. E. MAITLAND, LIBRARIAN TO HIS GRACE THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY. PART II. PURITAN THAUMATURGY: WITH A REPLY TO MK. TOWNSENd's " REMARKs" ON PART I., &'(•. LONDON; PRINTED FOR J. G. F. & J. RIVINGTON, ST. Paul's church yard, AND WATERLOO PLACE, PALL MALL. 1842. LONDON : OILBERT AND RIVINGTON, l-RINTF.RS, ST. John's squarf.. REPLY, I FULLY intended to have proceeded in this second part to another point connected with Mr. Townsend's Contributions, and merely to have prefixed a brief reply to his " Remarks," supposing them not to have been recalled, as I really did expect that they would have been, before I could conveniently get out another number. Instead of this, however, Mr. Townsend has shown himself not merely self-complacent, but triumphant ; and has boasted in a newspaper of having given me " a castigation." It seems necessary, therefore, to make rather a fuller reply to his pam- phlet than it would otherwise require ; and I post- pone the subject to which I meant to have devoted this number in favour of one, which while it may be treated more briefly, and with less trouble, is at the same time well worthy of investigation in itself, and more immediately connected with the matters con- a2 4 REPLY TO tallied in Mr. Townseiid's Remarks. The reader probably does not care to be minutely informed how this change of plan, other necessary occupations, the delay occasioned by my not being able to pro- cure a book which I wanted for the purpose, and an absence from England of longer duration than I had anticipated, have delayed this publication longer than I wished and expected ; and will, I think, perceive that I take the shortest and clearest mode of proceeding, by giving, without any further preface, three extracts from the John Bull newspaper. No. T. FROM THE JOHN BULL OF 29 JAN., 1842. " We have great pleasure in giving insertion to the following letter, and freely acknowledge that when we wrote there was a confusion in our mind between Mr. Townsend and another author. We do not think of old Foxe so highly as Mr. Towns- end does ; but we readily accept and print his communica- tion : — TO JOHN BULL. College, Durham, Jan. 24, 1842. Sir, — I have just read with much pleasure your account of Lambeth Palace, in your paper of Saturday last, the 22d. Towards the conclusion of the second column you speak of one of the ornaments of the Palace in this manner, — I must quote your own words : — ' Here ' (that is, in the Library at Lambeth) * day after day, making ample use of the stores of knowledge which they' (the books) ' contain, may be seen His Grace's head librarian, and Mr. Townsend's merciless persecutor, the Rev. Mr. Maitland. Excellent Mr. Townsend had far better stuck to his romances about the Waldenses, and left Foxe's Martyro- MR. TOWNSEND's " REMARKS." 5 logy alone. He is no match for his well-read antagonist ; and in his defence of the old Puritan, acts but a sorry figure when opposed to him.' Will you oblige me by accepting the enclosed pamphlet, which is, I believe, only this day published in London, and which you could not therefore have seen when you wrote the above para- graph. The only attack Mr. Maitland has ever made upon me is contained in a brochure of thirty-one pages. It is entitled, Notes on the Contributions of Mr. Townsend to the New Editions of Foxe's Martyrology. To that brochure the pamphlet I send you is a reply ; and if the exposure, which I have therein made, of Mr. Maitland's false reasoning, dishonest omissions, singular ignorance, and ungentlemanly imputations of unworthy motives, constitute a castigation, I should be much delighted if you would increase my knowledge, by informing me what other writer ever received a more just or more deserved punishment than I have inflicted on Mr. Maitland. Whether you will still affirm that I am no match for my ' merciless persecutor,' or that ' I cut a sorry figure when opposed to my well-read antagonist,' after you have read my pages — if indeed you will read them — I cannot say. I am sure that Mr. Maitland cannot answer me. I cannot imagine what you mean when you speak of my ' romances about the Waldenses.' I have written nothing about the Waldenses, but a few paragraphs respecting the origin of the name, which you have evidently not read. You have mistaken me for some other person. With respect to my defence of the venerable Martyrologist, whom you call the ' old Puritan,' I shall continue to think with the Fathers of the Church of England, that John Foxe deserves the love and respect of his countrymen. Very pleasant is the situation in which I am placed. Mr. Maitland and his coad- jutors are abusing me as a Low Churchman, because I honour, value, and defend the character and labours of John Foxe. The editor of the Record and his correspondents are abusing me as a High Churchman, because 1 honour, value, and defend the Apos- tolical succession. So let it be. I shall persevere in the labours, 6 REPLY TO which it has pleased God, in many instances, to render useful ; and I am convinced that neither Mr. Maitland, nor the editor of the Record, nor any other assailant, can lower me in the estimation of those whose good opinions I may either value or desire. I have the honour to be, Sir, your faithful servant, GEO. TOWNSEND, Canon of Durham." No. II. > FROM THE JOHN BULL OF FEBRUARY 5, 1842. " Upon our established principle of Audi alteram partem, we give a place to the following : — TO JOHN BULL. Sir, — I did not see Mr. Townsend's letter in your Paper of Saturday until this (Wednesday) evening, or I should have earlier asked your leave to offer a word or two of caution to some of your readers. Those who are not acquainted with his singular manner of speaking of himself and his performances, may be led to imagine that he has done something very wonderful, where in fact (as I hope to show more fully elsewhere) he has been expo- sing his rash and presumptuous ignorance. Of the ten errors alleged by Mr. Townsend in the pamphlet which he has sent to you, I believe that not one is real ; and that, with regard to nearly all, this will be obvious to any one who takes the trouble to compare what I really wrote with what Mr. Townsend has offered as a reply. I, therefore, enclose you the * brochure of 31 pages.' But two of those errors can only be answered by reference to books which you and the greater part of your readers cannot be expected to have at hand. Will you allow me to say a few words of them, which may illustrate the nature of Mr. Townsend's broad assertions generally ? No. 6 (on p. 11) stands thus (the italics being Mr. Towns- end's): — ' Mr. Maillaud's sixth error is, that he endeavours to prove the MR, TOWNSEND's " REMARKS." 7 spuriousnens of the Memoir by a mistake, as he calls it, of the author not knowing that one of Ftxes books, entitled, ' De lapsis in ecclesiam recipiendis,' referred, not to those who had fallen into error, but into adultery : and that this tract is the same as that entitled, ' De non murte plectendis, &c.' To all this I answer — that Tanner, in his Bibliotheca, gives the titles of the two tracts, or books, the dates of their publication, and the beginning of the first line of each, and these prove they are not one and the same book, as Mr. Maitland surmises. There is not one para- graph in the first, which applies to the second of these tracts or publications. Mr. Maitland should have consulted Tanner.' Allow me to assure you, Mr. Editor, that I should not have written as I did, if 1 had not collated what Mr. Town send calls ' the two tracts,' and found them to be one and the same. Bishop Tanner is mistaken ; and the adoption of his mistake by a biographer who has written so leisurely is very discreditable. 1 have no proof to offer but the book itself in its twofold form, which is now on my table, and which I shall be happy to show to you, or to any bookseller whom you may name as a compe- tent judge in such a question. Secondly, as it regards the 9th error. I expressed my belief that there was no Sir Thomas Lucy, and no Warwickshire Knight at all named Lucy, for twenty years before or after the year 1545. It is not worth while to enter into the details of Mr. Townsend's answer, though they require notice, and I hope to give it else- where ; but the fact is, that the whole of it is written under the misconception that there was an hereditary title in the family. This leads him to make a Sir William Lucy, and to tell us that Sir Thomas the younger ' succeeded' him in 1550. The truth is, however, that, as he justly observes, ' one Sir Thomas Lucy died in 1525,' which was twenty years before 1545, and his grandson was knighted, some forty years after his death, in the seventh year of Elizabeth, which began 17th Nov., 1564, and ended 17th Nov., 1565, which cannot be far (it may be a fraction more or less according to the day when Sir Thomas was knighted) from twenty years after the year 1545. Young Sir Thomas was no more 8 REPLY TO knighted because he was the grandson of old Sir Thomas, than because he was the son of WUHam Lucy, Esquire. Mr. Towns- end says that he considers my speaking of his note on this sub- ject in his Life of Fox (p. 60) as having ' a show of research,' to be ' impertinent.' He will, perhaps, think me more impertinent if I tell him that the show of research in that unlucky note is the proof and the record of his ignorance. He actually (and very correctly) calls the same person ' Thorn. Lucy Arm.' in 1562, and ' Thom. Lucy Miles' in 1577 ; and yet, as if he was ignorant of any difference in the meaning of the words, he tells us that the Armiger of 1562 ' became Sir Thomas ' in 1550. Perhaps those who consider these two points may suspect that I have something to say on the other eight. I am really unwilling to trespass on your space, but I must beg you to let me ask one question. Mr. Townsend says (I believe very truly), ' The only attack Mr. Maitland has ever made upon me, is contained in a brochure of 31 pages.' That brochure I enclose. I have no right to ask you to read it ; but I send it that, if you should think fit, you may form your own opinion as to my right to call on Mr. Townsend to say what he means by afterwards saying, ' Mr. Maitland and his coadjutors are abusing me as a Low Churchman.' I do call on Mr. Townsend — whether in your Journal must, of course, depend on your permission — publicly to state where and how I have abused him as a Low Churchman, and to name the persons whom he calls my ' coadjutors.' I am. Sir, your obedient Servant, S. R. MAITLAND." No. IIL FROM THE JOHN BULL OF FEB. 12, 1842. " College, Durham, Jan. [read Feb.] 7, 1842. Siji^—Will you oblige me by permitting me to comply with Mr. Maitland's request, that I would notice his letter of the last week in your Journal. MR. TOVVNSEND'S " REMARKS." 9 Four things in that letter demand attention. I will devote but one sentence to each. 1st. Mr. Maitland affirms that Bishop Tanner, in his Biblio- theca, was wrong, and that the tracts by John Foxe, which the Bishop believes to have been two, were but one publication. I answer that Mr. Maitland is right, and that Bishop Tan- ner has misled me. I relied upon his authority, which has hitherto been undisputed. Mr. Maitland triumphs. 2. I am accused of supposing that the title of Knight was hereditary. I have made no such supposition. But was it not usual to call the heads of knightly, or honourable, or large-landed fami- lies by that title ? — whether they were actually created Knights or not. We call the sons of certain Peers — Lords. They are in law, mere commoners. 3. Mr. Maitland asks, where he has called me a ' Low Churchman V Nowhere, in those very words, I answer. But constantly by implication ; as the defender of John Foxe, the Martyrologist, whom he is pleased, most unjustly, to stigmatise as a Presby- terian. 4. Mr. Maitland calls upon me to name the persons whom I call his coadjutors. What can he mean ? How is it possible that 1 can name even that one of his anonymous coadjutors, who compelled me to begin this correspondence, by informing your readers, in his account of Lambeth Palace, of Mr. Maitland's mercilessness and great excellences ; and of my inability to contend with him. May I add but one remark. Mr. Maitland informs your readers, that I have a singular manner of speaking of myself and my performances. I conclude from this expression, that he believes I have spoken foolishly and vainly. If this is his meaning, I trust that his accusation will not be deemed just. I desire to persevere in some labours which may be useful, and I could not have this hope, if I had not some confidence that my efforts may not be 10 REPLY TO finally deemed valueless : but I hope I desire to place myself no higher than even Mr. Maitland himself vs^ould elevate me, and that is certainly at the low^est point among my contemporaries. I have the honour to be, Sir, your faithful servant, GEO. TOWNSEND. [We trust that this correspondence will be allovped to drop here. — Editor.] " Of course I bowed to the decision of the Editor ; for though I might have fairly remarked on some points in Mr. Townsend's letters, which I hope to notice in this pamphlet, yet I had every reason to be content that, even in his own way, and with the very droll attempt at evasion about the title of Sir Wil- liam Lucy, Mr. Townsend had confessed that his charge against me was false, his title-page a vain boast, and the "errors" were his own. To come, therefore, to the " Remarks " — Mr. Townsend says in the introduction that I lay down this proposition — " that the Memoir is legendary — but that Mr. Townsend adopts and treats the Memoir as genuine and authentic. His inference is, that the Life I have written is of no value." I made no such inference. My words are, " the question is simply whether the Memoir of Fox is genuine and authentic, and to be received as an authority. How far the value of Mr. Townsend's life of Fox depends on the decision of this question will be obvious to all who read it." Of course Mr. Townsend's readers cannot help seeing from his numerous quotations and references, how far the MR. TOWNSEND's " REMARKS." 1 1 Memoir has been used as an authority by him, and so far, if that Memoir turns out to be of no authority, the value of the Life will be diminished. There is a great deal in the Life that rests wholly on the Memoir, and must stand or fall with it ; a great deal also that has obviously nothing to do with the Me- moir, and cannot be affected by anything that may happen to it. Mr. Townsend proceeds to point out what he calls ten errors ; and I will notice them in their order. 1. The first error is little, if anything more than a repetition of what I have already noticed. It is my supposing that Mr. Townsend had treated the Me- moir as genuine and authentic. I answer that, so far as I can judge by what he wrote, he did so. I see nothing which should lead me to believe, and in fact I do not believe, that he had a7i?/ idea of treatiyig it otherwise when he wrote the life, or until the pubHcation of my pamphlet. I know that, in one place he was forced to say, " It is impossible to reconcile the discrepancies in this Memoir of Foxe with the facts of his life." Then, of course, would have been the time to express his suspicions if he had had any. A man may say that it is impossible to reconcile certain statements in Eadmer's life of Anselm with the facts (that is, with what, from other sources of information, he supposes to be the facts) of that prelate's life, without in the least degree implying that he doubts the genuineness and authenticity of the work. Mr. Townsend might 12 REPLY TO do, and it seems to me that he did, the same with regard to Fox. He always, as far as I know, quoted it without a hint of suspicion that it was anything but a document of the highest authority, a genuine work, written in perfectly good faith, by the son of the Martyrologist. Those who look at Mr. Towns- end's own language in the Life (or even only at the extract from it which I gave in the first part of these notes) will I think acquit me of all error on this point. 2. The " second error is, that because Mr. Towns- end has depended upon the Memoir, his labours are useless." He adds, " I answer that his premises are unfounded : and therefore his inference is false." This is much the same thing over again. I have already said that I made no such inference : but when he says the " premises are unfounded," T must ask, whether Mr. Townsend means to deny that, for much which he has given as undisputed truth, he " depended upon the Memoir," and the Memoir only» without pretending to have any other authority ? I do not know what other interpretation can be put on his words ; but surely he cannot mean this. Will he have the courage to say plainly what he does mean ? 3. As to the grant of arms. We are often fur- nished with some criterion of a man's own knowledge by the credit which he gives to others for ignorance. If a writer is earnest and elaborate in explaining and enforcing the truth, that two and two make four, we may conjecture that his own arithmetical progression 8 MR. TOWNSEND'S " REMARKS." 13 has not very long, or very far, passed that point. In this light the prattle which Mr. Townsend has pub- lished about the Foxs whom he has discovered, while he does not seem ever to have heard of two well- known John Foxs, who were actual contemporaries of the Martyrologist, is very amusing. It requires no answer ; but before I proceed to speak of the grant of arms I would offer one remark. Mr. Townsend says (p. 21), "he alludes to the many years I have been engaged to write the life of Foxe. Does he really believe that I devoted the whole interval between my promise and its perform- ance, to this lucubration ; and that I had nothing else to do ?" Mr. Townsend is not so happy as always to have such very silly things said of him as he pretends. I said that it seemed to me very re- markable " that one who had been so many years engaged to write the life of Fox " should have made such a mistake as to treat the absurd Memoir (I have not yet noticed all the absurdities in which it is implicitly followed by Mr. Townsend) as genuine and authentic. I am as far as possible from believing that Mr. Townsend " employed the whole interval " about the business, or any thing like so much of it as he was bound in honour and conscience, and by his engagement to the publishers and subscribers, to have done. Nothing but his having failed to do this could account for the superficial or erroneous manner in which he treats so many points connected with the subject ; and for the gross ignorance which he 14 REPLY TO lias displayed even respecting Fox's printed works. But without charging him with any thing like this devotion to the matter, or imagining that he worked hard every day, or one day in a month, for five years, even in writing a biography so important as he appears to have considered that in which he was engaged, I should have expected that, with the sub- ject in his mind during all those years, he would have been from time to time, and almost without effort, collecting information, such as he evidently wants. To come however to the grant of arms — Mr. Townsend says that in the document " we find nothing — no, nothing whatever — which can identify the John Foxe to whom the arms were granted with the Martyrologist." He afterwards adds that it was made "in terms which could be applicable to any person of the name of Foxe." Such an assertion respecting a document which people have before them is enough to make one stare. Has Mr. Towns- end read it? or does he suppose that nobody else has? Let us briefly consider the things predicated in the grant respecting John Fox the grantee, and consider their general applicability to all possible John Foxs. First, Mr. Townsend says that the arms were granted " without one allusion in that grant to the only reason for which the heraldic honour could be conferred." I ask again, Can Mr. Townsend have read it ? Does it not say that the grant was made MR. TOWNSEND's " REMARKS." ' IT) "on account of his eminent deserts in regard of the state, on account of his singular patriotism, on ac- count of his eminent services to Elizabeth the most serene Queen of England, both at home and abroad, his virtue and his piety ^ ?" Whether the grantee was in fact the Martyrologist or not, I think there are some things said here which would not have been "applicable" to all possible John Foxs, while they appear to point out very fairly what really were the Martyrologist's claims (if he had any) to such secular distinction from the Crown. That he was a staunch and zealous Elizabethan is beyond all doubt ; and it is almost as certain that he, as well as the other exiles, had the means of advancing the Queen's interests, both while he Mas abroad and after his return. There may, to be sure, have been another John Fox (a close fellow, I warrant, who did his work so privily that we have never heard of him)^ who was of more service to Elizabeth and her government than the person whom she is said to have called " Father Fox." Secondly, John Fox the grantee is said to have been " an ornament of his country" (patricB orna- mentum). This may be true of any honest yeoman, but I doubt whether heralds always put it in as a matter of course; and whether it would be "appli- cable to any person of the name of Foxe." ' Ob insignia in remp. merita, ob studium in patriam singulare, ob egregiam Divae Elizabethae Angliae reginae serenissimse domi i'orisque navatam operam, virtutis, ac pietatis, &c. 16 REPLY TO Thirdly, Jolin Fox the grantee was "a pillar of the Church" (ecclesicB columen). This seems to me to narrow the application to those John Foxs who were ecclesiastics. Fourthly, He was "beloved by the muses and cherished by the graces " (quem amarunt musce, charites coluerunt). This narrows the matter still more, if I am right in supposing it to mean that the grantee was a poet. Surely the heralds do not say this of every clergyman who gets a coat of arms. Fifthly, As Mr. Townsend suggests no doubt about the date mentioned in the document, I sup- pose we must narrow the question still more by requiring this ecclesiastical favourite of the Muses, Graces, and Queen Elizabeth, to have been born in 1516; which some persons of the name of Fox certainly were not. Sixthly, " Princes honoured him, all good men fostered him, and even malice and envy were con- strained to respect him" (principes honestarunt, boni omnes foverunt, ipse livor invidiaque suspexerunt). Surely after all allowance for heraldic compliment the Rev. John Fox who was born in 1516 must have done something to gain credit with princes, love from good men, and both envy and respect from bad men, which we can hardly suppose, as a matter of course, to have been done by all possible John Foxs. Seventhly, The grantee was a person whose writings, and whose own sayings and doings com- MR. TOWNSEND's " REMARKS." 17 mitted to writing, might form a sufficient " monu- ment" to posterity (scripta ejus didaque ac facta mandata Uteris monumento posteris esse possint). This, even if we do not suppose a verbal allusion to the " Acts and Monuments," is certainly not to be as- sumed of all other possible John Foxs, or perhaps of any, until some such writings are produced. Eighthly, These writings of his, and his recorded sayings and doings, were to prove a point respecting the grantee, to which I beg the reader's particular attention, and which the heralds would certainly not think of predicating respecting every John Fox who might come in their way. They were to prove that the grantee could not but have been a person di- vinely inspired, the subject of a divine afflatus. That there were some who believed this of the martyro- logist is highly probable ; and this I hope to show more fully in the course of this pamphlet. In the mean time I will just point out the remarkable simi- larity between the language of this Grant and that of the Memoir, and I think it can hardly be doubted that one was taken from the other, or both derived from a common source. The former says, " scripta ejus dictaque ac facta mandata Uteris, monumento posteris esse possint, nunquam ejuscemodi virum sine afflatu divino e^vtitisse." The latter, referring to his prophecy, says, " Quo facto id illi contigit, quod in tali re contingere necesse fuit, ut qui animum ejus sic penitus defixum in Deo contuebantur, multaque eum et facere et loqui quae communis probitatis opinionem B 18 REPLY TO egrerlerentur, non ilium afflatus dimni eo'pertem esse crederentr Let some other John Fox then be brought for- ward, and make out a better claim to the grant. We will not press him about Cecrops, and Pelops, and the rest of the heathen crew, but let him ex- plain how these more personal things came to be said of him. Perhaps, too, he will explain to us why the crest assigned to him was a Lion holding a book, and whether that book is (as Mr. Townsend so quietly assumes) a bible, or a book of martyrs. Until such a person is produced we shall be apt to believe that the language of the grant, and the device of the crest, apply to a certain John Fox whom we know, and whom, on other grounds, we suppose to have been born about the year 1516, to have been per- sonally known to, and particularly favoured by, the sovereign by whom the grant was made, whom his friends considered an ornament of the country and a pillar of the church, whom princes honoured, whose "Acts and Monuments" are in fact his monument to posterity, and whom his friends believed to be endowed with superhuman powers and divine in- spiration. Thus I had reasoned from what appear to me to be particular points of application, sufficient, not merely to contradict, but to make us wonder at, Mr. Townsend's bold assertion. To expose this, and as some apology for having previously believed what I think I may say now turns out to be true beyond all MR. TOWNSEND's " REMARKS." 19 dispute, I let it stand. That John Fox the Martyr- ologist was the person meant in this grant (whether its issue was regular or irregular, and whensoever and by whomsoever it was penned) seems to me to be placed beyond all doubt by the fact, proved by a visitation-book in the College of Arms, that Sir Richard Willis, who married the great-granddaugh- ter of the Martyrologist, bore those arms in an escutcheon of pretence. " Dame Alice Willys," as she is called at p. 205 of Mr. Townsend's Life, was, as she is there stated to have been, (though I must be allowed to say that I had found it out before, and am not stealing one of Mr. Townsend's discoveries,) the " only daughter and sole executrix," in fact she was the only child, of Dr. Thomas Fox, the eldest Son of Samuel, the eldest Son of John the Martyrologist, and therefore the representative and heiress of that branch of the family. It seems to me that I have been in no error on this point. Will Mr. Townsend acknowledge any ? 4. Mr. Townsend says ; — " 4. The fourth error of Mr. Maitland is, the deduction of an argument for the spuriousness of the Memoir, from the manner in nhich its writer spells the name of Foxe in Latin. He spells it with an i ; thus — Foxius, and not Foxus, which last was the manner of spelling adopted both by Foxe himself and his contemporaries." Such gross misapprehension can scarcely be af- fected ; and I give Mr. Townsend credit for having written in so much wrath and haste that he really b2 20 REPLY TO did not understand my argument, though to me it appears very simple. It is merely this — that though other people might latinize the name of Fox in one way or another, yet John Fox himself and his son Samuel always made it Foams, and not Foxius, as the writer of the Memoir does ; and for this reason, among others, it seems as if the Memoir had not been written by Samuel Fox. How is this "proved to be an error, from two considera- tions: the first is, that in that age persons spelt the same name many different ways " "But the second consideration is, that the manu- scripts, now remaining in the Harleian Collection (which this trifler ought to have inspected before he thus reasoned), abound in instances in which the Latin name of Fox, or Foxe, is spelled with an i, as well as without?" What answer is it to my aroument to tell me that the Harleian Catalogue- Maker, and some of the persons whose papers he catalogued, chose to write Foxius, if John Fox and his Son always wrote Foxus ? The trifler, and something worse, is the person who accumulates at secondhand from a catalogue a show of irrelevant references to prove what nobody disputes. I hope I do not exceed the just limits of self-defence, or approximate to Mr. Townsend's unhappy egotism, if I express my belief that long before his book was published, I had inspected, not merely the cata- logue of the Harleian Collection, but the original of every document in it to which he has referred. MR. TOWNSEND's " REMARKS." 21 Certainly, as Mr. Townsend says, I spoke of " the large mass to which Strype refers, under the title of 'Foxii MSS.;' " and, as he says, I did it without perceiving in it any " demonstration " about the matter. Neither do I see any now. It may show that Strype latinized Foa? by Foa^ius, but how does that affect the fact, which Mr. Townsend dares not dispute, that John Fox himself, and his Son the re- puted Author of the Memoir, never wrote Fooeius but always Fowusf And having thus occasion to refer to these Foxian MSS. I publicly ask Mr. Townsend how much of that " large mass " he had " inspected," and whether he did not publish his life of Fox without ever having seen any one of them f 5. Mr. Townsend says ; — " 5. Mr. Maitland's fifth error is, the inference that the Memoir is proved la be spurious, because it is there said that John Foxe was eleven years tvriting his Martyrologrj. Mr. Maitland declares this to be a statement so monstrous, that he jvonders how any body could have written it ; and he is pleased, though in a dubious rather than in a courteous manner, to compliment ray sagacity, at the expense of my lucubrations, by expressing his astonishment that even Mr. Townsend would read it without suspicion." I meant no compliment to Mr. Townsend in any way ; but merely to state my surprise that even a writer obviously thoughtless, and careless, could help seeing something which appeared to be so plain. This opinion which I had formed of his recklessness is fully borne out by the very paragraph now quoted. 22 REPLY TO At least I am willing to ascribe it to this, rather than to any thing worse, (joined however, I must add, to an ignorance of his subject which prevented his being aware of the force of mj statement,) that he has so misrepresented what I said. At the same time he has an odd way of stripping an argument of its clothes and stuffing them with straw, and then he deals notably with the thing that he has made, and is, I suppose, gratified by the applause of those by- standers who are blinded by the dust, and imagine from his triumphant outcries that he is doing some- thing very valiant. If there were an anonymous book now published purporting to be a Life of Mr. Townsend, and ascribed to his own son, in which it was stated that he had been thirty years engaged upon an epic poem, I might (if he had not told me so in this very j^amphlet, and if I had not been acquainted with his history and proceedings somewhat longer than that) feel some surprise ; but I should not think that it threw suspi- cion on the authorship of the Life. It might be written by his son ; and his son, one would think, must know. If however it told us that Mr. Towns- end had been thirty years writing a poem which he began to write soon after he went to reside at Dur- ham, I should be apt to say, " Surely this cannot be written by his son ; he must know his father's history better than that." I said what is perfectly analogous of John Fox's son. My words out of which Mr. MR. TOWNSEND'S " REMARKS." 23 Townsend has picked his statement were, " he tells us that Fox began his Martyrology at Basil ^ and was eleve7i years writing it, — a statement so monstrous, that one wonders how any body could have written it, and how even Mr. Townsend could read it without suspicion." The statement is monstrous ; and Mr. Townsend no more believes it than I do. It seems to me a strong ground for believing that the Memoir was not written by Fox's son, but by somebody more ignorant of the Martyrologist's history than we can possibly suppose his son to have been. But it may be right to look a little further at this matter of the eleven years ; for, since Mr. Townsend published his " Remarks," he has repeated his state- ment, and I engaged to notice it. (See p. 93, fost.) There can be little doubt that Mr. Townsend was led to specify this period of eleven years, by the rambling legend of which I have already had occasion to say so much, and of which I may perhaps find occasion to say more hereafter ; for its absurdities are * The passages in the Memoir on which I grounded this state- ment are as follows, " I have showed before that Mr. Fox first applied himself to write the history of the Church whilst he was at Basil." The fact being that he had published what is com- monly called the first edition at Strasburg, before he went to Frankfort, and therefore, of course, before he went to Basil. The passage referred to is I suppose that which I have quoted in p. 16 of No. I. of these notes ; — " His industry may be from hence abundantly testified ; that being so full of employ- ment at Basil, there nevertheless he began to write his his- tory," &c. 24 REPLY TO not yet fully exposed. The Memoir-writer tells us not only, as I have shown in the note, that Fox began to write his history after he went to Basil, but he also says : " I find by the author's own notes, that in the eleventh year after he began to write it, the work was finished " {undecirno quam scrihi cceptum est anno finituni opus fuisse ex commentariis authoris reperio). This Mr. Townsend seems to have considered as warranting the following strong language: — " Eleven years were carefully and anxiously de- voted'''' [not merely had the project been formed, and the thing been in hand, all that time, as Mr. Towns- end gives us to understand of his poem and his Life of Fox] " to the arrangement of the materials which were transmitted to him from all quarters, in ex- amining the registries of the Bishops " [specially Gardiner's and Bonner's I suppose] "and other authentic records of the facts and events he was to relate; and in collecting the various documents essential to the perfecting of the work," Vol. i, p. 28. Here are eleven years of preparation, with a stir which almost throws our Ecclesiastical Commission into the shade ; but it is — I am sure the word is not too harsh — rigmarole. If, in conformity with popular language on the subject, and with that absence of information which influenced Mr. Townsend when he wrote what I have just quoted, we call the Strasburg book in Latin the first edition, the Basil book in Latin the MR. TOWNSEND'S " REMARKS." 25 second edition, and the London book in English the third edition, the case stands thus; — the prefatory- letter in the first is dated the 31 Aug. 1554, and the colophon of the tJiird is dated 20 March 1563 — that is, the printmg of the bulky folio was finished on that day ; it being rather more than eight years and a half since the preface to the first edition was sent to the press. But then, of course, we may fill up eleven years, or any length of time, by saying that Fox had been two years and a half, or twenty years and a half, collecting matter for the "already prepared manuscript," with which he travelled to Strasburg. Or if we do not like to take the time at that end of the matter, why not at the other ? Why are we to consider the writing of the book as extending to the third, and only to the third, edition ? Why not to the fourth, which would add seven years more ? Why say eleven years ? Just because Mr. Townsend did not know the books of which he was writing, or their history, and implicitly followed the absurd Memoir that said something about " eleven " years, which, having echoed it in pure ignorance, he now thinks himself called on to defend. It is only justice to Fox to rescue him from his merciless vindicator, by stating what is obvious to those who know these three volumes, which Mr. Townsend appears Tiever to have seen. It may be true that Fox travelled to Strasburg with an "already prepared manuscript." Perhaps he carried it in his waistcoat })Ocket, as he certainly might do in regard 26 REPLY TO of bulk ; and perhaps, before be had been there a week, the Pope had picked his pocket of it, for somehow or other he seems to have lost it before the printers wanted it. Mr. Townsend tells us (on what autho- rity I know not, for I cannot imagine that he had seen it) that the work " exhibits no signs of having been hastily written ^." Of course there is no reason why such a little thing should exhibit signs of haste if so great a part of the eleven years had been " care- fully and anxiously devoted" to its compilation, and it was " already prepared" when he arrived at Stras- burg. But what is Fox's own account of his little book ? He is full of apology for the tumultuary haste in which it was got up. The printers were so urgent to get it in time for Frankfort fair, that he had less than two months allowed for arranging, transcribing, and composing from a mass of rough, undigested notes ; and this he was obliged to do, an exile from his country, unable to refer to the books and registers from which such matters might have been more fully stated ; this too in such time as he could gain from his daily employment of correcting the press, to say nothing of his want of health ; his only apology (and a very sufficient one if it were not for the bombast exaggeration of his ignorant ad- mirers) was, that he had done his best under the cir- cumstances. Certainly the hurry in which the book was made, if it did not injure the style, led to some * Life of Fox, p. 76. MR. TOWNSEND'S " REMARKS." 27 errors in printing. One will be observed in the pas- sage which I quote below *, and a more gross one stares us in the face on the title-page, where we read that the book was printed in m.d.lxiiii. instead of M.D.LIIII. As to the second edition (Basil, 1559), Mr. Towns- end tells us, " while therefore he continued to correct the press for Oporinus, he devoted all his leisure to the reconstruction of his ecclesiastical history ^" He could not have selected language more clearly de- monstrating his ignorance of the two books. The Strasburg book, with scarcely any alteration except one or two additions, and with nothing in the world like " reconstruction " during the " carefully and anxiously devoted" years which elapsed between 1554 and 1559, (the bombast magnificence of which * After expressing the probability that he may pursue the sub- ject, he says, " Interim habes hie (lector christiane) priorem hujus historiolag seriem, a Millesimo trecentesimo ad quingentesimum, qualicumque penicillo nostro deliniatum, in qua si ob tumultu- ariam festinationem non satis videbimur functi officio nostro: Aliud nihil respondeo quam Socraticum illud ex Xenophonte praestitisse me Ka^ hvvaynv \jsic~\. Neque enim in aliena patria exulanti suppetebat ad manum parata librorum ac registrorum copia unde plenius ista desumerentur. Rursus nee amplius bimestri spacio ante nundinas Francfordianas mihi concedebatur adhasc ex rudi ac informi sylvula recolligenda, digerenda, rescribenda, ac componenda etiam pleraque prseter quotidianas insuper formularum typographicarum castigationes, ut nihil dicam de valetudine," &c. p. 204, b. ' Life of Fox, p. 116. 28 REPLY TO has now shrunk into the "leisure" of a man earning bread for himself and his family as a corrector in a printing-office,) forms the first book of the Basil edition, and with those additions occupies but 1 18 out of the 732 pages which the Basil book contains. And what does Fox himself say about this portion of the eleven "carefully and anxiously devoted years?" Truly he has as much apology to make for tumultuary haste now, as he had before. He was obliged to break off the dedication to the Duke of Norfolk, because, as Mr. Townsend translates, " both printers and markets were urgent ^," or, more j^ro- perly, because the printers were in a hurry to get it ready for Frankfort fair, which was coming on '^ ; and in his notice " Ad Lectorem" he expresses his regret that he had been prevented from giving due care and labour in digesting and arranging the matter of his volume, both by the " temporum ratio" (a phrase which I do not pretend to explain) and by the urgency of the printers ^. But his cruel vindicator will have none of these excuses. Now let us see what the Martyrologist says of the * Life of Fox, p. 122. ^ " Volebam prseterea fie iis apud te multo plura, sed vix die- culse pars mihi ad compellandam sublimitatem tuam dabatur, ita festinabant typographi, et urgebant nundinae." ^ " lUud doluit, in recognoscendis istis et perpoliendis justam nobis operam curamque defuisse. Sic enim urgebant cum tem- porum ratio, turn duo pariter typographi, alter Basiliensis, qui latine imprimeret, alter Genevensis, qui Gallicam etiam hujus historiae editionem efflagitabat." P. 1. MR. TOWNSEND's " REMARKS." 29 English, or third, edition. In his prefatory address " ad doctum Lectorem" he says that some persons had complained of his having been so long bringing it out, and is anxious to describe the tumultuary haste in which, as on both the previous occasions, the book was got up and published. He had been forced, he tells us, to huddle it up in a space of scarcely eighteen months, and with a degree of haste such as he acknowledges to be very unfit for such a perform- ance \ Why may not Fox have the benefit of these apologies, which every body must see that his work really wants and every fair critic will be willing to * "Deinde si tardius exeat ipsorum opinione volumen, me- minerint, proverbial! prsecepto, Lentam esse festinationem opor- tere ; et bos dicitur lassus fortius pedem figere. Egimus in hac quidem re pro virili nostra ; egimus spero et pro officio, si non satis pro temporis modo expedite, at egimus certe pro valetudine ; addam porro, egimus supra valetudinem. Quin et illud ipsorum venia adjicere liceat, egisse nos maturius quam ipsis forsan expe- diet qui in hunc nugantur modum ; certe maturatius egimus quam tanti momenti et magnitudinis negotio conveniebat, quod accu- ratiorem in digerendis rebus moram curamque postulabat ; cum a nobis vix integros datos esse menses octodecim prseparandae ma- teriae, comportandis componendisque rebus, conferendis exempla- ribus, lectitandis codicibus, rescribendis his quae scripto mandata erant, castigandis formulis, concinnandae historise, et in ordinem redigendae, etc. noverint ii qui testes adfuerunt, et temporis conscii, et laboris socii." — New Edition, Vol. i. p. 506. Why, had he not been carefully and anxiously and devotedly employed in these very things for eleven years ? When ignorance and a turn for rhodomontade unite, what work they make with phiin facts ! 30 REPLY TO give it ? Why must his drummers and trumpeters go forth bragging that " eleven years were carefully and anxiously devoted " to the work, when the author modestly and apologetically tells us it was " so hastely rashed up at that present, in such short- nesse of time, as in the sayde booke thou mayest see (gentle reader) declared and signified ^" Can any one who has read only what I have ex- tracted from Fox respecting his work conceive of any thing more trifling and absurd than Mr. Towns- end's calculation that there are nearly six thousand pages in the new edition ? " If we omit the Sundays, and a few holidays, or days of unavoidable interrup- tion, from the days of eleven years, the work would have been completed in eleven years, at the rate of two large closely-printed pages per day. The slow rate at which a large work proceeds may be learned from the interesting criticisms of Dr. Johnson, on the progress of Pope's translation of Homer ^" There is something pleasant in comparing these two works, because they are both large. Of course a large work is a large work ; but I suspect that the editor of the Times can " rash uj)" matter for his large work more easily, and more rapidly, than Mr. Townsend can for his epic poem, and one reason may be that a great part consists of documents composed and fur- * Edition, 1583, p. 702. The Editor of the new edition, not knowing, I suppose, what to make of " rashed up," has turned it into "raked up." Vol. iii. p. 704. * Remarks, p. 11. MR. TOWNSEND'S " REMARKS." 31 nished by others. What an idea does Mr. Townsend's suggestion give us of his knowledge of the work respecting which he is writing ? What notion has he of the material of which Fox's Martyrology con- sists, and of the proportion for which, as original composition. Fox was responsible ? 6. Mr. Townsend's " Remarks" on this point — the identity of the Tracts " De lapsis" and " De non morte plectendis," are I hope sufficiently answered in my letter to the John Bull which I have already given, at page 7 of this pamphlet. 7. Mr. Townsend says ; — " 7. Mr. Maitland's seventh error would be denominated by writers less gentle, mild, and bland, than myself, by another epithet. Mr. Maitland has made a positive affirmation, which is decidedly and most exceedingly erroneous. He has not insinu- ated, he has dared to affirm that Mr. Townsend has himself made a confusion about Foxe's two editions of his Latin Book printed abroad ; and he adds, ' it may be as well to say, that the writing of the work was begun in England, that it was first 'printed at Strasburg in 1554, and reprinted at Basil in 1559.' The first of these sentences is a ' very remarkable one. ' If Mr. Maitland will turn to page 75 of my Life of Foxe, which he is condescending to criticize, he will find, that I have made no confusion whatever. I have distinctly said in page 76, that the first edition of Foxe's work was published at Strasburg, in 1554, and in page 116 I give also an account of his Latin edition printed at Basil, in 1559. Yet Mr. Maitland declares, and pub- lishes his declaration to the world, that I have confounded these two editions." Other people, and Mr. Townsend too, may describe my statement as they please, but it is undoubtedly 3 32 REPLY TO true. I have "dared to affirm," and I dare to main- tain, that Mr. Townsend has " made a confusion about Foxe's two editions of his Latin book printed abroad." I believe that when he wrote the life of Fox he had never seen either of them, and was so entirely ignorant of the difference between the little octavo and the large folio, as to take it for granted that what one contained, the other did ; while as I have already said, all (and more than all) the octavo is contained in the first 118 of the 732 pages of the folio. He not only thus confounded them as to their contents, but he twice gave the title of the second instead of, and believing it to be, the title of the first. This I have stated more particularly in a note appended to my " Remarks on Mr. Cattley's defence of his edition," which note I now reprint *. Mr. Townsend's complaint that he is robbed of his discoveries is only worthy of notice as showing what sort of things he considers as discoveries. It will be obvious that I was not speaking of a discovery at all, (certainly, if I had, I was not indebted to Mr. Townsend for it,) but of what I supposed to be a fact well known, and one which the reader should have clearly before him, but respecting which he might have been in some degree puzzled by Mr. Townsend's mistakes, if he had read his erroneous accounts of the titles of the two editions, and his self-contradic- tory statements of the date of the first. * See Note A. p. 30, forward. MR. TOWNSEND'S " REMARKS." 33 8. The eighth charge I really do not understand. It is in these words : — " 8. The eighth error in Mr. Maitland's notes is — the intimation that I have omitted to affirm that Foxe remained on the Continent some time after the accession of Elizabeth." I intimated nothing of the sort. I said that the author of the Memoir showed his ignorance of facts by stating that Fox brought home a mere outline of his history, filled it up, and sent it to Basil to be printed ; while it was amongst the clearest things in Fox's history, that he remained abroad, after most of his companions had returned, to superintend the printing. I said nothing, and meant nothing, about Mr. Townsend, as any body who chooses may see. His talk about discoveries is too childish. I am not aware that I am indebted to Mr. Townsend for the slightest particle of knowledge respecting Fox ; and he may rest assured (and others will, I am sure, believe, after what I have exposed) that I should be very shy of appropriating any "discovery" of his. I repeat, that his charge is wholly unintelligible, and has, I believe, arisen entirely from some misunder- standing, originated by the hasty and wrathful man- ner in which he has read my notes. 9. The ninth charge is that relating to Sir Thomas Lucy, and I hope that it is sufficiently answered in my letter to the John Bull. It is hardly necessary to reply to the silly and evasive question, whether it was not " usual to call the heads of Knightly, or honourable, or large-landed families by that title, c 34 REPLY TO whether they were actually created Knights or not ?" but it ought to be noticed as giving some idea of Mr. Townsend's acquaintance with the language, the literature, and the state of things in the times When Sir Knight and Sir Priest thought it did not demean them To have but one dish, and one title, between them. How much can he who asks such a question know of what ought to be familiar to the biographer of Fox ? Mr. Townsend says, " I am accused of supposing that the title of Knight was hereditary. I have made no such supposition." I presume that he refers to my statement that his letter was " written under the misconception that there was an hereditary title in the family." So, I still believe, it was ; for on what other ground did he call William Lucy " Sir William," than that he was the son of Sir Thomas the elder ? on what other ground than such a suppo- sition of hereditary title did he erroneously tell us that young Thomas Lucy " became Sir Thomas " in 1550, than because his father died in that year? It is plain that Mr. Townsend did believe that the title descended from father to son as a matter of course, and it would have been better, if not to have ac- knowledged such a common piece of ignorance, to have let it pass, rather than to provoke farther notice of it by so poor an evasion. But yet we see that if we were to grant Mr. Townsend that William Lucy was called Sir because he was " large-landed " or large-bodied, or for any MR. TOWNSEND's " REMARKS." 35 other reason, or no reason, it would not satisfy him, for he also aro^ues that " the Memoir of his son is right in speaking of his reception into the house of Sir Thomas Lucy, even though he was received by the father of his pupil Sir Thomas, that is, by Sir William Lucy." So that this Sir William, whom Mr. Townsend has created for the special purpose, is not enough to satisfy his conscience, and he must bring in Thomas Lucy who, was at a later time of his life Sir, and Thomas, and a Knight — three things distinctly required by the Memoir, but not one of which can be predicated of William Lucy, Esquire. Let us see then how this is made out. "We say," says Mr. Townsend, " that the Duke of Welhngton won the battle of Assaye in India ; whereas the illustrious holder of that title was Arthur Wellesley only at that time." [Was not he " Honourable ?" — I beg pardon, but Mr. Townsend should give honour where honour is due, especially where he is standing up for hereditary honours. What will the Duke think of him ?] " We speak of the Bishop of Chester's work, the ' Records of Creation ' whereas he was only Mr. Sumner " [not " Reverend ?" for shame, Mr. Townsend] " when that work was pub- lished," p. 17. One cannot help laughing at this ; but it should perhaps be treated more seriously, considering the misrepresentation which it contains. The reader is meant to reply to it, " Yes, I see that a biographer c2 3G REPLY TO might not very unnaturally say that at a certain time a person went to be tutor to the Duke of Welling- ton, or to the Bishop of Chester, meaning only that he went to be tutor to two children who after- wards became respectively a duke and a bishop, and not dreaming that anybody would suppose him to mean that he went to tutorize them after they had 'acceded' to those titles, everybody knoAving that they did not obtain them while they were at all in statu pupillari ; and the biographer of Fox might as naturally say that he went to be tutor to Sir Thomas Lucy, meaning only that he went to be a tutor to a child who was afterwards Sir Thomas Lucy." All this is very true. A biographer might have said this, and if he had, Mr. Townsend's illustration would have been fair. But what did the biographer say ? Did Mr. Townsend know? and with the words of the Memoir before him how could he write as he has done? The biographer did not say that Fox went to instruct Sir Thomas Lucy, but, on the con- trary, expressly and distinctly that he went to instruct Sir Thomas Lucy's children. "God's Providence began to show itself, procuring him a safe refuge in the house of a worshipful Knight of Warwickshire, called Sir Thomas Lucy, to whom he was sent for, to instruct his children." 10. "His tenth and greatest error," says Mr. Townsend, " therefore is that I can be guilty of per- sonal meanness." The absurd boasting with which Mr. Townsend MR. TOWNSEND'S " REMARKS." 37 attempts to meet the charge is too contemptible for notice ; but he must not be allowed to misstate facts as to the controversy, whatever he may do respecting himself. He says, " 10, The tenth error requires more especial notice. In consequence of the manner in which Mr. Maitland had assailed the new edition of the Acts and Monuments, the pub- lishers accused him of entertaining a 'personal dislike' to the work. Instead of disavowing the sentiment, Mr. Maitland, with more candour than propriety, adopts it as his own. He did so, according to his own words, * to express a dislike to the hook ' itself, as distinguished from a simple disapprobation of their ' particular edition of it.'' In my preface, I sincerely, openly, boldly, and unsparingly censured Mr. Maitland for this conduct. This, my censure, he calls descending to personal meanness. His tenth, and his greatest error, therefore, is, that I can he guilty of personal meanness^ It is true that the publisher said, and I said, what is here stated ; but it is not true that on account of Mr. Townsend's censuring me for what I said, I charged him with meanness. Of course any such charge would have been absurd. The meanness with which I charged Mr. Townsend was, the picking up the words " personal dislike," improperly used at first respecting the book by the publishers, but at which, knowing what they meant, I did not cavil, and taking occasion by the repetition of them to convey the idea that I professed, and gloried, in a hatred against Fox himself, and was therefore a person who ought in return to be hated by all good men. Mr. Towns- end has had, I imagine, too little to do with contro- 38 REPLY TO MR, TOWNSEND's " REMARKS." versy to be aware how common such tricks are, and how constantly those who find them out for themselves, think that they have been very clever, and hit upon a very lucky invention. But in fact it does not answer, because with all persons whose suf- frage is worth having, it is seen to be one of the low arts of controversy avoided by respectable writers, and hated as well as despised by those who are really in search of truth. There is, however, in Mr. Townsend's bombast egotism one thing beside its general tone, of which I must say a few words. He talks very grandly about presuming, and daring to insult him, and threatens that in case of my doing so he will " write no more replies." I beg to assure him, both that I have no wish to insult him, and that I do not care whether he writes or not. My object is, not to annoy him, but to promote a greater love of truth, and more exact search after it, especially as it regards that golden thread which runs through the varied web of time, the history of the Christian Church. This cannot be done while party is to publish its misstatements, and ignorance to shoot its bolts, at random. They must be resisted and ex- posed, and, if it please God, I will resist and expose them. I hope without the use of low arts, without taking advantage of the ignorance or passion of un- learned readers, and without personal insult to those who think fit to pursue a different course. NOTE A. 39 NOTE A, referred to at p. 32. " As I have already said, the question whether Fox copied from Illyricus, and indeed the whole question of his use of authorities, belongs to Mr. Townsend rather than to Mr. Cattley ; but as the latter gentleman has chosen to enter on it, and, in fact, it is the only thing in his " Defence" which seems to require any answer from me, I have thought it best to reply to it in these Remarks, and to say something respecting Mr. Townsend's notice of the subject in a note. It is rather a curious circumstance, that just after I had written what is in the text, a friend came into my room, took up the volume, and, while I was engaged about some- thing else, read the following passage, with its note, from p. 234. "With respect, however, to tlie accusation that Foxe borrowed liis account of the Waldenses from Illyricus, an examination of the facts of the case would rather make us believe that Illyricus and Foxe both borrowed from rsome common document. With respect also to the supposition — that Illy- ricus, rather than Foxe, is entitled to the appellation of founder of that school of church history, which made the holy Catholic Church, not neces- sarily identified with the church of Rome — there appears to be sufBcient evidence to render it very probable, that llhjricus was indebted to Foxe, rather than Foxe to Illyricus. " In the year 1554, Foxe, as we have seen, made his escape from the anti- cipated persecutions of Mary, taking with him the manuscripts and collec- tanea, which enabled him to publish his first edition of the History of the Church, at Strasburg *. The Catalogus Testium of M. F. Illyricus was printed in 1550, two years after the publication of the first edition of the work of Foxe. The Marty rologist, therefore, is not likely to have borrowed from Illyricus." " * See Watts's Bibliotheca, vol. i. p. 383. The book was published under this title : — ' Rerum in Ecclesia gestarum, quae postremis et periculosis his temporibus evenerunt, maximarumque per Europam Persecutionum, et Sanctorum Dei Martyrum caeterarumque rerum, si quae insigniora exenipla sint, digesti per Regna et Nationes.' — 8vo. Strasburg, 1554." Without knowing what I had just been writing about Fox's copying from Illyricus, he was induced to read this note to me, 40 NOTE A. by his not being able to satisfy himself respecting the Latin ; and in particular, the digesti appeared to disagree with him, as, indeed, it seemed as if there was nothing with which it would or could agree. Perhaps, being a Fellow of the noble College of which Mr. Townsend still writes himself a member, he was scandalized at what bore such marks of ignorance. Be this as it may, in my own mind the effect was different. So many new ideas were raised, that I hardly know which I thought of first. It was very amazing to find the biographer and vindicator of Fox, after years of travail, going to such an authority as Watt's Bibliotheca Britannica for the title of the editio prmceps of his great work, the only one by which he is known. Stranger still, that he should be so satisfied with such a barbarous and ungrammatical title as to print and publish it. Yet more won- derful, that he should allow himself to be put off with the title of the second edition, instead of the very different title of the^^rs^ Most marvellous of all, that he should, with innocent and ignorant simplicity, not only imagine, but ground an argument on the assumption, that what I quoted from the English edition, was, as a matter of course, in the Latin edition of 1554. His argument implies and absolutely requires this ignorance ; for it is simply, that Fox, who published in 1554, could not borrow from a book published in 1556 '. I did not enter much into the subject with my friend ; but as both the^rs^ and second editions were in the room, it was easy to show him that Mr. Townsend, while looking for the title of the Jirst edition (Strasburg, 1554), had been put off with a faulty copy of the title of the second (Basil, 1559), which is as follows ; — " Rerutn in Ecclesia gestarum, quae postremis et periculosis his tempo- 1 The absurdity of this assumption, and the ignorance which it displays of the small beginning and gradual increase of Fox's work, may be made apparent to those who have never seen the books, by stating that my copy of Fox, from which, I presume, I copied the account of the Waldenses, weighs eighteen pounds ; the little Strasburg book of 1554 (which was printed before the book of TUyricus, and which, it was taken for granted, con- tained all that the others did) does not weigh eleven ounces. NOTE A. 41 ribus evenerunt, maximarumque per Europam Persecutionum, ac Sancto- rum Dei Martyrum cjEterarumque rerum, si quae insignioris exempli sint, digest! per Regna at Nationes commentarii. Pars prima, in qua primum de rebus per Angliam et Scotiam gestis, atque in primis de horrenda sub Maria nuper regina, persecutione, narratio continetur. Autore Joanne Foxo Anglo. Basileae, per Nicolaum Brylingerum et Joannem Oporinum." The title of the Strasburg book, if Mr. Townsend had hap- pened to know it, would, perhaps, have saved this exposure of his ignorance ; for it clearly professes to begin its history from and after the time of Wicliffe ; and, therefore, it might have been suspected that it did not contain the history of the Waldenses. It is as follows : — " Chronicon Ecclesiae, continens historiam rerum gestarum maximarum- que per totam Europam Persecutionum a Vviclevi temporibus usque ad nostram aetatem. Authore Joanne Foxo. Hiis in calce accesserunt Aphorismi Joannis Vviclevi cum collectaneis quibusdam Reginaldi Pecoki Episcopi Cicestrensis. Item Oniroypaipia quaedam ad Oxonienses. Ar- gentorati. Excudebat Josias Richelius. Anno M.D.LXIIII." [erroneously for M.D.LIIII.] These titles I showed to my friend ; and, when he was gone, I thought it would be right to append to what I had written some sort of reply to this broad charge of ignorance, which Mr. Townsend had seen fit to make against me on the strength of what he is pleased to call "an examination of the facts of the case." It is obviously the plain sort of charge which is comprehended and remembered and repeated by every body. " Only think how stupid and ignorant in Mr. Maitland to charge Fox with copying from a book in 1554, that which was not published till 1556." Those who would not pretend to give an opinion on the general question, could see this plain enough. Such advantage bold ignorance always has in controversy ; and it is only by patient exposure that it can be met. But my friend had shut the book, and I was too little acquainted with it to know where to find the note which he had been reading. In turning over the leaves, however, I found another note on p. 288. " Since 1 wrote my remarks on Mr. Dowling, who considers lUyricus and 42 NOTE A. not Foxe to be the father of ecclesiastical liistory, 1 have procured the col- lation of the first edition of Foxe's work, published in 1556, with that of 1559, and with Illyricus, and find that J have been misled in the supposi- tion, that the account of the Waldenses was in that edition. It first ap- peared in 1559, after the Catalogue of Illyricus had been published ; not before, as I had been informed." When Mr. Townsend found out his mistake, did not common honesty require him to make some kind of reference to his con- tradiction of my suggestion, and his argument founded upon it? Let it pass. How long after the other note this one was written, I cannot tell ; but I presume, that if it had not been after the former note was actually in print, that note would not have ap- peared. It seems, therefore, to show, that up to the time when the former note was in print, and probably up to the present mo- ment, Mr. Townsend's acquaintance with the two first editions of the Martyrology is simply derived from what he calls " a colla- tion," received after the first note was printed, and bearing very suspicious marks of having been furnished by his kinsman, or some of his unhappy "amanuenses," who are continually perform- ing such works of art as turning 1554 into 1556, and other little things which cavillers lay hold of. But really, in writing this note, I am very much in the condi- tion in which Mr. Townsend has been while writing his contribu- tions to Fox ; that is, in the predicament of a school-boy who is learning his lesson while he is saying it ; for almost every word of the preceding lines had been written when I most accidentally opened the book at p. 76, where Mr. Townsend says of Fox : — " The first part of his great work was published at Strasburg, after he left Frankfort, and before he arrived at Basil. These circumstances enable us to ascertain that the materials must have been collected, and the MS. prepared, during his residence in Reigate. It exhibits no signs of having been hastily written, as it must have been if it had been prepared while he was travelling on the continent. It was written in Latin. Its title was ' Commentarii Rerum in Ecclesia gestarum, a Wiclefi temporibus usque ad annum M.D.' and was published at Strasburg, 1554, towards the end of which year the author probably left England. It contains the ecclesiastical history of two hundred years ; and it was as copious an account of that most interest- jng period as any which had then been published." NOTE A. 43 It will be observed, that in this earlier notice Mr. Townsend speaks critically, and gives us his opinion of the book as if he was acquainted with it. But if so, how could he give such an erroneous account of its title ? In the errata, however, referring to the first sentence of it, we find the following notice : — " This is not quite correct. The Commentarii were published in 1554, and therefore before he had left Frankfort 2, as is said in the previous sentence. See p. 80." And when we turn to p. 80, we find that " he proceeded by slow stages to Strasburg, where he committed to the press the first part of his labours," and on it the following note : — " The book was printed in Latin under the title, ' Rerum in Ecclesia ges- tarum, quae postremis et periculosis his temporibus evenerunt, maxima- rumque per Europam Persecutionum, ac Sanctorum Dei, per Regna et Nationes.' Strasburg. 1554. 8vo." Here is another blundering, ungrammatical extract from the title of the second edition, given as the title of the first edition, and referred to with confidence and complacency in the table of " Addenda et Corrigenda," which we may suppose to contain the most mature fruits of Mr. Townsend's research. 2 This is not the place for criticism on the biographical part of Mr. Towns- end's contributions ; but they partake of an infirmity which I have had occasion to remark upon in the work to which they are prefixed ; namely, that in quoting a passage to set right one mistake, one is too often obliged either to notice, or to seem to acquiesce in, one or two others of a different kind. Mr. Townsend's attempt to correct a very gross and ignorant mis- statement, is itself an error quite as gross, if not more so. He says, that Fox " probably" left England at " the end" of the year 1554 ; when, if he had known this first edition, the style of which he criticises, be would have seen that the prefatory epistle was dated from Strasburg, 31st August. 1554; and Fox's complaint, that the bookseller's anxiety to be in time for the fair had allowed bim only two months to prepare the volume, seems to intimate that he had been there during at least that period : " Rursus nee amplius bimestri spatio ante nundinas Franckfordianas mihi concedebatur ad hsec ex rudi ac informi sylvula recolligenda," p. 206. h. But the important point to be observed is, that the Strasburg book was not printed " after he left Frank- fort," nor " before he had left Frankfort," except inasmuch as it was printed before he went to Frankfort at all. Whether he accompanied his booksellers 44 NOTE A. This is a strange way of writing biography, especially the life of a man whose life would probably never have been written at all, but for the work of which his biographer so blunders the title and confounds the editions. Perhaps some where or other in Mr. Townsend's contributions there is (I believe there ought to be) another note telling his readers that his correction in the note on p. 288 is a blunder, and that the account of the Waldenses is no more in the edition of 1359 than in that of 1554." — Remarks on Mr. Cattley's Defence, p. 75. to the fair, I know not, but I believe the first proof of his being there is his signature to a letter written at Frankfort, dated the 3rd December, (Troub. of Fr. p. XXV.) and he seems to have remained at Frankfort until Aug. 31, 1555, when, adhering to the more violent party in the schism which took place, he seceded with them; or, to use the language of the 'Troubles of Frankfort,' " The oppressed church departed from Frankfort to Basil and Geneva, some staying at Basil, as Maister Fox with other," p. lix. LETTERS, &c. RELATING TO THIS CONTROVERSY, REPRINTED FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. Almost all the foregoing pages were written very shortly after the appearance of Mr. Townsend's pamphlet, and while a correspondence was carrying on between us in the British Magazine. Mr. Towns- end having signified his determination not to con- tinue that correspondence, I think it right to collect the letters, and reprint them, not only for the sake of placing them in a more convenient and permanent form, but in the hope that they may be seen by some of the subscribers to the new edition of Fox who have not read them in the magazine, and that from those who have, they may obtain the advantage of being read in immediate succession. With the same view I add also some letters which have passed between Mr. Cattley and myself in the same magazine. I. FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE FOR DECEMBER, 1841. " Mr. Townsend, of Durham, and his kinsman, Mr. Cattley, have at length brought out the first volume of their edition of Fox's Martyrology ; and the announcement that a supplementary 46 LETTERS, ETC. volume is to be published, containing ' between two hundred and three hundred cancel leaves,' for the benefit of the subscribers, who are first to pay for these cancel leaves, and then to pull their volumes to pieces, and insert them instead of pages of which even the parties who published them are now ashamed, will perhaps be considered as an evidence that some of the blunders pointed out in this Magazine were not merely the inventions of an enemy or the microscopic discoveries of hypercriticism. It is not, however, my wish to occupy the pages of this work with what I may feel called upon to write in this controversy ; but as to what concerns itself, it is of course the natural organ of leply. If on no other consideration, the reference which I have made to ' W. B.,' in the reprint of my letters, would make it my duty to defend him from such insolent abuse published in a work to which he seems to have been so lucky as not to be a subscriber, and which, as I know of no other way of addressing him, might therefore escape his notice. In ' The defence of this Edition by the Editor ' Mr. Cattley says — " Having said thus much, the Editor has only to add, that tlie first volume of this edition needs no defence. That it is perhaps open to attacks by some critics, that it will be attacked by others, is a subject which concerns him not at all. And now, without taking a survey of each individual volume, he would rather turn his attention to some of those observations which have been offered by certain ready scribes, touching the errors and oversights which exist in the second and succeeding volumes. The first attack may be briefly disposed of. The Editor refers to a letter in the British Magazine of October, 1837. In this, a writer signing himself ' W. B. * " brings a direct charge of carelessness in collating the various editions, nay, of actually omitting some of the text of Foxe. The charge made is relative to the his- tory of John Browne, a martyr. Now, there is no point which has been more attended to in the editorial department, than that of collation. The Editor is ready to adhere to this as his stronghold 2. He therefore felt at once that there was a positive falsehood, a wilful error, contained in this correspond- ent's remark. ' Page 404 of that journal. 2 This excepts the first voliune, for reasons before alleged, and other acknowledged alterations. FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. 47 Few men who had so patiently and minutely investigated, collated, com- pared, and reviewed, the thousands of pages of the six standard editions of Foxe, including the Latin one, as the Editor has done, can read with equal patience, so careless and wilful a calumny as the one now referred to. The history of John Browne being given, this correspondent ventures to inquire — ' Can this new text be as Foxe penned it ? ' Moreover, he asserts that he has compared the specimen page of the Acts and Monuments, containing this story, with the original, and that it does not tally with Foxe. Well indeed might this gentleman be an anonymous correspondent. Well might he only be known as ]\Ir. ' W. B. ;' for can any man of honour, — can the Editor of the British Magazine, in common justice, admit such a direct false charge as is contained in this statement ? If the editor of Foxe is to be held responsible for all the slips and errors of his amanuenses, scattered over so vast a field, is not the editor of a monthly journal responsible also ? Shall the British Magazine go forth as an organ of the Christian church, and shall this false- hood be detected, as it has doubtless been by many, and shall it be three long years and a half before it be contradicted ^ ? Does the writer now ask, ' Is this new text as Foxe penned it ? ' If he does, the Editor asserts that it is, — verbatim et literatim; yes, Foxe's old, faithful, text; that is no new text ; that it is found precisely where this cavilling correspondent might have found it, had he looked in the proper place, and with honest eyes, in p. 805 of the Edition of the Acts and Monuments of 1583-4 ; and not only so, but in all the five editions which the illustrious martyrologist himself revised, in its respective and corresponding place in the text. This correspondent has taken the pains to compare one specimen page of the new edition with his own edition. He gives the Editor no credit for taking the pains to compare ten thousand pages with each other ; and there is a ques- tion whether it was not possible to overlook something in that vast field of type. No, he compares one page; and what is the result? Why, he is guilty of a direct violation of truth and honesty, in turning to another account of the same martyr in a subsequent portion of the Acts and Monuments. Yes, he carefully conceals the page ; but he turns four hundred and eighty- seven pages forward, in the edition of 1584, and he extracts from thence an incident of a ' graphic kind,' which he would lead the reader to believe that the Editor had omitted, and that Foxe had retained, in this first account of John Browne. Nor could this correspondent be mistaken in the existence of two slightly varying copies of the same story since the second insertion of it, and almost its verbal variations are carefully noticed by the Editor in ' [Why did not Mr. Cattley write and contradict it ? He will not dare to express a suspicion that the Editor would have refused to insert his letter. — Ed.] 48 LETTERS, ETC. vol. V. p. 694 (note 2), in the new edition. But, that every facility may be given to the reader to have Foxe, and the whole of Foxe, and a correct Foxe, carefully reprinted, John Browne, and, it may be, Mr. ' W. B.' shall have another place also in the Appendix. This then is one of the puny, and false, and crafty insinuations with which this new edition is assailed." — p. 490. After these heavy charges of ' positive falsehood,' * vi^ilful error,' ' so wilful a calumny,' ' a direct false charge,' ' direct viola- tion of truth and honesty,' &c., in order that we may judge of their truth, let us look at ' W. B.'s ' letter : — " Sir, — Being possessed of an old edition of Fox, I have been little soli- citous to know how its recent editors accounted for that monstrous list of blunders which an acute correspondent of yours has detected. But, opening the advertisements of your J uly number this afternoon, I saw an attack upon him, and also a ' specimen page.' This specimen page I have been at pains to compare with my own edition. Several alterations occur in a passage impugning the efficacy of the mass to deliver souls from purgatory. The old text was, ' Neither can you tell where to find it [i.e., the soul] when you go to mass, nor where you leave it when the mass is done; how then can you save the soul ? ' The new edition reads, ' Neither can you tell where you find it when you go to mass, nor where you leave it when the mass is done ; how then can you have the soul ? ' Can this new text be as Foxe penned it? And even if so, is it sense ? What do the editors mean by ' having the soul ? ' Again, on what authority is ' Whitsunday even ' substituted for 'Whit- sun-even ?' The day meant is the seventh, not the first, of the week. ' St. Pulchri' is put for ' S. Pulcher's.' Is there such a saint as Pulcher ? Is not S. Pulcher's an abbreviation, or a mistake, for Sepulchre's ? ' Baily-arrant' for ' Baily-errant.' This spelling is surely both obsolete and inaccurate. For ' Wye,' a large village near Ashford, the new edition reads inaccu- rately ' Wey.' These, except the first, are trifling faults, but they occur in the new spe- cimen page. I find also an interesting particular of a graphic kind left out. ' As he was brought to the town one night, there to be set in the stocks, it happened, as God would, that a young maid of his house coming by, and seeing her master, ran home and told her mistress.' Having entered on this subject, let us ask whether Senibalde, in Grostete's FROM THE BUTTTSH MAGAZINE. -^9 address, may not have been meant as a pun ? [Canusini more.] Matthew Paris writes Senibalde, though he calls the pope Sinibaldus. I suppose, too, that Cave must have had some authority for calling the bishop Croshead. At all events, the example of Matthew Paris justifies Fox's change of spell- ing. W. B.' Now, in the first place, what can Mr. Cattley mean by talking about his note ? Is he not telling us that ' W. B.'s ' letter was printed in October, 1837 ; and does he not know that the volume con- taining the note to which he refers was not published until some time in 1838? I trust this is not what Mr. Cattley calls 'a wilful error.' Secondly, it will be apparent that there is either great stu- pidity or dishonesty in Mr. Cattley's assuming and asserting that * W. B.' had and used the edition of 1583. ' W. B.' says no such thing ; but only that he had ' an old edition of Fox.' Now, how many editions Mr. Cattley would allow to bear this description I cannot tell ; but in the note which ' W. B.' should have seen before it was published (and which, as it will be wanted pre- sently, T may as well give here) he is sufficiently precise for our present purpose : — " In the four standard editions of the Acts and Monuments from 1570 to 151)6 (as also in some of the later editions), the reader is directed to ' the story of a good and constant martyr of the Lord before overpast, who suffered in Kent for the word of God, before Luther's time' — namely, ' The Story of John Browne, a blessed Martyr of Christ Jesus, burned at Ashford,' &c. Foxe seems to have forgotten that he had introduced it before, vol. iv. p. 181, under the date a.d. 1517 ; where it may be found, as also in the corresponding place of other editions ;' the only variation between the second copy of the story and the former is in the date; and the only addition is this: — 'This story the said Elizabeth Browne, his wife, did ofttimes repeat to Alice her daughter, who, dwelling yet in the parish of St. Pulcher's, testified the nar- ration hereof unto me and certain others ; upon whose credible information I have recorded the same.' — Ed." vol. v. p. 694. In the passage, however, which I have before quoted from his ' Defence,' he speaks of ' the six standard editions of Foxe, in- cluding the Latin ;' and also of * the five editions ' which the Mar- D 50 LETTERS, ETC. tyrologist revised. And with regard to this latter description, I presume that he means the editions of 1563, 1570, 1576, 1583, 1596 ; and that in all and each of these editions the text is to be found as he has given in his specimen page. Now, I will not say- that this is ' a direct violation of truth and honesty,' or that it is even a mistake, but I really believe that it is one or the other ; at all events, if ' W. B.' was in an error, it was, I am sure, a very natural one, and one which most people would have fallen into, if they had only (as, perhaps, ' W. B.' might have) the 'standard' edition of 1576. I have not at present access to the editions of 1563 and 1570, and therefore cannot say anything about them; but that of 1576 is on my desk ; and if the same version of John Brown's story, which the Editor has adopted, is to be found any- where in it, — or if any version at all is to be found except at p. 1255, I shall be glad if he will tell me where. Now, sup- posing ' W. B.' to have had this edition, he might naturally turn first to the index, and there he would find only one 'John Browen,' with only one reference, and that to this p. 1255. If he turned to the place, it would, so far as I can see, justify every remark that he has made about it, except the first, as to the substitution of you for to, as will be seen by comparing the text as it there stands with the text as given in the specimen page. The reader must, however, remember that I have no means of knowing that ' W. B.' did not use some other edition, which might show that he was perfectly correct. ' To find the soul ' is obviously a better reading, and was probably the original one. ' You find the soul ' is plainly nonsense, seeing that the charge (and almost the admission) was, that the priest did not find it at all. However, here are the two stories ; and I think some readers will be amused to see how that one which ' W. B.' found (and which will, I fancy, turn out to be the original) has been abbre- viated and modified by somebody who did not think it particu- larly creditable to the martyr that he showed, even in a Gravesend boat, his want of respect for a priest. FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. 51 Text of Ed. 1576. " John Browne a blessed Martyr of Christ Jesus burned at Ashford by Archbishop Warham and Doct, Fisher Bishop of Rochester about the 2 yeare of K. Henry the 8. an. 1511. " The first occasion of the trouble of this J. Browne the blessed servant of God was by a certain priest who passing down to Gravesend in the common barge where the said J. Browne was amongst divers other passengers mo, and disdayning that he so saucily should sit so near unto him in the barge who belike seemed not much to pass upon the priest, be- gan to swell in stomach against him. At length bursting forth in his priestly voice and disdainful counte- nance he asked him in this manner ' Doest thou know ' said he ' who I am? Thou sittest too near me, and sittest on my cloaths.' ' No, sir,' said the other ' I know not what you are.' ' I tell thee ' quoth he ' I am a priest' ' What, sir, are you a person or vicar or some ladies chaplain ? ' ' No ' quoth he again ' I am a soul- priest I sing for a soul.' ' Do you so, sir,' quoth the other ' that is well done. I pray you sir ' said he ' where find you the soul when you go to mass ?' ' I cannot tell thee' said the priest.' ' I pray you where do you leave it sir when the mass is done?' ' I cannot tell thee,' said the priest.' ' Neither can you tell where you find Text of Specimen Page. Jlol&n iSiotone, Maxt^v' " The occasion of the first trouble of this John Browne, was by a priest sitting in a Gravesend barge. John Browne, being at the same time in the barge, came and sat hard by him ; whereupon, after certain communi- cation, the priest asked him ; ' Dost thou know,' said he, ' who 1 am ? thou sittest too near me, thou sittest on my clothes :' ' No, sir,' said he. • I know not what you are.' ' I tell thee I am a priest.' ' What, sir ! are you a parson, or vicar, or a lady's chaplain?' 'No,' quoth he again, ' I am a soul-priest, I sing for a soul,' saith he. ' Do you so, sir ? ' quoth the other, ' that is well done ; I pray you, sir,' quoth he, • where find you the soul when you go to mass ? ' 'I cannot tell thee,' said the priest. ' I pray you, where do you leave it, sir, when the mass is done ? ' 'I cannot tell thee,' said the priest. ' Neither * This John Browne was father to Richard Browne, who was in prison in Canterbury, and should have been burned, with two more besides himself, the next day after the death of queen Mary, but that by the proclaiming of queen Elizabeth, they escaped. D 2 ii'Z LETTERS, ETC. it when you go to mass nor where you leave it when the mass is done.' ' How can you then save the soul ? ' said he. ' Go thy ways,' said the priest I perceive thou art an he- retic and I will be even with thee.' So at the landing, the priest taking with him Walter More and W. More, two gentlemen and brethren rode straitways to the Archbishop who then was Will. Warham. Where- upon the said John Browne within three days after was sent for by the Archbishop, his bringers up were Chilten of Wye haily arraunt and one Beare of Wilseborough with two of the Bishops servants who with cer- tain other, being appointed for the same, came suddenly to his house upon him the same day when his wife was churched, as he was bring- ing in a mess of porrige to the board serving his guests, and so laying hands upon him set him upon his own horse, binding his feet under the horses belly carried him away to Can- terbury neither he nor his wife nor any of his friends knowing whether he went nor whether he should and there continuing the space of forty days, from Low Sunday, till Friday before Whit Sunday through the cruel handlingof the said Archbishop and the Bishop of Rochester D. Fisher he was so piteously intreated that his bare feet were set upon the hot burn- ing coals to make him reny his faith which notwithstanding he would not can you tell where you find it when you go to mass, nor where you leave it when the mass is done? how can you then have the soul?' said he. ' Go thy ways,' said the priest, * thou art a heretic, and I will be even with thee.' So at the landing, the priest, taking with him Walter More, and William More, two gentlemen, bre- thren, rode straightways to the arch- bishop Warham. Hereupon the said John Browne within three days after. his wife being churched the same day, and he, bringing in a mess of pottage to the board to his guests, was sent for, and his feet bound un- der his own horse, and so brought up to Canterbury ; neither his wife, nor he, nor any of his, knowing whither he went ^, nor whither he should : and there continuing from Low-Sun- day, till the Friday before Whitsun- day (his wife not knowing all this while where he was), he was set in the stocks overnight, and on the mor- row went to death, and was burned at Ashford, a.d. 1517. The same * Chilton of Wey, a baily-arrant, and one Beare of Willesborough, with two of the bishop's servants, set him upon the horse, and so carried him away. FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. 53 do; but patiently abiding the pain continued in the Lords quarrel unre- moveable. At length after all this cruelty sustained his wife yet not knowing where he was become, on Friday before Whitsunday he was sent to Ashford where he dwelt, the next day there to be burned. In the meantime as he was brought to the town over night there to be set in the stocks it happened as God would that a young maid of his house coming by, and seeing her master ran home and told her mistress. Then she coming to him and find- ing him in the stocks appointed to be burned the next morrow sat by him all the night long. To whom then he declared the whole story or rather tragedy how he was handled and how his feet were burned to the bones that he could not set them upon the ground, by the two Bishops aforesaid (he thanked God therefore) ' and all to make me ' said he ' to deny my Lord, which I will never do, for if I should deny him said he in this world he would deny me hereafter and there- fore I pray thee said he good Eliza- beth continue as thou hast begun and bring up thy children virtuously in the fear of God.' And so the next day which was on Whitson even, this godly martyr was burned; where he standing at the stake, said this prayer holding up his hands as followeth : — ' The prayer of Browne at his death. O Lord I yield me to thy grace Grant me mercy for my trespace Let never the fiend my soul chace night, as he was in the stocks at Ashford, where he and his wife dwelt, his wife then hearing of him, came and sat by him all the night before he should be burned : to whom he, declaring the whole story how he was handled, showed and told, how that he could not set his feet to the ground, for they were burned to the bones ; and told her, how by the two bishops, Warham and Fisher, his feet were heated upon the hot coals, and burned to the bones, ' to make me,' said he, ' to deny my Lord, which I will never do ; for if I should deny my Lord in this world, he would hereafter deny me.' 'I pray thee,' said he, ' therefore, good Elizabeth ! continue as thou hast begun, and bring up thy children virtuously, and in the fear of God.' And so the next day, on Whitsunday even, this godly martyr was burned. Standing at the stake, this prayer he made, holding up his hands : — ' O Lord, I yield me to thy grace, Grant me mercy for my trespass ; Let never the fiend my soul chabe. 54 LETTERS, ETC. Lord, I will bow, and thou shalt beat. Let never my soul come in hell- heat. Into thy hands I commend my spirit ; thou hast redeemed me, O Lord of truth.' And so he ended*. At the fire one Chilton, the baily- arrant, bade cast in Browne's chil- dren also, for they would spring, said he, of his ashes. This blessed martyr, John Browne, had borne a faggot seven years be- fore, in the days of king Henry VI L" * Ex testimonio Aliciae Browne, ejus filiae, cujus mariti nomen dice- batur Strat. in parochia St. Pidcri. Lord I will bow and thou shalt beat Let never my soul come in hell heat. Into thy hands I commend my spi- rit, Thou hast redeemed me O Lord of truth.' And so this blessed martyr ended his life in peace anno 1511. This story the said Elizabeth Browne his wife did oftimes repeat to Alice her daughter who dwelling yet in the parish of S. Piilchers testi- fied the narration thereof unto me and certain other upon whose cre- dible information I have recorded the same. Furthermore here is to be noted that the said John Browne bare a faggot seven years before this in the days of King Henry the 7. Whose son also, named Rich. Browne for the like cause of religion was imprisoned at Canterbury likewise, in the latter time of Queen Mary and should have been burned with two mo besides himself the next day after the death of Queen Mary, but that by the pro- claiming of Queen Elizabeth they es- caped."— Ed. 1576, p. 1255. Now, here it will be clear that (with the single exception already mentioned) the text of the edition of 1576 fully bears out everything said by ' W. B.' There is, I admit, a possibility that both versions may be in this edition ; but as I have not been able to find it, I am disposed to defend *W. B.,' even if Mr. Cattley should (as he is bound) point out the repetition. Of one thing I feel pretty certain — namely, that if by its ' respective and corresponding place in the text ' he means that the story of Brown should appear in that part of the edition of 1576 which answers to the specimen page (that is, between the martyrdom of Sweeting and Brewster, and the Story of Richard Hun) it certainly is not FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. 55 there. I have not, however, thought it worth while to make any great search ; for, if he knows how to do it, Mr. Cattley will of course point out the pages of all the standard editions which are necessary to maintain his character for veracity. One reason for giving the whole of both versions of the story is, that readers may judge how much the work has gained by Mr. Cattley's boasted collations. To myself it appears that he has chosen the worst version of the story ; certainly the most incor- rect as to that respecting which we can be sure, for (to say nothing of the absurd and inconsistent side-note, talking of the fourth year of Henry VIII.) it refers to the year 1517 what certainly happened in 1511. It is also clear that it does contain 'a graphic incident ' which the editor has omitted—nay, he has not merely omitted it, but actually denied its existence, by stating that ' the only addition' is that which he has given about Alice Browne. But is it not singular — nay, when I consider how deeply the cause of truth is involved in the exposure of ignorant and impu- dent pretenders, I would say, with sincere belief and reverence, is it not a thing which we should thankfully ascribe to the good Providence of God, that those who write in a reckless manner about what they do not understand, so commonly expose them- selves more completely than we could do without their help ? Is it not singular that Mr. Cattley should have exploded all this conceit and insolence upon a matter which very particularly displays his ignorance and negligence? He professes to have given the story of John Browne at vol. iv. p. 181, as he found it in p. 805 of the edition of 1583, (and this may be true for what I know, as I do not possess that part of that edition,) and going forward four hundred and eighty- seven pages in the same volume he found a * second insertion,' which he did not think it expedient to reprint, but of which ' almost its verbal variations are carefully noticed by the Editor ' at vol. v. p. 694. What could the most pains-taking editor have done more ? Why, with very little addi- tional trouble, he might have told his readers, what it is obviously necessary to tell Mr. Cattley as a piece of news, that between those specified pages in the fourth and fifth volume, and without the slightest reference to either of them, he had given yet another 56 LETTERS, ETC. account of John Browne's martyrdom, actually setting out at length the articles on which he was condemned. If he had not written the note of which he boasts, or made this silly attack on ' W. B.,' we might not have been certain that he had not suspected John Browne of Ashford, named in his note, p. G94, was the same person as John Browne of Ashford, mentioned at p. 648 of the same volume. Why, he was one of the ' five blessed mar- tyrs CONDEMNED AND BURNED,' as the head-line of p. 647 tells us, in the ' Persecution in Kent,' an account of which occupies nearly seven pages. This account of John Browne, which rests not on the recollection of an old woman, but on Archbishop Warham's Register, shows that the editor has adopted the worst version of the story, and that the true date is 1511, and not 1517. This is not the place to enter on the history of the Kentish Persecution so fully as I hope to do elsewhere ; but having referred to the account of John Browne's martyrdom, which is professedly taken from Archbishop Warham's Register, I feel bound to add that it is not taken correctly. This is the more necessary because the strong vouchers which have been given by various writers for Fox's strict fidelity and accuracy have been, in this same volume with Mr. Cattley's defence, collected and put forward with childish parade by Mr. Townsend. He has actually thought to do honour to Fox by stooping to pick up the praise of such an author as Neal ■* ; thereby showing (as he does in another way more fully and more comically) how little he apprehends that the really valuable thing is ' laudari a laudatis,' and that very fine commendation is worth but little if it comes from the dunce, or the partisan, or the parasite. As to these vouchers for Fox, I hope to say something another time ; meanwhile, so far as this case is concerned, will the reader be so good as to observe, that according to Fox's account, the articles upon which John Browne was condemned were as follows : — " First, For holding that the sacrament of the altar was not the true and very body of Christ, but only material bread in substance. II. That auricular confession was not to be made to a priest. " Vol. i. p. 28. FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. 57 III. That no power is given of God to priests, of ministering sacraments, saying mass, or other divine service, more than to laymen ^. IV. That the solemnization of matrimony is not necessary to salvation of soul, neither v?as instituted of God*". V. That the sacrament of extreme unction is not available, nor necessary to soul's health. VI. That the images of the cross, of the crucifix, of the blessed Virgin, and other saints, are not to be worshipped ; and that those who worship them do commit idolatry. VII. That pilgrimages to holy places, and holy relics, be not necessary, nor meritorious to soul's health. VIII. That invocation is not to be made to saints, but only to God, and that he only heareth their prayers. IX. That holy bread and holy water have no more virtue after their con- secration than before. X. That they have believed, taught, and holden all and every of the same damnable opinions before ; as they did at that present. XI. That whereas they now have confessed their errors, they would not have so done, but only for fear of manifest proofs brought against them, or else but for fear to be convicted by them : they would never have confessed the same of their own accord. XII. That they have communed and talked of the said damnable errors heretofore, with divers other persons, and have had books concerning the same." — vol. v. p. G48. Now, I say nothing at present of the two notes which Fox has appended, because it would require a good deal of extract from the Register to enable those who have not seen it to form any opinion of the possibility that they could be written by anybody who understood the Process and meant to report the matter fairly ; but I ask the reader just to look over the articles as here given from Fox, and see if he can find anything in them that is a translation of the following, which in the Register stands second among the articles ministered to John Browne : — ' Item, quod sacramenta Baptismi et Confirmationis non sunt necessaria ad salutem anime.' Those who vouch for Fox may account for this omission as they please. S. R. Maitland." * Their meaning was this, that priests can claim no more virtue or liigh estate by their order than can a layman. * For a sacrament, they meant. 58 LETTERS, ETC. II. MR. TOWNSENd's letter FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE, JAN. 1842. " Sir, — I perceive, in j'our Number for the present month, some observations, from the pen of Mr. Maitland, on the new edition of the Acts and Monuments of John Foxe. Mr. Maitland has ad- vertised, also, ' Notes on the Contributions of Mr. Townsend to this Edition.' He has republished, too, the last Six Letters of a series of twelve, animadverting upon the same work, which were originally given to the world in the years 1837 and 1838, in the pages of your Magazine. Will you oblige me, as an original subscriber to, and as a constant reader of, your lucubrations, by inserting the very brief replies which I shall think it my duty to make to any observations which Mr. Maitland may submit to the public through this channel ; and permit me, that I may more effectually clear the way for my answers to his letters in the Magazine, first to notice his advertisement in the several news- papers, and also his " Six more Letters." 1 will then, as shortly, yet as fully, as his several attacks may demand, reply to them all, beginning with that in the Number for December. With respect to his advertisement, 'Notes on Mr. Torvnsend' s Contributions to the Nerv Edition of John Foxe,' I can only inform Mr. Maitland that I shall be most happy to read them ; and he may be assured that I shall be no less happy to improve my mind and increase my knowledge by his criticisms — ' If some more sober critic comes abroad, If right, I smile ; if wrong, I kiss the rod.' Mr. Maitland also will be no less happy to be benefited by me ; and thus our mutual remarks may be considered as a mutual effort to improve each other. I will inform him, as we proceed in the discussion, of the benefit which I may derive from his efforts. It will, I trust, be greater than that which 1 can remem- ber to have followed from my study of his previous labours. The next point on which I would speak is the ' Six more Letters.' FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. 59 Very sorry was I, in these days of apostasy and treason, when the dry rot of indifference to the progress of the ancient super- stitions, which neither our fathers nor ourselves were able to bear, is corrupting the beams of our tabernacle in the wilderness, to read many of his observations. Your pages are too valuable to permit me to examine them in detail. I will therefore merely mention the subject of each letter, and condense my replies in the smallest possible space. The first letter contains remarks on Foxe's account of Francis of Assissi, the founder of the Franciscan order. John Foxe de- rides him. Mr. Maitland considers his derision as most absurd. My answer shall be derived from Mr. Maitland's own comparison jn p. 76 : — « The false enemies and foolish friends have daubed the originators of the mendicant order with alternate coats of dirty slander and childish praise, till they become in the predica- ment of some of the figures in our churches, where, between the Iconoclast rebel and the whitewashing churchwarden, the features can scarcely be traced.* This is a pretty comparison. John Foxe is the Iconoclast, and Mr. Maitland the churchwarden ; and I wish him joy of the self- assumed office. He confesses (p. 17) that he 'cannot decide whether Francis actually pierced his hands and feet with nails.' John Foxe believes the common story that he did so. Foxe expresses the disbelief of the saintship of Francis in no drawing-room language, but in the bold and coarse style which shocks the present day. Mr. Maitland calls his language * trash.' (p. 85.) He demands, * what good can be done by reprinting it ? and whether the church of England has no resource against Rome but railing and calling names V Our resources, I answer, against Rome, are derived from the Holy Scriptures, from antiquity, from the Fathers, from sound learning, scholarlike criticism, and every feeling which the love of truth and liberty can engender in the human heart ; and all controversy ought to be discussed in the most calm and unimpassioned manner. But Foxe lived in a day when men were burnt to death for not believing doctrines which were supported by the false legends and detestable frauds 60 LETTERS, ETC. of such impositions as the stigmata of St. Francis ; and indigna- tion against cruelty made him no less severe with the impositions by which they were upheld. The strong language of that indig- nation deserves to be described by other epithets than ' trash and railing.' The second letter contains further remarks on the language of Foxe, some of which is defensible, some indefensible. I shall only notice that which Mr. Maitland calls ' sad stuff, in point of taste and religion.' (p. 96.) In the high and palmy state of the church of Rome, one of its bitter opponents wrote a paper against its bishops and clergy, which purported to be a letter from Lucifer, Prince of Darkness, to the princes of the church, to thank them for ' the manner in which their influence crowded his dominions.' Mr. Maitland expresses his profound contempt for this brochure. I have already, in a former publication ', called ^t a severe and bitter libel. Our ancestors used more uncourteous language, as well as more fiery arguments, on both sides, than their silky sons ; but I tell Mr. Maitland, in all soberness of feeling, that if it be indeed true, as he believes, and as I believe, that moral and spiritual evil was introduced, and is continued in the world, by a fallen and power- ful spirit, who rejoices to destroy the effects of Christ's redemp- tion ; that the devil in his hell is to be congratulated when the clergy of Christ's church poison the waters of life, and instead of healing souls, increase their diseases, and thus thrust them down from heaven to hell. In vain do they worship God, teaching for doctrines the commandments of men. This may seem strong language ; but stronger language must be used before we can expel from our church the poison which is beginning once more ta pervade it. The third letter abuses WyclifFe and some of his friends, who are defended by Foxe, for asserting that the temporalities of the church are resumable at the pleasure of the princes and great men who were their donors, ' Accusations of History against the Church of liome. FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. () J Is not the assertion in one sense true ? The property of the church was given at the first, and the same property is secured by the state in perpetuity, on condition that true Christianity is taught to the people. If the clergy of the present day, from Archbishop Howley to the poorest incumbent of the church, were to conspire together to teach submission to a foreign power, treason to the state, unitarianism, or popery, would not the state be justified in withdrawing its protection from that property, and in punishing conspiracy by confiscation ? The clergy are not the church. The church is the congregation of faithful men, the family of Christ, of whom the clergy are the servants, as well as the fathers and instructors. The clergy have once taught the people erroneously and served them treacherously, and they may do so again. If so, the congregation must punish them. The fourth letter treats with just contempt the story that six thousand children's heads were found in a fish-pond. Mr. Mait- land, with much humour and most amusing sarcasm, proves Foxe to be credulous, and his editor to be unwise. The fifth letter condemns the opinions which Foxe approves, and which were held by Thorpe, a Lollard, and others, on the subject of the church property. I have already replied to these remarks. The last letter condemns the martyrologist for his general abuse of the prelates and bishops of the church. Arundel, the Archbishop of Canterbury, had put some churches under an inter- dict ; that is, he had prohibited the worship of God on the Lord's- day because the bells were not rung as he passed. Foxe con- demns this conduct in his usual unsparing language. Mr. Maitland calls this language ' low radical mockery at all ecclesiastical autho- rity.' (p. 135.) He asks whether any one of the admirers of Foxe will come forward and say that this was written in the style and with the feelings of a Christian ? I answer, that I approve most of the language which Foxe has used. With respect to the affirmation that the circulation of such remarks on bishops and prelates will injure the cause of the church and its higher magistrates in the present day, I can only 62 LETTERS, ETC. say it produces more surprise than conviction. No reader of the pages of John Foxe can possibly imagine that the language which the martyrologist applies to Arundel and the martyr-burning bishops, who exerted themselves to reduce England to the yoke of Rome, can be applied to the mild and gentle virtues of Howley and his brethren. It might have been supposed that Mr. Mait- land would have paused before he imagined the possibility of such an identity. He may be assured of this, that if he and his brethren, who are beginning to palliate the follies, defend the conduct, explain away the doctrines, and endeavour to reconcile the people and church of England to the yoke of Rome, shall persevere much longer in their wickedness and folly, they will provoke a reaction against them, which shall elicit from the people much severer language than John Foxe has used. I tell him, too, that if our Howleys, Blomfields, and Sumners, imitate the conduct of Arundel, they will deserve the same contempt which Foxe heaped on Arundel. If they behave like Laud, they will deserve, not to lose their heads, but to be deposed from their high office by a national synod, amidst the universal execration of the people. Mr. Maitland may be certain that the people love the clergy of their church ; but they love more, far more than they love their clergy, the truth of Christ's gospel, and the con- stitutional liberty, both of which Rome opposed and hated. At the conclusion of this letter, Mr. Maitland inquires whether Mr. Townsend will vindicate an expression of a man named Purvey, approved by Foxe, ' that every Christian, as well as the priests and clergy, is permitted by the law of God to preach the gospel, privately to their neighbours V (page 141.) I answer, that none but the bishop, the priest, and the deacon, who is set apart, ordained, and consecrated to the office, may teach or preach in the name of the Church, which can alone, according to Christ's own ordinance, give them authority to do so. But I affirm my belief also, that John Nokes, who is a Christian, is ever permitted by the same law of God to say to John Styles, who may be a profligate and blaspheming neighbour, ' Thou art a sinful man, my brother ; repent, and be converted, FROM TTIK IIRTTTSII MAflAZTNK. G'^ that thy sins may be pardoned, and thy spirit be changed, and live.' Will Mr. Maitland deny this ? Is not episcopal authority, rightly understood, perfectly consistent with the Christian duty of private exhortation, and with the privilege of Christian con- versation ? Here, then, I end my brief notice of Mr. Maitland's ' Six more Letters.' I am now brought to his letter in the Hritish Magazine of this month. This letter, I observe, consists of eight pages. They refer, however, to the real and supposed errors of the editor, with which I have nothing to do. The only points which it may be necessary for me to notice, are, an omission by Foxe, which is quoted to impugn his impartiality, and a personal observation respecting myself. The crime alleged against Foxe is, that in drawing up the articles of impeachment against a man who was burned, Foxe mentions the man's opinions against pilgrimages, transubstan- tiation, auricular confession, and other points of this nature ; but he did not insert in the list the accusation, that the man taught the non-necessity of the sacraments to salvation. Foxe, I answer, was guilty of the fault which almost every writer of biography, excepting the inspired writers, has com- mitted, of concealing the faults of those whom he eulogizes. He ought to have mentioned the article which he has omitted ; and it is certain that many of the martyrs who were burned held opinions which the Church of England now condemns. But it is no less true, that the man would have been burned if he had denied transubstantiation, even if he had maintained to the ut- most the validity of the sacraments. Mr. Maitland cannot rail the seal off the bond. Foxe wrote to hold up to reprobation the cruelty, treachery, and abominations of Rome. Mr. Maitland and his friends hate the principles of Foxe more than they hate his language. They discover many, very many indefensible faults in his voluminous work ; and they are saving the Papists much trouble, while they are giving them also much satisfaction, by their incessant abuse of the martyrologist. f trust they will 64 LETTERS, ETC." proceed. The wheat will be sifted from the chaff, and Foxe, I believe, will be more honoured by our posterity than he was even venerated by our ancestors, as the result of the controversy. Mr. Maitland has made one or two personal remarks on myself, which I deem it worth while to notice. He derides my catalogue of the names of those who have eulogized Foxe, as being put forward with 'childish parade ;' and he laughs at the mentioning of the name of the puritan Neal among them. He is pleased to remind me that 'praise is of no value, if it come, not from the praised, but from the dunce, the partisan, or the parasite.' My catalogue of names includes some of the best and roost honoured, from Whitgift, the archbishop contemporary with Foxe, to Howley, the contemporary of Maitland. I found Neal among the eulogizers of Foxe ; and I would not omit him. He was a coarse and partial writer, who read history through the green spectacles of his own opinions ; but he was not a wilful liar. I am fully sensible of the value of the maxim laudari a laudatis, which Mr. Maitland has quoted, though I hope we shall both obtain higher praise, when our account is rendered, than that of the most highly-lauded from among our brethren. I am sorely tempted, when I read the crushing contempt with which the highly and deservedly-praised Mr. Faber has treated Mr. Mait- land, and remember the various and numerous eulogies which have been heaped upon Mr. Maitland by others, to analyze the worthiness of those who have praised him, and to assist him in the inquiry whether his laurels have been entwined round his brow by the praised or by the dunce, by the partisan or the parasite. But I forbear doing so, and conclude my letter by informing Mr. Maitland, as to the * childish parade ' of my quo- tations, and as to the present controversy in general, that though we have not wit enough to please the public, nor learning enough to interest them, I trust we shall have so much good sense as to avoid becoming ridiculous, merely to entertain them. Let me add, also, that I have much higher, nobler, worthier objects claiming and receiving my attention than this controversy ; and that I earnestly recommend him to employ his undoubted talents, FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. 65 in imitation of my example, on matters whicli he may reflect upon with greater pleasure at the last, than in winning the appro- bation of the papist and the tractarian, and obtaining the con- tempt and disgust of the protestant, yet catholic churchman. I have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient Servant, Geo. TowNSEisD. College, Durham, Dec. 7, 1841. P.S. — Since I wrote the above, Mr. Maitland has published the first number of his Notes on my contributions to the Preface to the new edition of John Foxe. He has, however, done so through Mr. Rivington. I shall therefore request Mr. Rivington to publish my reply. The papers Mr. Maitland sends to the British Magazine, I shall beg the Editor to permit me to answer through the same channel. Those which he publishes in other quarters I shall also answer through the same medium. I do not speak presumptuously, though I speak boldly and confidently, from the conviction of my love of truth and of the justice of my cause, when I say that I throw down the gauntlet both to Mr. Maitland, to the Editor of the Record, — who has also assailed me, — and to every other antagonist of any name, sect, or party, who assails the general propositions which I have undertaken to defend. The errors which disgrace Mr. Maitland's ' Notes on my Contributions ' are (to use his own expression) ' very remarkable.' If Mr. Rivington refuses to publish my reply to Mr. Maitland, I must seek some other portion of the yet unpoisoned press ; I say this, for though my dear friend, his venerable father, published my Arrangement of the Bible, his son, in his honourable (though in this instance, 1 think, ill-judged) zeal for what he wrongly deemed the interest of the Church, refused to publish my Charge to the Clergy of Northallerton, against Tract No. 80, on Preach- ing the Atonement with Reserve. He was the London publisher of the Tracts. I then called upon the bishops to do that which their own wisdom (not the knowledge of my humble labour) has since induced them to do. 1 accept the fact as an earnest that the Church, by God's mercy, will stay the plague which is begun. 66 LETTERS, ETC. If the bishops will but do their duty, the catholic church in England, which protests against the errors and the novelties both of Geneva and of Rome, will be preserved as the salt of the earth, — the leaven which shall leaven the whole mass of mankind." III. MR. CATTLEy's letter, FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE FOR JANUARY, 1842. " Sir,— Mr. Maitland, in the last Number of the British Maga- zine, has charged me either with stupidity or dishonesty \ in consequence of my assuming that your correspondent' ' W. B.' had used Foxe's edition of 1583, in collating a passage in one account of ' John Brown,' with a copy of the life of the same man in my edition. In reply, I must refer Mr. Maitland to the notice appended to Vol. II., which distinctly stated, that 'the present work ^ is a reprint of the fourth edition of the original work of John Foxe, published in 1583, with the exception of certain passages introduced from the first three English editions, and from the fifth." Now as these several editions vary in many particulars, and my edition is stated to be a reprint of a specified and particular edition, in whom exists the ' stupidity or disho- nesty?' in ' W. B.\{or comparing my edition with a very abbre- viated and curtailed edition, like that of 1576 ; or in me, who^ naturally enough, supposed that * W. B.' would have followed the edition of 1583, of which mine was an avowed reprint ? I have said before *, that in the four standard editions of the Acts and Monuments, from 1570 to 1596, the story of John Brown may be found as I have given it '. I subjoin the references. Edition > Brit. Mag. No. CXXI. p. 603 (printed 60.) ' Acts and Monuments, 1836 — 41. Vol. 1. p. 491. Prelim. Dissertation. ' Edition of the Acts and Monuments. 1836—41."? * Vol. V. p. 694. ' Vol. IV. p. 181. FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. 67 1570, page 927 ; edition 1596, page 736 ; edition 1583, page 805. But, Sir, how will Mr. Maitland complacently resume his pen, when he finds that I make no reference to the edition of 1576, or to any more editions? And how singular that this should be the only edition to which Mr. Maitland should have access now, when there were times ^ in which most of the early editions of John Foxe were on his desk ! How will his pulse beat when he finds that I have actually made ' a mistake',' in saying that my account of John Brown is in the corresponding place of the edition of 1576, when I find that the editor of that abbreviated edition (who appears to be R. Daye*) has wisely omitted, as I have done, one of two accounts of the same story. Yes, I have absolutely omitted one of two accounts, and Mr. Maitland is displeased ! Had I inserted them both, Mr. Mait- land would have charged me, as he does my friend Mr. Towns- end, with ' childish parade ^' I cannot occupy my time, or your pages, with any more of this foolish controversy. Your obedient servant, Stephen Reed Cattley." Fulham. IV. MR. MAITLAND's letter, FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE FOB FEBRUARY, 1842. "My DEAR Sir, — If Mr. Townsend thinks his 'brief notice ' of my ' Six more Letters ' a sufficient reply, he is quite welcome to his opinion. The Letters are before the public, and in a parti- cular manner before the readers of the British Magazine, who may find them in their numbers beginning with December 1837. If, *" See his former letters on the same subject in the British Magazine. ' Brit. Mag. No. CXXI. p. 603 (printed 60.) « Edition 1576, p. 2009. 9 Brit. Mag. No. CXXI. p. 607- E 2 68 LETTERS, ETC. now that he is dragged mto an acknowledgment of their existence, this is tlie worst that Mr. Townsend can say, I have no reason to complain. As it is not, however, to be expected that many readers will take that trouble, it is necessary to tell them that Mr. Towns- end misrepresents what I have said. He says, for instance, that I express ' profound contempt' for the Letter of Lucifer, which is reprinted in vol. iii. p. 190, of the new edition of Fox, and which I have noticed at p. 95, of my Letters, and adds, that in a publication of his own he has 'called it a severe and bitter libel.' I expressed no contempt ; and whether it is a libel or not has nothing whatever to do with the question. His obvious drift in this, as well as in his talk about ' courteous language,' and ' silky sons,' and his allusion to the unforgiven tractarians, is to give his readers the impression that the ' severe libel ' had been objected to out of tenderness to the Romish church. This is pure misrepresentation, without a word to give colour or excuse. I objected to a jeering letter, written in the name of Satan, as ' profane jesting,' and because T do not think that hell and damnation are fit subjects for burlesque. I asked, ' Can any man who believes in the existence of Satanas a reality, cordially enter into the fun of ' the device or counterfeit of a certain letter,' &c. ?' I asked, ' Can any Christian man, I do not say admire, but dare to vindicate such ribaldry as ' what I proceeded to quote, and need not here repeat. I believe that I said nothing but what I might have said, and should have said, if the letter had been written by a papist against the protestants. If Mr. Townsend is not ashamed to see it, and some other blas- phemous things, reprinted for popular use and parochial circula- tion, without a hint of censure, in a book that bears his name on the title page, I think he ought to be. My object, however, is to warn the reader against his misrepresentations ; and to show a specimen of the means which are used to get up, and keep up, the notion, that to censure what Fox has written is to apologize for Rome. FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. 69 Mr. Townsend expresses surprise at my conceiving it possible that what Fox says about bishops and prelates can ' injure the cause of the church ' in the present day ; and thinks I might have paused before I imagined the possibility of anybody's applying the language of Fox to the prelates of the present day. Some persons will perhaps recollect that the letter of Mr. Pratt, Mr. Bickersteth, and Mr. Bridges, was intended to con- duce to 'the more extended circulation of this improved edition.' That they hoped that ' the sound principles of the protestant Reformation would be effectually disseminated through this medium ;' the medium being more particularly through the presentation of this new edition by wealthy Christians to the younger, and to the Irish, clergy ; and this suggestion being prefaced by an account of a clergyman who bad determined to take two copies, one to lend ' throughout his parish, and ulti- mately to place in his parochial library.' In short, it was to be, and is to be, made a book ' for the people,' as the modern phrase runs. It may be, perhaps, because I am what Mr. Townsend calls a ' silky son,' too fond of ' courteous language,' that T should not wish all classes of the community to get familiar with such epithets as ' blind, bloody, beastly bishops,' even if they neither applied them wholesale to the present bench, nor sorted them out for individual application. But this is not the matter ; and I need not here repeat what I have said in my twelfth letter. Mr. Townsend knows that there is other language in Fox, besides that of sneer and invective and coarse abuse, directed against the whole crew of prancing prelates. He knows that there is language more objectionable, which has nothing to do with martyr-burning, and which is just as appli- cable to the prelates of the present day as it was to Arundel or Courtenay, Gardiner or Bonner, because it strikes at the root of episcopacy, and represents it as an usurpation and tyranny in the church. If those who are eager to circulate the work in parishes take no pains to explain to the people that they do not consider the * placing proud prelates the cause of all mischief,' will it not 70 LETTERS, ETC. be supposed that they hold the sentiments which they are so anxious to make known ? Must it not seem that this doctrine is considered as one of ' the sound principles of the Protestant Reformation ? ' Is there any one tiling in the book more obvious than its P resbyterianism ? Surely those who are zealous to give ' extended circulation ' to such a work among the younger clergy and their parishioners, with high panegyric of its principles, and not one word of difference or censure, are likely to * injure the cause of the church,' and it is a waste of words to argue about the matter. I proceed, however, to point out another misrepresentation of a bolder character. Mr. Townsend says — ' Mr. Maitland inquires whether Mr. Townsend will vindicate an expres- sion of a man named Purvey approved by Foxe, ' that every Christian as well as the priests and clergy is permitted by the law of God to preach the gospel privately to their neighbours,' ' p. 141. Any body would suppose that the ' expression ' which Mr. Townsend has marked by inverted commas, was given in Pur- vey 's words, and that they were to be found at p. 141 of my Letters. No such thing. If Mr. Townsend intends to maintain that Purvey meant to speak of only private exhortation, and did not mean to teach that every Christian was equally a priest and had eqiial commission and authority to preach the gosTpel jmblicly, let him do so. It is obviously absurd ; but he must vindicate in his own fashion. He must not, however, foist in the word ' pri- vately,' just by way of begging the question, and settling it quietly. I have often wished that he and his kinsmen would publish a list of their subscribers, marking with asterisks the names of those for whom, more especially, they design their arguments, notes, illustrations, and other diversions. They must be odd people, and one would like to know them. Does he really ex- pect to persuade any body who is likely to read the British Maga- zine, that I ever denied the right of John Nokes to say to John Styles, if he is a profligate and blasphemer, ' Thou art a sinful man, my brother ? ' It is really rather too much to expect. FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. 71 In my paper to which Mr. Townsend's letter is more particu- larly an answer, he finds only two points which require notice. The first is, Fox's omission in relating the history of John Browne. On this he says, boldly, ' Fox, I answer, was guilly of the fault which almost every writer of biography, except the inspired writers, has committed, of concealing the faults of those whom he eulogizes.' Very well. When the Vindicator says this, what need I say ? What have I ever said half so bad, so sweep- ing, so destructive of the character of an historian and biogra- pher ? Of course I could not expect such an answer from the Vindicator, after Mr. Pratt, Mr. Bickersteth, and Mr. Bridges, had vouched for ' the high character of the work for accuracy OF DETAIL ; ' and the publishers had declared in their prospectus, that, ' high as is the character which he deservedly maintains for VERAciTy and correctness, still Fox has not been without assailants. The publishers are therefore gratified to be able to announce that the present edition will be prefaced by a full VINDICATION of the pious martyrologist from these various attacks. That duty has been undertaken by the Rev. George Townsend^' And thus the duty is performed. We are told that it was Fox's way. A pleasant vindication, considering that his book consists in so great a degree of the biography of those whom he eulogizes. And yet Mr. Townsend does not venture to say that it was quite right. ' He ought to have mentioned the article which he has omitted.' Yes, considering that he did not profess to be reporting mere hearsay, but quoting from the Archbishop's Register ; and considering, too, that even in the eyes of the bloodthirsty papists (Dean Colet included) the rejec- ' I copy this as it stands in the prospectus, dated May 24, 1836. Perhaps the publishers will almost wish that they had left the passage as it stood in the earlier (I believe, original) prospectus of May 2: — "The present edition will therefore be prefaced by a full vindication of the respected and pious martyrologist against the many attacks which have at various periods been made upon him, from the pen of the Rev. George Townsend," &c. It seems as if it would be almost a necessary part of the Appendix. 72 LETTERS, ETC. lion of baptism was considered, in some degree, heretical, it should at least have been mentioned ^. ' Eleven years ' (says Mr. Townsend^ — I vifish he could get over his aversion to dates, and tell us what years) ' were carefully and anxiously devoted to the arrangement of materials which were transmitted to him from all quarters ; in examining the registers of the bishops, and other authentic records of the facts and events he was to relate'.' But was it to garble what suited his purpose from what made against it ? ' Fox wrote,' Mr. Townsend tells us, ' to hold up to repro- bation the cruelty, treachery, and abominations of Rome.' I dare say he did, and that such an object might be Letter attained by concealing the heresies and sins of those whom Rome de- stroyed ; but then let the book take its proper place, and show its true colours. Let it not be palmed upon us as an historical work, particularly characterized by ' accuracy of detail,' by ' vera- city and correctness.' But after running away from the specific point where vindica- tion is called for, Mr. Townsend faces about, and throws down the gauntlet in defence of some ' two general propositions.' I profess to you, Sir, I know not what he means. The only pro- position that I care about is a very particular one — namely, that he would fully vindicate the veracity and correctness of the mar- tyrologist. It is with Mr. Townsend, as the Vindicator of Fox, that I have to do ; and I have a good deal of matter, which I hope to lay before him in that character, and which (as I stated) I avoided entering upon in my Letters, because it related to the department which he had undertaken. Beside other statements of a similar nature, 1 said, in the page 141 which has been already referred to, ' I wait to see how matters, to which I have as yet 2 After the word " omitted," just quoted above, Mr. Townsend goes on to say, " And it is certain that mayiy of the martyrs who were burned held opi- nions which the church of England noiv condemns." Taken in any way, this passage is remarkable ; but can he mean that there ever was a time when the church of England did not condemn the rejection of baptism ? a Vol. 1. p. 28. FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. 73 scarcely alluded, are vindicated.' I do see, and am astonished ; and I hope to discuss a good many points in the form of notes on Mr. Townsend's contributions. His prompt announcement of a reply to the first part of these has prevented my being in a hurry to publish the second ; but certainly I have no more present intention of attacking any general propositions which Mr. Townsend may have made, than I have of adopting his particular proposition, that we should both set to work about something else, ' higher, nobler, worthier,' and not trouble ourselves about Fox at all. After having been so many years so publicly, so repeatedly, pledged to the business, and wrought so much in it, has he just found out that it is so trumpery as not to be worth his attention ? Or has he begun to discover that rigmarole and per- sonal reflection will not carry ignorance through when it is so incautious as to desert ' general propositions,' and deal with mat- ters of fact ? As to personal remarks, I think that those who have seen what Mr. Townsend has thought proper to write about me, and about others who may justly be thought more unfit subjects for his im- pertinence, will not think that he has much ground of complaint. For my own part, I had not written an uncourteous word of Mr. Townsend. He had done nothing to offend me, and to provoke my resentment, or given me ground or pretence for saying any- thing that could offend him ; and I thought I had succeeded in preserving that species of neutral courtesy which, when there is nothing to prevent it, I am peculiarly anxious to maintain invio- late where I do not feel respect. Neither have I ever had any such acquaintance with Mr. Townsend as might account for his familiarity. Of course, I thought his coming forth ' with great solemnity of justing,' to distribute his praise and censure, very ridiculous ; and could only suppose that he was acting under some mistake as to his place in the literary world. Surely it must be, as I have said, that he considers a puff from one person as good as a puff from another, or he would never have stooped to pick up Neal's eulogy of Fox. In his reply, he tells us, that 74 LETTERS, ETC. Neal ' was a coarse and partial writer, who read history through the green spectacles of his own opinions, but he was not a wilful liar.' This may be Mr. Townsend's opinion. Southey has cha- racterized Neal as the ' most prejudiced and dishonest of all his- torians *.' Surely even those who prefer the authority of Mr. Townsend will admit that praise from such a person as he de- scribes, bestowed on a partisan, is not worth picking up, except as it adds a name in a ' childish parade ' of authorities, or a dis- honest attempt to deceive ignorant readers. I do not know that there is anything else in Mr. Townsend's letter which requires notice. As to Mr. Cattley's letter, I will at present only say that it admits of but one species of reply, and that such as I should be sorry to make without having given him the option of withdraw- ing it, and substituting another letter in your next Number. He may be assured, that though I think it right to point out his blunders, and do it without the pain which I should feel for any one who seemed as if he could feel for himself, yet there is a species of exposure which I would gladly allow him to escape. Let him consult his friends ; in particular (if I may venture to recommend) the three gentlemen who came forward as his vouchers in the ' Record ' at first, and who have stood by him unflinchingly ever since. Should you, Mr. Editor, agree to this arrangement, and not receive any communication from Mr. Catt- ley, during the first half of the ensuing month, you will perhaps have the goodness to let me know ; or if you do receive one for publication, and intended to supersede that which has already appeared, you will perhaps communicate its contents to me, in order that what I may think it proper to say, in the way of reply, may appear at the same time. At any rate, even if he is satisfied that his letter should stand, I must beg that Mr. Cattley will not think of running away from ' this foolish controversy ' without fully explaining what he has * Book of the Church, Vol. II. p. 309. FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. 75 said of my having made an offer of assistance, and naming the person through whom, as he states, some such offer was made. I am, &c. S. R. Maitland." V. MR. TOWNSEND S LETTER, FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE FOR MARCH, 1842, " Sir, — Mr. Maitland has given to your readers five pages of reply to my letter. I have read them carefully through, and reply to them according to my promise. There are eight pro- positions, which alone I deem it necessary to notice ; and that in as many sentences. I am anxious to spare myself trouble, and to save the time of your readers. 1. Mr. Townsend defends the letter from the Prince of Dark- ness to the papist bishops, recorded by Foxe, thanking them for peopling his dominions. Mr. Townsend neither attacks nor defends it : he describes only the state of things which produced it. 2. Foxe's opinions on bishops may be deemed injurious to the present bishops : and they ought not therefore la be published. The papist bishops, when Foxe lived, were the uniform un- relenting persecutors of the church of Christ. Therefore Foxe spoke too unreservedly of their order ; but Foxe was the friend of his patrons, Parkhurst, Whitgift, Pilkington, and other bishops. They did not deem his work to be injurious to episcopacy. Why should we do so ? Who but Mr. Maitland will imagine that the lance aimed at Bonner and Gardiner will injure Bloomfield and Howley ? 3. Presbyterianism is obvious in Foxe. 76 . LETTERS, ETC. Will Mr. Maitland refer to the passages in which any other form of church government than that by bishops is defended by the martyrologist ? 4. The publishers promised the subscribers that Mr. Tomnsend would rvrite a full vindication. Does Mr. Maitland imagine (dull, dense, and stupid as he imagines me to be) that I undertook to vindicate every page, line, sentence, affirmation, opinion, and doctrine of John Foxe ? Could any book or author endure such an ordeal ? The Martyro- logy consists of a mass of matter three times the amount of Hume's History of England. I have given a general vindication of Foxe against thirteen modern and ancient authors. 5. Mr. Torvnsend cannot mention the dates of the eleven years during which Foxe was engaged on his work. I have mentioned them in my " Remarks on Mr. Maitland's Errors," in his "Notes to Number one of my Contributions to the Preface." Foxe, I have there shewn, began his labours at Reigate in 1553. One edition of the earlier part of his work was published at Strasburg in 1554 ; another at Basil in 1559. But the English edition of his completed work was published in the commencement of the eleventh year from the first date I have mentioned. 6. This I must give in Mr. Maitland's refined, courteous, gentlemanly language — '^^ Rigmarole and personal reflections will not carry ignorance through when it is so incautious as to desert general propositions for matters of fact. ^^ Rigmarole and ignorance ! Rigmarole and ignorance ! Rig- marole and ignorance ! My gentle reader, have I not reason to admire Mr. Maitland's candour more than I admire his manners ? Shall I not apply to him, with a little alteration, the words of Pope ? " Go on, obliging writer, make me see All that adorns thy pages meet in me ?" Mr. Maitland, 1 have the honour to be your obedient, and faithful, humble servant. 1 do not object to any severity of FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. 77 language from you ; for I, as you justly say, 'began this war- fare first,' when I applied to you, in my indignation at your attacks on John Foxe, the epithets of traitor and apostate to the cause of the church of Christ. I first adopted language of this nature. I am bound, therefore, to make my bow in silence, when my own severity is thus retorted upon me. Pray, proceed ! 7. Mr. Townsend can have no ground of complaint, when Mr. Maitland adopts uncourteous language ; for he began first. It is very true, my friend ; and if you, the librarian, at Lambeth, the scholar, gentleman, clergyman, and protestant (for until you become papist you cannot get rid of that unpopular word), will persevere to be found among the ranks of the papal antagonists of the martyrologist, who first published an Ecclesi- astical History in our own language, and did his best to improve and inform his countrymen, so long the arrows which are aimed at that enemy will pierce the joints of your armour. 8. Mr. Townsend is acting under some mistake as to his place in the literary world. Mr. Townsend is under no mistake in the matter. He feels and knows his place to be exactly where Mr. Maitland would assign it — last, least, lowest, among those who endeavour, not to amuse, but, before he dies, to benefit the world. I have the honour to be, Sir, you obedient servant, Geo. Townsend." College, Durham, Feb. 3, 1842." 78 LETTERS, ETC. VI. MR. MAITLANd's letter, FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE FOR MARCH, 1842. " My dear Sir, — As Mr. Cattley does not think it right to alter or qualify any of the statements contained in his letter published in the British Magazine for January, 1 beg leave to offer the following remarks on some of them. (1.) Mr. Cattley says, ' How singular that this ' [the 1576] ' should be the only edition to which Mr. Maitland should have access now, when there were times in which most of the early editions of John Foxe were on his desk !' — and on the word ' times ' in this sentence he puts a note, ' See his former letters on the same subject in the British Magazine.' Of course the insinuation is that I have told a lie ; and that in fact I had, or might easily have obtained, access to books which I had been in the habit of using, but that it suited my purpose to pretend that I could not refer to thera. Now, in the first place, I did not say what Mr. Cattley pre- tends ; but only, ' I have not at present access to the editions of 1563 and 1570, and therefore cannot say anything about them ; but that of 1576 is on my desk.' What strange infatuation can lead Mr. Cattley to say such things as he does ? Is he not aware that if I had had access to the editions of 1563 and 1570 1 might have shewn that he was guilty of the same falsehood with regard to each of them, as I did shew with respect to the edition of 1576? Again, it may suit Mr. Cattley's purpose to represent (in spite of my repeated assertions) that the errors pointed out in my letters were the fruit of great research and laborious collation ; but if he wishes to maintain any character for veracity, let him produce from those letters any (I will not say proof, but any) pretext, or colour, for saying that I had ever seen any one page printed in the lifetime of John Fox, except the first volume of the fourth English edition of 1583. To this hour I am not aware of 8 FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. 79 having seen the second volume ; but I luckily met with this odd first volume just after Mr. Cattley had begun his publication, the only copy which I possessed before being of the more recent edition of 1596. (2.) So long as it was believed that the edition of 1576 would countenance Mr. Cattley's statements, it was a ' standard ' edition — one of ' the five editions which the illustrious martyrologist himself revised.' Now that it is found to contradict them, it is such a ' very abbreviated and curtailed edition ' that there is ' stupidity and dishonesty ' in comparing the new edition with it. (3.) Mr. Cattley says, ' The editor of that abbreviated edition (who appears to be II. Daye) has wisely omitted, as I have done, one of two accounts of the same story.' With this difference, however, that he inserted one version, and Mr. Cattley the other; and even Mr. Cattley himself will not venture to deny that R. Daye's version is the most correct of the two. It will, however, be seen, that R. Daye (or whoever was the editor) * omitted ' nothmg ; but gave the only version which had then appeared. (4.) Mr. Cattley goes on to say — ' Yes, I have absolutely omitted one of two accounts, and Mr. Maitland is displeased ! Had I inserted them both, Mr. Maitland would have charged me, as he does my friend, Mr. Townsend, with ' childish parade.* ' It is obvious that I neither said, nor insinuated, that Mr. Cattley was to blame for omitting one of the two accounts ; and, tiresome as it is to notice such petty misrepresentations, it is quite necessary to do so, for those who observe (as well as those who use) the baser arts of controversy know how easy it is, by such means to mislead a reader, and misrepresent the whole of a question. (5.) The principal matter, however, which requires notice in Mr. Cattley's letter, is what he says respecting these two versions of the story of John Browne, of Ashford. In his attack on ' W. B.,' contained in first volume of the new edition, p. 490, Mr. Cattley told him that he might find the version which he has given in the new edition, ' in all the five editions which the illustrious martyrologist himself revised.' 80 LETTERS, ETC. I called on Mr. Cattley to specify the pages of those five editions where his version of the story was to be found. He answers: * I said before, that in the four standard editions of the Acts and Monuments from 1570 to 1590, the story of John Brown may be found as I have given it.' True ; he did say so before — that is, in a note in the fifth volume of the Martyrology, published about three years ago ; but he knows that we are talking of what he has said just now in the first volume — after that interval, after all the collation of all the editions of which he boasts ; now, when he comes forward to bring a charge of wilful and deliberate lying, he says five — but if he is afraid to allude even to that, and falls back on his former incidental statement of FOUR, let us see the pages. He says, 'I subjoin the references. Edition 1570, p. 927; edition 1596, p. 736; edition 1583, p. 804." He acknowledges that his version is not in the edition of 1576 ; and so the four dwindle to three. I believe the first of these references to be entirely fallacious ; and that the three must be reduced to two — that the ' edi- tion 1570, p. 927,' contains nothing but matter wholly fo- reign* — that that edition nowhere contains the story as Mr. Cattley has given it — that in a distant part of the volume (p. 1480) it does contain that version of the story which Mr. Cattley has not given. I am, my dear Sir, yours very truly, S. R. Maitland." * " Any one who takes the fourth volume of the new edition may see what that page does contain by reading from ' Tours in France,' in the bottom line of p. 172, down to ' utterly denied confes-,' about the middle (line 22) of p. 175. I am indebted for what information I have respecting the edition of 1570 to the Rev. F. W. Collison, Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge, who kindly examined the copy belonging to the University library." FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. S\ VII. MR. MAITLAND's letter, FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE FOR APRIL, 1842. "My DEAR Sir,— It seems as if Mr. Townsend wrote without recollecting the high probability that those who read what he wrote for the Magazine of March might be the same persons who had read what I wrote in that of February ; and that therefore he cannot expect to persuade them that I said what I did not say, or evade, without observation, what I did say. I have no great fear of his imposing on you, or many of your readers, when he represents what I said of the Letter of Lucifer as a ' propo- sition,' that ' Mr. Townsend defends the letter from the Prince of Darkness to the papist bishops, recorded by Foxe, thanking them for peopling his dominions.' I need not here reprint my words. Any one who looks at them will see that they contained no such charge ; but that they did contain another charge, which Mr. Townsend has not ven- tured to meet. My charge was — not that he defended or attacked the letter, but that he grossly misrepresented my attack on it. That, whereas I had objected to it simply and solely on the ground that it was profane and impious ribaldry, he had repre- sented me as expressing 'contempt' for it, viewed as a 'libel' on the papists, whose cause he would have his readers believe I was pleading. This was the charge ; and this he has not dared to meet. 1 repeat it ; and I add, that it is part of a system of a habitual misrepresentation. It is part of an attempt to carry his point, by turning a question of facts, about which he has not suffi- cient information to maintain a controversy, into a personal and party question. Whatever he may say now, he cannot unprint his Vindication of Fox, which stands as a witness that he began his part of the controversy — not, as he pretends, with the seve- rity of indignant rebuke, rising with pardonable fervor into a ne- glect of form and courtesy, and all but truth ; no such thing, Sir, and if it had been so, one would like a man all the better for it, but — with a mean attempt to excite personal odium, to injure F 82 LETTERS, ETC. private character, and to get up a rabble cry of party. Suppose, Sir, that I am ungrateful — nay, put the horrid vice in its most horrid form, in which it so appalled Mr. Townsend, ungrateful even for preferment — what business is it of his, and what has it to do with Fox ^ ? Again, Sir, I think I may ask (without noticing Mr. Towns- end's frivolous answer to Mr. Churton's plain question), what have I to do with the Oxford Tracts ? How am I responsible for, or concerned with, No. 80 or No. 90 ? T did not write them, and have never read them ; and as to Mr. Townsend's ' entire Charge to the Clergy,* by which he ' publicly and officially' con- demned many of the Oxford tracts, I am not aware that 1 ever saw it, or heard any man, woman, or child, speak as if he, she, or it had either heard or read it. The only possible pretext for con- necting my name with the Oxford Tracts at all is, that, with re- gard to one of them, I published a small pamphlet, expressing in the strongest terms my dissent from its doctrine, and my convic- tion of its m.ost mischievous tendency. I believe that, except in this pamphlet, no man can find, in anything that I have written, any quotation from, or reference to, any one of the tracts, or any proof that I had ever read one of them. In saying this, I mean no disrespect to the authors of the tracts ; but it is a mere fact that my hands have been so full of other matters, appearing more clearly to demand my attention, that I have scarcely read any thing that has been published since the tracts began, and have never had anything like the leisure, or the courage, to undertake such an addition to what seem to me plainer duties, as the inves- tigation of a controversy embracing so many difficult points, and one with which I do not seem to be particularly called on to 1 A man who gets into the dirt with the single effect of dirtying himself, must expect to be laughed at ; and it is besides a just punishment of Mr. Townsend's habitual carelessness about chronology. If he had attended to that, he might have known that every line of what he comments on had been published before I was even offered the office which I now hold. Read with the knowledge of this fact, Mr. Townsend's effusions on the matter are very amusing. FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. 83 meddle. Why, then, does Mr. Townsend talk to me about the Tractarians? Why did he not attack me about the coru laws, or the Diorama in the Regent's Park, now open from ten till dusk, or any of the other things of which I know nothing but what I gather from hearsay or newspaper advertisements ? He might as well do it, except that these things would not move the sympathy of the subscribers who have paid for his lucubrations ^ : while he knows that they will conceive an intense prejudice against any- body whom they are taught to consider as a Tractarian, a traitor, a renegade, and a papist ; and he is so clever and so fortunate in hitting on this point, that it not only serves to create prejudice against me, but gives him an opportunity of publishing over and over again the famous Charge which his dear friend Mr. Riving- ton's degenerate son would not publish at all. 1 repeat. Sir, that this talk about the Oxford Tracts is all mere trick — a trick which, by an odd sort of retribution, has just been played on Mr. Townsend himself by the party who employed him, and who, having done with his name, Jiave given him a very abrupt dismission, just hinting to the subscribers, in very intelli- gible terms, that the gentleman who has written the Vindication is something very much like an Owenite. I dare say that such a suggestion has answered their purpose better than a volume of argument ; but Mr. Tovrasend did not like it at all. He told them it was ' disrespectful ; ' and I suppose they laughed *. 2 Though as the Record, by a nice distinction, from which I hope we may derive comfort, assures us, we have not subscribed to them. ' " How could you," says Mr. Townsend, in his reply, " be guilty of the offensive and disrespectful conduct of coupling my name with that of the infidel Owen ? How could you imagine for a moment that there could be any similarity between the views of the humble and undoubting Christian and those of that presumptuous charlatan ? It is well for me that, though I hope I feel a stain like a wound, I am ' armed so strong in honesty ' that I do not feel an accusation to be a disgrace. If I was not too well known among my people, I should be disgraced and dishonoured by your recklessness." There is a good deal of simplicity in Mr. Townsend's question, who really does not seem to recognise the dirty artifice which he had thought it so clever to practise, by coupling my name with that of Eusebius Andrews F 2 84 LETTERS, ETC. 2. With regard to the second proposition, I feel it quite unne- cessary to add anything to what I said before. Mr. Townsend's eagerness to convict me of saying what might seem disrespectful to great men is very amusing and characteristic ; but it cannot need a reply. Mr. Townsend's notions and mine of what is re- spectful in dealing with one's superiors are obviously different. 3. Mr. Townsend asks me to refer to the passages in Fox in which any other form of church government than that by bishops is defended by the martyrologist. Some years ago, some Unitarian subscribers to the Bible So- ciety circulated its books with a paper pasted inside the cover, offering a reward to any body who could find the word ' Trinity ' any where in the whole volume. Mr. Townsend's cavil is much the same ; though there certainly are some things in his writings which make me believe that the apparent ignorance is at least in part sincere and unaffected, and not merely a trick to throw dust in the eyes of ignorant or inconsiderate readers. There were some peculiarities in the case of Fox which might lead us to ex- pect a greater degree of inconsistency in his works than in those of most of his friends ; for he was one of the very few non-con- formist writers who held preferment in the church. But, inde- pendent of this, (which, of course, set him farther off violent mea- sures than many of his party,) the Puritans were notoriously of two classes, whom I may perhaps be allowed to call the Eliza- bethan and the Mar-prelate. The latter wrote books recom- mending other forms of government plainly enough, and got hanged for it. But the former, among whom Fox was one of the most devoted, could tolerate the existence of proud prelates as a human ordinance, if the Queen's highness might frock and un- frock them at her pleasure ; and if, to the utter defacing of the pope and ' his byrdes,' her Majesty had chosen to deny that he was ' Christ's vicar on earth,' and to take the title herself, I do not suppose that Fox would have made any objection. But the question is not whether, under certain circumstances, Fox could tolerate bishops, or whether he did openly attack the church government, of which the Queen's highness was the head ; but FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. 85 whether a book continually railing in the coarsest and most com- prehensive terms against bishops, bishops in general, even if that railing could be accounted for, as Mr. Townsend pretends, by the fact (if it were a fact) that the ' papist bishops, when Foxe lived, were the uniform unrelenting persecutors of the church of Christ;' whether a work which does indeed, as Mr. Townsend admits, speak ' too unreservedly of their order ' (nice vindication) is, or is not, of presbyterian tendency ? Is it necessary, in order to our considering a book to have a plainly democratic tendency, that it should contain a formal recommendation and defence of any other form of government than that by kings ? Is it not sufficient, if it speaks so ' unreservedly of their order' as to set them forth on all occasions as ' blind, bloody, beastly ' tyrants, unrelenting per- secutors of the people, so selfishly — nay, so wantonly cruel — in all things so particularly diabolical, that one is irresistibly led to speculate on the probable cause which could render so many in- dividuals of different countries and ages so much worse than the rest of their race ? 4. The fourth paragraph is, like too much of what Mr. Townsend has been driven to write on this subject, a misrepre- sentation calculated simply for those who do not know the facts in dispute. How injurious to call on him to vindicate every ' line ' in * a mass of matter three times the amount of Hume's History of England.' It is hardly conceivable how Mr. Townsend could descend to such a misrepresentation. Did he wish his readers to understand that even Fox himself was responsible for every line in that quantity of matter ? I do not believe that any body can tell how much would remain if the various documents, tracts, and even books, professedly or notoriously written by other persons, were withdrawn from that ' mass of matter.' There was, no doubt, some degree of responsibility incurred by Fox when he pub- lished it, but not of a kind that would bind even him to vindicate every page and every line. Still less has Mr, Townsend been called on to do any such thing. It would of course have been unfair and absurd to do it ; and because it. would have been un- fair and absurd, he wishes to represent it as having been done; 86 LETTERS, ETC. and it is one of the most troublesome parts of controversy so conducted, (I mean, with the perpetual recurrence of petty mis- representations, often the mere fruit of a guilty carelessness, yet often such as charity itself hardly knows how to put in that class,) that unless little misrepresentations are pointed out, and contra- dicted immediately, they are subsequently taken advantage of by those who use them, and are assumed as matters of fact and grounds of argument. In the January number, p. 26, Mr. Townsend said, ' Mr. Maitland inquires whether Mr. Townsend will vindicate an expression of a man named Purvey, approved by Foxe, ' that every Christian, as well as the priests and clergy, is permitted by the law of God to preach the gospel •privately to their neighbours.' ' In my reply, (Number for February, p. 147,) I charged Mr. Townsend with falsifying this passage, (which he put in inverted commas, and pretended to be an expression of John Purvey, and to which he added a reference to p. 141 of my Letters,) by foisting in the word ' privately ; ' a charge which I should think any man of integrity must feel to require immediate confession, contradiction, or explanation. But to this charge Mr. Townsend does not venture to allude ; while he complains of being required to vindicate every line in the great mass of matter. To meet this, it is necessary to notice another misstatement in Mr. Townsend's words just quoted, which I did not before em- barrass the question by pointing out ; but I might have said, and it now seems necessary to say, that I did not inquire whether Mr. Townsend would vindicate what Purvey said, (which of course I never expected him to do, and which, as we see, he did not dare to attempt without tacitly falsifying it in such a way as com- pletely to alter its meaning,) but whether in the genuine exercise of his office he would vindicate what Fox said about Purvey. With abundant scorn of the ' shavelings,' Purvey taught, not as Mr. Townsend says, ' that every Christian as well as the priests' might do this or that, but that all the predestinate were priests without man's working, and had a right to preach the gospel to their neighbours. Fox, whether he was or was not ' a decided episcopalian,' seems to have thought that this required some FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. 87 modification, and, in direct contradiction to Purvey's plain state- ment, added a note — ' He meaneth of private preaching to their neighbours.' Mr. Townsend improves upon this by telling his readers that Purvey aclually said ' private,' and endeavours to gain the twofold advantage of representing me, first, as very foolish in thinking that a statement so innocent requires any vin- dication at all; and, secondly, as very unjust in requiring the vindication at his hands. I cannot help thinking that charges like this require something more than an off-hand statement. ' I have given a general vindication of Foxe against thirteen modern and ancient writers.' In fact, this statement leads me to break through the order of Mr. Townsend's propositions, which 1 have hitherto followed. 1 need not say much on the fifth, as it is only a reply to my question respecting the eleven years spoken of by Mr. Townsend, of which [ hope to make use hereafter ; and what need be said now on that point will be easier and more intelligibly said if I for the present pass it by, and, in connexion with this statement of Mr. Townsend respecting his ' general' vindication, say some- thing respecting his sixth proposition. 6. ' This,' says Mr. Townsend, ' I must give in Mr. Maitland's refined, courteous, and gentlemanly language : — ' Rigmarole and personal reflections will not carry ignorance through when it is so incautious as to desert general propositions formatters of fact." This is as nearly what I said as can be expected in a quotation by Mr. Townsend ; and if it contains anything that is other than refined, courteous, and gentlemanly, I am sorry for it. I do not think it does. And as I have what I consider sufficient reasons for doubting whether Mr. Townsend is a good judge in such mat- ters, especially when they have a particular reference to himself, I am not without hope that you may agree with me. Mr. Towns- end is, however, evidently astonished, and exclaims, ' Rigmarole and ignorance ! Rigmarole and ignorance ! Rigmarole and igno- rance ! My gentle reader, have I not reason to admire Mr. Mait- land's candour more than I admire his manners ? Shall I not apply to him, with a little alteration, the words of Pope ?-^ OS LETTERS, ETC, ' Go on, obliging writer, make me see All that adorns thy pages meet in me ?' Mr. Maitland, I have the honour to be your obedient and faithful humble servant.' You will observe that Mr. Townsend here takes no notice of ' personal reflection.' Whether this is because he acknowledges that on that point I have said nothing wrong, or whether because he is ashamed to allude to the subject at all, I do not pretend to decide ; but as he passes it by without attack, I suppose I need not consider it as requiring defence. The two charges so shockingly made are of rigmarole and ig- norance ; and though I feel that I am trespassing on your pages, I cannot help requesting space for one or two remarks on them, because they relate, of course, not so much to what Mr. Towns- end has written in this Magazine, as to the ' general propositions' and 'general vindication' to which he finds it so convenient to refer. It will be in your recollection that the remark originated in Mr. Townsend's giving up at once the defence of Fox in a specific charge of unfair quotation from a Register, and throwing down the gauntlet in defence of some ' two general propositions,' I do not yet know what. In like manner, he here tells us that he has ' given a general vindication' of Fox. As this general vindication has not yet been examined, Mr. Townsend may, of course, refer to it in any terms which he thinks fit to use ; but I venture to say, that whenever it is examined, it will be found most fully to bear out the charges of rigmarole and ignorance. You may suppose that I am not going to enter on a full defence of these charges here ; but with reference to the first, suffer me to give an extract from the ' Record ' newspaper, the organ of the party vpho projected and patronized the New Edition, and who, while enumerating ' the merits of this edition' in that newspaper, told us, * A Memoir, drawn from the most authentic sources, will be prefixed to the work, together with a dissertation upon the main principles and facts involved from the pen of Mr. Prebendary Townsend, whose ability to do justice to the subject will not he FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. 89 questioned '. What does the ' Record ' say now ? or rather, what was it eager to say, in a leading article, so immediately after the publication of the volume, as Dec. 9, 1841 — ' The subscribers for a new edition of that noble work, ' The Acts and Monuments,' by John Foxe, are at length gratified by the appearance of the first volume, which completes the set. The publishers are entitled to thanks for the readiness with which they undertook a task pressed upon them by several eminent clergymen and others, and the more so, because we regret to learn that the great expense they have incurred will not be remunerated by the price paid by the subscribers. They have rendered an essential service to the cause of truth by their undertaking, and if the new edition be not all that could be desired, its imperfections are not to be imputed to any parsimo- nious neglect or other failure of engagement on the part of Messrs. Seeley and Burnside. But while we only do an act of justice in making this acknowledgment, we cannot conceal our disappointment with the introductory matter prefixed to the first volume by Mr. Prebendary Townsend. We had anticipated from his pen what he had promised, and what we presumed he was able to furnish, a preface, in which ' the pious martyrologist should be fully vindicated from the attacks of his assailants.' Instead of this apology for John Foxe, the subscribers to the Acts and Monuments are presented with an apology for the Rev. George Townsend' s failure to redeem his pledge, and no less than forty-two pages are consumed by a letter addressed to a friend, containing what we may term the prospectus of a totally different work, which is much more akin to an essay on the origin of evil, than to an introduction to the persecutions of the true church of Christ. In short, we are informed that the reverend gentleman was so far led astray from his original design, that he 'framed the plan, developed the details, and has actually written a large portion of a work,' which would already 'fill ten numbers of the Quarterly Review.' Under such circumstances, Mr. Townsend is clearly right in considering his incipient lucubrations as 'too large to be considered merely as a preface to Foxe ;' and even without his own candid admission of the fact, we could have anticipated his acknowledgment — ' The publishers of this book are not to be condemned — I alone am to be blamed.' We venture, however, to think that Messrs. Seeley might have been ex- onerated from blame, without the infliction on the subscribers to Foxe of forty-two pages of very doubtful and occasionally objectionable matter. We still further venture to think, that the second part of the introduction to this edi- tion, namely, its vindication ' from the attacks ' of Foxe's ' assailants,' should not have been intrusted to an anonymous author, who, either from want of experience or other causes, is not, al least on the present occasion, likely to wear 90 LETTERS, ETC. ' the laurel ' which Mr, Townsend promises he shall not lose if it he won. We shall hereafter have occasion to notice his rash adoption of Mr. P. F. Tytler's attempt to rake up and present in a new form, the long exploded and false accusation against John Knox, of being accessary to the murder of Rizzio, an accusation so eagerly seized on by O'Connell, in the last session of parlia- ment, as a weapon with which to assail protestants, but one which has been once more completely refuted by the son of Knox's biographer. We cannot, at present, stop to discuss this part of the introduction to Foxe, and only allude to it as a specimen of the rashness arid incompetency of the unknown writer, and in the hope that the publishers will, in justice to their subscribers, take care that the page containing this foul aspersion on the me- mory of a great and good protestant reformer, shall be among those which are to be cancelled. In the meantime we are obliged to enter our protest against the letter itself, for which Mr. Townsend is directly responsible. We have already said that it contains sentiments which call for animadversion, and the more so, as it seems to stand in connexion with the long list of sub- scribers, of whom we are persuaded that no small proportion will feel obliged by our pointing out that they are subscribers to the noble work of the great martyrologist, and not to the letter of Mr. Townsend, or the preliminary dis- sertation of his anonymous friend *.' You "will readily imagine, Sir, that I quote this statement of the ' Record ' only as extorted testimony to a fact from the party who were Mr. Townsend's own sponsors — as the evidence of those who are likely to know most of Mr. Townsend's vindication, and who are under the greatest temptation to make the best of it, — and viewed in this light, it does seem to offer some corroboration of my charge that Mr. Townsend has somewhat indulged in ' rig- marole *.' * It appeared by Mr. Townsend's reply that the ' Record ' was under a misconception, as to his having entrusted any part of either the letter or the preliminary dissertation to another writer. ' I cannot,' he says, ' imagine what you mean when you say that I have intrusted the defence of Foxe to an anonymous author. I have written the whole of it myself.' * It may, perhaps, be injustice to Mr. Townsend to make even that use of it without adverting to the curious and characteristic fact, that while the pre- vious certificate of Mr. Townsend's unquestionable ability to do justice to the subject is signed by three well-known and highly respected clergymen — Mr. Pratt, Mr. Bickersteth, and Mr. Bridges, the rebuke of Mr. Townsend, the utter repudiation of his performance, the delicate hint that ' Mr. Owen had 8 FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. 91 Secondly, as to ignorance. Is it compatible with refinement, courtesy, and gentlemanlike conduct to charge a man with igno- rance ? Ignorance is bliss, indeed, if it gives a man licence to rant forth whatever he pleases, to the amazement of the illiterate, without fear of check or contradiction. Is ignorance a thing so sacred ? Or should I, when I see it boasting, bragging, and bully- ing, to the utter perversion of truth, creep to its feet and beg permission by some sweet periphrastic innuendo to insinuate its existence ? I am sorry Mr. Townsend does not like my way of making a charge ; but he cannot be more disgusted with my way than I am with his. For instance, in his ' Remarks ' on one of what he calls my * errors,' he says, ' Mr. Maitland's seventh error would be denominated by writers less gentle, mild, and bland than myself, by another epithet. Mr. Maitland has made a positive affirmation which is decidedly and most exceedingly erroneous.' Now, of course, he means to tell his readers that I have told a wilful lie ; and so different are our notions, that what seems to him gentle, mild, and bland, appears to me to be a very mean and shabby way of doing it. I hope to shew, as soon as I can get leisure, that neither in this, nor the other ' errors ' which Mr. Townsend pretends that he has found, have I told any lie, or made any erroneous statement ; but our business at present is simply with the manner in which a charge of ignorance should be made, even supposing it to be lawful to make one at all ; and even this would require more space than can be afforded in a let- ter already so long. You will, therefore, I hope, allow me to say that though I shall be happy to put it in any form which on full discussion shall be considered best, yet I cannot withdraw my charge of ignorance, and, as the most unobjectionable way of justifying it, I will give you an extract from the ' general vindi- cation,' which will, I think, astonish some of your readers, and some such schemes,' and at length the absolute dismissal of the vindicator, with a pithy certificate of his theological attainments for the ' Record ' readers, that ' salvation and damnation are infinitely more than Mr. Towns- end describes,' all this, and much more than this, in one long leading article after another, is anonymous. 92 LETTERS, ETC. which will lead them to suspect that ' the whole preface of five hundred pages' contains matter quite sufficient to shew that if the charge of ignorance is not gentlemanly, or bland, it has the more honest and respectable quality of being true. Fox, in the course of a paragraph which treats * Of the treason of the Pope against Frederic ' the Emperor, gives a letter ' con- cerning the same.' In that letter the writer tells the emperor that John Brennus, late King of Jerusalem, having collected a great army, ' giveth unto them of the treasure he hath gotten to- gether, {hy what means I cannot tell,) great wages, in hope to recover and get from you the empire ".' When T looked for this letter in Matthew Paris, from whom Foxe professed to have taken it, T found the original to be ' sub spe imperii si vos possit subi- gere, de thesauris apostoticis suis militibus stipendia ministrat ''.' On this I said — and if it seems that I treated so profound a sub- ject with any improper degree of levity, I hope I shall be par- doned, for I can most truly assure you that 1 did not dream that any reader would be misled, or be in danger of it — it is certain that I did say, that one could only account for so strange a trans- lation by supposing ' that Fox meant to speak what is in his pa- renthesis in his own person, and frankly to say that he did not know how to translate ' de thesauris apostolicis.' ' Now, Sir, I can imagine that you would not be surprised to find Mr. Townsend rebuking me for suggesting, even by way of jest, the bare possibility that Fox, who knew that he was writing about troops raised for the pope's purposes, could be ignorant that they were likely to be paid out of the treasury of the apostolic see, and that such must, of course, be the meaning of the words ; but what will you say to the following criticism ? ' Foxe is charged with being totally ignorant how to translate the words 'de thesauris apostolicis,' from the apostolical treasures. So am I ; so is Mr. Maitland ; so, at least, is every one of the learned friends whom I have con- sulted. 6 New Edition, vol. ii. p. 472. ' Matt. Par. an. 1249, vol. ii. p. 771, quoted in 5th letter in the British Mag. FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. 93 The Latin is— Johannes praefatus, de regno Francorum, et aliis center- minis regionibus, militiam contrahens non modicam ; sub spe imperii, si vos posset subigere, de thesauris apostolicis, suis militibus stipendia ministrat. Foxe thus translates :—' The aforesaid John Brennus, gathering out of France and other provinces near and adjoining, a great army, givetli unto them of the treasure he hath gotten together {by what means I cannot tell), great wages, in hope to recover from you the empire.' ' Foxe, that is, affirms that he could not translate the expression ' apostolicis thesauris ;' and I ask, what the apostolical treasures were ? Had Brennus robbed churches ? Had he plundered the treasuries of cathedrals, bishops, or clergy ? Had he employed the priesthood to promise absolution for mo- ney, that the proceeds might be given to him ? Mr. Maitland is right in his conjecture, that Foxe meant to say he could not translate the expression. His critic, it is observable, however, does not translate it himself, but passes on with the remark, that on this translation it is not worth while to comment*.' I think it is ' not worth while to comment ' on this criticism of Mr. Townsend and his * learned friends.' Such ignorance cannot (as I have already intimated) be concealed under rigmarole about traitors and renegades, and papists and tractarians. I should now recur to Mr. Townsend's fifth proposition, but that I feel myself already trespassing on your pages, and it would take a good deal of room to shew that the reply which he has given to my question respecting the eleven years occupied in writing the Martyrology is a strong confirmation of my charge of ignorance. 1 hope to use it in a reply to his ' Remarks,' which want of leisure has hitherto prevented my publishing, except so 8 Life of Fox, p. 322. After what I have said of these wretched petty misrepresentations in this letter, I must not quote these words of Mr. Towns- end's without observing that I did not pass on ' with the remark that on this translation it is not worth while to comment' How could I have said so when I was just showing that I did think it worth while to comment on it ? My words were these, " On this translation, in other respects, it is not worth while to comment." — Letters, p. 59. The obvious meaning of which was, that I was aware of other minor inaccuracies in the translation, and passed by them, not because I did not see them, but because in comparison with the glaring one for which the passage was quoted, they were not worth notice. I cer- tainly did not dream that Mr. Townsend would want a translation. 94 LETTERS ETC. FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE. far as concerns the points mentioned in the correspondence begun by Mr. Townsend in the ' John Bull' newspaper, and printed by you in the Number for March. The seventh and eighth propositions are very amusing, espe- cially the representation that I have claimed a right to use un- courteous language; but very harmless. I am,dear Sir, y ours truly, S. R. Maitland." VIII. MR. TOWNSEND's letter, FROM THE BRITISH MAGAZINE FOR MAY, 1842. " Sir, — In your last number you have admitted a letter, consist- ing of nine pages, signed ' S. R. Maitland,' on Foxe's Martyro- loo-y. In this letter I meet such expressions as these : — Mr. Townsend's manner of meeting this charge is — ^ part of a system of habitual misrepresentation.' — p. 418, line 12. Mr. Townsend began this part of the controversy with — ' a mean attempt to excite personal odium, to injure private character, and to get up a rabble cry of party.' — p. 418, line 21. Mr. Townsend * does not seem to recognise the dirty artifice, which he had thought it so clever to practise.' — p. 419, note, line 9. I feel myself utterly unable to contend any longer with such language. I withdraw from the contest. I leave Mr. Maitland uncontrolled master of the field, and congratulate him on his victory. I have the honour to be, Sir, your faithful servant, Geo. Townsend." PURITAN THAUMATURGY. SECTION 1. PROPHECIES. The claim of the puritans to be considered as persons possessing supernatural gifts and powers, is a very curious feature in their history, and one on which we might justly have hoped that a new life of Fox would throw considerable light. I find however very little about it in Mr. Townsend's work ; and that little, as will be seen presently, is calculated rather to prevent, than to promote, the investigation and right understanding of the subject. The influence exercised over the puritans them- selves, and which they exercised over others, even over such as had no religious feehng in common with them, is a point which deserves a much fuller inves- tigation than it has ever received. But it would require more space than can be allowed for it on such an occasion as this, and more information than I possess. It is a subject on which one only catches occasional glimpses, just enough to show that there 96 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [SECT. was a great deal that was very curious going on, but which the parties concerned, partly from that sort of secrecy which commonly attends and gives a zest to sectarianism of all kinds, and partly because they had little or no motive or means for writing a history of their proceedings, kept pretty much to themselves. How strange it is that of more than twenty years which Fox appears to have spent in England, and chiefly in London, after the publication of his Martyrology, we know scarcely any thing. Of course a very moderate degree of industry would have added to the two grains of wheat which patience may discover in Mr. Townsend's bushel of chaff; but still it may well be doubted whether if he had pos- sessed the qualifications necessary for the work which he undertook, Mr. Townsend could have penetrated and dispersed the obscurity which surrounds the personal history of Fox, and the proceedings of his friends and followers. I am not now pretending to do any such thing; but unless I say something to illustrate and justify what I have stated at p. 17, many persons will hardly believe it. They will think it strange, and almost incredible, that Fox's friends should have deliberately and seriously believed him to be endowed with supernatural gifts. Indeed, the faith and feeling of English Christians has so altered, that if there had not lately been (as I believe there still are) persons of respectable character openly making the same claims, and advancing the same pretensions for themselves and each other, I should ].] PROPHECIES. 97 hardly expect to gain credit at all. Those who by the falsehoods and suppressions of party writers have been led into simple admiration of the Puritans, while at the same time they have made up their minds to disbelieve, at all hazards, every thing that looks super- natural, because the Romanists believe too much, will not perhaps like this comparison ; but facts cannot be altered to meet their prejudices, and their only resource will be to confine themselves to such his- torians as Mr. Townsend, who seems to make the probable credulity of his readers his guide. Profess- ing to be the biographer of Fox, he does not seem to think it his business to enquire, or to state, whether Fox, or his friends, held an opinion which was in itself very curious, and which must have had such an important influence on their proceedings, but is rather considering whether the thing would make for or against the subject of his biography. People will not, he imagines, believe that Fox was really inspired, and therefore it is better to say nothing, or as little as possible, about the matter. It will not tell favourably. It cannot be quite suppressed, but it must be slurred over. Surely one cannot but pity a biographer whom contending fears of being thought either sceptical or credulous, joined with a morbid anxiety to make his hero acceptable to " the present age," constrain to write such matter as the follow- ing :— " A strange anecdote is related by his son, which the present age would call a singular coincidence, but which our ancestors G 98 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [SECT. would attribute to divine interposition. I am willing to believe any thing on suiBcient evidence. The testimony on which this anecdote rests is the affirmation of Aylmer, afterwards bishop of London, ' He was accustomed,' says Mr. Samuel Foxe, ' in the presence of many living persons, to declare that he was present at a sermon, wherein Master Foxe, among many other things which he preached to comfort the banished English, did with con- fidence tell them, that now was the time come for their return to England, and that he brought them that news by commandment from God. For these words,' says his son, 'he was sharply reproved by the graver divines there present.' He was, how- ever, excused afterwards by the event ; for, by comparing dates, it was found that the queen died but the day preceding the pre- diction uttered by Foxe. It is most probable that the martyrologist, on considering the cruelties in England — the depression of the protestant cause on the Continent — the promises of God that the pure truths of Chris- tianity and the faith of the catholic church should never perish — had inferred, that the time had arrived when these promises would appear to be overthrown, unless some great deliverance had occurred ; and he concluded that such deliverance could be only obtained by the death of the queen. The conclusion so rested on his mind, that it influenced his imagination, and became eventually the conviction of his reason, a portion of his faith, and the substance of a sermon. He expressed his belief in the form of a prophecy." — p. 120. " Most probable," — really it is the oddest account that I ever heard of the rise and progress of a ser- mon, and I hope that Mr. Townsend's own homilies do not turn up out of any such process — yet what else could lead any man to imagine such a theory? Fox, however, did not prophesy, but " he expressed his belief in the form of a prophecy :" this would be sad hair-splitting, even if it were quite free from more I.] PROPHECIES. 99 important objection But it is not merely wliat an old writer, whom I shall have occasion presently to quote, calls a " glozing blindation" of a story w^hich Mr. Townsend does not venture to suppress, it is directly opposed to the very words of that story. Does not Mr. Townsend himself tell us that Fox did not say what he did, as an expression of belief, but distinctly told his hearers that " he brought them that news BY COMMANDMENT FROM GoD." Could he havo more decidedly assumed the prophetic office, or more plainly professed to be the subject of " a divine affla- tus ?" I cannot but express my astonishment at the boldness with which Mr. Townsend attempts to turn things (even things before people's eyes) into what he wishes them to be. If he likes to throw the story overboard as a fiction, let him do so ; but he has no right to falsify it. The only other passage which I have observed in Mr. Townseud's work, relating to this subject, is the following : — " He devoted himself to these higher meditations, as one who had found in them an invaluable treasure. He bent his eyes and his mind on these alone, so stedfastly, that he both spoke and did many things beyond those of ordinary good men ; so that many honoured him as one who seemed to speak to them by a superhuman power, and were willing to pay him honour which ought not to be given to the best of mortals. Some anecdotes are related by his son, which illustrate the power he was supposed to possess of predicting the future restoration to perfect health of some who were diseased, and believed themselves to be dying, and the consequent veneration in which he was held. The agree- G 2 100 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [SECT* ment of the event, however, with the sanguine prediction of the best of men, would be considered only as a coincidence in the present day ; when the attempt is being daily, though vainly, made to resolve even the well authenticated miracles of the Scripture into natural and common events. I purposely, there- fore, omit all the circumstances to which 1 allude, knowing they will be deemed to be incredible, whether they be true or false." —p. 218'. Our question, however, is not whether these claims were true or false, but what they were in themselves, and in what way they were preferred ; and therefore I will here give the account which Mr. Townsend omits. The Memoir-writer says : — " I will neither mince the truth of any story, nor will I with additions flatter Report. Many things did Master Fox foretell, by occasion of comforting the afflicted, or terrifying those that were stubborn, to which the event proved after answerable, and (perchance) in many things he was deceived. It hath been already related, with what constancy, whilst he remained at Basil among his banished Country-men, he signified the times of their return. It is likewise well known, what Answer he gave concerning that noble and vertuous Woman, the Lady Anne Hennage, who lying sick of a violent Feaver, when the Disease had so far increased, that the Physitians had pro- nounced it deadly, Master Fox was called to be present at her ending, whose counsel and fidelity she had often made use of, in matters appertaining to her Souls health. After he had performed what he came for, in reading Prayers, and comforting the sick ' I cannot quote these two passages without calling the reader's attention to the repeated mention of Fox's son as the author of the Memoir. Not merely to the fact, but to the manner. Is it that of a man who had ever indulged even a latent suspicion that the document quoted might be spurious? I.] PROPHECIES. 101 Woman, with such persvvasions as seemed good to him ; Well have you done (said he) and according to your duty, to prepare yourself for all events ; but know this from me, That of this sickness you shall not die. By chance, among those who stood by, was Sir Moyle Finch, a well known and honourable Knight, the Ladies Son in law, who either moved with so unusual a Speech, or desirous to get somewhat more out of him, as soon as Master Fox was a little withdrawn from the rest of the company, began seemingly to chide with him ; telling him, that he could not but marvel what his intent was, that contrary to the opinion of the Artists, he being an unskilful man, should presume to determine the end of the Disease, and by so doing bring the sick Woman, by condition of her Sex, wavering, yet hitherto undis- mayed, to an impatience of dying, by giving her this hope and expectation of life : if his Mother in law might be likely to live, that no man had more cause of joy than himself; but if her death were indeed at hand, it befitted no man less to dissemble it, than he, who ought to provide for the good of her Soul : that he did therefore, for the friendship he bare him, much fear, lest, by that untimely word, he had lost a great part of the good opinion which men had formerly of his truth and modesty. To this Master Fox, smiling, made answer. That for his part he hindred not any man to think of him as he pleased ; but concerning the sick Lady, it had seemed good unto God, that she should recover of that Dis- ease ; and that he had said no more than was commanded him. The Lady recovered: nor can 1 in this tell an untruth, there being many yet living, who could reprove me. Like to this, and no less true was that story of Mistriss Honi- wood, an honourable Gentlewoman who had almost twenty years lain sick of a Consumption through Melancholy, neither did any one seem to have advice or courage sufficient against the force of so mischievous a Disease, though she had already consulted with the gravest Divines, and the best Physitians and with all, who either in the art of curing, or power of perswading were accounted to excel the rest. At length she sent also for Mr. 102 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [SECT. Fox. They who went along with him thither related afterward, that never had they entred into a more heavy or afflicted house. There sate by the sick Woman to attend her, her Friends, Kins- folk, Children and Servants, some upon Seats, and some on the Chamber-floor, not weeping or sighing, as those commonly do that lament, but having spent all their tears, resolutely silent, neither rising to those that came in, nor answering those who asked any question, as if that also became their mourning; you might have guest them so many statues of INIourners in humane likeness. The sick Woman lay upon her Bed, without any hope of life, together with her frequent sighs, faintly breathing forth some few words, the eifect whereof was, That she desired to end her days. Master Fox when he had so many Patients under his hands at once, not thinking fit, where a grief so violent would make strong resistance, to attempt any thing in vain, lest, in not being by reason overcome, they might seem to have had reason on their sides, left all other means of consolation, and what he thought necessary to cure their afflicted minds, he diligently mingled with his Prayers ; so that within a few days, they who were thought impossible, by mans help to be cured, did now seem of their own accord, to begin to recover. At length, having far- ther endeared himself, he then told her. That she should not only grow well of that Consumption, but also live to an exceeding great age. At which words the sick Gentlewoman a little moved, and earnestly beholding Master Fox : As well might you have said (quoth she) that if I should throw this Glass against the Wall, I might believe it would not break to pieces ; and holding a Glass in her hand, out of which she had newly drunk, she threw it forth ; neither did the Glass, first by chance lighting on a little Chest standing by the Bed-side, and afterward falling upon the ground, either break or crack in any place about it : And the event fell out accordingly. For the Gentlewoman, being then threescore years of age, lived afterward for all example of felicity, seldom seen in the OfF-spring of any Family, being able, before the 90 year of her age, (for she lived longer) to reckon three I.] PROPHECIES. 103 hundred and threescore of her Childrens^ Children and Grand- children. I could here relate many stories of like nature, but they, for the most part, being dead, who might justifie the Particulars, I will not intreat to be believed, where I cannot bring proof enough to deserve it. That which followeth is more commonly known, than that it should need to be confirmed by Witnesses. Master Fox went one day, in duty, as his custom was, to see the Earl of Arundel, Son to the Duke of Norfolk, and Father to this Right Honourable Earl now living. The Earl, in his cour- tesie, when he was going away, brought him to the Water-side, at the lower end of his garden ; but observing the River very rough by the suddain rising of the Winds, he counselled Master Fox not to trust himself in so boisterous a Tempest upon the Waters. But he continuing in his resolution of going ; So my Lord (quoth he) let these waters deal with me, as I have in truth and sincerity delivered to you all that I have spoken : and with that entring into the Boat, before they could put off from the Bridge, the Wind ceased, and the River began to run with a smoother stream." It would, as I have already said, be very fair for any one who could conscientiously do it, to treat all these stories as mere fables, and to deny that Fox ever did or said any such things as are ascribed to him ; but it ^ " Among which at this day, to wit, in the year of our Lord, 1641, in which this book is set forth, there liveth Mrs. Grace Hennage, the Daughter of the said Mistress Honiwood, a Gentle- woman of great worth and the Widow of an honourable Gentle- man, Master Michael Hennage, who affirmeth, that she was pre- sent at the same time this was done, being a witness of more integrity, and more sincere than that her Testimony should with- out great wrong be doubted of." 104 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [SECT. is a fraud on the reader to suppress, or misstate, the fact of their having been so ascribed. It is indeed a fraud which a partial biographer of Fox, in the " pre- sent age" of " singular coincidences," and lucky hits, may be much tempted to commit, but one which, if he has any moderate acquaintance with Fox's own works, the age in which he lived, and the party to which he belonged, he must feel to be extremely liable to exposure. Let us, instead of trying to bring Fox into exact conformity with the "present age," give a few mi- nutes to the consideration of the general opinion on the subject in that age to which he belonged. I have elsewhere said, what I need not here repeat, of the degree in which the Lollards were influenced by pro- phecies ^ and of the way in which those predictions were countenanced by Luther, and circulated at the time of the Reformation. I may here add that there probably never was a time when the public mind was more fully occupied with such things than during the reign of Elizabeth ; and, in proof of this, I will give a few extracts from some of the writers of the period. The first of these is Francis Coxe, the author of a work, entitled " A short treatise, de- claringe the detestable wickednesse of masicall sci- ences, as necromancie, conjurations of spirites, cu- riouse astrologie and such lyke ;" which was, as we * British Magazine, July, 1842. I.] PROPHECIES. . 105 learn from the Colophon, " Imprinted at London at the long shop, next to S. Mildred's church in the Pultrye, by lohn Aide ^" " I thought it my part [having, as he has just before told us, " stode before her graces most honorable counsayll to receive de- terminate Sentence for my wicked offences,"] manifestly to declare and open the wickedness of those arts and sciences, which hath of late time, to the provocation of God's wrath and Almightie dis- pleasure, ben had in such estimation, yea, rather veneration, that without it the whole state of men (except a few) would do in maner nothing, yea, it grew into such credit with men, that not only they judged the course of natural things thereby to be governed, but also that part which God hath and doth reserve to himself, and his determination, as the mind of man, and such like. Nay they ceased not here, but so blinded and bewitched the wits of men that scant durst they credit God himself, if it seemed that their blinded prophesies any time would make contradiction. How well this appeared in the year of our Lord God 1559 at what time our most noble sovereign began her imperial govern- ment and reign over us, all men may judge and easily perceive. For although it was well known unto all men, what love and godly zeal, her royal majesty had and did bear to the true pro- phets of God, his afflicted flock and word of the cross, yet did the people so waver, the whole realm was so troubled and so moved with the blind enigmatical and devilish prophesies of that heaven-gazer Nostradamus, in such sort, that even those which in their hearts could have wished the glory of God and his word most flourishing to be established, were brought into such an extreme coldness of faith, that they doubted God had forgotten his promise, yea, they hung so choysly between the heavenly * The edition from which I make this extract has no date ; but it seems from Herbert's edition of Ames (II. 889), that an edition was published in 1561. 106 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [SECT, fountain of hope and the bottomless pit of utter desperation, that in doubt it was to which they would adhere or stick, so great was the infection of this pestilential poisoned lying prophesies." — p. 8. He afterwards tells us ; — " The people were grown unto such a folly, that scant would they ride or go any journey, unlesse they consulted either with these blind prophets, or at the least with their prophesies, which yearly to no little hurt, both in the faith of Christ, and wealth of the realm, were without all shame divulged." — p. 11. The next writer has a peculiar claim to be quoted, not only because when he was between forty and fifty years of age, he compressed into a close-printed quarto the notes on this very subject, which he had been collecting ever since he was fifteen, and pub- lished them under the name of " A Defensative against the poyson of supposed prophesies ;" but because he was Fox's own pupil, being no less a person than Henry Howard, (or as he spelt it, I sup- pose to give his readers the right pronunciation, Hfuwarde,) who afterwards became Earl of Northamp- ton. The very fact of his having devoted so much time, and published so large a work, is sufficient evi- dence of his opinion on a point respecting which he was well able to judge ; and, from his pedantic far- rago of learned verbiage, I will at present give but one extract : — •* The most pestilent and bitter roote, from whence the prophecies have drawen their head, and received, as it were, their life and soule : is curiositie to search and hunt for deeper knowledge, of I.] PROPHECIES. 107 the future causes and affairs of the common wealth, then it pleaseth God to discover and reveale by ordinarie meanes : As how long the Prince shall raigne ? Who shall succeede and by what nieane ? What houses shall recover or decaye ? Of what qualitie the prince shall be, with such like mysteries, and the reason why this fountain is more pestilent than any of the rest : is cheefely, because it perceth and approcheth neerer to the quicke of man's delight, in so much, as I my selfe have beene acquainted with some godly persons, and such as neyther doubted of God's sure defence, nor lent their eares to words of light report : which were notwithstanding, woonderfuUy rauished and bewitched with this intycing humour." — Sig. E. 3. Henry Howard's work was published in the year 1583^; but the predictions which were abroad that * The full title is " A Defensatiue agaynst the poyson of sup- posed prophesies : not hitherto confuted by the penne of any man, which being grounded, eyther vppon the warrant and autho- rity of olde paynted bookes, expositions of Dreames, Oracles, Revelations, Invocations of damned spirites, Judicialles of Astro- logie, or any other kinde of pretended knowledge whatsoever, De futuris contingentibus : have been causes of great disorder in the common wealth, and cheefely among the simple and vnlearned people : very needefull to be published at this time, considering the late offence which grew by most palpable and grosse errours in Astrology." The reader who wishes for more information respecting this book may find it in Strype's Annals under this year, Vol. III. Part i. p. 292, Oxford edition. I give the full title because it is not quite correctly given there. I am not aware that there was any pretence of editorial care in the Oxford reprint of Strype's Memorials and Annals ; and, therefore, perhaps one has no right to complain that his errors have been preserved, and his obscu- rities left to explain themselves. But it is most desirable that there should be a better edition. 108 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [SECT. something wonderful was to characterize the year 1588, gave rise to another book by John Harvey, piiblislied in that year, and dedicated to Sir Christopher Hatton, Lord High Chancellor of England. It is entitled " A discoursive probleme concerning prophesies, how far they are to be valued, or credited, according to the surest rules, and directions in Divinitie, Philo- sophic, Astrologie, and other learning: Devised espe- cially in abatement of the terrible threatenings, and menaces, peremptorily denounced against the King- doms, and states of the world this present famous yeere, 1588. supposed the Great woonderfull, and fatall yeere of our age. By I. H. Physition." He tells us ; — " I have made some little trial myself in some kinds of artificial experiments, but howsoever I have otherwhiles seemed favourably addicted to some mens philosophical and astronomical predictions (which of the two I esteem far more probable, and warrantable than these prophetical propositions, and heretical expositions :) I cannot yet perceive either any assured verity, or conjectural pro- bability in any such old said sawes, as still pass, and repasse for currant in many mens, womens, and childrens mouths, not in one or two odd obscure corners but through many, and many famous places, and in a manner everywhere, upon the smallest occasion of every trifling occurrent, or accident, eftsoons buzzing, and dream- ing of this, and that alteration, of such, and such innovation, of changes in religion, of subversion of states, of destruction, or desolation of principalities. Kingdoms and monarchies, of the uni- versal confusion, and dissolution of the universal world." — p. 34. " Myself have as well purposely as incidently run over many prophesies fathered upon Merlin, yea, more, I dare say, than ever that counterfet wrot, some in verse, othersome in prose ; some in I.] PROPHECIES. 109 latin, olhersome in english ; some written, some imprinted : some in common letters, othersome in newfound Alphabets, and mys- ticall characters ; whereof amongst many of the same stampe, behold one trim Hexameter relique which a certain unlearned empirical imposter first shewed me, anno 1580. for a very speciall deep secret, and profound mathematicall monument, as he sup- posed, being raggedly scrawled in od disguised maner of astro- logicall characters, as insueth," &c. — p. 52. " Alas what fond and vain expectation hath a long time rested in the minds not of one or two or a few, but of great multitudes of the simpler sort in England about King Edward the Sixt, as though they were sure either of his arising from death, or his return from I know not what Jerusalem, or other strange land : A mad conceit, yet whereupon grounded, but only upon the silly devises of such copesmates ? And what counterfet suborned marchants of base parentage, have sithence ranged abrode in the countrie presuming to terme themselves by the roiall name of King Edward ? " — p. 61. "Why then, or to what end, or ends, have they breathed out so loude, boisterous, and troublefuU blasts ? Why, but to ter- rifie, and afray the world, to skar simple folke, to bring men into a fooles paradise, to raise matter of common fearfulnes, and dread- fulnes : to finde idle heads, and busie braines occupied : to keepe the world in continuall awe, and to their appropriate purposes, in good quiet order : to breede doubts, and quandaries in other, that themselves might onely inioy the fuller, and deeper securitie. Hypocriticall and Pharisaicall ends, sophisticall purposes, specu- lative conceits, which either being mistaken, and misconstrued, or else too much credited and esteemed, how easily may they occa- sion, and ingender troublesome sturs, tumults, uprores, seditions, mutinies, garboiles, commotions, insurrections, rebellions, private myseries, common mischiefes, publique calamities, and desola- tions ? Such finall ends as commonly overthrow, and destroy the best established states, and at length bring most florishing kingdomes, principalities, and commonwealthes to their finall 110 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [SECT. ends, even most woofull, most dolefull, and most horrible ends ; such in eiFect, and in conclusion, or rather in confusion, are the ends of such wretched, and wicked prophesies, the very prophe- sies of the diuell, to undoo, and destroy the world." — p. 71. The foregoing extracts are all taken from the " first part or section " of the work " discoursing in general], of, and against, supposed prophesies, with all such pretended traditions." At the beginning of " The second Part or Section : specially examining and discussing the speciall prophesie of this famous yeere 1588," the writer says ; — '* 1 am now at the earnest and urgent request of certaine wor- shipfull gentlemen, and diuers other my familiar friends ; more specially and severally to labour, and examine one more speciall notorious prophesie, touching this long expected woonderfull yeere, 1588. A prophesie not so seldom as once or twise termed of the said gentlemen, the onely particularitie of particularities, and specialtie of specialties in this later propheticall kind." p. 87. And then having run over a list of " fantasticall, vaine, and troublesome oracles, or prophesies ; and consequently of all other extraordinarie and irregular visions, fantasies, traunces, dreames, anabaptisticall revelations, Seraphical illuminations, metaphysicall extasies, enthusiasticall furies, ravish- ments, and excesses of spirit, fascinations, invocations, incantations, abjurations, exorcismes, suspensions, alligations, characters, seales, rings, pertacles, images, balmes, consecrations, periapts, amulets, sacrifices, sufFumigations, purifications, lotteries, orizons, collects, ceremonies, and such like superstitious and diabolicall imple- ments, togither with their semblable equivocations, amphibolo- gies, allegories, anagogies, hyperboles, mysteries, mystagogies, I.] PROPHECIES. 1 I 1 metamorphoses, and other whatsoever spritish sophistrie, or hellish rhetorique ;" — He goes on to say ; — "But touching the substance, and circumstance of the peremptorie dsiraall prophesie, of 88, as in phrase and stile it seemeth more directly simple, plaine, and sensible than the rest, and in fame surpasseth them all ; being commonly handled, and canuassed even amongst the best, in most places of Europe : so it is uni- versally more feared, or at least suspected and doubted, than any of them, or than all they togither, as being more credibly, or probably grounded upon some surer foundation of lawfull art, or profound science, or autentique experience, or I wot not what other ancient approbation ; and not to be deemed any idle fansie, vaine speculation, or forged invention : as some even of the learnedest sort have not only imaginatively presupposed, but also resolutely believed : insomuch, that thereupon they have nothing doubted to publish their censures, and like letters patents, or commendatorie testimonials, to commit the same unto the com- mon view, and perusall of the world." — p. 88. I shall not, I hope, be understood as ascribing this state of things to the Puritans. I make these ex- tracts merely to show that it was the state of things. There can be no doubt that every sect and faction had its share in promoting it, and was influenced by it ^ The Puritans were ready to defend the * Of course those who made or used the current predictions had no security that some sharper wit might not turn their own weapons against them. Strype in his account of the " delibera- tion about suppression of abbeys," gives us one of the " writings preparatory " which he supposes to have been written by " Dr. Richard Cox, a very memorable man, afterward tutor to Prince Edward, Dean of Westminster, and lastly bishop of Ely," in il2 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [SECT. Reformatioti on the grounds of Scripture and reason, but they were obviously delighted to believe and to tell how that Reformation had been predicted by a long line of prophets, without perhaps very minutely enquiring whether their predictions had derived any encouragement from existing circumstances, or had any influence in bringing about their own fulfilment. " Let us," says Fox, " return unto the martyrs, but before we do enter into that lamentable story, we do think it worth our labour, to show first certain pro- which the writer says, with relation to a plan which he had just proposed ; — " And this should seem to be the exalting and lifting up of the son of a noble mother, that is spoken of in a little writing that beginneth thus, Consur get furor contra simplicem, &c. which writing, though it be not of authority, yet I suppose verily that it is true. And in the latter end of the said writing it is said thus, Films inclytce matris feliciter siihlimahitur , et in manibus ejus potestas et gloria. In utraque insula fet pax diehus ipsius et orrea [Aorrm] glcba implebunlur . And those words may it seems be conveniently applied to Queen Elizabeth, mother to the king; and to the king himself; and also to londs and islonds. " And first, that the said Queen Elizabeth [viz. King Henry VII his queen] was a noble mother, and a noble woman, it may appear thus. She was the right heir to the bloud royal of the Saxons," &c. — Mem. vol. i. Part i. p. 420. The writer goes on with the application, which it is not neces- sary to quote ; but it is worth while to add Strype's comment ; — " The foresaid writing seems to have been some pretended pro- phecy spread about in these times, perhaps by some of the monks, ill willers to the king and his proceedings, which this writer converted to a more favourable interpretation on the king's part." I.] PROPHECIES. 113 jiliecies of sundry men whereby so many great per- secutions of the world were prefigured. And first to begin with Joachim the abbot there is also the prophesy of Hildegard (of whom we have spoken before) .... Fluentius .... Gerardus .... Jerome Savonarola John of Rochetaylada . . . . . not that we have certainty thereof Manfridus a Dominic Friar Artioldus de Villanova Peter John Aquitane'' And after- wards, he says, " And now coming to the time and story of Martin Luther, whom the Lord did ordain and appoint through his great mercy to be the prin- cipal organ and minister under him to reform and re-edify the desolate ruins of religion first before we enter into the tractation hereof, it shall not be impertinent to the purpose to infer such pro- phecies and forewarnings as were sent before of God by divers and sundry good men, long before the time of Luther, who foretold a?id prophesied the refor- mation of the church to come." He then gives as much as half-a-dozen pages of the new edition, from which it is quite sufficient for our present purpose to extract what follows ; — "And first to begin with the prophecy of John Huss and Jerome, it is both notable, and also beforementioned, what the said John Huss, at the time of his burning, prophesied unto his enemies .... likewise to this may be adjoined the prophetical vision or dream, which chanced to the said John Huss also in his forty-eighth epistle he seemeth to have a like prophe- tical meaning and because we are here in hand with H 114 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [SECT. the prophecies of John Huss it is not to be omitted what he writeth in a certain treatise [Then follows a story de- scribed in the margin as * another prophecy by John Hilton monk of Thuringia'] long it were to induce here all the prophecies that be read in histories : certain I mind briefly to touch and pass over. And first to omit the revelations of Briget (whereunto I do not much attribute), who prophesying the destruction of Rome, saith but to these speculations of Briget I give no great respect, as neither do I to the predic- tions of Katharine de Senis. And yet notwithstanding Anto- ninus, writing of the same Katharine in his third part, reciteth her words thus (prophesying of the reformation of the church) .... of the authority of this prophetess I have not to affirm or adjudge but rather to hear what the catholic judges will say of their own saint and prophet [then come according to the margin] ' Prophecy of Hierome Savonarola ' ' Pro- phecy of Theodoric ' ' Prophecy of Weselus ' ' Prophecy of the Popes head ;' [that is of a vision that one Nicholas a hermit of Helvetia had respecting it] then follows a prophecy of ' a certain priest ' testified by Nicholas Medler, a story of another told by * Conrad Stifelius,' another of 'one Haggar of London;' and after these, three portents; first that about a.d. 1500 the angel which stood on the castle of St. Angelo ' was thrown down with a terrible thunder into the river Tiber : whereby might seem to be declared the ruin and fall of the popedom ; ' secondly that at the creation of one and thirty cardi- nals, the church in which that ceremony took place was struck by lightning which ' removed the little child Jesus out of the lap of his mother, and the keys out of St. Peter's hand : which thing many did then interpret to signify and foreshow the subversion and alteration of the See of Rome ;' thirdly a ' strange portent and a prodigious token from heaven' a.d. 1505, when there ap- peared on the vestures of men and women * divers prints and tokens of the nails, of the sponge, of the spear, of the Lord's coat, and of bloody crosses,' &c By these and such like I.] PROPHECY. 115 prophecies, it is evident to understand the time not to be far oiF, when God of his determinate providence was disposed to reform and to restore his chujrch." — Vol. IV. 253. In this view of things, and this practice of making what could be made out of the prophecies which were abroad, Fox was not singular. It is a very observable thing that his friend Bale appended to his life of Lord Cobham some prophecies of the Abbot Joachim, and that in another of his works he set forth a prophecy of Merlin in the following manner ; — " An olde prophecy of Merlyne • dysclosed As I was in writing this matter an old prophecy of Merlin came vnto my remembrance That after the manifold irruptions of Strangers the Kings of this realm should be once again crowned with the diadem of Brute, and bear his ancient name, the new name of Strangers so vanishing away. He that applieth unto this a right understanding shall find it very true; The diadem of Brute is the princely power of this whole region, immediately given of God without any other mean mastry worker to Anti- christs behove. Free was that power from the great whores dominion (which is the Rome church) till the violent conquest of the english Saxons, which they had of the Britons for their iniqui- ties sake. And now (praise be unto that Lord) it is in good way to that freedom again, and would fully attain thereunto, were here heathenish yokes cast aside, as I doubt not but they will be within short space. As well may ye give credence to this Merlin when he uttereth the verity, as unto old Balaam the Soothsayer which at a time prophesied the coming of Christ Num. xxiv. And as concerning the return of the name, mark in this age the writings of learned men, and ye shall well perceive the change, for now commonly do they write us for Englishmen Brytaynes." — /4cts of English votaries. Part i. fol. 51. h2 116 PURITAN TFIAUMATURGY. [SECT. 1 do not know that Bale laid any claim to inspira- tion ; but John Knox did it in the plainest and clearest manner in the preface to the sermon which he preached in the " church of Edenbrough" on the 19th Aug. 1565, "for which the said John Knoxe was inhibite preaching for a season." Explaining why he had written so little he says ; — *' For considering myselfe rather cald of my God to instruct the ignorant, comfort the sorowfull, confirme the weake, and re- buke the proud by tong and liuelye voyce in these most corrupt dayes, tha to compose bokes for the age to come, seeing that so much is written (and that by men of most singuler codition) and yet so little well obserued : I decreed to containe myselfe within the bondes of that vocation, wherevnto I founde myselfe especially called. I dare not denie (lest that in so doing I should be in- iurious to the giuer) but that God hath reuealed vnto me secretes vnknowen to the worlde, and also that he hath made my tong a trumpet to forwarne realmes and nations, yea certain great per- sonages, of mutations and chaunges, when no such thinges were feared, nor yet was appearing, a portion wherof cannot the world denie (be it neuer so blind) to be fulfilled, and the rest (alas) I feare shall followe with greater expedition and in more full perfection, than my sorowfull heart desireth. These reue- lations and assurances notwithstanding, I did euer absteyne to commit anye thing to writ, contented onely to haue obeyed the charge of him, who commaunded me to cry." — Preface to the Reader, p. 2. xxvii. 8. 21. 8vo. We must also remember, that although the Puri- tans felt it right to rest their claim to be considered as the elect and true church of God, on the purity of their doctrine, yet they did not doubt that God still spake by the mouth of his prophets, and showed signs and wonders in his church. They believed that, I.] PROPHECY. 117 as that church, they had a right to expect, and thought that they saw, those signs following their faith. While they professed not to build on them, they delighted to observe and to point them out to others as clear and satisfactory attestations. This might be done even with a sort of modest disclaimer, as when Fox tells us that it was credibly testified by certain grave merchants that the presence of Tyndale at an entertainment prevented a juggler from per- forming his feats, " so that," he adds, " a man, even in the martyrs of these our days, cannot lack the miracles of true faith, if miracles were now to be desired ^" I have pretty fully expressed my opinion that Samuel Fox did not write the Memoir of his father ; but there is no doubt that he wrote his epitaph. If he did not mean something like what I have been endeavouring in this section to explaim, will any body tell me what he did mean by the words "THAUMATURGO ADMIRABILI ^ ?" TheSC tWO WOrds speak volumes ; and I trust that they will be further explained in the next Section. ' Vol. V. p. 129. ^ Townsend's Life, p. 226. 118 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [SECT. SECTION 11. EXORCISM. Another very curious chapter in the history of Puritanism is that which relates to Exorcism. It deserves a much fuller investigation than could be given to it in this place, even if I had sufficient information to do justice to the subject. But what I now wish to say, I cannot better introduce than by three extracts from Strype, which not only give us his view of the subject in general, but relate particu- larly to a case of which I shall have occasion to speak presently. " The formidable strength of the disaffected party to episcopacy by this time was much abated, and the writers on that side be- came much more silent than before : notwithstanding some foot- steps we find of them about this time. For when the open practices for settling the new discipline would not prevail, there was a more secret method made use of by some of their Ministers, of doing something that looked little less than miraculous, namely, the casting out devils from persons pretendedly possessed by them. That so the amazed multitude, having a great vene- ration for these exorcizers of devils by the power of their prayers II.] EXORCISM. 119 and fastings, might the more readily and awfully submit to their opinions and ways. Which likewise was a practice borrowed from the Papists, to make their Priests revered, and to confirm the laity in their superstitions. One of these was Barrel, B.A. a Minister of Nottingham : who at last, after many years' exercise of his frauds in and about that county, viz. in Lancashire and Derbyshire, was brought before the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, and others of the ecclesiastical commis- sion, (as we shall hear by and by,) being about the age of three and twenty or four and twenty, and then no Minister, he took upon him to cast out first one devil, and afterwards, upon repos- session, eight devils more, out of a maid in Derbyshire, about seventeen years old, whose name was Katharine Wright. Of which himself writ the history, and gave a copy of it to the Lady Bowes. This was about the year 1586 : from which year till the 28th of March, 1596, Mr. Darrel, one now generally known, was out of work ; but in respect of what he had done grew very pert and proud, and in no small credit with the simpler sort. And now in this year he pretended to cast out a devil out of a boy in Burton, called Tho. Darling, then about the age of fourteen years. Of which also a book was written by one Rice, a saddler in the same town ; and contracted by one Mr. Denison, a Minister : which was seen and allowed by Darrel, and Mr. Hildersham, another Minister." — Life of Whitgift, Vol. II. p. 340. The account of these possessions and exorcisms runs through more than six pages; and it is not worth while either to extract or abridge it, for the part of it most to our purpose is what relates to the particular case of this Thomas Darling. I will there- fore rather extract what Strype says of that person in his Annals : — " 1 have a few remarks to make here of two enthusiasts, or V20 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [sECT. rather cheats and deceivers : the one named Joh. Dayrel, or Dar- rel, bachelor of arts, soon after a minister, of the preciser sort, about three or four and twenty years of age ; who pretended to have cast out a devil out of one Katharine Wright, a young wench about seventeen, living in Darbyshire. And after, upon a return of the evil spirit into her, he cast out eight devils more, with which she was pretended to be possessed. A history whereof Barrel writ at large, and communicated some copies thereof to several persons ; and among the rest to the lady Bowes : hoping to get applause, and compass other ends thereby. We hear little more of him and of his feats, till nine or ten years after, about the year 1596. And out of a great many more pretendedly pos- sessed persons Barrel cast out their devils : as out of a boy in Burton, called Tho. Barling, about fourteen years old. Whereof another book was penned by a saddler in that town, confederate, as it seems, with him : which book was revised and contracted by one Benison, a minister ; and then published in print ; and called, The book of the dispossession of the boy of Burton. This spread Barrel's fame throughout the country. So that afterwards he was sent for in Lancashire unto Mr. Starkie there; in whose house where seven persons possessed with as many devils ; all which he cast out. Whereof one was called Anne Ashton : who after fell into the hands of certain seminary priests, (thinking how by her tricks she might be of service to them) and was carried by them up and down the covmtry to sundry recusants' houses ; and by her cunning counterfeiting of certain fits, and staying herself for the secret directions of the said priests, she had her gains, and the priests gained great credit to them and their doctrine among the ignorant people." " There was also one Sommers of Nottingham, a youth like- wise, with whom this wonder-working man had much ado, by reason of his violent fits, to master the unclean spirit that acted him : but dispossessed he was at last. Many friends this im- postor had, pretending to do all by prayer and fasting. In short he was at last summoned up to Lambeth, with one Moor another minister that held with him, before the archbishop and commis- II.] EXORCISM. 1*21 sioners ecclesiastical ; and found a gross impostor ; and com- mitted both to close prison. A particular relation of all this was set forth afterwards in a book by Dr. S. Harsnet, who was chap- lain to bishop Bancroft ; exposing the man and his cheats and impostures." — Annals, Vol. III. part i. p. 635. To these extracts from Strype it is important to add a third, which relates to the first ; — " The great matter drove at in all this great pretended power of dispossessing devils from the bodies of men, and commanding those unclean spirits, was to serve the interest of the neiv disci- pline : as appears by what those concerned herein wrote in their books published to the world. Thus More, one that was as cun- ning as Barrel in dealing with Satan, saith ' That the faith of the church, established under pastors and teachers &c. shall bring forth this fruit, namely, to cast out Devils.' And so Darrel in his book, called An Apology, intimated, writing, ' That the work of God prospered, to the great good of that town [Nottingham ;] for thereby the word of God grew mightily and prevailed.' And shewing himself zealous for the platform, condemned himself for taking Orders before he had a call to a flock ;" &c. Life of Whit- gift, p. 346. I have copied the statements of Strype principally for the general view of the matter which they give ; as to the particular case of Darrel, I hope to revert to it ; but I will first request the reader's attention to two other cases, by which it, and the subject in general, may be considerably illustrated. The first is a case of possession which I find de- scribed in a tract, of which the following is the title : " ^ The Copy of a letter describing the wonderful woorke of 122 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [SECT. God in delyvering a mayden within the city of Chester from an horrible kind of torment and sickness, 16 of February 1564." The preface is as follows : — " ^ To his very friend Maister J. D. After my harty saluta- cyons letting al other matters passe, these chiefly are to signifye unto you : That here of late hath hapned a wonderful cure of a mayd within this citye, wrought by God's power in his faithful minister and preacher of Jesus Christ, Mayster Lane to the avancement of God's Glory, and to the great marvelling of all those inhabiting in these partes. And least the same should be misreported, or the wicked suffered to wrest things to abuse Gods preachers, and for that the thyng is so rare and notable that it shoulde not be kept from the posteritye, I have therefore sent you the whole true discourse thereof described with the hand of Sir William Calverley Knight Richard Harleston Esqr, and mine own. I could have had every man here to have done the lyke but considering we have had good profe the one with the other, I thought this shall suffice, praying you to put the same in print. From the city of Chester the xv. of March 1564. Your friend I. F." It appears that the writer was John Fisher, and it seems not unlikely that the J. D. to whom the letter was addressed was John Day. The story is simply that the young woman was apparently (I say this because I do not find in the tract any thing to decide whether her disorder was real or pretended) tor- mented by very strong convulsions, during which she used to raise herself in her bed with great violence. After some more common methods had been tried, " it chaunced that Mayster John Lane, late fellow of Christs College in the University of Cambridge, and II.] EXORCISM. 123 now a famous and godly preacher of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, within the diocese of Chester," was in those parts, and being applied to, undertook the work of exorcism. In addition to such measures as might have been expected, he seems to have adopted, and principally relied on, that of keeping her down by main force, which was not accomjilished without great difficulty. It was done however, and, we are told :— " At the last Maister Lane called for viniger, whereat the standers by marueiled, saying that the thing, with much more, had been oftentimes attempted, but to no purpose. Notwith- standing he ceased not to call still for it, saying, that God might do that then which he did not before, and so received viniger, put it into his mouth, and blew it into the maydens nostrels, whereat she cried ' a Lady, Lady.' He then willed her to cal upon God, and the bloud of Christ, and in these doings she being astonied, he called again for more viniger. Whereat she cried * No, No, no more for Gods sake.' Then Maister Lane willed her to speake and say after him ; and so he and all then present said the Lord's Prayer, and Te Deum, she saying after them. After this her deliverance" &c. And so it seems she was cured ; though, I con- fess, I do not very clearly see how ; but I quote the case principally because the subsequent ])roceedings in it strikingly illustrate the view which Strype has taken of the subject generally. We are told ; " My Lady Calverley with divers other credible per- sons wer present during such time as Mayster Lane was with the mayden and eye witnesses to these his doings. The next day following Mayster Lane preached at Saynt Maries within the 124 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [SECT. sayde Citye before John Throgmarton Esquier, the Quenes Maiesties High Justice in the Countye of Chester at which ser- mon the late recovered maiden was present. Upon this so wonderful a cure great talk was had in eche com- pany within the city, that thereupon the mayden was not onelye brought vnto the said Justice, and Maister Lane afterwardes uppon earnest request of som of his friends halfe constrayned, dyd write his whole doinges therein : but also Maister Rogers Archdeacon of Chester, in his Sermon made in the Cathedrall Church of Chester the iiii of this instant March before the Maior of the Citye, the Bishops of Chester and of Saynt Assaphats, with a great multitude of the citizens besides having occasion offered by the wordes of the then present gospel touched this fact : Alledg- ing that whatsoever was the original cause of so great and strange a disease, yet was the cure wonderful, and wrought by God, either to the great commodity, or else for the great plague, of the city of Chester and the country adjoyning." The next case is more directly to our purpose, and I cannot introduce it better than by an extract from Strype's Life of Archbishop Parker. " In the month of August follov/ing, the Archbishop discovered a great cheat in a maid that pretended herself to be possessed with a spirit : and that so artificially, that divers devout Ministers were deluded by her; and wrote books giving accounts of her: whereby the people became the more imposed upon by this coun- terfeit. This was a business therefore which the Archbishop and ecclesiastical Commissioners thought fit to have brought before them. But so well did our Prelate sift and try the wench by himself, for want of other Commissioners, that he found out the cheat. And after he had by divers examinations tried out the falsehood, he required Sir Rowland Hayward, and Mi". Recorder of the City, to be assistant with him, who heard the wench ex- amined and confessed, and saw her jilay her pranks before them. They had present her father and mother ; by which mother this 11.] EXORCISM. 1 '25 weneh was counselled and supported : and yet she would not confess any thing. Whose stubbornness they considering, sent her to close prison at Westminster gate ; where she remained, until her daughter, and another maid of Lothbury, had openly done their penance at Paul's Cross, as was ordered. The lying relations of this illusion had been very earnestly believed, and printed, and set forth ; and by print recorded and spread without licence. The two printers thereof, with others that sold those pamphlets, were committed to prison ; and the Archbishop was disposed to commit some of the principal witnesses to prison too, to stop them hereafter from abusing the Queen's Majesty's people so boldly, falsely, and impudently. And he intended moreover to set out a confutation of the same imposture. All this he thought fit the Court should know ; and therefore sent this account thereof to the Lord Treasurer Burghley, desiring, as he said, that in those things wherein he was a doer, his Lordship might under- stand a truth by his own report, rather than by the uncertain speech of the Court. The tragedy was so large, he told him, that he might spend much time to trouble him withal ; but chose to send him a copy of the vain book printed, and a copy also of the confessions of these cheats at length. That which made the Archbishop so diligent in the discovery of this delusion was, be- cause in those times there were not a few that falsely pretended possession : for so he told the Treasurer, that he was so grieved with such dissemblers, that he could not be quiet with himself. Both these maids, the one about twenty years old, named Agnes Bridges, and the other but eleven or twelve, named Rachel Pindar, did their penances at Paul's Cross : where first their several examinations and confessions were openly read by the preacher ; and after, they did themselves acknowledge their counterfeiting, and required forgiveness of God and the world, and the people to pray for them. The whole matter was after- wards thought fit to be published in print." — Strypes Life of Parker, Vol. II. p. 372. Some extracts from this publication may be inter- 126 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [SECT. esting, and their bearing on our subject will be ob- vious. The first, from the preface, contains some hard hits at " certaine persons," which I do not pre- tend to explain. " Of which causes there is matter ynugh concerning divers persons, who have been workers in this dissimulation, however it is other- ways bolstred out by some certeine persons, which for the main- tenaunce of their owne estimation, woulde delude God's good people, and the Queues Maiesties subjectes, with manifest un- truth. Therefore to spare the names of some persons that are faultie in this matter, shall be done more of charitie towardes the persons (if they wyl secretly repent) then to seeke any revenge of such by publishyng their deservings. Notwithstanding if any evil disposed persons, will yet after this declaration seem to be contentious, and speak more then becometh them they shall be answered more fully. And for that suche pamphlettes of Rachel Pynder be already spread abroad, not able to be called in again, This therefore is published to countervaile the same in the hearts of Gods people, wherein shall be truly set out some part of the speeches of this maid Rachel Pindar and also her confession of that hypocrisie whereof she seemeth to be very sorry and repent- ant : with confession also of Agnes Brigges : which both of them on Sunday the xv day of August 1574 did acknowledge their counterfeitings at Paules Crosse, with repentant behaviour, and their examinations and confessions openly there read by the preacher." After the preface follows what appears to be a copy of an attestation, signed by the family of the maid and others who were present during her pre- tended possession, and were either the dupes or the partners of her fraud. II.] EXORCISM. 127 *' The very copie in wor- des and orthographie sub- scribed by their handes. The xvi of July 1574. " William Long spake thes woordes folowyng. I command the Sathane in the blode of Ihesus Christe, speake and tell me wher- for camest thou heayther ? And sathane spake, but we cowlld not understand what he sayde, but he made a mowmlyng. But after he sayde, O Jone, Jone, leatt Jone alone. Then William Turner spake, and sayde, I command the sathane in the blowd of lesus Christ, speak out, that al this peopell may heare the. Then he said he coUd not speake. Then William Turner, and William long, said he leayd, and commanded him in the blowd of Ihesus Christ, and by his meyghtey powre for to specke lowdoure. Then we al upo our knees lyfted vp our hartes vnto almighteye God, and mad owr prayers altogether, as our saviour Ihesus Christe haithe taught vs in the sixt of Mathewes Gospel. Then we com- manded him in the blowde of Jesus Christ to tell vs whom seant hym heyther. He sayd olid Jone. Wherefore did she send the heayther ? For her body and soulle. We sayde, thow shalt not have it, Jesus Christ hath brought it with his preasseyos blowd. Then he sayd, thow leayest, dyuers tymes. Then William Tur- ner said Jesus Christ saythe in his holy gospel, that saythan was a leayer from the beginning, and therefore I beleaue Jesus Christ, I wyll not belieaue the, thow art a leayer. then Saythan sayd, she haith sinned against the holy gost, and herr sinnes weare be- fore hur fayse, and he wollde haue hur. Then we said he showlld not haue hur, Jesus Christe haithe bowght hur with his preassey- ows blowd, and through faythe in the same, hath forgeyuen hur hur sinnes, and thow shalt not haue hur. Then saythane sayd he wolld haue us all. Then we sayd thou shalt haue none of vs. Then Saythan sayde Al the worlde is myne. Heare me, heare me : Dyd not I take Christe from the crosse ? The we said thow art a leayer from the begynnyng, how darest thou be so bowllde to leaye in the presence of the Lord Jesus ? Then we com- manded him in the blowd of lesus Christ, and in the meyghtey 12 128 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [SECT. power of his kyngdome, to tel vs what is they name. Saythan sayde, I covvld not tell. We sayd, thou leayest, thou shalt tell vs, and he sayde vnto vs diuers times, thou leyaest. Then we commanded hym In the blowd of Ihesus Christ, and by his meyghtey powre, tell vs what they name is, and defrawd the teyme no longer. Then he said lelygion, lelygion, diuers tymes. Then we asked hym how raaney ther was in numbar. saythan sayd 5000 lelygons. Then we commanded hym In the blowd of Ihesus Christ, and by his meyghtey powre, come out of the Saruant of Ihesus Christ, and bey and bye withowt hurtyng of aneything. Then saythan sayde he wold tare vs all in pesses. Then we defeyed hym, and sayd, the lord god shal defend us. Then Saythan said how can you cast out 5 thowsand legyons of deallues. Then we commanded sathane In the blowd of Christ, and by his meyghtey powre to come out, and do no hurt. Then he sayd, geue me somewhat. Then we sayd, thou shalt haue nothing Sathan. Then sathan sayd, I wyll not go. Then we sayd, thou shalt goo to the etternall pytt of heall, which is pre- pared for the before the creaseyone of the world. Then sathan sayd he wold tare hur in pesses, and did torment hur presently. And Sathan sayde he wolld bryng 3. deathes, one for hur, and one for Uemphre ^ whom Foxe had heged at gods hand, and one for the mayde In lothberre, and / will tare Foxe In peasses. Then sathen creyed O deathe, deathe verre terrabelleye. Then we all to geather mayed our prayers for hur and theam, that the Lorde God wolld release hur. And when we had endid owr praiers to God for hur, we commanded Sathan by the meyghtey powre and blowd of Jesus, to departe out of hur bey and bye without aney more wordes. Then Saythan sayd, you haue not written ytt. Then John Boush sayd, saruant vnto William Long, yf we haue not writtine ytt, the Lord God hath writtine ytt in owr hartes. Then we commanded sathan with al owr myght and poore, that God had geuen vs, that thow shalte depart out of the ' I suppose Fox's friend, Laurence Humphrey, then Dean of Gloucester. II.] EXORCISM. 129 saruant of Ihesus Christ. Then Sathan sayd, gyve me a cherre and I will go. And we sayd, thou shalt have nothinge. Then we commandid sathan In the name of Ihesus Christe to depart without hurtinge of aney thynge, and sathan sayde, gyue me an appell. We sayd, thow shalt haue nothinge. Then we com- manded sathan for to depart. Then sathan sayd, gyue me a thred band. We sayd thow shalt have nothinge. Then we com- mandid sathane to depart. He said gyue me a lyttle hare. We sayd, thow shallt have nothinge. Then sathan sayd, shall I have nothinge ? I had of olid Jone a drop of blowd to com heayther, and shall I depart awaye with nothinge. Then sathane sayd, wage your fynger, and I will depart. Then we sayd to sathan, we wil not, thow shalt not haue so muche. Then sathan sayd, gyue me the paring of your nalle. Then we sayd, thou shallt not haue so much to laye to owr charge att the day of Judgment. Then sathan Sayd, say but I praye yowe, and I will go. Then we sayd, we will not pray the, but we will commande the blowd of IHesus Christ, and by his meyghtey pore to depart bey and beye with owt hurtinge of aney thinge. Then Sayd sathan, I wil tarre fowre skore yeare and teane, yf you will gyue me no- thinge. Then we mad aprayer to the almeightey god with ear- nest hartes, crauinge ayd and comfort att his almeightey handes for hur comfort and deliuerie. Then we commandid sathane in the blowd of Jesus to depart. The sathan creyed with a lowd voyse, and perfet speach that al meight heare, Heare me, heare me diverse tymes afore we wolld gyue eare to him. Then say- than said to vs in al owr hearring, leat me tarre tyll to morrow that my ladey comes, and I wil tel you more of my mynd. Then we sayd unto hym, thou shallt not tarre for nothinge, and so com- mandid sathane steyll by the meytey pore and kyngdome of Ihesus Christe, to depart out of hur, and so he departed. By me willam longe Bif me william lunge By me Willam turner By me william Turner By me .John bowshe By miich Ian hnus aom hour man 130 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [sECT. By me william pyndar Be me william pendar father of the chylde By me peter pyndar By me peter pindar By me rose harris ^■^ marke By me kattarne osborne By me elsabeth long, the &>£• marke wiffe of william long By me Jane turner the wife of william turner By me marget barkers By me kattarne chawke By me elsabethe pyndar mother of the chyld By me Annes pyndar, the wyfe of peter pyndar By me sarah dauars By me. Sarah Dauers ' By me susan pendar By me marreyane reave " William Longe asked Sathane who commandyd the heyther, In the name of Jesus Christ, I command the tel vs. Sathan answered, Old Jone, Old Jone. Which Jone, said maister Deb- bate : He answerred Jone Thornton, dwellyng upon the Keay. After what sort did she command it to goe ? Sathane answerred, she sayde the Patter noster .3. tymes, and then I dyd come. Then sayd William Edwardes, thou leyest : sathan answerred, na. maister long said then 4. teymes, and sathane sayd .5. teymes, William Longe sayd .6. teymes, and sathane said .7. tymes, and maister Long said .8. teymes, sathane sayd .9. teymes, and mais- ter Longe sayd .10. teymes, sathane said .11. teymes, and then maister Long sayd, than sathan thou leyest. And Sathan beinge ' These names are printed as nearly as may be as they are in the tract, except only that there those in the left column are (like the body of the work) printed in black letter, while those which are here printed in italics, are there distinguished by Roman type. I presume that the left column is a list of the persons present ; and that those who chose to do so wrote their names opposite. I doubt whether the word which I print ** hour " after the name of *' Ian bous," is right. II.] EXORCISM. 131 asked what was his name, he answered, Arke, Arke. And being asked of who she learned ytt, of Dennom : and wher dyd Den- nom lerne yt the ? In the uppermost rowme of Thornstons hows. How long ago ? three yeares. What dyd she geue the sathane ? One drope of her blowd. Wher haddest thow it sathan ? On the fore fynger on the In seyd of hur left hand. Wher dyd she kepe that, that she worked beye ? In hur bossome next to hur skin. What is it sathane ? someteyme like a doge, and sometyme like a tode. And then William Long charged him In the blowd of Jesus Christ to depart Into the bot- tomles pette of hell. Sathane answerred what wilt thow gyue me ? He sayd, nothing : and I charge the depart, and neuer enter aney more. And sathane answerred, he woulde. Then sayd the sayd Longe, In token thow wilt come no more heare, blowe owte the candall, but he blewe not owt the candall, but said, gyue me a thred : and immediatly the childe rose up, and helld vp hur hands, and said, he is gone, he will come no more. The manner of the voyse owt of the childe, the lyppes moued with non suche mouing as coulde pronounce the words vttered, the eyledes moued, but not oppen, she had greate swellinge in hur throte, and abowte the gawes, and the voyse was somewhat bygger then the childs voyse, being commandyd In y- name of Jesus Christ to spek lowddor, the voyse the spak lowddor, that al might hear. Thes done in the presence of I George Allen hearde al that is on this syd written By me gorge allyne By me william edwards By me will, longe By me william longe By me will turner By vie william Turner Be me william Pendar By me Sarah Dauars. Immediately after these documents, follows, " The Examination and confession of &c. Agnes Brigges daughter to William Brigges of London, Clothe- worker, examined saith, that she hath ben afflicted ever sith Lent I 2 132 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [SEGT. last past. And the first tyme that shee fel into any traunce, was about mydsomer histe. And she sayth that vpon Munday next shal be sixe weekes, shee was at maister Foxe his house the preacher, where at that tyme came in one maistres Pinder, dwelling at Galley Key, and a mayde chylde of her owne with her, about xi yeere olde. And there the said maistres Pinder demaiided of this examinant, how she was troubled. And she aunswered, that shee was much troubled in mind. And shee, this examinant, sayth that the sayd Pinders wyfe then declared unto the sayd maister Foxe, and others there present, that her daughter had benne possessed of a deuyll, and sayde, that when shee had any traunce she woulde swell, and heave with her body marueylously, and that she dyd auoyde at her mouth, in her traunces, heare, a blacke silke threede, and a feather, whiche this examinant hearing determined to practise the lyke," &c. She then proceeds to state the particulars, and to express her sorrow for her sin. Underneath the con- fession is this notice : — '• ^ Examined by me Robert Hogeson, by the com- maundemente of Sir John Ryuers Knyght, Lorde Mayor of London, in the presence of me James Style, Minister and person of Saint Margarettes in Lothbery, of John Taylour, and John Kent Mercer." Then follows the examination and confession of Rachel Pinder, which contains no reference to Fox, and is not worth copying. It is thus attested : — " All this she confessed and avouched before the most Reverend Father Mathewe L. Archbyshop of Can- terburie, Sir Rowlande Haywarde Knight, Alder- man of the Citie of London and William Flete- wode Esquire, Recorder of the same citie, and ir.] EXORCISM. 133 others, the xi day of August, in the yeare of our Lord M.D.LXXIlll. And of the Reigne of our Soueraigne Ladie Queene Elizabeth, the xvi." Let us now revert to the case of Darrel ; and as be cuts a poor figure in the extracts from Strype with which I began this section, it is perhaps only an act of justice to state that he rephed to his ac- cuser in a worke entitled " A detection of that sinn- ful, shaniful, lying and ridiculous discours of Samuel Harsnet," &c. ; but it is not to our purpose to enter into the dispute, and I really do not know enough of its merits to give any opinion whether Darrel was an impostor or an enthusiast. That the boy was a deceiver seems scarcely to admit of any doubt. I have not seen any book, the title of which exactly answers Strype's description, " The book of the dis- possession of the boy of Burton," though among the curious volumes under my care there are several works relating to this Darrel, and his performances ; and two copies of one, which I should think to have been the orio^inal account of the matter, and the book meant by Strype, are now before me. They are intituled, " The most wonderfull and true story of a certaine witch named Alse Gooderige of Sta- penhill, who was arraigned and convicted at Darbie at the assizes there. As also a true report of the strange torments of Thomas Darling a boy of thir- teene years of age, that was possessed by the Deuill, with his horrible fittes and terrible Apparitions by him uttered at Burton upon Trent in the county of 134 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [SECT. Stafford and of his marvellous deliverance. Printed at London for I. O. 1597." The preface is signed I. D., and it states that the work had been " com- piled by a private christian and man of trade ;" which agrees with Strype's account, and renders it still more probable that it is the book to which he referred, though he may have seen it quoted by the shorter description which he gives. Be this as it may, it is certain that the book gives an account of the fits of Thomas Darling and of the language which he used when he was in them, and saw, or pretended to see, the " terrible apparitions " mentioned in the title page, A considerable part of the book consists of a species of dialogue ; for we are told that in his fits " he could neither conceale what he said, or what Sathan saide to him," p. 14, and the principal drift of the conversation, repeated as having taken place between them at these various times, is that the tempter appeared to him offering him a succession of earthly baits and bribes, in the hope of obtaining some act of worship. I had read but little of this matter when it occurred to me that I had certainly met with something very like it before, and had read an older case of exorcism, in which the possessed person used language remarkably similar. Indeed, so much so, that I could hardly doubt that Darling's case was studied from the other, or else that both cases had been framed on some common original. Of this, however, the reader shall judge. I will first give some extracts from Darling's I..] EXORCISM. 135 talk, and place beside them some corresponding ex- tracts from the older case, premising only with regard to the latter, that in singular conformity with the case of Darling we are told that " some of his [the possessed person's] speeches are directed to God, some to Christ, some to the devil, without naming the one or the other, and some speeches are not his own, but repetitions of the voices that spake unto him." The account further instructs us that where marks which may be thus represented || || || || occur in the MS.% we are to understand that the speaker paused. " We appointed," says the author of the account, " amongst us a scribe to pen verbatim out of his mouth whatever he spake during the time of his visitation." — p. 8. Darling. " Presently he awaked, and read, and was interrupted by a trance, wherein a voyce said ' Teare the booke, teare the book : ' and with that (although his eyes were closed) he snatched at the booke (which one had in his hand) and tare forth one leaf of it : which thing also from that time till two of the clocke he attempted in everie of his fits." — p. 36. " Wouldst thou have mee teare the booke ? I will not The older case. " Wilt thou so, wilt thou so indeed, wilt thou tear me if I will not tear the sermon which is the godliest sermon that ever was made. Tear me if thou canst, I give thee liberty, but thou canst not except thou have leave \\ \\ 1 will never tear that Sermon." — p. 18. ' Harl. 590. I am not aware that it has ever been printed. 136 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [sect. teare it doe what thou canst : wilt thou teare him in pieces that continueth reading .... Sathan thou canst not touch him," &c. — p. 41. " Wouldst thou have me teare the book ? Avoyde Sa- than I will not tear it." — p. 42. *' What oiFerest thou me a bag of money if I will worship thee ? Avoyde Sathan ; I will none of thy money, the Lord in heaven hath money enough in store for me." — p. 14. " Wouldst thou give me a bag full of gold and silver, if I will never read nor pray unto God anie more. Avoid Sathan I neither regard thy gold nor silver ; the Lord and his word is better to mee than all the gold and silver in the world." — p. 40. " Away I pray thee away, I will look upon never a bag, for I will have never a penny of it it would be too dear bought." — p. 18. " I tell thee I will not have it, it would be too dearly bought, it is too much for me, what should I do with thy ship. Where hadst thou so much gold ?" — p. 24. •« What faire woman is this, •' Dost thou ask me whether that is so gorgeously appa- it be a fair one by my troth I railed? Dost thou say thou must confess she is a goodly wilt give her mee if 1 will creature, but where haddest thou II.] EXORCISM. 137 worship thee ? Avoyd Sathan her I pray thee. If she did I neither care for her nor thee." know what evil shape thou p. 40. haddest under that yellow locks she would not go so familiarly hand in hand with you as she doth 1| 1| Gentle- woman, go from him, for he will deceive you \\\\ will you go from him if I will have you ? Nay go not from him upon that condition ; for 1 will not have you, I am too poor for your estate |1 |1 will you for- sake so great a prince for me, and for my love ? Alas loving worme {| |{ What cannot you marry because he is kin to you ? II II Are you cousin german to him ? then I can assure you that you are kin to the Devil 1| || Are you not ? yes that you are || |1 Is he not the Devil but the God of fortune," &c. p. 36. I think one cannot doubt that Thomas Darling- had, either through Mr. Barrel, or in some other way, become acquainted with the older case, or else with some common original. Which way it was matters not. All that I desire the reader to observe is, that they are evidently of one school, and I ima- gine that we may with perfect truth and propriety transfer the remarks which Strype makes on Darl- ing's case, to this other. There is another point of similarity between this older case and one of Darrel's 138 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [SECT. which may be merely accidental, but which is worth noticing. Strype says that Barrel made copies of it, and sent one to Lady Bowes. To what Lady the account of the older case to which I have referred was sent, I know not, but it begins " Good Madam, to satisfy your Ladyship's request, I have sent you the copy," &c. The account of the older case to which I refer, is a manuscript of 58 large quarto pages, and the title is, 1 believe, partly in the hand of Strype, to whom I presume it formerly belonged. The original en- dorsement seems to have been simply " Mr. Brigg's temptation ;" and to this is added (I believe by Strype) "with whom Mr. Fox prayed and com- manded the Devil to depart from him." I have said that I suppose this to be Strype's addition ; but whoever made it has interlined it between that ori- ginal endorsement and the words "Justice Hales," which appear to be in the same hand and ink as the original endorsement, which differs much in both particulars from Strype's addition. Why that name is placed there I do not know. The MS. opens with a brief account of Mr. Briggs, by which it appears that he was a lawyer and " a zealous favourer of the Gospel ; " and that " this man a little before Christ- mas, in the year 1573, was oft at lectures made by Mr. Lassilers [i. e. Ladislaus or Lancelot] Villers intreating of sin against the Holy Ghost," p. 6. He seems to have been afterwards subject to fits of insensibility, in which he lost (or seemed to have II.] EXORCISM. 139 lost) the power of sight and hearing and sometimes also of speech. At other times when only deaf and blind, he uttered much matter of one sort or another of which I have already given a specimen. It is, however, more particularly to our purpose to notice those parts which relate to Fox, who was the exorcist in this case ; and therefore I will give them in the order in which they occur. The first men- tion of him which I have observed is in the follow- ing passage ; — *' ' Lord I defy that thought with all my heart. I will never consent unto it. Raise them up O Lord that fall, comfort and help the weak-hearted, and comfort, and assist them that stand ' II II And then smiling he said, ' Alas ! Alas ! good Foxe, poor innocent man, now by my troth, I dare swear upon the testa- ment, that he will not so much as look over the street upon a harlot II II Indeed I must confess with thee I have been proud; so was Manasses, and yet he was forgiven ; and so I trust shall I II II Is he not saved ? marry thou liest he is saved || || Did I reject the Bible ? thou liest in that for Mr. Bull can bear me witness that I did kiss it || || Jesus bless him and me. Scriptum est non occides, and wouldest thou have me kill him ? Kill him that is the pillar of this land, and worthy to have that he hath ? Jesus bless him and govern and direct all his way as may be to thy glory, to his comfort, and the profit of his country II II No faith I will not ; and there is one hath made such a hedge about him that thou never by any means shalt be able to hurt him ; no, not once to touch him.' " P. 10. I do not undertake to say who is meant by " the }>illar of this land ;" but I quote the passage at length that the reader may judge for himself, taking it with the extracts which are to follow. The next is ; — 140 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [SECT. " ' Faith is dead, but I would have faith, and a growing faith delighteth the Lord best.' He wept and said ' As good Fox said, ' I have none but I would have faith, and remorse of my sins' II II Mr. Fox come to see me no more? He will come, he will come to me again in despite of thy heart. Jesus pugna pro me.' Then he did sing these psalms following," &c. p. 15. The next mention of Fox occurs in the following passage, which throws light on one already given ; — " Bewitched me ! Hang thee Sir Devil, I think he hath pierced the heavens for me with his prayers. Alas ! poor John, alas ! he is not able to kill a mouse 1| || Indeed thou hast cause to hate him for he hateth tliee again || || Yea but there is one that hath made a hedge about him ; thou canst not touch his little toe || |) A hypocrite ! I Lord Jesu what next. O ! thou liest falsely II II He is good true servant || 1| Wilt thou have us both? take us when thou canst get us, as Paul said to the Corinthians. Now God confound thee thou wicked fiend. Lord rebuke him || j| Yea, yea, thou hast told me so oft, but thou never keepest pro- mise II II Did I say he was a Devil ? thou liest falsely. Lideed, this 1 said, he was a devil of devils : And it was not I neither that spoke it, but Mr. Fox, and I did assent unto it, for as thou by his sufferance art a devil to torment others, so God ir. a devil to thee for that he is able and doth torment and punish thee and conquer thee, and thereunto I did assent, and we neither of us are afraid of it, for it was spoken in good pretence. Adieu to the devil quoth to nia lynne''.'" P. 19. Again ; — " ' Indeed Fox said so ; and it is true. Thou art very busy ' So it stands in the original, of which I have not in general taken the trouble to preserve the spelling. I suppose it must be some line of an old song about " Tony O'Linii." II.] EXORCISM. 141 with him. T cannot blame thee for he setteth thee forth in thy colours. Now farewell and be hanged.' And then he sang * O most gracious God, most sure to trust ;' and ' O Lord of whom I do depend ;' and so was restored to his former sense again." P. 26. The narrative proceeds to state that the next day — "Sunday, being the 18 April, this gentleman lost his sense; but he was not that day by his former enemy troubled at all. At which time he presently told the company that the Devil was then attending his charge at Pauls Cross among the cut purses, and other false apostles, and had no leisure to visit him." P. 26. On the Tuesday following, being at a friend's in the Temple he was troubled by the devil's suggest- ing that evil thoughts sever a man from God — that he had evil thoughts — and therefore he was thus severed ; and in proof of this referring him to the first chapter of Proverbs. He went home and looked at the passage, and then being " very desirous to be resolved thereof," he " went to Mr. Fox a divine very learned, and a godly man who expounded it unto him and being thoroughly satisfied in conscience by him herein he went with the [corner of the page torn off. I presume " said] Mr. Fox to visit one Stiphen- son a Londoner." P. 26. On Thursday the 22nd of April, he was " by the devil tempted and apposed in the Lord's prayer," p. 28, but there was nothing about Mr. Fox. On the Saturday however, after he had been lying without sense nineteen hours, 142 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [SECT. *' Mr. Fox of whom you have heard before, came unto him who finding in the chamber at that time seven of the temple wherein five were counsellors of good credit, the same Mr. Fox first with godly persuasions exhorted them all to God, saying that if any amongst them did bear hatred that he should frankly forgive it as he hoped to be forgiven of God or else depart the chamber. Who being answered that they frankly forgave all the whole world, he said unto them ' And do you also repent you of your former sins, and intend by Gods grace to amend your lives V Who being an- swered 'Yea,' he said ' Let us whyne ' together in prayer.' These gentlemen kneeling upon their knees, himself standing upon his feet, begun with a most vehement voice, harty spirit, in this sort ' O ! thou most wretched serpent, who by the sufferance of Almighty God hast taken from this creature the use of his tongue that he cannot with his lips glorify Him,' and then lifting up his hands, ' O Lord Most Highest we most humbly desire thee that thou command the devil by our mouths to depart. I say again, O thou foul devil, I command thee to depart in the name of Christ Jesus.' And as he was pronouncing * Jesus ' the dumb man cried out, ' Christ Jesus, magnified and blessed be thy name,' at whose name the devil seizeth the molested creature, ' blessed and glori- fied be thy name by the prayer of thy penitent servants, and by thy pronouncing of thy most glorious name Jesus the devil de- parted.' Then he himself prayed to God and gave his most hearty thanks ; the other gentlemen having likewise rendered their most humble thanks. The same Mr. Fox, likewise ' As God hath lieard the prayers of his poor penitent sinners, thereby hath he showed his {illegible] power in giving his creature and our brother the use of his tongue to the strengthening and increasing of our faith, so undoubtedly he will hear our humble prayers ;' and so he began ' O Thou most glorious God and mighty Prince, who at * This word is quite plain ; but a pen like Strype's has written over it " ioyne," which may perhaps be the word mistaken by the transcriber. II.] EXORCISM. 143 the meek request of these thy poor sinners hast given the use of his tongue to this thy servant by commanding that wicked ser- pent to depart from him, so we most meekly beseech thee to com- mand his foul spirit to depart from ever molesting this our bro- ther ; that he receiving of his sight may see thy wonderful works and glorify thee ; and therefore thou most devouring lion I com- mand thee in the name of Christ Jesus that thou avoid. And Thou Lord, if it shall so please thee the rather at our humble re- quest, grant unto this thy servant for Jesus Christs sake the use of his eyes.' At the pronouncing of which word ' eyes,' even at that instant, his eyes sprang wide open as dark and dim to behold as horn or wainscot, and by and by, at the sudden, sparks of light flashed in them and he saw the same moment. Which miraculous act the company did evidently see and behold to their great astonishment. Whereas before he had never received his sight but with most extreme pain, ache, and pricking, and the same enduring by the space of half an hour always at the least. Where- with the gentleman molested said • Glory praise, and power be unto thee O Christ by whose power the dumb receive their speech, thie deaf their hearing, and the blind their sight.' After which time he never was restored to the use of his senses lost but only by prayer." P. 31. On a subsequent occasion ; — [Those] " in the chamber joined in prayer that he might receive his sight, and so said a prayer which was left there for purpose by Mr. Fox, wherein after many requests made to the end afore- said by the pronouncing of these words ' O Lord Jesus who hast promised that whensoever two or three shall be gathered toge- ther in thy name thou wilt grant their requests, fulfil now O Lord this our humble request that this thy servant and our bro- ther may receive again the use of his eyes ;' and therewith sud- denly at that instant his eyes waxed clear so as he perfectly received his sight and glorified God the Father Almighty." — p. 36. I do not know whether this Mr. Briggs was any 144 PURITAN THAUMATURGY. [SECT. II. relation of the Ann Briggs, whose confession has just been given ; but it seems impossible to doubt that, like her, he was a deceiver. I need hardly say that I have no idea of charging Fox with any kind of participation in the imposture, or any con- nexion with such frauds, except as the dupe of those who abused his credulity, employed his industry, and availed themselves of his character to work their own ends. This, too, is the real secret of his mar- tyrology, the true apology for it, and, in fact, the only thing that can account for such a compilation being so made at all, and so received by his contem- poraries — something like it is, perhaps, necessary to account for the treatment which it has more recently met with at the hands of some of its professed admirers. END OF PART II. TiiLBERT & RiviNGTON, Printers, St. John's Square, London. NOTES ON THE CONTRIBUTIONS THE REV. GEORGE TOWNSEND, M.A. CANON OF DURHAM, &C. TO THE NEW EDITION OF FOX'S MARTYROLOGY BY THE REV. S. R. MAITLAND, LIBRARIAN TO HIS GRACE THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY. PART III. HISTORICAL AUTHORITY OF FOX, SECTIONS I. & II. LONDON: PRINTED FOR J. G. F. & J. RIVINGTON, ST. Paul's church yard, AND WATERLOO PLACE, PALL MALL. 18i2. LONDON : GILBERT AND UIVINGTON, PUINTERS, ST. John's squaue. CONTENTS. SECTION I. THE " SINGULAR PROOF OF FOX's ACCURACY," p. 1. PAGE Mr. Townsend's claims for Fox H 13 Saxon Homily Early English Historians ^^ General grounds of Authority ^^• SECTION II. OF fox's knowledge and care in REGARD TO THE TRANSLATION OF AUTHORITIES, p. 16. How far was Fox responsible for the translations ? 17 Specimens of Translation : — From Cisner Matthew Paris ^^ Cisner ^^ . Matthew Paris, with Mr. Townsend's answer .... 33 Cisner 37 . Bishop Waltram's Letter 59 Earl Ludovic's Letter ^1 Matthew Paris ^^ IV CONTENTS. Specimens OF Translation : — page From iEneas Sylvius 66 Barth. Georgieviz Peregrinus 6S Nauclerus 69 Massaeus ib. Articles of Truce between Ed. III. and the King of France 70 Letter of Lucifer 72 — — Sebastian Munster 74 Extracts from Notes in the first volume of the New Edition of Fox 78 Epistle of Antoninus Pius 88 NOTES. Extract from Thomas Walsingham . 90 Mr. Townsend's Preliminary Dissertation .... 91 On the authority of Strype ^^ HISTORICAL AUTHORITY, 8fc. SECTION I. THE '* SINGULAR PROOF OF FOX's ACCURACY," I CANNOT better introduce this subject than by an extract from Mr. Townsend's criticism on my Review of " Fox's History of the Waldenses ;" — " At length, in pages 42 and 54, we are brought to the ques- tion, the only real question of the value of Foxe as an authority ; and Mr. Maitland thus sums up the reasons for considering the martyrologist as no authority. 1. Foxe frequently gives no authority at all. 2. He gives his authorities so vaguely and so uncertainly, that they are useless*. 3. He borrowed authorities. 4. He abridges unfairly ; though Mr. Maitland confesses that * I always suspect a writer, who, without any apparent reason, translates an opponent's words into his own, instead of copying them. I must beg the reader, on no account and no occasion, to believe, on Mr. Townsend's autho- rity, that I have made any specific statement. Had he been careful to be honest, he might, with but little more time or trouble, have given my words, which are true and proved by abundance of examples, instead of making me say what is plainly false. I repeat my words, " He frequently gives his authority in so vague and uncertain a manner, that it is of no use." B 2 THE " SINGULAR PROOF he does not know how to define the unfair abridgment to which he alludes f. I reply briefly and generally, — 1. Foxe frequently gives no authority at all. Mr. Maitland, in one part of his works (^), asks whether the reader of Rapin and other historians, is of opinion that they wrote their histories from imagination ? I ask the same question respecting Foxe. He might have spangled his pages with as numerous references as Sharon Turner has so beautifully, and so satisfactorily done. But T ask Mr. Maitland his own question, — Did Foxe invent history ? or, if he did not, might he not have considered it unnecessary to give authorities for his more well- known facts ? Or would Mr. Maitland have had him act as the gentleman, who refused to believe that the Duke of Wellington had won the battle of Waterloo, till he had the authority of a Dutch gazette ? That the reader of Foxe, however, may believe the martyrologist, even when no authority is quoted, I will men- tion one coincidence, which may serve as a specimen of the care- ful manner in which Foxe collected the materials for his history. In p. 482 of the edit. 1632, vol, i. ; p. 420 of the edit. 1684, vol. i. ; and p. 650, vol. ii. of the new edit., we read, — ' Two legates came from Rome, sent by pope John XXII., under pretence to set agreement between England and Scotland ; who for their charges and expenses required of every spiritual, fourpence in every mark.' Foxe gives no authority for this alleged fact. Mr. Maitland would have us, therefore, suppose that it is false. It is true. In (') Six Letters, &c. &c. Preface, p. 8, end of the note. f Unless Mr. Townsend means to use the word " define" in some very strict way, such as no reader would dream of, his statement is not true. I used at the outset the words at which he catches ; " I feel it very difficult to say what is, or is not unfair abridgment. 1 find that people differ very much on that point," &c. ; but I proceeded immediately both to describe and to give a specimen of what I considered unfair abridgment. OF fox's accuracy." 3 the treasury of Durham, as our librarian (^) informs me, a mandate from bishop Beaumont to the prior and convent of Durham still exists, in which the Bull of pope John XXII. is recited, com- manding the prior and convent to collect for these cardinals four- pence per mark from all beneficed persons in the diocese. Again I ask, what possible benefit can Mr. Maitland propose to render to the Church by such criticisms as these ?" — Life of Fox, p. 303. (2) The Rev. James Raine, well known by his valuable antiquarian labours, his works on St. Cuthbert, History of North Durham, etc. I hope I need not assure the reader that I have never been so absurd as to suggest that whatever Fox delivers without authority we should suppose to be false ; but as Mr. Townsend asks what possible benefit I can propose to render to the Church by such criticisms as those which he is pleased to mis- represent, I will mention one good effect which I have in view. I propose to put the public, and in particular the members of the Christian Church, on their guard against impostors, against men who know little and talk big : to check the practices of those who make a gain in money or in fame, by a pretence of learning which they do not possess, and who ob- scure and mystify truth, and put forth nonsense and falsehood, by boldly meddling with what they do not understand. In this I trust that something has been already effected ; and I have no doubt that the helot- like example of the new edition of Fox has tended to increase and preserve the sobriety of editors, and produced greater accuracy and value in more than one book which has been recently published. b2 4 THE " SINGULAR PROOF But to come to this " singular proof of Foxe's ACCURACY," as Mr. Townsend heads his page in small CAPITALS, what does it, in his own view of the matter, amomit to? As far as I see, simply to this, — Fox states a certain fact respecting two papal legates, without giving any authority for it, and yet "it is true." Really this is not much to brag about. It is somewhat beyond modesty, I think, to quote it as "a specimen of the careful manner in which Foxe collected the materials for his history." Perhaps, it should be expanded thus: — You see that Fox was careful to say " two" legates instead of three, and " four" pence instead of five ; if not, his want of re- ference to authority would not have saved him ; we can carry research as far as he did ; trace his most recondite learning, and find to our astonishment that we have only to admire his amazing accuracy, which reports as precisely matters not known to exist any- where but in an ancient contemporary manuscript in the treasury of Durham, as if he w ere merely copying it from a printed book. We are so delighted with it, that for the time Ave quite fall in love with sin- gular ACCURACY. All this is very fine ; but the truth of the matter is, that Mr. Townsend has made one mistake which renders it very ridiculous. It was very perverse of the martyrologist, if he meant to lay a trap for his vindicator, but the fact is that for this he does give his authority. He was travelling steadily on, translating from a well-known printed book, to which he had re- OF fox's accuracy." 5 ferred within fifty lines of the passage quoted by Mr. Townsend. The reader of the new edition will see that Fox was avowedly following Thomas Walsing- ham, whom he cites by name on pages 645, 646, and even 649, the very page before that containing the passage quoted by Mr. Townsend; and, it will be observed, that there is no reference to any other authority between. These references did not appear in Fox's book while Thomas Walsingham's chronicle remained in manuscript — that is, up to the year 1574, at which time it was published by Archbishop Parker. When thus brought before his notice, and to his hand, Fox availed himself of Thomas Walsingham's history, very honestly referring his readers to it for the facts which he was stating, and among these was the history of the fourpences. What becomes of the SMALL CAPITALS ? But it is odd that with such a purpose Mr. Town- send should have happened to draw our attention to a passage which I had never observed, but which is so much to our present purpose. As it is peculiarly calculated to " serve as a specimen of the" careless " manner in which Foxe collected the materials for his history," and may put people on their guard against the broad assertions of the Vindicator, I will repeat the sentence which Mr. Townsend has quoted, toge- ther with a few lines which follow it : — " Soon upon this came two legates from Rome, sent by pope John XXII., under pretence to settle an agreement between England and Scotland ; who, for their charges and expenses, 6 THE " SINGULAR PROOF required of every spiritual person fourpence in every mark. But all their labour nothing availed ; for the legates, as they were in the north parts (about Darlington) with their whole family and train, were robbed and despoiled of their horses, treasure, ap- parel, and what else they had, and with an evil favoured hand- ling, retired back again to Durham, where they staid awhile, waiting for an answer from the Scots. But when neither the pope's legacy, nor his curse, would take any place with the Scots, they returned again to London, where they first excommunicated and cursed as black as soot all those arrogant and presumptuous robbers of Northumberland. Secondly, for supplying of the losses received, they exacted of the clergy, to be given and paid unto them, eightpence in every mark. But the clergy thereunto would not agree, seeing it was their own covetousness (as they said) that made them venture further than they needed. Still they were contented to relieve them as far as fourpence in a mark, as they promised before ; further they would not grant : whereof the king being advertised, and taking part with his clergy, di- rected his letters to the said legates in form as followeth : — Letter of the King to the Legates. The king to Master Rigand of Asserio, canon of Aurelia, greet- ing : we have taken notice of the clamours and lamentable peti- tions of the subjects of our realm, perceiving by the same that you practise many and sundry inconveniences very strange, never heretofore accustomed, nor heard of in this our Realm, as well against the clergy and ecclesiastical persons, as against the laity, even to the utter oppression and impoverishing of many of our liege people, &c." — Vol. IL p. 650. I believe that almost the whole of this (except the mistake which Fox has made in saying that the Car- dinals " retired back again to Durham," when in fact they had not been there, but were robbed on their way thither) will be found in the passage from OF fox's accuracy. 7 Thomas Walsingham, wliich I give in the note*; that is, all down to the words " they would not grant," which I have marked by italics. But what follows that has not the same authority. Here we really do come to matter for which Fox gives no authority. He has inserted it to render the account of the business more full. It is one of the cases I suppose in which (as we shall presently find Mr. Townsend triumphantly stating) Fox "printed from the Records in the Tower," which the Vindicator seems to think in itself a great achievement, whether he printed rio'ht or wrong. But wherever the king's letter came from, here it is ; and it is as absurdly out of place as if it were interpolated among the letters of Cicero or Horace Walpole. What in the world has the king's letter to Master Rigand of Asserio to do with the business ? It is no more a propos to that matter, than Mr. Puddingfield's " great demand for Packwood's razor strops," was to Magna Charta. Thomas Walsingham had told Fox that the several and respective names of these Cardinals were Joce- line and Luke ; did he imagine that they travelled under the joint designation of Master Rigand of Asserio, and that in the multiplication table of Rome two Cardinals made one Canon? And what was there in the matter of the letter to permit such a mistake? It is not pretended that the Cardinal legates asked a farthing of the laity ; and there seems * See Note A. 8 THE " SINGULAR PROOF to be absolutely nothing but the date of the letter, showing that it was written somewhere about the time, which could have given rise to so strange a blunder. For anything else but the date Fox might just as well have put in Pliny's letter to Trajan. I had not, as I have already stated, observed this strange absurdity until Mr. Townsend drew my attention to it. I dare say there are many such matters which would be discovered, if the book were subjected to a proper process of editing ; for it is not the only thing that has impressed on me an idea that Fox's taste for perusing ancient monuments often led him to get hold of what he did not understand, and therefore misconceived, and misrepresented. It is however a singularly good specimen of that careless- ness which, in my view of things, greatly detracts from the authority of a writer ; and it also affords a very jjroper opportunity for a remark on the j^ractical effect of this careless mode of writing history, which will form a very suitable introduction to matter which I am about to lay before the reader. I cannot help feeling, and I wish to impress on the reader's consideration, that mis-statements of fact are often of less importance in themselves, than in their effects ; and particularly in their effects on the writers who make them. If all the evil lay in the insertion of an irrelevant document, we might hope that those who could not understand it, or even mis- understood it, might be not much the worse; and that, at all events, the evil might be remedied by OF fox's accuracy." 9 putting out the irrelevant matter. But it is clearly otherwise. Can we doubt that Fox's own mind was influenced, and his way of relating the history of the Cardinals modified by his getting hold of, and mis- understanding and misapplying this letter addressed to Master Rigand, who was prowling about after Peter-pence, and seizing all that he could lay his hands on ? When Fox read in it about unheard of exactions, amounting to the utter oppression and impoverishing of many of the King's liege subjects, and transferred all this to the legates, was it not natural that he should tell their story as he could hardly have done if he had not been under that delusion? He tells us they were "sent by Pope John XXII.," but suppresses the fact that it was at the request of the King, whom he represents as writing this letter against them. He repre- sents the Pope as sending them ''under pretence to set agreement between England and Scotland ;" and puts the following marginal notes : — " Two legates sent from Rome. The Popes pillage. The Popes legates spoiled of all their yl gotten trea- sure. The Popes curse contemned of the Scottes. The Clergie of Englande denyeth to contribute to the Popes legates." And then, after an irrelevant letter from the King to the Archbishop of Canter- bury, he tells us; "The like letters in effect were directed to the Archbyshop of Yorke, and to every other By shop through England. By force of whiche letters the greedy legates beyng restrayned of their 10 THE " SINGULAR PROOF OF FOX's ACCURACY." ramning purpose takincf what iJiey could get, and setting a peace (such as it was) betwene the King and the Earle of Lancaster were fayne to pack." When, therefore, Mr. Townsend asks, " Did Foxe invent history?" I answer, that I believe all this about pillage, and ill-gotten treasure, and greedy ravening, is pure invention, not countenanced by any authority whatever. The legates were sent hither at the King's request : no one, I think, who knows anything of the history of the time, can doubt that the Pope was sincerely desirous to "set agreement between England and Scotland ;" and if any one should suspect that it was only a " pretence," I should be very glad to know what the real object was. That it was to pillage and raven I see no proof, and nothing which leads me to suppose that they had authority to collect anything but the fourpences as- signed for their maintenance, and which it is distinctly stated that the clergy were willing to pay. Thomas Walsingham is obviously not disposed to flatter them, but he hints at nothing of the sort. It is quite obvious that the charge of avarice with which the clergy met the demand of the cardinals for the second fourpence, related to some advantage which they were supposed to expect from attending the consecration of Lodowick, Bishop of Durham ; but that they were taking with them any "ill-gotten treasure," or that they ever received anything more than their fourpences from the clergy, and a pension of fifty marks from the King, I do not find. They HISTORICAL AUTHORITY OF FOX. 1 1 came, as I have said, at the request of the King, to assist in a work of great national importance ; there is every reason to believe that they laboured sincerely though unsuccessfully to perform it; it was right that they should be fed while employed in it. If they were misled by avarice or ostentation, or both, to attend the consecration of Bishop Lodowick, they were severely punished for it ; and for the credit of the country we may hope, that so far as regards pecuniary loss, they were indemnified ; though Wal- singham expressly states that they did not recover all the property of which they were robbed, but only their horses, clothes, and such like ; by which, I pre- sume, he means such baggage as was necessary to en- able them to pursue their journey. At all events, to gibbet them as the pillagers is too bad. But so it is that Jiistory is defaced by ignorance and party spirit; and when it has done its miserable work, there is sure to be more ignorance, and more party spirit, ready to come out and vouch for it. As to the authority of Fox's work, however, Mr. Townsend speaks again, and more at large : — " But the second question is — Ought John Foxe to be regarded as an historical authority ? Mr. Maitland speaks of the idea as absurd. Let us consider as our best answer to the question, neither his opinions, nor his motives, nor his objects, but the vast storehouse of materials he has collected, and the mass of undisputed facts which he has related, and which are not to be found in the volumes of any other book. We shall then, I think, come to the conclusion, that he still is, what our fathers esteemed him to be -one of the first, 12 HISTORICAL AUTHORITY OF FOX. most valuable, and unsuperseded authorities in the English language ('). John Foxe then was the first publisher of the Saxon Sermons, which prove the peculiarities of Rome to have been unreceived by our Saxon ancestors. These sermons were deemed so valu- able, that they have been separately printed, with the attestation of many competent witnesses to their accuracy. The early his- tory of the language is illustrated by this part of the labours of Foxe. John Foxe first made generally known to the public, the value of the historical manuscripts, which he consulted before they were printed. The first English edition of Foxe was printed in the early part of the reign of Elizabeth. He makes constant use of Matt. Paris, which was first printed in 1571 ; of William of Malmesbury, William Huntingdon, R. Hoveden, Ethelward, and Ingulphus, which were first printed in 1596; and of Matt, of Westminster, which was printed in 1567. He quotes from manuscripts the epistle of Boniface or Winfrid (^) ; the letter of Charlemagne (^) ; the letters of Alcuin (*) ; the laws of Athel- stan(^); the laws of Egelred (") ; the oration of Edgar ('). All these were printed for the first time and were added to the public store of our literature." — Fox, Vol. I. p. 471. (') I omit the references to Foxe as an undoubted historical authority, which are to be found in Strype (Memorials, vol. iii. folio edition), with the testimony of that writer to his accuracy, p. 401 ; his diligence, p. 458 ; the citation of Foxe's MSS. pp. 60, 79, 102, 104, 138, 259, 273. App. pp. 66, 19, 28, 91, etc. ; the specification of his materials, pp. 66, 145, 457 ; bis im- partiality, p. 258, etc. Strype's Memorials ought to be in the possession of every student. (2) Vol. i. p. 143, edit. 1683. (3) Vol. i. p. 145, col. 1, edit. 1683. (») Vol. i. p. 146, edit. 1684. («) Vol. i. p. 166, edit. 1683; vol. ii. p. 44, new edit. (6) Vol. i. p. 181, edit. 1683 ; vol. ii. p. 78, new edit. (?) Vol. i. p. 189, edit. 1683. For a continuation of this, I refer the reader to a SAXON HOMILY. 13 note *. It is too long to allow of its being conve- niently inserted in this place, where, indeed, it is not particularly wanted. Though, as it contains matter to which I must from time to time refer, I wish the reader to have it at hand ; and having professed my inability to define what is, or is not, unfair abridg- ment, I think it best to give it entire. A good deal might be said (and really, lest the reader should be deceived by the bold face put on the matter, a few words must be said) on the small portion here quoted ; though at the same time every one must see, that supposing it, and all in the note, to be true to the letter, it no more proves the mdlioriiy of Fox as an historian, than it proves him to have been ten feet high, or a Frenchman. Mr. Townsend's idea of an authority seems to be simply that of, "Somebody that says some- thing ;" and, therefore, if there is any body who says a great many things which nobody ever said before, he must be a very (jreat authority. Only observe what his ill-informed and incon- siderate advocacy has thrust into the front of the battle. " John Foxe then was the first publisher of the Saxon Sermons, which prove the peculiarities of Rome to have been unreceived by our Saxon an- cestors." What does Strype, whom Mr. Townsend sets forth as " the most competent witness to form a judgment on the merits or demerits of the results * See Note B. 14 SAXON HOMILY. of the labours of the martyrologist *," say of that business ? Why, first, that it (for it was but one homily) was retrieved and brought to light, not by FocV, but by Archbishop Parker ; and secondly, that it " is printed in Fox's second volume. But he hath left out several passages which contained some legen- dary miracles relating to the sacrament, and some particular passages which look favourably towards the doctrine of the church of Rome, which are not omitted in the Archbishop's edition of the book f ." Certainly not. The Archbishop was quite a different sort of authority. Some persons may, perhaps, feel nothing but contempt for a man who could write as Strype tells us that Primate did in the preface to his Asser ; "for in his preface to that book, he desired the reader to observe, that in all the books that he put forth, he never added anything of his own, nor diminished from the copy ; but expressed, to a word, every thing as he found them in the originals |." It was, I sus- pect, to the labours of the Archbishop that the attestation which Mr. Townsend has got hold of was given. At least I have never heard of any being * Life of Fox, p. 28. I quote Mr. Townsend's words in reply to himself; and I believe fairly, for no one doubts Strype's veracity or the truth of his statement. They render it necessary however that I should say so much on the authority of Strype as would be out of place here, and therefore I refer the reader to Note C. •j- Life of Abp. Parker, vol. ii. p. 503. J Strype, ubi sup. p. 501. GROUNDS OF AUTHORITY. 15 criven to those of Fox, and have no doubt that the plain charge brought by Strype is as true, as it is injurious to historical authority. And as to the other names that he mentions, how fully and how oddly does Mr. Townsend answer him- self, and what almost incredible ignorance does he display of a work with which he ought to have been so well acquainted, by making his references to the edition of 1684, and thus clearly and undeniably founding his argument on the assumption that every thinff in that edition of Fox was also in the edition published before 1567. It is almost incredible, but it is (as I have elsewhere had occasion to remark) too plain to be denied, and in fact Mr. Townsend has not dared to deny it. When he produces all these fine things from the edition of 1 563, it will be time enough to inquire how Fox could have come by them before 1567. At present it would lead us from our purpose. It could, indeed, hardly be worth while, under any circumstances, to reply inch by inch to an inflated detail beginning so unfortunately ; but, as I have already said, it is wholly irrelevant and useless for the purpose for which it is made. Yet for another it is so important, that I have thought it right to extract it without curtailment. I have no wish to take advantage of Mr. Townsend's exaggeration, or to build an argument on the full breadth of his state- ments ; but if any thing like what he says is correct — if anything like as much as he states rests on the 16 GROUNDS OF AUTHORITY. authority of Fox — it really is of some importance to inquire whether that authority is good or bad. It seems to me that the three principal qualifica- tions of an historian — the three characteristics which entitle him to be considered as an authority, are knowledge, care, and veracity. A man may know facts very well, and yet copy and record them so carelessly as to be unintelligible or mislead. He may be very careful about what he does know, and yet misconceive and mis-state it for want of knowing more ; and, however knowing and careful he may be, yet if he is deficient in veracity, he is an historian of little or no authority, because, even though we may believe that he says much that is true, yet we have no security that any given statement is not false. On these points then I shall offer some evidence with reference to the present case. SECTION II. OF fox's KNOWr.EDGE AND CARE IN REGARD TO THE TRANSLATION OF AUTHORITIES. Knowledge of more than one kind is obviously necessary for the writer who would be considered as an historical authority. As he is not to "invent history" he must himself use authorities, and it is most necessary that he should understand the lan- guage in which they were written. If he is to use Latin books he should be able to translate Latin, and should do it carefully. If my reader is inclined to TRANSLATION OF AUTHORITIES. 17 dispute this he may as well lay clown the pamphlet ; if not, let him understand that it is the only concession which I ask from him ; and that if he is ready, ea; animo, to subscribe to it, I expect to bring forward matter that will astonish him ; and in case he should not be fond of making out the bits of Latin, not always very intelhgible when thus taken out of their connexion, I will not only give him Fox's translation, but will place beside it what I believe to be the real meaning, adding the original ; so that he may pursue his studies with as much ease as if he were a young lord with a private tutor. But first I must say a word about my calling it Fox's translation. I shall be told that he was too good a scholar to have made such blunders as I am going to produce. It may be so ; and those who have written bombast eulogies on Fox's learning are much concerned to show that it is so ; but it matters not to our present purpose, which is to inquire whe- ther Fox, not personally but by his book, is a good historical authority. The translations, whether he made them or not, are his, if any thing can be made so by adoption. Some stress has been laid on what he says in his reply to Harpsfield in defence of Lord Cobham : — '* Knowing that the first edition of these acts and monuments was begun in the far parts of Germany, where few friends, no conference, small information could be had ; and that the same edition was afterwards translated out of Latin into English by others, while I, in the mean time, was occupied about other C 18 fox's responsibility Registers ; and now the said Cope, bearing moreover and know- ing that 1 was about a new edition of the same Acts and Monu- ments, for the amending of divers things therein to he reformed" &c.— Vol. III. p. 384.* Presently after he adds — " You understanding that I was about the correction of my book again." — Ibid. As Harpsfield's book was published in 1566, I presume that this reply of Fox was in his edition of 1570, to which I have not at present access; but, if I may trust Strype, Fox in that edition made most peculiar professions of having personally revised and corrected his work. Not only does the title page set it forth as ''Newly recognised and enlarged by the author f'' but in an epistle prefixed to it he says that — " In accusing these his accusers, he did not so excuse him- self, nor defend his book, as though nothing in it were to be spunged or amended, therefore he had taken pains to reiterate his labours, in travelling out the story again : doing herein as Penelope did with her web, untwisting that she had done before : or as builders do sometimes ; take down again their buildings, either to transpose the fashion, or to make the foundation larger : " I cannot quote such passages of Fox without thinking how much Mr. Townsend's great drum is wanted to drown the confession of the unhappy martyrologist, who is to be made a hero in spite of himself. One can imagine the vindicator thumping his empty, noisy, monotonous instrument, and shout- ing at the top of his voice, " Don't mind him ; don't believe a word that he says; 'eleven years were carefully and anxiously devoted,'" &c., p. 28. Through it all one hears the natural lamentation, " few friends, no conference, small information." FOR TRANSLATIONS. 19 so he in recognising this history had employed a little more labour, partly to enlarge the argument he took in hand, partly also to assay, whether by any painstaking he might pacify the stomachs or satisfy the judgments of these importune quarellers." — Strypes Ann. Vol. ii. p. i. p. 43. After this comes the edition of 1576, which Mr. Townsend tells us professes on the title page, as before, to be " newly recognised and enlarged by the author * " Then the edition of 1583, again professing on its title page to be " newly revised mid recognised, partly also augmented and now the fourth time again pub- lished and recommended to the studious reader by the authour." The edition of 1596 was not published till after the death of Fox. The Editor of the new edition, however, states that it was " partially or completely corrected and revised by himself." How he learned this I cannot tell. The title page seems to me rather to imply the contrary |. Now surely a man who writes a book, and goes on recognising and revising one edition after another for nearly five and twenty years, becomes responsible for what he does not alter, and suffers to be printed over and over again in his own name. Indeed it would almost seem as if Fox thought something of * Life of Fox, p. 162. -f- " Now againe, [not according to the former phrase newly recognised, but] as it was recognised, perused, and recommended to the studious reader by the author Maister lohn Foxe, the fift time newly imprinted!' c 2 20 SPECIMENS OF TRANSLATION the kind, and did not feel it necessary to perpetuate the notice which had originally been given. For in- stance, I am informed that in the edition of 1570, " The tragicall history of Fredericke 2. Emperour" is for the first time inserted, and is thus introduced ; — " For so much as the story of Fridericke the emperour is inci- dent in the same tyme of this K. Henry 3. and containeth matter much worthy of memorie, considering the utilitie thereof : after the tractation of our English stories I could not but also insert the whole narration of thys tragical history of the said Fridericke, which / have caused faithfully & amplye to be collected and translated out of the Latine book of Nic. Cisnerus, containing as followeth," &c.— p. 373. Now here, of course, Fox informs us that some- body else translated, though he makes himself re- sponsible for the fidelity of the translation ; but in the edition of 1583, this passage is so altered as to contain no hint that the translation was not his own ; — " As touching the whiche Emperour Fridericke, because we have divers and sundry tymes made mention of him before, and for that his story is straunge, hys actes wonderous and his con- flictes tragicall, which he sustayned agaynst iiii or v Popes one after an other, I thought not out of story in a whole narration to set forth the same, for the reader to consider, what is to be judged of this Cathedrall Sea of Rome, which had wrought such ab- hominable mischiefe in the world, as in the sequele of the story following faythfully translated out of latine into English is to be scene." — p. 296. (misprinted 276.) I say this to vindicate my right to call the trans- lations which I quote " Fox's," without being obliged FROM CISNER. 21 either periphrastically to say on every occasion, " the translation of Fox or of some other person or persons unknown," or else to commit myself to a decision in each case that it was or was not Fox's own personal work. I need hardly remind the reader, that, so far as regards the historical authority of the book, it mattei-s not who was the translator ; and now let us see whether this history which Fox considered so important is " faythfully translated" or not *. He was excellently well seene For he had acquired the in the latine and greeke tongues, knowledge not only of Greek although at that time learning and Latin literature (which after began to decay, and barbarous- having been overwhelmed by nes to encrease. He had also barbarism was beginning to the Germayn tong &c. — p. 457. emerge) but also of the German. Non enim solum Latinarum et Grsecarum literarum {qua barbaric obrutce turn primum emergebant) sed et Germanicam addidicit. — p. 102. In the winter tyme tooke his Thence he went into winter iorny to Francofert. — p. 458. quarters at Frankfort. Inde in hyberna Francofurtum profectus. — p. 104. * The text of Fox's translation in the following extracts is as it stands in the edition of 1583, for it would have been obviously unfair to make Fox responsible for what may have been tampered with in the new edition. Yet as it is probable that more readers of this pamphlet may have access to the new edition, the refer- ences under each extract are made to the corresponding page of it, instead of to the old edition. In the edition of 1583 the story begins at p. 296, (misprinted 276,) in the edition of 1596 at p. 270, in the edit, of 1684 at p. 335. I have here and there inserted a few words [between brackets] to make the passages quoted more intelligible. I must also beg the reader to observe, that, even where I make no remark, I am not responsible for the truth of the statements of facts contained in my translations. '22 SPECIMENS OF TRANSLATION He heard of certayne, that began to rayse & make newe factions agaynst him. Amongst whom, were found Thomas and Richard, the Brethren of Inno- centius the thyrd, Earle of An- aquinos, that held certayn cas- tles in the Kingdome of Neo- politanes from him by force. — p. 459. There he found that others had entered into schemes of revolt ; and in particular that, seduced by ambition, Thomas and Richard, Counts of Anagni (brothers of Innocent III.) who possessed some castles in the kingdom of Naples, had con- spired with Otho IV. when he had invaded that kingdom with a hostile army. Cum alios de defectione consilia iniisse, novisque rebus studuisse, turn praesertim Thomam et Richardum, Innocentii III. fratres, comites Anag- ninos, regni cupiditate inductos, quibus castella qusedam in regno Neapoli- tanoerant, cum Othone II 1 1, quando is id hostili manu invaserat, conspirasse reperiebat. — p. 107- Carolus Magnus in like ma- ner, followed their steps and maner in the same, as in the 22. Canon, and the same dis- tinction is declared. And farther it was at a Synodal Councell in Laterane (Adrian beyng hygh bishop, where were conuented & assembled 153 other bishops) decreed, &c. — p. 461. Afterwards Charlemagne fol- lowed their custom, and in their footsteps, in this particular, when he had obtained posses- sion of Italy. For, as is stated in the 22nd Canon in the same Distinction, a Synod being con- vened at the Lateran in which, Adrian being Pope, one hundred and fifty-three bishops assem- bled, it was decreed, &c. IlJorum deinde morem et vestigia Carolus Magnus occupata Italia hac in re secutus est. Ut enim in Can. 22. ead. Distinct, traditur, Sinodo Late- ranensi indicta, in qua Adriano Pontifice CLIII. episcopi convenerunt, constitutum est, &c. — p. 113. Whereupon Lotharius, after- Whereupon afterwards the ward being Emperor & nephew Emperor Lothaire, grandson of to Carolus Magnus. — p. 461. Charlemagne. Quare postea Lotharius Imperator Caroli nepos*. — p. 114. * Perhaps the translator had heard more of papal nepulism than of Cliarlc ■ magne's family. FROM CISNER. 23 Whereby that ancient right of the Emperor, as to the power of choosing the Pope, & ap- pointing bishops, was confirmed by even a more weighty sanc- tion ; and again by Otho III. (John the XVIII, whom Cres- centius the Roman usurping the empire, had, with the people and the ecclesiastics made Pope, having been thrown down from the Capitol after his nose had been cut off, and his eyes put out) it was revoked. Whereby the old right & power of the emperour in the election of the byshop of Rome, and other ecclesiasticall pre- lates, was agayne with more sharper & straighter sanction confirmed & ratified. Again John the 18. whom Cressen- tius the Romayn (vsurping the imperial Crown) had made bi- shop by the consent of the peo- ple of Rome and the ecclesias- tical order : hauing his nose cut off, & hys eyes put out & so thrust out of the capitol ; was agayn of Otho 3. establish- ed and made Byshop. — p. 462. Qua vetus illud jus Imperatoris de potestate eligendi pontificis, consti- tuendi Antistites, graviori etiam sanctione firmatum est rursusque ab Othone III. loanne XVIII. (quem Crescentius Romanus arrogato sibi imperio, una cum populo et ecclesiastico ordine Pontificem fecerat,) naso oculisque privato, et de capitolio prsecipitato revocatum est. — p. 115. It seems that the word " revocatum " caught the translator's eye ; and he did not consider how much more possible it was to "revoke" an edict than to " establish" a man who had been first of all deprived of his nose and eyes and then " precipitated" from the Capitol. We may well suppose that he did not himself know what he meant by being '' thrust out." But how came this to pass through all the recogni- tions and revisions of Fox ? And the next is as bad, where the translator seems to have got hold of the word " delatum " and fancied it was " ablatum." 24 SPECIMENS OF TRANSLATION So after the death of Henry the 3. Emperor Nicholas the 2. although in his decree (which in the first canon and 32. dis- tinction is recited) gaue the primacie for the election of the Bishop of Rome, by the means of the priests & people of Rome, unto the Cardinals ; Yet he woulde after that, that the pre- rogatiue therein should be re- serued to Henry 4. the young emperor,yro7M whome the empire afterward was for a tyme rvrested and taken. — p. 462. Sic post mortem Henrici III. Nicolaus II. quamvis decreto suo, quod can. I. distinct. 23. recitatur, in eligendo Romano Pontifice, Cardinalibus ratione cseterorum sacerdotum, populique Romani, primas dederit ; tamen Henrico IV. Regi impuberi, cui imperium delatum erat, jus in hac re suum voluit salvum esse. — p. 116. So, after the death of Henry III., Nicholas II., although by his decree which is recited in Can. 1. Distinct. 23 he had given to the cardinals a priority as it respects other ecclesiastics and the Roman people, in the election of a Pope, willed never- theless that his [the Emperor's] right in this matter should be preserved to Henry IV. to whom, then a child, the empire had devolved. Then first and neuer before, obteined the byshop of Rome, and quietly enioyed that pre- rogatiue of election, & be- stowing of benefices : which he so long before with such great pollices (now secretly, now openly, & nowe wyth force) had sought for. And with what sufficient & good authoritie Gratianus will proue, that be- fore this tyme the same autho- rity was geuen to the city of Rome for the election of the Pope without the consent of the Emperor he sheweth : as in the Then first the Popes obtained complete possession of that right which so long, and with so many and such arts, now privily, now by force, they had sought. For that the documents by which Gratian endeavours to prove that at an earlier period the power of electing the Pope with- out the Emperor's consent was given to the city of Rome (as Can. 29, 30. and the Palea annexed to the latter of them, and Can. 31. in the same Distinct. 63.) have been fraudu- lently put forth for genuine by FROM CISNER. 25 the papal sycophant Gratian, has not only been shown at large by Carolus Molineus, but may be seen by any one even moderately versed in French and German history, if he will con- sider the chronology. For in the first place that Gregory IV. to whom this 29th Canon is attributed was followed by five successive Popes, before that Adrian II., who on the power of electing to the Papacy being forcibly taken from the people, was made Pope ; espe- cially when that Gregory him- self would not accept thePapacy before the Emperor had given consent to his election. Then Molinaeus opposes the autho- rity of Raphael Volateranus to Canon 30. which is also sus- pected on this account, because .... Then again how could Leo IV. write that Palea beginning 'Constitutio,' to the Emperors Lothaire and Louis, &c. 29. & 30. canon, Sf what good stuff he putteth in the latter, & how subtilly that papisticall flatterer, or pontifical parasite, hath forged the same : Both Carolus Molineus sufficiently in diners places hath noted, & by the obseruation of tymes may of a meane historiographer, that hath red the french & germain histories, soon be es- pied & discerned. For first, fine bishops, one after another, succeeded this Gregory 4. upon whome the 29 Canon is entitled or fathered : that is Sergius 2. John 8. Adrian 2. John 9. & Adrian the 3. whiche Adrian by force wresting the authoritie of the election from the people, was made pope : When, as the Gregory (specially to be noted) would not take on him the pa- pacie, before that the emperour had consented to his election. After this Molineus comparelh Raphell Volateranus with the 30. canon which again is sus- pected : For why Then agayn, how could Leo the fourth write to Lotharius & Ludouicus Emperours, that counterfeit or forged decree beginning with ' Constitutio' &c.— p. 463. Turn igitur primum hoc jus quod tarn diu ante, tot tantisque artibus, nunc cJam, nunc vi Pontifices qusesierant, omnino sunt consecuti. Nam quibus 26 SPECIMENS OF TRANSLATION capitibus Gratianus ante ilia tempora, Romanaj civitati potestatem illaiu eligendi pontificem absque consensu Iraperatoruni datam esse, vult denion- strare : ut can. 29. 30. adjunctaqueprtfe« posteriori, et can. 31. eadem Distinct. 63. fraudulenter a Gratiano assentatore Pontificio pro veris supposita esse, et ante in plerisque Carolus Molinseus notavit, et ex observatione temporum, a quovis vel mediocriter in historiis Francicis et Germanicis versato, animad- verti potest. Primo enim Georgium IIII. cui can. 29. inscribitur, quinque ex ordine pontifices subsecuti sunt, ante Adrianum ilium II. qui arrepta a populo per vim eligendi Pontificis potestate, Pontifex factus est : cum prae- sertim is Georgius ante pontificatum accipere noluissef, quam imperator in ejus electionem consensisset. Deinde Can. 30. Molinseus authoritatem Ra- phelii Volaterani opponit, qui inde etiam suspectus est quod Turn quomodo paleam illam, cujus initium ' Constitutio,' Leo IIII. ad Lotliarium et Ludovicum Augustos scribere potuit, &c. — p. 118. Here it is obvious that the translator did not know what was meant by a palea in the Canon Law. He appears to have had no idea of anything but chaffl and to have supposed that Cisner used the word metaphorically, and so he translated it in one case " good stuff," and in the other, a " false and forged decree." To wliome also King John Who, having received in gaue Joell his daughter in ma- marriage Jole daughter of John, ryage which came of the daugh- by the daughter of Conrad King ter of Conradus King of Jeru- of Jerusalem and Marquis of salem & Marques of Mounte Montferrat, and all claim to the Ferrat * ; with whome he had kingdom of Jerusalem which for dowry the inheritaunce of belonged to her in right of her the Kingdome of Jerusalem as mother having been transferred * The new Edition has changed this to Montserrat. I sup- pose the Editor was misled by Sir Walter Scott, in one of whose Tales of the Crusaders that imaginary person figures bearing the device of a serrated mountain, as if to prevent all suspicion of a misprint. FROM CISNER. 27 to him by way of dowry (whence it came that those who afterwards possessed the kingdom of Naples and Sicily used the title of King of Jeru- salem) promised that he would as soon as possible make an expedition Into Asia for the recovery of Jerusalem. right heyre thereunto by her mother ; by whome also he af- ter obteyned the Kingdome of Naples & Sicill, and promised that with as much expedient speede as he might, he would prepare a power for the re- covery agayn of Jerusalem, & be there him.selfe in proper person. — p. 466. Qui data sibi in matrimonium lole filia Joannis ex filia Conradi regis Hierosolymse, et Marchionis Moiitisferrati, prognata, et dotis nomine omni jure regni Hierosolymitani quod ex materna haereditate illi competebat, in se translate (unde et qui Neapolitanuni et Sicilian regnum post possidenmt, Hierosolymitani regni titulo sunt usi) se in Asiam ad vindicandam Hiero- solymam quam primum posset expeditionem facturum promisit.— p. 124. And that from Arsacida From the Old Man of the there came a great power a- Mountain assassins were sent gaynst the Christen princes. — into Europe to murder Chris- p, 467. ^^^^ princes. Ab Arsacida sicarios in Europam Cliristianos reges trucidatum missos.— p. 126. best souldiours that were in a levy of soldiers through the euery country.— p. 467. whole kingdom, delectus militum toto regno. — p. 127. Great bandes set forth & marched to Brundu- sium. Theyr generals were Thuringus and Sigehertus, and Augmtinus the byshop. — p. 467. Louis Landgrave of Thurin- gia, and Sigebert Bishop of Augsburg, being their leaders, great forces had assembled at Brundusium. Magnae Ludovico Tlmringo, et Sigeberto Augustano episcopo duci- bus, copise Brundusium confluxerant. — p. 128. Among whome also dyed Many, and among them the Thuringus one of their generals. Landgrave of Thuringia him- 28 SPECIMENS OF TRANSLATION The Emperour, when he had somewhat recovered his health, with al his iiauy launched out, and set forward to Brundu- sium. And when he came to the straites of Poliponences & Creta {being islands lying in the self, died. The Emperor, when he had in some degree reco- vered, sailed with all the fleet Jrom Brundusium ; and when he had gone as far as the straits between the Peloponnesus and the island of Crete, &c. sea), &c. — p. 467. Multi, et in his ipse quoque Thuringus, vitam amiserunt. Imperator ubi paululum convaluerat, cum omni classe Brundusio solvit : cumque ad Pelojwn- nesi et Cretce insulcB angustias processisset, &c. — p. 128. When tidings hereof came These things being made to the Popes eare : He sent out his thundring curses & new excommunications agaynst the Emperour. The causes where- fore I find noted & mentioned by his own letters, that is : how that when he had robbed & taken from Brundusius, prince of Thuring, his horses, hys money & other rich furniture of his house at the tyme of hys death, he sayled into Italy : not for the entent to make warre agaynst the Turke, but to convey this prey that he had stolen & taken away from Brundusius, who neglecting his oath & promise which he had made, & feining himself to be sicke came home agayn. And that by his default also Da- mieta was lost, &c. — p. 467. His rebus nunciatis, Pontifex Fridericum tyrannidis suae fulmine ferit : cujus rei causas cum in tabulis hasce proposuisse invenio, quod Brundusio known, the pope excommuni- cated Frederic. For which I find him to have assigned these causes in letters, — that having, at Brundusium, seized on the horses, money and very costly baggage of the Land- grave of Thuringia who had died, he had sailed into Asia, not to prosecute the war, but to conceal that prey — that in neglect of the sacredness and obligation of his oath and vow, pretending sickness, he had returned — that by his fault Damietta was lost, &c. FROM CISNER. 29 equis, pecunia, et pretiosissima supellectile demortui Tliuringi Regidi direpta, non belli sed praedse istius tegendae et velandae gratia in Asiam navigarit . quod neglecta sacramenti devotionisque religione et sponsione, simulate inorbo redierit: quod ejus culpa Dammiata amissa, &c. — p. 128. It is impossible to pass over these three paragraphs without notice. How coukl matter so unintelHgible keep its place if it was once read over by the author, or by any person who was desirous to understand it ? The troops under the command of Thuringus (called so from his property, as familiarly as Monkbarns or Dumbiedikes) marched to Brundusium. Then the Emperor with all his navy, containing of course all his army, launched forth and sailed to the place where they already were. Thuringus having died at Brundusium, that place became a person, and suc- ceeded to his dominions under the title and style of " Brundusius, Prince of Thuring." This might (one would think) have attracted Fox's notice, for it was rather too much for the new editor, who has ven- tured, on his own responsibility, to change ' Brun- dusius ' into ' Brundusium.' But this is obviously doing nothing, or worse ; for it only makes the Prince of Thuring neuter, which is contrary to both grammar and history. And then Frederic, having robbed Brundusius's house, (which we may suppose to have followed him from Thuring either by land or sea,) sailed away from Brundusium to Italy, just as naturally as he might have sailed from Portsmouth or Plymouth to England. It was odd to be sure, but there was no harm in the thing itself ; and even his captious enemy the Pope could find no fault with 30 SPECIMENS OF TRANSLATION it, except that it was not done with design to attack the Turk, whom, for anything that we can tell, the Pope might know to be in Italy, though other people have not heard of it. This is historical authority, and its value, in that point of view, is increased by considering, that, in fact, the Landgrave of Thuringia did not die at Brundusium but at Otranto ; but this has nothing to do with the translation, which is all that Mr. Townsend has to defend. Hitherto we have been, I believe, reading a straightforward translation of the work of Cisner; but here there is inserted (just as the king's letter was inserted into the extracts from Thomas Wal- singham) the "effect of another letter" from Matthew Paris. Whether this was done by Fox himself, or by the nameless person employed to translate Cis- ner's book, or by some third person hitherto unheard of, and unsuspected, I do not pretend to decide ; but I will give one or two extracts from the transla- tion. I pretermit sayth he, [the 1 pretermit the simonies, the Emperor Frederic] the Symo- sundry sorts of exactions (the nies and sondry sortes of ex- like whereof was never yet actions (the lyke whereof was heard) which they [the Court neuer yet heard) which dayly of Rome and particularly the are vsed amongest the ecclesi- Pope by whom he had just asticall persons. — p, 469. been excommunicated] inces- santly practise on ecclesiastical persons. Simonias exactiones diversas, et a saeculis inauditas, quas in ecclesiasticas personas incessanter exercent. — M. Paris, sub an. 1228. vol. ii. p, 348. FROM MATTHEW PARIS. 31 Let the illustrious Barons of England consider these things, whom, fortified by his bulls, Pope Innocent encouraged to rebel against King John as an obstinate enemy of the church. But after the before mentioned king had monstrously humbled himself, and, like an effeminate person, enslaved himself and his kingdom to the church of Rome, the aforesaid Pope, setting aside all worldly shame and fear of the Lord, trampled on those nobles whom he had previously maintained and en- couraged, when they were ex- posed to death, and miserable confiscation, in order that, after the Roman manner, he might, alas ! draw the fatness unto his own greedy gaping jaws. Let the Barons of England consider whether this be true or not, whom Pope Innocent by his bulles with one consent encouraged to ryse & rebell agaynst their soueraigne Lord & Prince King John your fa- ther, as an obstinate enemy to the church of Rome. But af- ter that the King (farre out of square) reniembring himself had crovched unto him and obliged both himselfe and Kingdome to the Church of Rome, more liker a woman then a man : and that the wise barons whome the Pope had first mayntained and stirred vp, without all shame eyther of the world or feare of God, had done the same : sought howe he might with gaping mouth deuoure and consume the sweet fat from them, whom he had miserably to death betrayed and dishe- reted, as the maner of the Ro- mayne Bishops is. Revolvant hsec inclyti Barones Angliae, quos Papa Innocentius bullatis literis comviimitos animavit ; ut in Regem lohannem quasi ecclesiae inimicum insurgerent obstinatum. Sed postquam enormiter memoratus Rex est incur- vatus, et se suumque regnum ecclesiae Romanae, velut effoeminatus, raan- cipavit ; prsedictus Papa proceres, quos prius sustinuit et excitaverat, post- posito mundi pudore Dominique timore, conculcavit morti expositos et miserabiliter exhaeredandos ; ut more Romano, protervo hiatu quod pinguis erat, proh dolor, absorberet. — Ibid. We now return to Cisner ; — 32 SPECIMENS OF TRANSLATION By the help of the inhabit- By the help of the Pisans, antes of Pisa & the Genowayes the Genoese, and the Knights of & the Dutch Souldiours. — p. the Teutonic Order. 472. Ope Pisanorum, et Genuensium, miUtumqiie Ordinis Teutonici. — p. 136. On the same account when And thys was the cause that when all other men reioiced & were glad of the Emperours coronation, they, as wicked con- federatours were heauy there- the inauguration of Frederic took place with universal re- spect and gladness, these were making complaints as of an un~ fore, and obtrectours of hys just league, and detracting from worthy laud and fame. — p. 472. his praise. Eadem de causa cum Frederici inauguratio incredibili omnium honore etlaetitia fiebat, hi quasi de iniquo foedere querebantur, laudique ejus obtrecta- bant. — p. 136. The Pope, when he had thus conspired agaynst Fredericke, and had betrayed him to the publicke enemy of all christen men, the Turk : he could not dissemble this hys mischievous fact, nor content himself there- with, but that he would devise & practise yet another. — p. 472. The Pope when, through perfidy, he had spread these snares for Frederic, and had be- trayed the Christian emperor to the public enemy, could not, as soon as he had committed so great a crime, rest satisfied with one piece of wickedness, but must contrive another against him. Pontifex cum has ex perfidia insidias Frederico tetendisset, cumque publico hosti imperatorem christianum prodidisset : non potuit simulatqiie tantum facinus commisisset, hoc uno scelere esse contentus quin aliud contra eundem moliretur. — p. 136. Here it is quite clear that the translator took " simul-atque" for " simulat-qiie ;" but he put down something for a meaning. After this we come to another insertion from Matthew Paris, not in the w'ork of Cisnerus. The passage beginning, " Of this FROM MATTHEW PARIS. 33 treason of the pope against Frederick doth also Matthew Paris make mention," on p. 472 of the new edition, and the letter which follows it, are in- terpolated by somebody, and somebody is responsible for the translation. It is in this letter that the phrase " de thesauris apostolicis" occurs ; but, as I have already noticed this* and as Mr. Townsend declares that he and his learned friends cannot ima- gine what it means, I will not here repeat what might be considered a charge of ignorance against the translator of Fox. But I must insert what I said of the letter, not only because it is to our pre- sent purpose and actually comes in our way, but also that the reader may see what Mr. Townsend con- siders as an answer in such cases. " A somewhat similar case of mistake, arising, as far as ap- pears, from extreme carelessness in transcribing, and contented ignorance as to who and what the people were of whom the his- torian was writing, may be found at page 472 of the same volume. • Of this treason of the pope against Frederick doth also Matthew Paris make mention, during his wars in Asia, who, saith he, purposed to have deposed him, and to have placed 'any other he cared not whom (so that he were a child of peace and obedience) in his stead.' And for the more certainty thereof, the said Matthew Paris repeateth the letter which a certain Earl of Slyria wrote unto him concerning the same, which letter hereunder ensueth word for word. * In the first part of these Notes, p. 92. from the British Mag. for April, 1842. 34 SPECIMENS OF TRANSLATION To the high and mighty prince, Frederick, by the grace of God, Emperor of Rome, and ever Augustus, and most puissant King of Sicily, Thomas, Earl of Actran, his faithful and trusty subject in all things, humble salutation.' &c. If the reader has never heard of any earls of Styria, or of any place called Actran, either in that or any other part of the world, he may perhaps turn to the old edition of Fox, and he will then find that what is here called Styria, there stands Siria, This is, I presume, an intentional alteration, by which the editor thought that he was correcting the text, and for which he took colour from the head-line of the next page (303), which runs—" the letters of the Earl of Stiria to Fred." &c. As to his afterwards describing him (or letting him describe himself) as ' Thomas Earl of Actran,' it would have been much better to call him Thomas Aquinas, (which he really was, though not the angelic doctor who must at that time have been in petticoats, but one of his family,) for he was Earl of Aquino and Acerra, of which latter title Actran is, in the phraseology of the publishers, a supposed mis- spelling. I should rather suppose it to be a corruption of a bar- barous translation of Matthew Paris's " Atteranensis," and that Fox had originally written it Atteran or Attran, and that the first black letter t had got changed into a c, as that letter is apt to do. Be this as it may, what had this Thomas Aquinas to do with either Siria or Stiria? And when the editor found one word in the text and the other in his margin, would it not have been better to turn to Matthew Paris than to content himself with merely modernizing Stiria into Styria, and putting that word, on mere chance, in place of Siria ? If he had done this, he would have seen that the earl had nothing to do with Styria, and that even Syria was no more concerned in the matter than that when the earl had written his letter he sent it there to the emperor. The words of Matthew Paris are — " Sed quoniam hujus rei cer- titudo nobis non nisi per alios constare potuit, ponemus hie literasThomse cujusdam comitis, quem imperator cum quibusdam aliis in recessu suo, imperii tutorem constituit et rectorem : quas FROM MATTHEW PARIS. 35 imperatori super hoc negotio in Syriam destinavit, et quas a quo- dam fide digno suscepiraus peregrino." If the matter can be better explained, let it be ; but I can only suppose that, in hastily running over the words of Matthew Paris, Fox took the word Syriam for the title of the person to whom the emperor had destined this business." — Letters on Fox, p. 56. Thus I wrote in the British Magazine for October, 1837; and how is it met by Mr. Townsend, in his Vindication, not published until more than four years after ? His words are just these : — " I shall but weary the reader if I go on to comment on the contents of this letter, and consider, at greater and unnecessary length, whether Foxe was copying from Fabian (page 54) when he speaks of the abbeys built by the conqueror, or the mistakes about the Earl of Palatine (page 55), — a most unaccountable and intolerable error — or whether Foxe knew that Thomas Aqui- nas was Thomas earl of Actran (p. 56), or whether Foxe mistook the word Syria, for the title of a nobleman, as we sometimes say Northumberland or Devonshire, for the dukes bearing those titles. I pass on to page 59," &c. — Life of Fox, p. 321. I am sorry that Mr. Townsend did not think fit to discuss the question whether Fox knew that Thomas Aquinas was Earl of Actran, because such a discus- sion must have been very amusing ; but all that I had ventured to say was, that forasmuch as the writer of the letter was named Thomas, and really was Earl of Aquino, it would have been a less blunder and barbarism to have called him Thomas iVquinas, than by the entirely senseless name of Actran. On that, however, which relates to what the reader has before him, I feel that it would be an D 2 9 36 SPECIMENS OF TRANSLATION affront to his understanding to comment. But will he believe that the question whether Fox was copy- ing from Fabian, on which Mr. Townsend would not enter for fear of wearying his reader, was only in- cidentally suggested by me to account for, and in some degree palliate, Fox's absurd blunder in telling his readers that Bermondsei/ Abbey was in Normmidyf This piece of historical authority stands uncorrected in the new edition, vol. ii. p. 135; and because I suggested that Fox might have been led into the error by what Fabian says, (not that Fabian is guilty of any such blunder,) Mr. Townsend slips over the matter with an attempt to represent me as w^anting to raise a futile dispute as to whether Fox was, or was not, quoting from Fabian. How necessary it is to watch great boasters, especially if they boast about magnanimity and such like ! He admits that the blunders which I have noticed about the Count Palatine are intolerable ; but why does he call them " unaccountable ?" He had just seen blunders quite as bad. Surely an Englishman who states that Bermondsey and Clarendon are both in Normandy, (and on that same p. 54 I showed that Fox did both) could not be expected to be very accurate about foreign matters *. — But to proceed with Cisner : — * The passage thus disingenuously alluded to is as follows : — " One would think that a writer (and even an editor) of English Church history might have learned more about a monastery so eminent as that of Bermondsey was, up to the very dissolution, than to have told his readers that it was founded by William the FROM CISNER. 37 Henry, fearing lest he should Henry fearing lest if he understand & know of these should come to know these secret councels, which he with secret counsels which he had his conspiratours had in hand entered into against his father agaynst hys father : or that he and Emperor, with the conspi- should vtter the same unto rators, he would either tell his him, or that he should go father, or try to dissuade him about to disswade him from from his enterprize, removed that he was purposed to doe : him from the court and senate. by authoritie of the court 8^ senate of Rome, he put him out of office, — p. 474. Conqueror, or that it was in Normandy. But this case, though it requires notice, as showing how little Fox knew of the places about which he wrote, and that he was following (if any) some unworthy authority, is yet, I believe, of more importance in our enquiry, as an instance of the extreme carelessness with which he copied. I say, I believe this, because he gives no authority, and therefore may have correctly copied some other careless writer ; but I cannot help thinking that he was copying from Fabian, whose words are, — ' He buylded .ii. abbeys in Englande, one at Ba- tayll, in Sussex, where he wan the felde agayne Harolde, and is at this day called the abbey of Batayll : and that other he sette besyde London, upon the south syde of Thamys, and named it Barmoundesay : and in Normandy he builded other .ii.' — p. 247. Should the reader think it impossible that Fox's vaunted accu- racy should have been misled by the juxtaposition of the words ' Barmoundesay' and ' in Normandy' (perhaps in his copy without a stop, and with only a contraction for the and between them,) I shall, perhaps, produce matter which may alter his opinion. Is it, indeed, more strange than for an English historian to talk of ' the constitutions made at Clarendon in Normandy?' p. 201." — Letters on Fox, p. 53. Mr. Townsend's answer to all this is, that he should weary his readers if he were to discuss the question whether Fox was copying from Fabian. 38 SPECIMENS OF TRANSLATION Henricus metuens, ne si lisec clandestiria consilia, cjuee contra patrem et Imperatorem suum cum conjuratis inivisset, rescisceret, autea patri efferret, aut se a cepto abducere conaretur, curia et senatii amovit. — p. 140. To the entreating of this To treat of this peace, and peace, & deciding of all con- trouersies, he sent to the Pope eight or x of the noblest & chiefest about him, that were princes & dukes of the empire. As Bartoldust the patriarche of Aquileia, & his brother Otho prince of Dalmatia & Histria Eberhardus Juuauensis, Sigi- fridus, Reginoburgensis, Sib- botus Augustanus, a worthy prelate, Leopaldus of Austria & Stiria, & Bernhardus being all dukes, besides others of the nobility to accompany them. — p. 475. Ad pacem banc tractandam, causasque controversiarum inter Fi-edericum ct Pontificem cognoscendas, Bertoldus Patriarcha Aquileige, ejusque frater Otho Dalmatijfi atque Histriae regulus, Eberhardus Juvavensis, Sifridus Reginoburgensis, Sibottus Augustanus Antistites ; Leopoldus Austriae et Stiriae, Bernhardus Charionum duces Romam proficiscuntur. — p. 142. to investigate the causes of- the controversies between Frederic and the Pope, Berthold, Patri- arch of Aquileia, and his bro- ther Otho Duke of Dalmatia and I stria, Eberhard Arch- bishop of Saltzburgh, Sifrid of Ratisbon, and Sibottus of Augsburgh, Leopold Duke of Austria and Styria, and Bern- hard Duke of Carinthia went to Rome. The next yeare after (with much adoe) a peace was made & concluded between them, by the help & industry of Leopoldus of Austria, Herman- nus Capitaine of the Dutch Souldters, & the president of Messanea. — p. 475. Insequenti demum anno Leopoldi Austriaci, Hermanni Teiitonici Ordints Magistri, ac Messanensis Antistitis opera studio et intercessione tandem aliquando pace facta. — p. 142. At length, in the following year, peace having been made by the interposition and man- agement of Leopold of Austria, Herman, Master of the Teutonic Order, and the Archbishop of Messina. FROM CISNER. 39 Whilest that these things were clone in Italy & Sicilia, great rebellions were moued in Germany against the Emperour by Henricus Cesar and Fre- dericke of Austria, hys sonnes being the chief authors thereof. For Henry being disapoynted and shaken of from his Lord Pope & other conspirators by reason of the peace between his father & him, as ye heard, began now to make open chal- lenge to the empire. — p. 477. Dum hsec in Italia et Sicilia geruntur, magni in Germa.iia Henrico Caesare et Friderico Austriaco authoribus, motiis exoriuntur. Henricus a pontifice ejusque sectatoribus (ut dixi) seductus etdepravatus erat, Imperiuni- que clam contra patrem appetebat. — p. 146. While these things were taking place in Italy and Sicily, great commotions arose in Ger- many, Henry the Caesar and Frederic of Austria being the authors of them. Henry, (as I have said) was seduced and per- verted by the Pope and his party, and secretly aspired to the empire in opposition to his father. Came to Boioria: who had not there remayned a yeare, but was, as he walked abroad at a certayne tyme stabbed in with a dagger of one Kelhemius. p. 477. He had betaken himself to Bavaria. Having been there not much more than a year, he was wounded with a mortal blow while walking in [the town of] Kelheim. Boioriam se contulerat. Non multoamplius anno ibi comnioratus, Kelhemii cum deambularet, laetali vulnere percussus.— p. 146. What does it matter whether Kelheim was a place or a person ? And why should anybody be expected to know that, in order to give security to those Christian princes who should quit their domi- nions to engage in the Crusade, the Pope had ordered that no advantage should be taken, and no war carried on between themselves, while the holy war 40 SPECIMENS OF TRANSLATION continued ? The translator saw the word " subsi- dium," and translated it "subsidy;" what could be more natural ? To the Emperor, however, he sent ambassadors, who were to prohibit his entering into Italy with an army, under pre- tence of the peace which he had long before publicly com- manded to be maintained among Christians, with a view to the furtherance of the Crusade. Furthermore vnto the em- peror [who was returning to Italy with an army] he [the Pope] sendeth his embassa- dours, to whom, vnder the pre- tence of nourishing a peace, he had geuen secret commande- ment : that they should inter- dict him & his host, as soon as he came within the borders of Italy. To the preseruation of which peace, saith he, he had (but late since) promulgate a subsidie to be gathered amongst the christians, when he began the holy warre. — p. 478. Ad Imperatorem autem legates tnittit, qui ei pacis specie, quatn ad suhsidium belli sacri inter Christianos tuendam janipridem promulgarat, Italiae ingressu cum exercitu interdicant. — p. 150. After this the translator seems to have got into the 'aggravating' vein. First, one place, and secondly, one person, is turned into two; and, thirdly, twenty-five ships are increased to thirty-five. Of course this cannot be quite right in itself, though it may do for historical authority. Two which follow need no comment. At the recouering of Marchia In subduing the March of and Ternissana. — p. 479. Trevisa. Ill subigenda Marchia Teruisiana. — p. 152. FROM CISNER. 41 As well Pandulphus and Co- Beside Pandolphus Colonu- loiiucius, as the letters of the cius, the Emperor's own letters Emperor do both right well plainly shew, declare. — p. 480. Prseter Pandulphum Colonucium illius ipsius etiam epistolse, aperte demonstrant. — p. 153. That at their pM6%Me charges, That at their joint charge they should rig and man 35, a fleet of twenty-five galleys gallyes. — p. 480. should be equipped by them [the Venetians and Genoese]. Ut communibus impensis, ab his classis xxv. triremium adornaretur. — p. 154. Albertus Behauus of the Albertus Behamus. . . .born noble house called Equestri. — of noble family. p. 481. Albertum Behamum equestri familia natum. — p, 154. Frederic again getting on Frederic having gained over hys side the Lucenses, the Vo- to his side the inhabitants of lateranes, the Genenses, the Lucca, Volterra, -Siew?m, Arezzo, Aretines, & diuers cities be- and most of the cities of Etruria, sides in Hetruria, to help that that he might bring help to his countrey : came to Pisas ^ Vi- own dominions went/rom Pisa terbium, which tooke parte with to Viterbo, which was in his him. — p. 486. interest. Fredericus conciliatis sibi Lucei)sibus, Volateranis, Senensibus, Aretinis, et plerisiiue Hetrurise civitatibus, ut regno suo opem ferret, Pisis Viterbium, quod suarum erat partium, se confert. — p. 164. The next presents a very singular specimen of the translator's ignorance, both as respects the subject matter, and the Latin words which he was professing to translate. The Pope, when he under- The Pope when he heard stoode that Fredericke was come that Frederic had come to Vi- 42 SPECIMENS OF TRANSLATION to Vi terbium, he was very heavy : for that he feared he would come to Rome, the good will of which citie the pope much mistrusted. He therefore caused a supplication to be drawne portraying about the same, the heads of Peter ^- Paule ; & with a sharpe & contumelious oration he much defaced the emperour ; promis- ing them euerlasting life, & gaue them the badge of the crosse, as many as would arme themselues, & fight against the Emperour, as against the most wicked enemy of God & the church. Now when the Emperour marching somewhat near to Rome gates, beheld those whom the Pope had, with his goodly spectacle of S. Peter & S. Paul, & wyth his alluring oration stirred vp against him, & marked with the badge of the crosse, to come foorth in battel against him : Disdaining to be accompted for the enemie of the church, who had ben thereunto so beneficial, geuing a fierce charge uppon them, put them soon to flight : ^' as many as hee took (cutting off that badge from them) he caused to be hanged. — p. 486. Pontifex uhi Fridericuni Viterbium terbo was very much alarmed, both because he feared that he would come still nearer to Rome, and he doubted the fidelity of the Romans. Having there- fore ordered litanies, and the heads of Peter and Paul (if we are to believe them genuine) having been carried round in procession, and having attacked the emperor in a sharp and abusive oration, he promised the reward of eternal salvation to, and marked with the sign of the cross, all those who were willing to take arms against Frederic, as a most wicked ene- my of God and his church. When the Emperor drew near to the gates of Rome, and saw those whom the Pope by his procession and his promises had stirred up against him, coming to meet him bearing the mark of the cross, being indignant at the idea of being considered by them as an enemy of the Church, and having dispersed them by a powerful attack, he ordered all whom he took prisoners to be tormented by either cutting, or burning, the mark of the cross in their flesh. venisse audivit, magna est adfectus FROM CISNER. 43 soUicitudine, quod et ad urbetn propius accessurum Fridericum timeret, et voluntati populi llomani cliffideret. Decreta igitur supplicatione, et circumlalis Petri et Pauli (si credere fas est) capitibus, asperaque et contumeliosa oratione Imperatorem insectatus, iis salutis seternae praemia est pollicitus, Crucisque nota insignivit, qui adversus Fridericum, tanquam scelestissimum Dei et ecclesiae suae hostem, arma caperent. Cum jam Imperator portis Romanis appropinquasset, et quos Pontifex spectaculo atque pollicitationibus suis adversus se concitarat crucis signo notatos obviam contravenire conspcx- isset, indignans se ab illis pro hoste Ecclesiae Christianse haberi, iis magno a se impetu profligatis, quosciimque ceperat eos vel inusta vel incisa crucis nota, excruciari jussit. — p. 165. I know not what Mr. Townsend may have to say for this, but to me it really seems too bad. The translator, who appears to have known nothing of the history, and never to have heard of the Pope's carrying the heads (or relics said to be the heads) of St. Peter and St. Paul in his own hands in proces- sion on this occasion, appears to have imagined that a "supplication" was a document like the more modern supplications of charity boys and bellmen, (if these are not now out of date) embellished with marginal pictures of the Apostles. And as to the punishment which the Emperor inflicted on the cap- tives, the word "incisa" seems to have caught his eye ; and then, as he did not conceive of cutting on^ he felt obliged to make it cutting off; and, as cut- ting off a badge was no great punishment, he threw in of his own bounty the hanging to make up. If this is not inventing history I should like to know what is. This Henrie was the sonne But this Henry was son of of Henry Leo, the traitor : unto Henry Leo, whom Henry the whom Henry the 6 the father Sixth, the father of Frederic, 44 SPECIMENS OF TRANSLATION of Frederick gave in mariage (having given him in marriage Clementia his brother's daugh- his niece Clementia, daughter of ter Conradus Palatine of Rhe- Conrad Palatine of the Rhine) nus, & gave vnto him the keep- had made Palatine on precari- ing of the Palace of the same. ous tenure *. As to Bavaria And as touching the inherit- however, it must be known that aunce of Boiora, that hee had it also had for a long period also long now possessed by the been possessed and governed by heirs of Otho Wittespachius. — the ancestors of Otho Witespa- p. 488. chius. [*See Du Cange in v. Precaria.] Henricus autem ille, filius fuit Henrici Leonis: cui Henricus VI., pater Friderici, data in matrimonium Clementia patruele sua, Conradi Palatini Rheni filia, prsefecturam palatii Rhenani precario concesserat. Quod vero ad Bojariam attinet, sciendum est, jam olim quoque illam a majoribus Othonis Witespachii possessam et ministratam fuisse. — p. 170. At the same time also the At the same time the Arch- gouernor of Colonia Agrippina. bishop of Cologne, —p. 488. Eodem tempore Praesul Colonise Agrippinse. — p. 174. As to the next, let the reader look at it just as it stands in Fox's pages after repeated revisions and recognitions ; — All which things [viz. that the Pope had called a Council at Rome] Fredericus hauing vnderstanding of, & knowing that these assemblies should be but to the destruction & supplant- ing of him : determined to stop & let their [Italian, French, & English Bishops] passages to Rome, as well by sea as by lande, in all that euer he might. So that, all the passages by land being now stopped & preuented, he commanded his sonne Henry with certain gallies, to goe & keepe the coastes of Sardinia, which kingdom the Italians cal Entimum : & from thence to Pisas, & with the Pisans to rig out a nauie to meet with (if it were possible) such as should come to aide the Pope at Rome. The Pope's champions, vnderstanding that by land they could FROM CISNER. 45 not safel}^ repaire to Rome : they procured of gallies & ships of Genua (hauing Guliehnus Braccius for their chiefe Capitaine or Admirall) for fortie saile their defence : thinking hereby, that if they should fortune to meete with any of the Empe- rours ships or galleis which should lye for them in wait, they should be able to make their part in good, & geue them also the repulse. Encius in like manner, & Huglinus (being Captain & Admirall of the Pisan nauie for the Emperour, launched foorth to sea with 40. ships & gallies : and betwixt the iles of Lilium & Mons Christi, which lie betweene Liburnium & Corsica they met with the Genewes ships : and straightwaies fiersly began to grapple with them & bourd them, in which fight at length were 3. of the Genewes ships with boulged & sonke, & 22. taken & brought away, with all the riches & treasure in them. In these were taken 3. legates of the Popes whereof were two Cardinals Jacobus Columnas, Otho Marchio, & Gregorius de Romania, (all cruel enemies against the Emperour) & many other prelates moe : besides a great number of legates and procuratours of cities, with an infinite number of monkes & priests, besides of Genewes souldiours 6000. with diuers others. — p. 489. Before I give the original of this, let me ask the reader if it does not in the very face of it, bear very plain marks of absurdity? Could anybody who knew the history and felt sufficient interest in it to think it worth inserting among the acts and monuments of the Church, have read it over without suspecting that there must be some blunder ? The Pope calls a council at Rome. The Emperor having cut off all apjiroach to the city by land, sets to work to inter- cept those ecclesiastics who might attempt to come by sea. He therefore "commanded his sonne Henry," (of whom we have just been reading at p. 40, and 46 SPECIMENS OF TRANSLATION who, if he was ahve, was, as he had been for some years, and indeed was as long as he lived, imprisoned in Sicily as a rebel and traitor, and therefore one is surprised to hear of his appointment) " with certain gallies to goe and keepe the coastes of Sardinia." What could it be for ? Could it be for any purpose but to keep him out of the way of ships coming from England, France, and various parts of Italy to Rome ? Surely he might as well have been sent to keep what Fox calls the " coasts of Silesia * " only tliat it might not be so easy to find them, or to approach them with a navy. But for some reason or other Henry was to keep the coasts of Sardinia, " which kingdom the Italians cal Entimumr Do they? Who ever heard of it ? And then because he was to keep the coasts of Sardinia, he was to go to Pisa. Could any man of common consideration read this without feel- ing that it was nonsense ? Can one feel less than pity for the reckless ignorance which talks of taking- such senseless rubbish " with respect and deference as an undoubted authority?" When these things became Quibus rebus cognitis, Fri- known, Frederic, being aware dericus quod ad perniciem suam that they were about to as- a Pontifice conductos conve- semble, under the influence of nire, exploratum haberet ; qua the Pope, for his destruction, re- terra, qua man, omne eis iter solved to prevent their access to Romam versus intercludere in- Rome both by sea and by land. stituit, Itaque omnibus viis ter- * New Ed. Vol. II. p. .576. 5 FROM CISNER. 47 Having therefore taken posses- sion of all the roads by land, he ordered his son Henry [not the son of whom we have been reading, but an illegitimate one whom he had made King of Sardinia, whom the Germans called Henry, but] whom the Italians call Entius [or Encio] to go from the Kingdom of Sardinia, to Pisa with some gallies, that in conjunction with the Pisanese, whom he had likewise ordered to equip a fleet, he might meet those of the Pope's party who were go- ing to Rome, and if possible in- tercept them. The Pope's party, understanding that they could not safely travel by land, ob- tained as a convoy forty gallies and ships of the Genoese, under the command of Gulielmus Brac- cius, and hoped to be able by these means to repel any dan- ger that they might be in from the attempts of the Emperor. Entius, and Hugolinus the com- mander of the Pisan fleet, hav- ing put to sea with forty gallies, when they met the ships of the Genoese, within the islands of Giglio and Monte Christo, which lie between Leghorn and Corsica, suddenly attacked them ; and when their com- restribus pra30ccupatis, filium suum Henricum Sardinise regno (quern Itali Entium vocant) Pisas cum aliquot triremibus ire jussit : ut cum Pisanis, qui- bus ipsis quoque mandaverat, ut classem adornarent, Romam petentibusPontificiis occurreret, et si fieri posset, eos interci- peret Pontificii, quod se terra tuto iter facere non posse intel- lexissent, quadraginta trire- mibus et navibus Genuensium, Guielmo Braccio duce, sibi prre- sidii causa adjunctis, his se si quae pericula et insidise ab Im- peratore intentarentur, propel- lere posse sperabant. Encius et Hugolinus Pisanorura praj- fectus classis, cum XI. triremi- bus in altum provecti, cum eis naves Genuensium intra insulas Lilii et Montes Christi, quae in- ter Lybunium et Corsicam sitae sunt, obviam venissent, subito in eas impetum fecerunt : quem cum dux eorum Gulielmus, con- tra voluntatem Ecclesiastico- rum fugam spectantium susti- nere vellet, tribus navibus sub- mersis, reliquaj omnes quarum XXII. erant, cum omnibus re- bus quae in iis fuerunt, in po- testatem imperatoris venerunt. In his capti sunt tres legati Pontificii, Jacobus Columna 48 SPECIMENS OF TRANSLATION inander Gulielmus, contrary to the wish of the ecclesiastics, who would have preferred flight *, attempted to resist the attack, after three ships had been sunk, the remainder to the number of twenty-two, with all that they contained fell into the hands of the Emperor. In them were taken prisoners three papal Legates, Jacobus Columna Cardinal Bishop of Praeneste, Otho (of the family of the Marquis of Montferrat) Cardinal of St. Nicolas in Car- cere Tulliano, and Gregory who in the letters, one beginning " Adaucta nobis" and another " Cum ad depopulationem" is surnamed ' de Romania,' all most bitter enemies of the Em- peror, a great many bishops, a great number of legates and proc- tors of cities, and a countless rabble of priests and monks : beside more than four thousand Genoese soldiers, with all the tribunes officers of the fleet, and the commander himself who was of the patrician order. News hereof [the victory at News of this was quickly Ticinum] was brought to the brought to the Emperor who Emperor not long after who was on his way from Faenza Prnenestinus, Otho Marchio- num Montisferrati genere ori- undus, S. Nicolai in carcere Tulliano, Cardinales : et Gre- gorius, qui in epistolis, ilia : ' Adaucta nobis.' Itemque alia, cujus initium : * Cum ad de- populationem,' de Romania cognominatur, omnes acerbis- simi Imperatoris hostes com- plures antistites, magnus ne- merus legatorum et procurato- rum civitatum, infinita turba sacrificorum et monachorum : praeterea militum Genuensium amplius quatuor millia, cum om- nibus tribunis classis praefectis et duce ipso patricii ordinis. — p. 176. Why was this omitted ? FROM CISNER. 49 then was remouing from the siege of Fauentia as ye heard to the Citie Bononium thinking to haue destroied the same. But upon the hearing of these good newes he altereth his pur- pose, & thinking to haue heere- after a more convenient time thereunto leadeth his army to- to Bologna with a view to de- stroy that place. But, upon this happy success, changing his intention, under the impres- sion that a greater opportunity was given him of putting a finishing stroke to the war, he led back his army towards Rome. wards Rome. — p. 491. Celeriter de his rebus nuncii ad Fridericum perferiintur, qui Faventea ad Bononiensium civitatem depopulandam iter habebat. At ex hoc felici suc- cessu, mutato consilio, cum majorem conficiendi hujiis belli opportunitatem sibi datam esse statueret : Romam versus exercitum reducit. — p. 179. Whilest that this ruffle was While these matters were betwixt the emperor and the going on between the Emperor pope, Ochodarius the Emperour of the Tartarians his son, with a great power & provision made, & invaded the borders next adjoyning to him, & there wan Roxolanum, Bodo- lium, Mudanum, with diuers other cities, towns & villages, destroying, wasting, & burning the countries all about. — p. 491. and the Pope, Ochodarius son of Zingis Emperor of the Tar- tars, sent his relation Bathus with a very large army, joining with him the generals Cadanus, Buzothus, and Orodarius, and having supplied them with all things necessary for their ex- pedition, to lay waste the neigh- bouring countries, and bring them into subjection to him .... the Tartars therefore, almost without opposition, subdued the Russians, Podolians, Molda- vians, Walachians, Poles and Prussians, laid waste the fields, plundered, burnt, ruined, and destroyed cities, towns, villages, buildings of every description. Dum haec inter imperatorem et pontificem geruntur, Ochodarius Zingisae E 50 SPECIMENS OF TRANSLATION Tartarorum Imperatoris filius, cum quam maximis copiis, Bathum cognatum suum, adjunctis Cadano, Bugotho, Orodario ducibus, omnibus que iis rebus quas ad proficiscendum pertinerent, coraparatis ; ad finitimas regiones vas- tandas et in suam potestatem redigendas mittit Itaque Tartari Roxolanos, Podolios, Muldavos, Walachos, Polonos, Borussos, nemine fere repugnante subigunt, agros depopulantur, urbes, oppida, pagos, villas, sedificia omnis generis diripiunt, incendunt, destruunt, diruunt. — p. 179. The translator (if he is to be so called when he does not even attempt to translate) seems to have thought that "Roxolaniim, Bodolium, and Mudanum" were three " cities, towns, or villages *." In the next he is at his old trick of making one person into two ; and carries out his blunder with a defiance of gram- mar which one would have thought impossible. By this time the Tartarian They had already reached hoste was come as far as Ura- Breslau, when Henry Duke of tislauia where Henricus of Po- Poland and Silesia went forth Ionia and the Duke of Silesia, with an army to meet them ; with their army met with them : who, for as much as he was who for the inequality of the greatly inferior in force, having nomber & smal strength they encountered them and almost were of, had soon an overthrow, all his army being destroyed, & almost all their souldiours was himself taken prisoner and being slain they themselves were slain with an axe by the barba- taken & put to the sword. — p. rians. 491. * And so for any thing that appears did the editor of the new edition. The passage has so far engaged his attention, that in courtesy to " the general reader," the word " Whilest" has been changed into " While," and " Ochodarius the Emperour of the Tartarians his son" into " Ochodarius the son of the Emperor of the Tartars." Moreover " wan" is modernized into " won ;" but what he won the general reader may find out as he can. FROM CISNER. 51 Jam ad Uratislaviam processerant, cum eis Henricus Polonue atque Silesice Dux, cum exercitu obviam ivit : qui quod tantis copiis longe impar esset, cum iis congressus, omni fere exercitu deleto, captus, et a barbaris securi percussus est. — p. 180. In the following, as if for compensation, two per- sons are made into one ; and perhaps Mr, Townsend will vindicate the translating " operam suam defere- bant," by they " deferred their journey." It is not worse than giving "thin garments" for "laneis ves- tibus." Notwithstanding, he sent He sent orders to Conrad Conradus Cesar, King of Bo- the Caesar, to the King of Bo- hemia & other princes more hernia, and other Princes of of Germany to resist & with- Germany, to go and meet tlie stand the enemie, as much as enemy. A great number of in them lay to do. The great those who had taken the cross army & nomber of such soul- in Germany were offering their diours as ware the crosse by assistance against the Tartars, the pope's assignement, de- whom that Albert, the pope's ferred their journey against agent, ordered to remain at the Tartarians, & had com- home until they should be maundement giuen them by called out by him against the that Albertus (the popes pro- Emperor, curator) to tarry & abide at home till they should be called for in battaile to fight against the Emperour. — p. 492. Conrado Ceesari, Bohemia Regi, et aliis Gerraaniac principibus imperat ut hosti occurrant. Magnus in Germania eorum numerus, qui nota se coelesti signarant, contra Tartaros operam simm deferebant, quos Pontificis in Ger- mania procurator Albertus ille, domi expectare jubet, donee ab illo adversus Iniperatorem evocentur. — p. 182. The Pope herewith dis- The Pope overwhelmed by maied, & troubled with such so great misfortunes, and dis- as otherwise dissuaded Sf coun- turbed that the Council [which E 2 52 SPECIMENS OF TRANSLATION sailed him, and that things not so well prospered with him and against the Emperour as he wished and desired. — p. 494. he had called at Rome, as we have just seen] had been pre- vented, and his designs against the Emperor not succeeding to his wish. Pontifex tantis calamitatibus fractus, concilioque praspedito perturbatus, cum quae adversus Imperatorem moliretur, non ita ut optabat succederent. —p. 183. This [Gregory IX.] is he in whose name the booke of the Decretals was set out, Doubtlesse Charolus Molineus painteth foorth the decree of this Gre- gory in his booke of annota- tions unto Platina, whose woordes thereof are these ' Certum est, multa capita in ijs mutila et decurtata esse, ut invidiosum argumentum late- ret,' &c. That is, Doubtlesse, diuers chapters in the same booke of decretals be mangled and imperfect, that many contentious arguments therein might lurke. For when the ambitious desire of raigning lyke kings tooke them, they studied nothing els but how to enlarge and aduance their See and Dominion with the empire itselfe and other kingdomes (ofte shaken and weakened through contention) and this purpose and end had they and This is he in whose name the Decretals were published, and what sort of a work that is certainly Charles Du Moulin shews in his Annotations on Platina's life of Gregory ; to whose opinion I cannot but accede. It is certain that many of the divi- sions in them are mutilated and curtailed in order to avoid unpleasant subjects. For as the Popes, from the time when they were seized with the am- bition of temporal rule, thought of nothing but the aggrandize- ment of their dominion both by the weakening of other kingdoms and infraction on the Empire, so they had the same design in their laws. Du Moulin gives the cases of the kings of France and Eng- land as examples of this ; but many others might be collected concerning Emperors, Princes, and the various orders of the FROM CISNER. 53 none other, in al their consti- Empire, which we shall find tutions. The profe whereof, some more convenient place to Molineus declareth in his boke discuss. ' de regibus Galliae et Angliae.' But many moe examples by the Emperors, Princes, and Lords Electours of the Em- pire may be gathered : whereof to speake, more conuenient place shall serue hereafter. — p. 494. Hie idem ille est, cujus nomine opus Decretalium est editum : quod cujus- modi sit ... . certe Carolus Molinseus in annotationibus suis ad Pla- tinam de vita Gregorii docet : cujus sententiae equidem non possum non accedere. Certum est multa capita in iis mutila et decurtata esse, ut invi- diosum argumentum lateret. Cum'enim Romani Pontifices, ab eo tempore quo eos incessit regnandi libido, nihil aliud cogitarint, quam ut cum aliis regnis debilitatis, turn Imperio violate, suum amplificarent dominatum : eundem etiam finem in suis constitutionibus propositum habuerunt. Cujus rei exempla Molinaeus de regibus Galliae et Angliae refert : sed multo plura de Imperatoribus, Principibus et ordinibus Imperii colligi possunt : de quibus alius erit commodior disserendi locus. — p. 184. It is the more remarkable that this gross blunder- ing should have been permitted to remain in one edition after another, because the translator has given enough of the original to show that he did not understand what he was translating. Cisner says, that he cannot but agree in Du Moulin's opinion of the Decretals of Gregory IX., because some are mangled and imperfect, and, indeed, designedly so, for the sake of avoiding awkward topics. A very good reason for not receiving the Decretals (as Mr. Townsend would have us receive Fox) "with respect and deference as an undoubted authority ;" but such 54 SPECIMENS OF TRANSLATION a rejection of them is something almost the very reverse of charging them with being purposely con- trived as a lurking-place for "contentious argu- ments." The notion of Du Moulin's book, " De Regibus Anglise et Gallia^," is absurd enough. The passage to which Cisner alludes is evidently the following : " Qui [that is Raymond, whom the Pope employed to make the collection] tamen non solum superflua posuit, ut ..... . sed sa^pe male truncavit Decretales quandoque studiose truncavit ut lateret invidiosum argumentum, ut in cap. 'Ex fre- quentibus' De Instit. quod latum erat contra regalia regis Anglian. Sic in plerisque latis in favorem inimicorum Regis Francise, ut in cap. ' Novit' De Judic.*" In the steade of this Gre- In the place of Gregory, gorie was placed Celestine Celestine IV, a Milanese, of borne in Mediolanum amongst the family of Castiglioni was the Castillians. — p. 495. raised to the see. In locum Gregorii Caelestinus IV. patria Mediolanensis, Castelloneae gentis est suffectus. — p. 185. The legates of Fredericke, Frederic's ambassadors, with also with the furtherance of the help of Baldwin, laboured Baldwinus, the Emperor of very diligently with the Pope Constantinople, laboured very for peace. All men were most diligently for the conclusion fully expecting the pacification * Molinaei Annott. in Deer. Greg. IX. p. 14. If the reader wishes to turn to those specified, it may save him trouble to know that " Ex frequentibus" is Lib. II. Tit. vii. c. 3. and " Novit" Lib. II. Tit. i. c. 13. FROM CISNER. 55 of the promised peace ; & to be of Christendom. But far brief, every man was in good otherwise, &c. hope, & looked for no less. But far otherwise, &c. — p. 497. Legati Friderici adjuvante Balduino, magno studio de pace cum Pontifice agunt. Summa est omnium hominum de pacificatione reipublicae christianae expectatio. Verum longe aliter, &c. — p. 1 89. The master of the Flemish The Master of the Teutonic order. — p. 498. order. Teutonici ordinis Magistrum. — p. 192. In this faction of princes. In this quarrel of princes in this liberty of wearing armor, .... this licence of a state of in this licence of hurting & war, of hurting and sinning with sinning — p. 500. impunity. In hac .... principum factione, armorum licentia, nocendi peccandique impunitate. — p. 200. Ludovicus Palatinus Duke Lewis Palatine of the Rhine of Boioria & Rhenus, & Otho and Duke of Bavaria son of his son, and other princes.— p. Otho, and many other princes. 500. Ludovico Palatino Rheni Boiorumque duce, Othonis filio, aliisque multis principibus. — p. 201. What idea could a man have of what he was writing, or even of what he was reading, about, who was satisfied to make or find a continual recurrence of such a blunder as turning two persons into one, or dividing one person into two ? It is a very odd sort of historical authority. [Conrad Caesar] shortly after Soon after going with an comming again to Reginoburgh army to Ratisbon, having been, & being receiued & welcom- according to ancient custom, med into the college of D. received as a guest at the mo- 56 SPECIMENS OF TRANSLATION FROM CISNER. Haimeranus : Albertus with nastery of St. Emmeran, Al- certain of his confederates by bert with some of his confede- the means of Ulricus a chief rates, by the help of Ulric the Officer of the monks came in Abbot, in the middle of the the dead time of the night into night, entered the chamber in the chamber where the Caesar which he knew that the C^sar with a few other about him did with a few servants were lodged lie, &c. — p. 501. &c. Mox cum exercitu Reginoburgum profectus, cum D. Haimerani collegio more majorum hospitio receptus fuisset ; Albertus cum consciis quibusdam Ulrici praesutis monacborum opera clam in cubiculum, in quo Caesarem cum paucis famulis cubare exploratum habebat, multa jam nocte ingressi &c.— p. 203. It is probable that the translator had never heard of the celebrated monastery at Ratisbon, dedicated to St. Emmeran, the late bishop, and the patron saint of that city, in which Conrad was received. But if he did not know that Haimeranus was a saint and D. stood for ' Divus,' he had the prudence to let it alone. Not so the editor of the new edition, who does not suffer the "general reader" to be puzzled by a contraction, but prints it out at full length " Doctor Hamaranus. ' It is very possible that the reader may be tired of these extracts ; but it is only from some idea of the number and frequency of such things, that any right judgment can be formed. I do not believe that any man can translate a great deal, without at least a high probability that he will make some mistakes, such as will surprise himself To pick out such marks of imperfection from a work even tolerably executed, and to represent them as rendering it fox's translations. 57 worthless, would be base and dishonest. But I must beg the reader to observe, that I have given him very nearly fifty separate extracts, several of which contain more than one or two distinct and gross blunders, and that all these specimens lie (as he will see by the references annexed to them) within about forty-six consecutive pages of the new octavo edition, that is, rather less than seventeen pages of the folio. It may be said that they are principally taken from a translation, which we have reason to believe was made by some other person than Fox, of a single book; that on that particular occasion Fox "un- accountably" employed somebody who was parti- cularly ignorant of Latin; and who, if he could make one tenth part of those blunders, might be naturally expected to make all the rest. To this I answer, that, if so, we must, at least, take into our estimate of historical authority the con- sideration, that Fox did employ such a person, for such a purpose. How often, and how much he did the like, I know not. I was not led to select this history of the Emperor Frederic for collation by any idea that it was better or worse translated than any other part of Fox's book ; but simply by my happen- ing to find that Cisner's work was in the library at Lambeth* and thinking that it offered a large speci- * A rhodomontade oration, which he delivered before the Uni- versity of Heidelberg, where he was professor of Law, in the year 1562. 58 fox's translations men of what was avowedly translation, from which it would be easier, and fairer, to judge, than from parts where one had no direct proof that the writer was translating, or intended to say exactly that which had been said by what appeared to have been his authority. Secondly, as I have repeatedly said, the question of historical authority is not in the least affected by the question whether Fox did it himself or by deputy. Thirdly, though I have not in any other case made so extensive a collation, (and really this one has been done in a very superficial manner, so that while I know that I might have mentioned many more mistakes, I have little doubt that there are others which I have not observed), yet here and there, in one way and another, specimens have turned up from so many of the authorities quoted by Fox, that I feel warranted in expressing a doubt whether this translation of Cisner is marked by any great peculiarity. In fact, the editor of the new edition met with some adventures early in his course, which he related very frankly, and which would have raised suspicion in the mind of any considerate person. At vol. iii. p. 55, he tells us in a note that the English editions translate " Jam si sine dominio reg- nare juvat," by "If it do suffice thee to rule with the Lord ;" and he has altered it to " Now if it do suffice thee to rule without dominion." This is certainly a closer translation of the words, however difficult it FROM BISHOP WALTRAM. 59 might be for either King Richard or Pope Eugenius to carry out the idea, if any, in }3ractice *. Surely if such a hint as this did not lead to further inquiry, the editor might have been roused, when, in the course of twenty pages, he came to another speci- men still more startling. He found "Operibus credite," (John x. 38, "believe the works,") trans- lated "Trust in your good works f." Surely it was high time for a Protestant divine, a kinsman of Mr. Townsend, to look about him. Yet he might have easily found other passages of Scripture as disgracefully marred. For instance, in a letter of Bishop Waltram to Earl Ludovike, as given in the edition of 1583, p. 189, this passage occurs ; " Also take you heed to this saying, ' If any man do preach otherwise than that which is preached. * No doubt it is, as the Editor says, " dominium" in the Latin edition, but no doubt that is nonsense. Wickliffe is applying to Richard, part of what S. Bernard said to Eugenius, " I ergo tu, et tibi usurpare aude aut dominans apostolatum, aut Apostolicus dominatum. Plane ab alterutro prohiberis. Si utrumque simul habere voles, perdes utrumque. Alioquin non te exceptum illo- rum numero putes, de quibus queritur Deus sic, ' Ipsi regnave- runt, et non ex me ; principes exstiterunt, et ego non cognovi.' Jam si regnare sine Deo juvat, habes gloriam, sed non apud Deum." — De Consid. Lib. IL c. vi. Perhaps WicklifFe's letter might be taken from a copy of Bernard, which read Dominus in- stead of Deus ; but I give the text as it stands in the Benedictine Edition, Col. 419. t Vol. in. p. 75. 60 SPECIMENS OF TRANSLATION let him be of you accursed*.'" It can hardly be doubted that the translator took this from the co}3y of the letter which is in the Appendix to Marianus Scotus, published at Basil, by John Oporinus, in 1559. At p. 444 the passage stands, "proeter quod evangelizatum est, vobis anathema sit." This mis- placed comma seems to have misled the translator; but had he any notion that it was a text of Scrip- ture, or of its meaning ? I know not who is responsible for the translation of this document ; but a still more absurd and igno- rant version, or perversion, of a passage of Scripture occurs just after the preceding. The editor of the new edition has laudably given, in brackets, refer- ences to the texts which precede and follow it, but he seems not to have known where to find this, if indeed, mangled as it was, he believed it to be in the Bible at all. He gives the passage thus ; — *' And of them who ' know not the righteousness of God, but go about to establish their own righteousness' and therefore ' be not subject to the righteousness of God. ' " [Rom. x. 3.] I may boldly say ' Let them be accursed,' so may you well say, ' Con- founded be all they that proudly rise up against the Lord ; but thy servant, O Lord, shall rejoice.' * The Editor of the n«w edition seems to have thought that there was something wrong here, but instead of looking to the vulgate translation of Galat. i. 8, 9. or to the words of the letter, " Attendatur et illud, ' Si quis aliter evangelizat praeter quod evangelizatum est vobis anathema sit,' " he has merely left out the words *' of you" instead of substituting " to you." — Vol. IL p. 156. FROM EARL LUDOVIC. 61 The passage thus mangled is Ps. cix. 28. " Let them curse, but bless thou ; when they arise let them be ashamed, but let thy servant rejoice ;" which stands in the bishop's letter, " Maledicetur illi, et tu benedices : qui insurgunt in me confundantur, servus autem tuus Isetabitur." In Earl Ludovic's reply to this letter, which fol- lows, we read ; " Lord, shall I not hate them that hate thee ? and shall not / triumph over thine ene- mies ? I hate them with an inward hatred that be ennemies to me for thy sake" as the translation of " Nonne qui oderunt te, Domine, oderam, et super inimicos tuos tabescebam f perfecto odio oderam illos, inimici facti sunt mihi ;" which we translate, " Do not I hate them, O Lord, that hate thee? and am not I grieved with those that rise up against thee ? I hate them with perfect hatred : / count them mine enemies^ Ps. cxxxix. 22. * Another instance confirms our opinion of the trans- lator's ignorance both of Latin and of the Scriptures. "We are not therefore to be "We are not, therefore, right- blamed, if we do detest that ly blamed, if we protest against peace, more cruel then any that peace, more cruel than any warre. The whiche the truth it- war, which Truth itself con- selfe did reprove, weeping over demns, weeping over Jerusa- Hierusalem, and saying : True- lem, and saying, — ' truly in ly it grieueth me this day to this day the things which be- see sinners in peace, being like long to thy peace,' [Luke xix. unto that peace, whereat the 42.] and which the Psalmist * Vol. 11. p. 158. 62 EARL LUDOVIC. Psalmist was offended." — p. envied in the wicked when he 191. saw the peace of sinners. [Ps. Ixxiii. 3.] Not! ergo recte culpamur, si pacem illam omni bello crudeliorem detes- tamur, quam ipsa Veritas super Hierusalem flendo reprobat, id dicens: Equidem in hac die quae ad pacem tibi, et quam Psalmus super iniquos zelat pacem peccatorum videns." — App. ad Mar. Scot. col. 450*. These are not the only things in this letter which show that the translator was most ignorant and incompetent. For instance : — " The Earle Lewys to the The Earl Lewis to the Lord Lord Waltram, howsoeuer un- Waltram, whatever is due to worthy or unmeete he be for such a name. the name." Comes Ludovicus domino Vahramo, quicquid tali vocabulo dignum est. " You railingly call them You obliquely call them bloudy men." bloody men. vires sanguinum .... oblique appellas. And in the letter to which it is a reply, we read : — "Thirsting for an others Thirsting after our blood, bloud." nostrum sanguinem sitiens. " Hath no part with Christ Nor hath part in the King- in the Kingdome of God." dom of Christ and of God. Nee habet partem in Christi regno et Dei. " And, because I will not And that it be not refused, refuse the order of lawe in this let this be the law of our con- * The vulgate reads in the former passage, " et quidem in hac die tua, qua ad pacem tibi ;" and in the latter, "zelavi super iniquos, pacem peccatorum videns." In our version, " I was envious at the foolish, when I saw tlie prosperity of the wicked." MATTHEW PARIS. 63 behalfe, let it be the end of the test ; either that I shall adopt strife : that either I may be the popular opinion, or, by my openly ashamed before the victory, gain you to our Lord people, either els (the victory the Emperor, falling on my side) we may winne you to the obedience of our soueraigne Lord the Em- perour." Ac ne forte recusetur, lex hujus esto certaminis; vel me in populorum transire sententiam, vel, ex nostro triumpho, vos domino nostro imperaton lueri faciamus*. I have already given some specimens from Matthew Paris, and I will here add another example from the same writer. The subject is the variance between Pope Gregory IX. and the citizens of Rome. They claimed that, by ancient usage, they were exempt from liability to excommunication, and their city not subject to interdict. The Pope told them that though less than God he was greater than man ; and, that as their spiritual father, he had a right to chas- tise them when he should think proper. They alleged that he was bound to pay a yearly tribute to the civil government of Rome ; and he replied, that what his predecessors had done in times of emergency was no ground for a claim, and ought not to be drawn into a precedent. Then comes the following passage, which the reader will, I imagine, even with the previous explanation, find unintelligible ; and I • The translator was probably again misled by the punctuation. The document is professedly taken from the Appendix to Marianus Scotus, where the comma is placed after "lex," col. 444. These letters may also be found in Baronius, sub an. 1090, No, IX. 64 MATTHEW PARIS. shall be much surprised if he can escape the convic- tion that the translator did not understand his author, and was satisfied to put down words to which he was himself unable to attach any clear idea. " Further and besides, the Citizens sayd, that they at the commandement of the Senatour would appropriate their countrey with new and larger limits, and infranches the same being en- larged with fines and borders. To this the Pope agayne made answere, that certayne Lord- shyps and cities and castles be conteined within the compasse of the sayd limites, as the city Viterbium, and Montcaster, which they presume to appropriate, within their precinct : but to ascribe to them and usurp that which perteineth to other, is agaynst right and justice." — Ed. 1583 (281). New Ed. II. 411. A dispute carried on in this way might well have been interminable ; for one does not see how the parties could understand each other. But, in fact, it is a mere blunder of the translator, who imagines that "the citizens sayd," what Matthew Paris says in his own person, respecting those citizens. ** Moreover, [not the citizens said, but the historian re- marks] a thing unheard of and never done before, they [the citizens] wanted, at the command of the Senator, to alter the old boundaries and appropriate a larger territory to their city ; and when thus appropriated to subject it to new exactions. To this the Pope replied, that within those bounds were con- tained some estates, and even cities and towns ; as the city of Viterbo and the town of Montalto, which were included in the limits which they presumed to propose for their territory : but that it was unjust to usurp and appropriate the property of another." MATTHEW PARIS. 65 Praeterea, comitatum suum, (quod inauditum est, nee antea faetum) metis novis et amplis, jubente Senatore, voluerunt sibi appropriare ; et appro- priatum intitulare novis suprascriptionibus. Ad hoc respondit Dominus Papa, quod infra metas illas continentur quaedam prsedia et etiam civitates et castra, utpote Viterbium civitas, et Altus Mons castrum, quae infra metas illas continentur, quas comitatui suo assignare praesumunt : sed alienum sibi ascribere et usurpare injustum est. — M. Par. sub an. 1234. vol. ii. p. 408. Take another specimen from the same author, and the same page ; — •' The popes army " The Pope's army and the Emperor's host joyned and the Emperor's host, join- together, and bordering about ing together razed eighteen the city of Rome cast downe villages belonging to the Ro- the castelles or mansions be- mans and encircling the city, longing to the citizens round and cut down the vineyards." about the suburbes to the num- ber of 18, and destroyed all their vines and vineyardes about the city." Tunc exercitus summi Pontificis et exercitus Imperatoris, simul convenientes, casalia eorundem Romanorum per gyrum urbis posita, numero xviii. prostraverunt, et vineas succiderunt. — p. 409. I am not sure that I have not elsewhere noticed an extract from Matthew Paris respecting the Abbot of St. Alban's*. He tells us that the Pope sent " two english Friars into the realm whose names were John and Alexander," to gather contributions in England; and who assessed the Abbot at four hundred marks; and that upon his refusal, "imme- diately was sent down from Pope Innocent miotlier legate called Joannes Anglicus, an English Friar and * II. 439, 440. 66 TRANSLATION OF Cardinal, who bringing down a new special precept to the aforesaid Abbot, cited him," &c. Now, ac- cording to the authority from whom the story is professedly taken, the Pope did not send another legate at all, but only a letter, addressed to the friar (why Fox calls him a cardinal I cannot imagine) who had at first claimed the four hundred marks; and Matthew Paris is careful to tell us, that the person to whom this new authority was addressed, (quidam de ordine Minorum Johannes nomine), and whose proceedings under it he is about to describe, is the same Johannes " de quo facta est mentio in foliis pr^cedentibus."— rom. II. p. 722. 728. Now really if we were to grant that Fox was the first person that ever printed an extract from Matthew Paris, however we might be obliged to him for making known the existence of a writer that had never been heard of, we should not feel that his extracts entitled him to undoubting confidence as an historical authority. Of course I grant nothing of the kind ; but how can a book composed in such a way be quoted as authority for any historical fact ? Are not those who thus use the original writers, doing all in their power to destroy historical evidence of every kind, and practically poisoning the sources of history, seeing that not one in a hundred, or perhaps in a thousand of the readers of Fox's Mar- tyrology will look to his authorities ? I cannot too often repeat, that the instances which I adduce are not the result of that laborious collation which the iENEAS SYLVIUS. 67 editor should have performed, but such as I have made at various times when a reference caught my eye, or an authority which I remembered to have been quoted by Fox happened to come in my way. I have looked out one or two references to ^Eneas Sylvius, and it seems as if that unlucky Pope had been subject to the same mangling as the Heidel- burg professor. Indeed, from what we have seen of the translator, it is clear that with Papist or Pro- testant, Trojan or Tyrian, 'nullo discrimine agetur,' or, as he would perhaps have translated it, ' he would act with no discrimination.' I wonder what the un- fortunate class, whom the editor of the new edition calls " general readers," would make of what iEneas Sylvius says of Ludovicus, the prothonotary, who spoke at the Council of Basil. Fox makes him tell us, " In disputation he did not repeat the principles of the law, as other lawyers do, but rehearsed the text without the book, as if he had read it upon the book." — New Ed. III. 629*. Whatever idea people may have of the prolixity of lawyers, it seems too much to represent them as * If I understand the mode of marking adopted by the editor of the new edition, this sentence is only to be found in the first English edition. Fox, I presume, or somebody else, happened to notice it, and justly considering it as unintelligible, struck it out. It would, perhaps, have been better to look at the original and set it right; but still it was the next best course to put it out, and one can only wish that as the book has scarcely had any positive editorial care, it had not been deprived of such little negative improvement as it had thus received, by the present editor, who prides himself on having collected and restored all the cancelled matter. Among the rest this passage has resumed its place, without a word of explanation. It might be worth while to notice it simply on that ground ; but much more, as it relates to our enquiry, because it shews the singular ignorance of the translator. F 2 68 BARTHOLOMiEUS GEORGIEVIZ PEREGRINUS. habitually repeating the principles of the law in all disputation. But jEneas Sylvius had no such in- tention. Having previously eulogized the uncommon memory of Ludovicus, he here tells us, that vrhen he was arguing he did not merely quote laws by their first words (as we have just seen a quotation of 'Ex frequentibus' and ' Novit,' and as our modern lawyers talk of the statutes of ' Quia emptores ' and ' Circum- specte agatis,' of the writs ' Habeas corpus ' and ' Quo minus '), but repeated the law itself as fluently as if he had been reading it from a book. " Nee ut caeteri jurisconsulti principia legum in disputando allegabat, sed quasi codicem legeret sic textum memoriter refere- bat."— Op. p. 24. From Bartholomseus Georgieviz Peregrinus take these instances. Concerning the Christian captives of the Turks we read ; — " The hands also of every one are manacled, which is, because they should not harm their leaders : for many times it happened, that ten persons had the leading oi fifty captives." — 'New Ed. IV. 85. It should be " five hundred" — " adeo ut saepe quin- gentos homines concatenates habeant, vim raetuunt tantse multitudinis." p. 83. Again, in an extract from the same author, we read, " If it chance a Christian, being on horseback, to meet, or pass by a Mussulman, that is a Turkish priest, he must alight from his horse," &c.~New Ed. IV. 86. I need hardly say, that the authority does not give NAUCLERUS. MASSiEUS. G9 this explanation of a Mussulman ; but only " id est Turcarum religione initiatum *." " Nauclerus another historian," says Fox, " recordeth, that at the same time there were many in the city of Milan of the said doctrine, who used to send collections unto the aforesaid saints of Alsatia."— II. 350. It may not matter much whether the heretics of Alsace sent to Milan, or the heretics of Milan to Alsace; but the Latin is " In partibus etiam Alsatise turn h?eresis et error tam nobilium quam plebeiorum multum increvit unde quotannis hujus erroris et hseresis authoribus Mediolanum certum censum miserunt f ." Mass^us is a writer sometimes quoted by Fox ; and I believe that the copy which he used is in the Lambeth library. At all events there is a copy which bears both his name, and that of Bishop Hooper on the title page, and I have no doubt that they are autographs. Fox says ; — " Pope Celestinus was chosen, successor to pope Nicholas the fourth. Which Celestinus in hys first consistory, began to reforme the clergy of Rome thinking to make it an example to al other churches. Wherefore he procured to hymselfe such a hatred among hys Clergy men, that this Boniface, then called Benedictus, speaking through a reede by his chamber wall nightly admonished him, as it had bene a voyce from heauen, that * Barthol. Georgieviz Peregrinus, De Turcarum moribus epi- tome. Lug. 1567. t Chronica. Edit. Colon. 1579. p. 912. 70 TRANSLATION OF he should geue ouer his Papacie, as beyng a burden bigger then he could wyld. Ex Massceo." Edit. 1583. p. 342*. Now the Latin, which in this copy is marked down the side and underscored with a pen, does not say that Benedict did this ; but very plainly that he set somebody else to do it. It is no great matter in itself, but it is characteristic of the carelessness in copying of which we have too many instances. Massseus says ; — " Quorum unus non re sed nomine Benedictus, apposuit quen- dam cubiculo papas, qui facto foramine per fistulam multis noctibus insonabat velut angelus quispiam." — p. 242. Let US next look at the " Articles of Truce f" between Edward the III. and the King of France, after the siege of Tournay. Perhaps they were de- rived " from the records in the Tower ;" and should be received as historical authority howsoever they may be translated. If they were not, it makes no difference in our argument. The first article is ; — " Fyrste, that during the sayde truce, no tales or mistrust of either part shall be a detriment or cause of breache of the same," * I do not know why the editor of the new edition has omitted the words, "Ex Massseo," Vol. II. p. 585. At Vol. IV. p. 166, he gives a reference, " Ex Massseo, lib. 30." Whether this is his mistake, or Fox's, I do not know, for I have not that part of the edition of 1583 ; but there are only twenty books in Massseus, and the matter to which this reference is ap- pended, is in the twentieth, p. 271, where it is underscored. Indeed the very title of the book is "Chronicorum niultiplicis Historiae utriusque Testamenti, Christiano Massaeo Cameracenate authore, Uhri viginti." Antv. 1540. t Ed. 1583. p. 380, misprinted 368. New ed. Vol. II. p. 679. ARTICLES OF TRUCE. 7 1 Here it is evident that the translator did not know the meaning of " novitas ;" but took it for something like " news," or talebearing ; and that led him to translate " malum" by "mistrust." The real meaning, though it may not be easy to render it into any one modern English word, being widely different ; and the article, a stipulation against any attack being made, or any injury practised, by one party against the other. The articles are given both in Latin and French in Rymer's Foedera * ; — " Primo quod durantibus dictis treugis nulla novitas, nullum malum, vel gravamen fiet ab una parte super alterum [sic] in prsejudicium dictarum treugarum seu induciarum." "Nulle novelle, ne mesprissure ne se face de I'une partes sur I'autre," &c. In the fourth article the sense is entirely changed Item that the said two princes Item it is agreed that the shal not procure either by them- aforesaid two Kings shall not selues or any other, any prac- procure, or cause to be pro- tice or other molestation to be cured, by themselves or others made the one to the other, by that any practice or molestation the byshop of Rome or any be made by the court of Rome other and that our holy and if our holy father the father the Pope nor any other Pope or any other person shall shal disturhe or molest either of attempt it, the said two Kings the sayd two Kings during the shall hinder it with all their sayd time. might, so far as they lawfully can, during the said truce. Item concordatum est quod praedicti duo reges non poterunt procurare, - nee procurari facere per ipsos, nee per alios, quod aliqua novitas seu gra- * Vol. V. p. 206. 72 TRANSLATION OF vamen fiant per curiam Romanam et si pater sanctus summus Ponti- fax, vel aliqua alia persona hoc vellet facere, died duo reges hoc impedirent pro posse suo sine malo ingenio [les deux Rois les destourberont a lour poair, sans mal engyn] durantibus dictis treugis. The eleventh is still more absurdly translated — " Item that all the bandes, whatsoeuer they be, whyche be made before thys sayde truce in the time of warre (whether they be of goods spiritual or temporall) be released without restitucion during the sayd truce." Now what is the meaning of this ? how, and for what, is it historical authority ? and how far are we indebted to those who give us such translations of documents as (whether rightly or wrongly translated) obviously, and on the very face of them, have no meaning at all ? It would be more intelligible, and I believe more truly translated, thus ; — " Item that all things levied [or as our ancestors would have said lifted, that is all spoil taken and carried off'] in the time of war, before the said truce, whatsoever and howsoever, whether spiritual goods or other, shall remain as spoil : without any obli- gation on any one to make restitution during the said truce. Item ordinatum est quod omnia levata qualiacumque sint et qualitercum- que sint ante dictas treugas tempore guerrae, sive sint de bonis spiritualibus, vel aliter, remanebunt levata : sine hoc quod aliquis teneatur ad restitutio- nem durantibus dictis treugis. But Fox not only " printed from records in the Tower;" he confirms "his statements from the Registers of Hereford." I have only compared one translation : that of the Letter of Lucifer ; and from it I feel it sufficient to give a single extract. " We would ye shuld do We commend unto you our our commendations to our en- most dear daughters pride, de- LETTER OF LUCIFER. 73 tierly beloued daughters, pride, deceit, wrath, avarice, bellichere, and lechery, & to al other my daughters: and especially to Lady Symony, which hath made you men, and enryched you, and hath geuen you sucke wyth her owne brestes, & weaned you, and therefore in no wise see that you cal her sin. And be ye lofty and proud because that the most high dignitie of your estate doth require such magnificence. And also be ye couetous, for whatsoeuer ye get and gather into your fardell, it is for S* Peter, for the peace of the church, and for the defence of your patrimony and the Cru- cifixe, and therefore yee may lawfully do it. Ye may pro- mote your Cardinals to the highest seat of dignities without any let in all the world, in stopping the mouth of our ad- uersarye Jesus Christ, and al- ledging againe : that he pre- ferred his kinsfolkes (being but of poore & base degree) vnto the Apostleship, but do not you so, but rather call, as ye do, those that line in arrogancy, in hawtiness of mynde, and filthy lechery, unto the state of wel- thy riches & pride," &c. — Edit. 1583. p. 502. New Edit. Vol. III. p. 190. ceit, anger, avarice, gluttony, lewdness, and all the rest ; and especially the lady Simony, who has been the making of you, and enriched you, and suckled you at her own breasts and nourished you. And this Simony you are not to call a sin. Neither is it pride in you, for the worshipful eminence of your station requires such mag- nificence. Nor are you to be charged with avarice, for what- ever you can gather in your pouches is for St. Peter, and for the peace of the church, and the patrimony of the Crucified. For though you promote your Cardinals to the very summit of dignity on very slight grounds, you may excuse yourselves by saying that our adversary Jesus promoted his relations to the Apostleship. That, however, was in a poor and humble state of life. Not so do you ; but in arrogance, pride, and vile lewd- ness you call to a state of riches and pride, &c. 74 TRANSLATION OF Commendatas habere velitis filias nostras carissimas superbiam, fraudem, iram, avaritiam, gulam, luxuriam, et omnes alias et precipue dorninam Si- moniam quae vos fecit et ditavit et propriis lactavit uberibus et nutrivit. Ipsamque Simoniam non vocetis peccatum. Nee vos estis superbi, quia talem magnificentiam requirit status vestri dignissima celsitudo. Nee avari quia pro sancto Petro et ecclesiae pace et patrimonii Crucifixi est quicquid in sarcinis congregatis. Licet namque vestros cardinales ad apicem dignitatum levissime promoveatis aliegando dicatis nostrum adversarium Jesum suos promovit cognatos ad Apostolatum, vita tamen pauperi et humili. Vos autem non sic. Sed in arrogantia fastu et luxuria vili vocatis ad statum divitiarum et superbiae, &c. I think I must have given examples enough to convince all impartial persons, that the historical authority of Fox's work is greatly diminished by the want of knowledge and care displayed in copying and translating. But I will here add another in- stance which I have only observed since the fore- going were collected. Nearly if not quite all were, indeed, noted several years ago, but I did not bring them forward, because it seemed right first to see in what way Mr. Townsend would perform his part of the undertaking. But now in transcribing them for the press, though I had no idea that they had been unfairly gathered, I thought I would take a random dip into some part of the history not touched on in the foregoing extracts, and probably involving a dif- ferent set of authorities. The edition most acces- sible was that which is called the best, of 1684, and opening it at Vol. I. p. 835, I determined to look down the margin of the History of the Turks, and verify (if I could) the first authority given. This turned out to be, " E.v Seb. Munstero, lib. 4. Cos- mogra'phr This led me to see that Munster's name is also given in the paragraph next but one before, SEBASTIAN MUNSTER. 75 as an authority respecting the battle between Ta- merlane and Bajazet ; — " The fight between these two was long and great on both sides, which was in the year of our Lord 1397, and the second year after the slaughter of our Christians at Nicopolis in Pan- nonia; but the victory of this battel fell to Tamerlanes, at length. In the which battel as Munsterus writeth were slain 200000 Turks." The second paragraph is ; — " Seb. Munsterus writing of this Tamerlanes, recordeth that he had in his army 20000 men : and that he overcame the Par- thians, Scythians, Hiberians, Albans, Persians, Medes, and conquered all Mesopotamia : and after he had also subdued Ar- menia, passing over the river Euphrates with six hundred thousand footmen, and four hundred thousand horsemen ; he invaded all Asia Minor, conquering & subduing from the flood Tanais unto Nilus in Egypt, and was called Terror Orbis, the terror of the world."— p. 839. Afterwards referring to the editions of 1583 and 1596, 1 found them unanimous in affirming that the number of Turks killed in the first paragraph was two miUio?is. Then (whether in consideration of what they had done, or of what they were going to do) they had raised Tamerlane's army, in the second paragraph, to two hundred thousand ; while they agreed in affirming that, besides his six hundred thousand footmen, he had four millions of horse- men. The Editor of the new edition is more moderate. He is content to kill two hundred thousand Turks ; and to give Tamerlane an army of two hundred 76 TRANSLATION OF MUNSTER. thousand men, six hundred thousand foot, and four hundred thousand horse. But as to the statement of Munster, the professed authority for the whole, it is plainly and simply that two hundred thousand Turks were killed, and that Tamerlane's army consisted of twelve hundred tJiou- sand men. It may be said that some of the above numbers are given in figures ; and that one cannot expect printers to count the cyphers which they put, and that so it is very natural for 200000 to get changed into 20000, and 400000 into 4000000. It' may be so ; though while the wrong number stands it is rather against historical authority. The question here, however, is not merely one of more or less cyphers, but of different figures ; and it must be ob- served that Munster does not state the number of Tamerlane's army in figures. Notwithstanding this, I should not think the matter worth mentioning if I did not believe, that those who have seen enough to estimate the capabilities of the translator will agree with me in thinking that he did not know how to translate Munster's words, " In cujus ex- ercitu duodecies centena millia hominum fuisse tra- duntur *." The specimens adduced are surely sufficient to convince us, that if the work were examined with any degree of editorial care, enough would be found * Lib. IV. p. 957. Basil. 1559. The place and period of so many of Fox's authorities. NOTES IN THE FIRST VOLUME. 77 to satisfy every reasonable person, that even on the ground of gross mistranslation, it was of little value as an historical authority. I do not recollect that any one of the errors which I have pointed out has been noticed in the new edition, except one or two in such a way as I have mentioned in speaking of them ; and am I not authorized to assume, that if the Editor had used due diligence he would have found, and might have corrected, an enormous mass of error ? What would be the effect of a little re- flection, a little consideration of Fox's statements, and a little collation of them with his authorities? I do not ask the reader to take my word for an answer to this question. The experiment has been tried ; and, oddly enough, with something less than half the first volume ; that is with the second portion (386 pages) of that volume of which nearly five hundred preceding pages are filled with the vindica- tions of Mr. Townsend and Mr. Cattley. "The opening of the first book, and the succeeding history of the ten persecutions in the primitive church, was a portion of Foxe's book which required peculiar care. In this the Editor was favoured with the able assist- ance of the Rev. Josiah Pratt, jun., and the Rev. H. Mendham. The reader will perceive the result of these labours, and the general correctness of our author's history ; confirmed as it is in some passages, and illustrated in others, by notes and emendations.*" * Vol. I. p. 488. 5 78 NOTES IN THE FIRST VOLUME. The reader will I think " perceive the result of these labours " to be such as completely to confirm what I have said, if he will but bear in mind that the notes are not the work of unfriendly critics, that there is no room for talking about carpers and cavillers, and pretending that all the things pointed out, and cor- rected, or cancelled, were trifles not worth mention- ing. They are the work of gentlemen appointed by the parties most deeply interested to put as fair a face on the matter as it will honestly bear. The corrections are what Mr. Pratt and Mr. Mendham have considered it right to make, the faults are those which they have felt it worth while to point out, and the notes such as in their opinion ought perma- nently to accompany the amended text*. Let us look at some of these notes, or parts of them ; — 11. n. (1) " This passage on the sources of re venue to the papal court is taken from a work of Carolus Molinagus .... In fact the greater part of what Foxe says on the life, jurisdiction, and title of the bishops of Rome has been culled from that work. Collation with the * If Mr. Cattley's words, which I have quoted, are to be taken strictly, the personal responsibility of these gentlemen extends only through the first 304 of the 386 pages of Fox's work contained in this first volume ; for so far only does the history of the ten persecutions extend. As I quote the page they are not liable to injustice on this ground. The reader will observe that the brackets distinguish the words of the annotators from those of Fox's text to which they are appended, or his note to which they are added. I have nowhere, I believe, altered or inserted a word, but I liave marked some by italics. NOTES IN THE FIRST VOLUME. 79 original has detected several blemishes in Foxe's translation, which have been removed. 15. n. (4) Uist. 63 [§. 38. The copy in the ' Corpus Juris Ca- nonici ' varies a little from that quoted by Foxe, &c. 23. n. (4) ' Rome' (in Foxe's text is a mere slip for Roan or Rouen, which is the reading in Molinasus, &c. n. (6) which was decreed an. 417 [Labbe places this council under S97, &c. 25. n. (3) Some clauses have here been interchanged, to render the history correct. 37. n. (7) Ex Urban I. dist. 59, cap. 2. ' Si officia.' [This chapter should be attributed to Zosimus, &c. 38, n. (2) Foxe erroneously calls this the 5th General Council, &c. 41. n. (2) Foxe says by mistake, 'the council of Calcedon & the Emperor Justinian,' with neither of which was John IV. contemporary. 49. n. (1) Amb. de Vocatione Gentium, lib. ii. cap. 16 ; [This work is now ascribed to Prosper, and is printed in his name, &c. 54. n. (7) The same Cicero calleth Cratippus, ' principem hujus setatis philosophorum.' Lib. i. Offic. [Rather ' Prin- cipe hujus memoriiE philosophorum :' De Officiis, lib. iii. cap. 2. &c. 89. n. (2) Suetonius says ' Nepotes,' which Foxe mistranslates ' Nephews,' They were the sons of Germanicus, &c. — n. (5) By whom also [Rather ' in whose reign.' — n. (6) Vienne in Dauphiny [Foxe says ' Lyons,' on what authority does not appear. 91. n. (3) Several of Foxe's dates hereabouts have been cor- rected, &c. 92. n. (1) The dates in this historical summary are taken from L'Art de Verifier des Dates. 95. n. (1) Dorotheus in his book named ' Synopsis,' testifieth [This is occasionally rather indifferent ground to found any assertion upon, &c. 80 NOTES IN THE FIRST VOLUME. 95. n. (7) Foxe here confounds Thaddaeus, the apostle with another Thaddaeus, &c. — n. (8) Abdias writeth [The assertions of Abdias are not considered to be well founded .... Foxe has con- founded Simon Cananeus with Simon, one of our Lord's relatives. 96. n. (2) The next authority, the treatise ' De duplici Martyrio is incorrectly assigned to. Cyprian, &c. — n. (3) There is some mistake here : Jerome assigns no date whatever. — n. (4) The foregoing narrative is from the ' Acta Martyrii S. Andrese,' a production ascribed to the presbyters and deacons of Achaia, but rejected by M. Tillemont as of no authority. Ribadeneira quotes the work, in Vita S. Andr. 97- n. (7) Hist. Eccl. lib. ii. cap. 23. Foxe's translation has been revised from the greek. 100. n. (3) The tyrannous rage of which emperor was very fierce against the Christians, ' Insomuch that, (as Eusebius records) &c. Hist. Eccl. lib. ii. cap. 26; [Eusebius, however, is describing Nero's severity toward the Jews not the Christians ; and is quoting from Jose- phus, 'De bello Jud.' lib. ii. cap. 18. § 2. 101. n. (3) Pseudo-Abdias From Foxe's residing so long as he did at Basle, he seems to have become ac- quainted with books, and introduced their contents into his Acts and Monuments, which under other circumsiances would not have engaged his attention ; nor, as in the present case, much deserved it. 103. n. (1) Foxe's translation has been revised from the original greek of Jerome. 104. n. (1) This is a mistake. Jerome represents, &c. — n. (5) Foxe is not quite correct in this assertion, &c. 105. n. (2) Foxe's text has by mistake ' Eusebius' instead of ' Jerome.' NOTES IN THE FIRST VOLUME. 81 105 n. (4) If John died (as Jerome states) G8 years after our Lord's Passion, the statement of Foxe is very im- probable that he was then 120 years old .... the general expression * about one hundred' has, there- fore, been substituted for Foxe's ' one hundred and twenty.' Several other dates hereabout (not in Je- rome) have been corrected. — n. (7) Foxe's translation has been revised from the original Greek of Clement, &c. 115. n,(l) Pliny's Epistles x. 97, 98. A neiv translation of these two celebrated letters has been substituted for Foxe's, which is loose and often obscure. 117. n. (1) Phocas bishop of Pontus [Rather of Sinope in Pon- tus, &c. Ed.] — n. (8) Ex Hier. in Catalogo Script. Eccles., whence Foxe's text is corrected. 118. n. (I) A new translation from the Greek is substituted for Foxe's. — Ed. 119. n. (3) Foxe here confounds the Zeno just mentioned with another Zeno, &c. 121. n. (2) A new translation is substituted for Foxe's. 123. n. (3) The following narrative is from Justin's dialogue with Trypho, near the beginning of it, whence a few expressions of Foxe are altered. 131, n. (2) Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. cap. 15. The whole of the mat- ter from hence to the bottom of page 134, is from this chapter of Eusebius ; a new translation however is substituted for Foxe's, which is often loose and obscure. 137. n. (3) The translation of this letter in Milner's Church His- tory (vol. i. p. 224) being very superior to Foxe's, has been here substituted for it, with a few variations. 144. n. (2) The following are new translations. 145. n. (2) Foxe erroneously ascribes this expedition to both M. Antoninus and his brother, &c. G 82 NOTES IN THE FIRST VOLUME. 146. n. (3) The above translation is made from the Latin Edict in the Centuriators. 151. n. (5) About the year of our Lord one hundred and four- score [Rather A. D. 172—185. — n. (6) Nauclerus saith it was in the year 156. [Nauclerus rather says, 'Anno autem Domini 177,' etc. 155. n. (4) Foxe, misapprehending a passage of the Centuriators, says, ' by the account of Jerome,' whereas they quote Jerome as rather impugning the opinion of Epipha- nius and Euffinus. Foxe also by mistake says ' seven' thousand volumes, &c. — n. (5) This statement is most likely founded on a miscon- ception of Eusebius, who says, &c. 156. n. (1) Eusebius (ibid. cap. 4.) does not say that Serenus was brother to Plutarch, but in the preceding chapter he represents Heraclas (brother of Plutarch, and afterward bishop of Antioch,) as the second of Ori- gen's pupils. Foxe hastily assumed hence, that Heraclas and Serenus were the same individual. Heraclas ' was no martyr.' 157. n. (3) Some expressions of Foxe are more conformed to the Greek. 163. n. (1) Platina has been misunderstood here; he quite coin- cides with Damasus. — n. (5) Foxe, it will be remarked, occasionally defers to in- different or rather modern authority, &c. 175. n. (2) Vincent is probably mistaken, and the Magdeburgh Centuriators, whom Foxe has copied, &c. 177. n.(lO) A better translation of these extracts from Eusebius has been substituted for Foxe's. 182. n. (1) Foxe (copying the Centuriators) erroneously calls this youth a soldier, &c. 183. n. (6) It has been attempted to correct the list, which is extremely corrupt as it stands in the Centuriators and in Foxe. NOTES IN THE FIRST VOLUME. H3 185. n. (1) Haec Dionys. ex Euseb. ; whence some expressions in Foxe's text have been changed. 186. n. (4) Both Eusebius and Foxe -are slightly inaccurate here, &c. 192. n. (3) This and the subsequent extracts from Cyprian's writings are given more accurately and fully than they appear in Foxe. 199. n. (4) Nearly the whole of the following account of Cyprian is from the Centuriators, Cent, iii. cap. 10, whence several corrections are made in the text. 205. n. (1) It does not appear, however, that he was bishop of Antioch (as Foxe asserts), either from the historians above-named, or from the catalogue of bishops of Antioch, given in ' L'Art de verifier des Dates;' the Centuriators, however, assert it in one place and Foxe probably derived it thence Foxe twice mentions him again as ' bishop of Antioch' under the tenth persecution. 211. n. (5) In Cimele, a city in Italy under the Alps [This town, now in ruins, was near Nice, under the Alps certainly, but on the French side, 8ic. 212. n. (3) Heliopolis [Foxe by mistake says Hierapolis, &c. 223. n. (2) These passages are /r«ns/a«erf exactly from Eusebius's text. 224. n. (2) Vopiscus, vita Numeriani, whence Foxe's text has been a little altered. 225. n. (1) Euseb. lib. viii. cap. 2. whence several corrections have been made in the text, &c. 229. n. (3) Euseb. lib. viii. cap. 11. What Foxe adds about the bishops of Meletina is a misconception of Euse- bius's meaning. — n. (9) The following quotation from Basnage's ' Annales Politico-Eccles.' (ad an. 301. §. 4.) has corrected several mistakes in the text. 230, n. (4) Also in Samos [So say the Centuriators, without g2 84 NOTES IN THE FIRST VOLUME. naming the Chronicle : Foxe has altered Samos into ♦ Sammium.' The chronicles of Regino and Herman Contract both mention Sirmium, which perhaps mis- • led the Centuriators. 230 n. (11) At Marseilles suffered Victor [Foxe (copying the Centuriators) says Victor suffered at Milan. 237. n. (1) Foxe has followed the Magdeburgh Centuriators, ap- parently (Cent. iv. c. 3. col. 23. Edit. 1621.); but the original is rather vague in its phraseology. 239. n. (2) The above is a new translation. 240. n. (2) Euseb. lib. ix. cap. 1. a new translation. 243. n. (1) Euseb. lib. ix. cap. 7. whence the above translation is made. — n. (6) The following list is somewhat corrected. 245. n. (2) Euseb. lib. ix. cap. 8. whence a few expressions in the text have been changed. 250. n. (4) Euseb. lib. x. c. 5. The following is a new trans- lation. 253. n. (1) The following is a new translation. 260. n. (l) In the portions quoted from Prudentius in this nar- rative, Foxe has often altered the descriptive form into the direct. It is also much abridged. 263. n. (1) Ex Basil, in Sermone in Gordium militem Cgesari- ensem, [whence a few expressions are corrected. 268. n. (8) This story has been translated rather paraphrasti- cally : there is nothing in the original answering to the second stanza. — n. (11) There is nothing in the original answering to this. 269. n. (1) The same remark applies to this and the preceding line ; from line 70 to 76 and 96 and 97. 270. n. (3) Foxe's text has been corrected here. 276. n. (8) About eighty-five names of witnesses are given in Labbe, torn. i. col. 939 ; but in col. 940. * seventy- two ' is mentioned as the number Fox erro- neously says ' forty-two.' NOTES IN THE FIRST VOLUME. 85 278. n. (3) The above translation has been revised from the copy in Labbe(sic) Cone. Gen. Tom. i. col. 948. 287. n. (5) See Theod. (loc. citat.) whence a few expressions are changed. 288. n. (3) Maxentius [Our author should rather have said Licinius &c. 289. n. (1) Six years [Our author assigns a less period, sup. pp. 250, 279, &c. 290. n. (1) Our author has scarcely expressed himself intelli- gibly in this place, &c. 293. n. (7) Eusebius, de Vit. Constant. Lib. ii. cap. 48—60. The following is a new and more accurate translation than Foxe's. 299. n. (1) The text has been somewhat corrected from Sozomen. 300. p. (3) Euseb. de Vita Constant. Lib. iv. cap. 36, whence Foxe's text has been corrected in two or three points. .301. n. (2) The following arguments against the Donation of Constantino are probably an abridgment of those given by Illyricus Flacius, ' Catalogus Testium, cura Goularti, Genevae 1608.' cols. 284—290 ; whence several inaccuracies in Foxe's text have been detected and corrected. 303. n. (3) The above paragraph has been corrected in several particulars from Illyricus, &c. 309. n. (4) There are serious objections to the genuineness of this Epistle, &c. — n- (5) There is an error here ; the reader may consult the Appendix to this volume, &c. 311. n. (3) reckoneth his conversion to be in the year 187 [Ra- ther he so dates Lucius's endowment of churches. 314. n. (2) Ex Polychron lib. v. cap. 4 ; whence a slight cor- rection is made in Foxe's text. — n. (3) Foxe having sometimes failed to make Kings syn- chronize as they should do, in the following table. 86 NOTES IN THE FIRST VOLUME. the dates A. D. of the accession of the Kings are added, &c. 328. n. (1) Foxe at pp. 320, 323, 327, 328, assigns the dates A. D. 570, 568, 550, 586, for this event, &c. — n. (2) Foxe says 589 in the text, and 595 in the margin ; probably the 589 should have occupied the place of the 550, and 595 that of the 589, &c. — n. (4) The space of about forty-four years [It is not easy to make out more than ten consistently vrith Foxe's ovpn computations. It has been found necessary to alter some of his numbers in the remainder of this paragraph, they were so plainly incorrect. 331. n. (2) Bede ' Eccles. Hist.' lib. i. cap. 27. Whence the following translation has been in a few places im- proved. Ed. 335. n. (2) See also Bede's Eccles. Hist. lib. i. cap. 29. whence the above is revised. 346. n. (6) Foxe's text has been corrected from Fabian in this last sentence. 347. n. (4) All the English Chroniclers represent Kinegils, and not Quiceline as the person who founded and en- dowed the two bishoprics, and as Kenevalcus's fa- ther ; so does Foxe himself at pp. 344, 380. See Appendix. 349. n. (1) This and the preceding sentence contain a confused mixture of three different pieces of history : see Ap- pendix. See also infra p. 354, for the correct state- ment of the matter. 854. n. (3) There is no authority for this, &c. 356. n. (9) In the next year following [Rather, in the year fol- lowing the Council of Hatfield, &c. 359. n. (8) The following translation has been revised from the original. 369. n. (4) This Gregory III. [Rather Gregory the second, &c. 371. n. (2) Foxe here confounds OfFa, King of Mercia, with NOTES IN THE FIRST VOLUME. 87 OfFa, King of Essex, who nearly a century before turned monk, &c. 375. n. (1) The assertion seems incorrect; but this portion of the history is rather perplexed, &c. — n. (2) Conrad and his nephew Otho [Otho I. was evidently ' nepos,' i. e. grandson (not ' nephew ') to Otho Duke of Saxony (not 'Conrad ')• See infra Vol. ii. pp. 43,71- 378. n. (3) the coming of the Danes into this land, who entered shortly after [; and again in] about seven years [The words inserted in brackets make the text more correct. 381. n. (12) Ethelred [Foxe says 'Ethelbald' erroneously, as his own date shews : see Tanner. 382. n. (4) Ex Chronicis Guliel. Malmesb. lib. i. [p. 29, where the document slightly differs from that which Foxe here gives : some trifling emendations have therefore been made from Malmesbury. 383. n. (1) Several inaccuracies have been corrected in the fol- lowing list. 384. n. (2) Malmsb. and Higden ; who also describe Merowald as brother to Wolfer and Ethelred. Hence Foxe is mistaken, p. 317- n. (10). — n. (3) Sister to Osric [Rather aunt &c. I am sorry to be obliged to caution the reader against supposing that this tiresome string of notes, indicates all the alterations which the editors thought it necessary to make. He will have seen it mentioned on so many occasions that a " new translation" has been substituted for that given by Fox, that he might very naturally suppose that notice is given wherever the exercise of that extraordinary editorial power has been thought necessary. But this is certainly not the case; though I cannot say to what extent 88 EPISTLE OF ANTONINUS PIUS. changes may have been tacitly made. I happened (I really know not why, if it was not because the document caught my eye in turning over the leaves, and the j^hraseology did not seem to be that of Fox) to compare one document, which bears no note, no hint of its having been altered in the slightest de- gree. A part of it will suffice, however, to shew, not only that a new translation has been given, but that it was very much wanted. In the edition of 1583 we find; — " The Epistle of Antoninus Pius to the Commons of Asia. Emperour and Caesar, Aurelius Antoninus, Augustus, Arme- nicus, Pontifex Maximus, Tribune eleven tymes, Consul! thrise, vnto the Commons of Asia greeting. I am very certayne, that the Gods have a care of this, that they which be such, shall be knowen, and not lye hid. For they doe punish them, that will not worship them more then you : which so vexe and trouble them, confirming thereby the opinion which they have conceaved, and do conceave of you, that is, to bee wicked men. For this is their ioy and desire, that when they are accused, rather they couet to dye for their God, then to lyue. Whereby they are Victorers, & doe overcome you, geuing rather their lyues, then to be obedient to you, in doying that which you require of them. And here it shall not be inconuenient to aduertise you of the Earthquakes," &c. — Edit. 1583. p. 41. For this most barbarous and incorrect matter, the editors have substituted the following ; — " The Epistle of Antoninus Pius, to the Commons of Asia. Emperor and Caesar, Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus, Armenicus, Pontifex Maximus, tribune fifteen times, consul thrice, to the common Council of Asia, greeting. I am persuaded, that the gods will take care that persons such CORRECTIONS IN THE FIRST VOLUME. 89 as you describe these Christians to be shall not escape with im- punity ; for they are much more concerned to punish those who refuse to worship them, than you are. But are they quite the characters you represent ? You overwhelm them with trouble, and only confirm them in the opinions which they really do hold, when you charge them with being ' atheists :' and it seems in- finitely preferable to them to die for their God, than to live under such an imputation. And here it may not be amiss for me to refer to the earthquakes," &c. — p. 126. But if the editors do not like to tell us quite all, let us be thankful for what they do tell us. Taking merely the public acknowledgments which they seem to have thought necessary, I venture to ask, does such a string of notes — acknowledging that we know not how much odd matter has been (I doubt not very properly) disposed of by revisions, corrections, and new translations — afford a voucher for the accuracy and historical authority of the work in its original state? It is on record that silk hose have been dearned into worsted ; the converse process is I pre- sume equally practicable; and if these gentlemen will bestow the same trouble on the other seven volumes as on this half volume, the work may come to be something more like an historical authority than it has ever yet been ; but I shall be extremely surprised if they tell us that they came out of their present labour with quite such ideas of Fox as Mr. Townsend requires — that they " venerated his re- searches and learning" and would henceforth " alw^ays quote him on every point (but that to which their 90 EXTRACT FROM THOMAS WALSINGHAM. controversial discussions may Lave led them) with respect and deference as an undoubted authority." Of that kind of knowledge which is necessary to enable a writer so to use authorities, as to become an authority himself, I have perhaps said enough to convince, though probably also enough to tire, the reader. I hope he will be more interested in an in- quiry respecting the knowledge of another kind (I mean the knowledge of facts, more particularly those of his own period) displayed by Fox ; and also re- specting the degree of dependence which we may place on his veracity, and that of his informants. These are points of more intrinsic interest and im- portance, and quite as necessary to be discussed before we can form an opinion on the subject of historical authority. Note A. on p. 7. EXTRACT FROM THOMAS WALSINGHAM. " Interea applicuerunt in Angliam Cardinales rogatu regis do- minus Caucellinus domini Papae vicecancellarius, & dominus Lucas de Flisco, nuncii domini Papse Johannis vicesimi secundi, ut pacem inter regna Anglias reformareiit, & Scotise, & ut comi- tem Lancastrise pacificarent regi, etiam attulerunt bullas Papales quibus Papa Scotos excommunicauit, eo quod desciuissent a do- mino suo rege Anglise, nisi redirent ad pacem ejus : qui prout morts est Romanorura in externas terras venientium, semetipsos ostentare volentes, contulerunt se sub omni festinatione in partes EXTRACT FROM THOMAS WALSINGHAM. 91 boreales infausta liora, vt dominum Ludovicum de Bellomonte, cui dominus Papa ad regis instantiam Episcopatum contulerat Dunelmensem, electo ejusdem loci cassato, cum pompa Romana intronizarent, quamvis prasmoniti fuissent, ut in comitatu Eboraci se continerent, & vltra progredi non presumerent nisi regia manu fulti. Cumque venissent prope villam de Derelington, subito de valle quadam erumpentes dicti grassatores (ducibus Gilberto de Midleton, & VValtero de Selby) inopinate irruerunt in familiam Cardinalium, & futuri Episcopi Dunelmensis : injectisque mani- bus sacrilegis de thesauro & equis suis (nulla habita ad tantas personas reuerentia) spoliarunt. Ludovicum vero Episcopum Dunelmensem, duxerunt ad villam de Morpath, ad redemptionem gravissimam compellentes. Captus est insuper a dictis popula- toribus Henricus de Bellomonte, cum equis & thesauris plurimis, & ductus est ad castrum de Midforde, ubi detentus est donee magnam summam pecuniae persolvisset. Cardinales vero resti- tutionem quarundam rerum habuerunt, puta de equis, vesti- mentis, & hujusmodi, sed restitutione plenaria caruerunt. Sine leesione tamen corporum, cum suis familiis Dunelmiam perve- nerunt, ubi per dies aliquot perhendinantes, & Scotorum arbi- trium prsestolantes, infecto negotio pro quo venerant, reversi sunt sub conductu regio Eboracum. Quo cum peruenissent, & vide- rent se positos in statione secura, tulerunt liorribilem sententiam in malefactores Northumbriae, & omnes eis quomodolibet ad- hserentes. Quam sententiam per totam Angliam publicari fe- cerunt : & mox Londonias redierunt, octo denarios de marca (pro damnis & expensis) a clero sibi dari cum instantia postulantes : non habentes respectum ad quatuor denarios sibi de marca prius concessos pro mora quam facturi fuerant in hac terra. Clerus vero tractatu habito respondit, quod contemptus & damna illis illata sibimet imputare deberent, cum locum a clero limitatum sibi, ciuitatem videlicet Eboraci, auaritiae agitati stimulo trans- gredi praesumpserunt. Quamobrem octo denarios de marca dare clerus Anglicanus noluit, quatuor vero denarios quos prius con- cesserat dare, bene consensit. 92 EXTRACT FROM MR. TOWNSEND's Cardinales per idem tempus fecerunt pacem sub certis con- ditionibus inter regem & Thomam comitem, quas condi- tiones rex cito post fregit iniuste. Inde aucta est dissentio quae prius extincta putabatur." p. 86. Note B. on p. 13. EXTRACT FROM MR. TOWNSENd's PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. " We cannot be surprised that all, every one of the antagonists who assailed him, excepting those who live in this more liberal age, venerated his researches and his learning, and always quote him on every point (but that to which their controversial discus- sions may have led them) with respect and deference as an un- doubted authority. Foxe printed from the records in the Tower the charters of king William. He confirms his statements from the registers of Hereford. He analyses the manuscript account of the miracles of Becket. He refers to the manuscript account of the pacification between pope Alexander and the emperor Frederic, and to letters printed from the Tower. The French chronicle of Thomas Grey is cited (in the same page with the letter of king John to the pope from the Tower rolls) ; and one copy only of this manuscript now remains in the library of Christ Church college in Cambridge. It was not printed till the year 1838. The eulogium of the monk of Canterbury, quoted by Foxe in the same page, is not yet printed. All these, as well as the extracts from the episcopal registers, might not have been printed to illustrate the truth of our common histories, to this very day, if John Foxe had not collected or transcribed them for the general use. The history of the rise and progress of the Reformation is more fully and clearly illustrated by the labours of John Foxe, from the most unexceptionable contemporary authorities, than by any other writer on that ever-interesting subject. He has collected and printed numerous original documents from the registers of the bishop of London ; from those of the bishop of Lincoln ; from 5 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 93 those of the archbishop of Canterbury, and, what are more valu- able still, from the registers of the archbishop of St. Andrew's. No one episcopal register of that period is to be found in all Scot- land ; so complete has been the devastation of such records in that part of the empire. When Foxe wrote, that devastation had not destroyed the registers. Foxe refers to them. " We express here," he says, " the articles against Hamilton, as we received them from Scotland, out of the registers." Very curious are some of the documents which Foxe has thus collected. Among the most so, are the letter of thanks from Louvaine to Scotland, Hamilton's treatise on Justifying Faith, Sir Ralph Sadler's Ora- tion to the king of Scotland on the Papal Supremacy, Articles against Borthwick and others. Many other records of the same date are cited by Foxe alone, which are essential to every student of history, and which assist in making his work what our fathers esteemed it to be — the completest ecclesiastical-historical library we possess. Among these may be enumerated the conferences between the cardinal and the almoner of queen Catharine ; the oaths of Gardiner, Stokesley, Lee, Tunstal, &c. renouncing the papal supremacy. These are printed from the originals, and were probably taken from the proceedings of the convocation, which are now lost. Foxe prints, too, many letters of Henry VIII. and Wolsey, which would have been otherwise lost. He has omitted many on account of the size of his book, which can now never be recovered. This brings us down to his own times. Much of the history of that period was founded upon written contemporary authority. The story of the three men, King, Debenham, and Marsh, who were hanged for burning the rood at Dover Court, was taken from the letters of a living witness, who might therefore be referred to when Foxe's book was published. Tindal's letters to Frith ; Bonner's letters to Cromwell ; the characteristic conference between Brusierd and Bilney on image worship ; the highly important document from Bonner's own handwriting against Gardiner, and the letters of Lambert, were all in the possession of Foxe, and all 94 EXTRACT FROM MR. TOWNSEND's were printed from the originals. The story of Garret, of Barber, of Brown, were all printed from the affecting narratives of eye- witnesses. In the paper respecting priests' marriages from Parker, he cites very many old charters from their originals ; which demonstrate that the marriages of priests were allowed by the ancient laws of the kingdom. Foxe is no less to be considered still useful also to the reader of history, for the information he has given to us from original sources, of the foreign affairs of the king- dom. His information from CEcolampadius, and from Spain, ap- pears to have been from manuscripts. He communicated also with Calais before it was lost to England ; and collected from thence many interesting narratives. In these memoranda I notice only those documents respecting which Foxe himself has given us any details ; and as he generally quotes his documents without informing us of the particular sources from whence they are derived, they form but a very small portion of the invaluable and original matter, which is scattered through his laborious pages. Burnet, Strype, mid all our best historians, have derived their principal information and documents from John Foxe ; and many hundred letters, all derived from authentic sources, and only now to be found there, illustrate the period of which he writes ; and prove his work to be indispensable to every one who desires both genuine and accurate knowledge of the painful subjects of his history. Raw-head and bloody-bone stories, are supposed to be the subjects of his Acts and Monuments, by the thoughtless and ignorant alone. Those who have studied his pages, will never dispense with his book. As this statement may appear strange to many, in spite of all I have said, I will still confirm my opinion of the value of John Foxe, by referring to other original and most valuable documents, which are indispensable to the right understanding of the times in which he lived ; and to the general illustration of English history. The record of the proceedings of the convocations in England, for instance, were destroyed in the fire of London, 1666. Foxe gives us extracts from them, of the utmost utility. The speech of PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 95 Queen Mary, at Guildhall, was taken down by one who heard it, and given to Foxe. The documents connected with the history of lady Jane Grey, are original. The curious oration of Bonner to the convocation, on the dignity of the priesthood, Avas reported to Foxe by a hearer. Ridley's manuscript account of his discus- sion with Feckenham ; the documents exhibited by Cnmmer on his examination ; the papers prepared by Ridley for his d;^ fence ; Ridley's own account of his treatment ; were all committed to Foxe, and used by him in the compilation of his work. So also the account of Bonner's actually striking, in his passion, a gentle- man of rank, with other extravagances of anger, were testified to Foxe, by those who were present .The oration of cardinal Pole, the proceedings of the council, and the submission of England to the pope, on the absolution of the lords and commons on their knees before the cardinal, are most graphically related by Foxe ; who gives us also the autograph letter of Philip to the pope, with the letter of the cardinal. The sermon on the following Sund-iy at Paul's Cross, by Gardiner, is also given from manuscript notes, " as they came to my hands," says Foxe, " faithfully gathered." Those who speak slightingly of the "veracity and JidelUtj' of John Foxe cannot have studied these things. They cannot have read his constant references to original documents, and his no less constant appeal to the contemporary testimonies, by which, or by whom, the truth of his narratives was confirmed. Accumulative proofs of his " veracity and faithfulness" of this nature, will not be valued by some. Others will demand still more proofs of his diligence, and anxiety to give relations of the events which took place in the reign of Mary ; and on their account I will still continue my observations. The accounts then of the examinations of some of the prisoners, drawn up by themselves, " left in writing, to. remain for a per- petual testimony, in the cause of God's truth, as here followeth, recorded and testified, by his own writing." The memoranda respecting bishop Hooper, who was " spare of his diet, sparer of words, and sparest of time," are given to Foxe by those who knew 96 EXTRACT FROM MR. TOWNSEND's him. The original of Ridley's letter to Hooper, the originals of Hooper's examinations, and of Hooper's letters, with the manu- script letters of Taylor, Philpotts, Cranmer, and Careless, were all in Foxe's possession. Other proceedings against the sup- posed heretics were copied from the registers. The public re- cords also are cited. The letters of Ferrar, of Bradford, of Ridley, and of Latimer, were collected by Foxe. The examination of George Marsh, who read the English Litany every morning with his friends on his knees, the process against Bland, the final ex- aminations of Ridley and Latimer, were all communicated to the martyrologist, who anxiously endeavoured to collect original and authentic documents from all quarters. He proves his extreme candour, in his estimation of the value of these documents, by the manner in which he speaks of the account given of Cranmer by his friend Dr. Martin. " Such as that report is," says Foxe, " 1 thought good to let the reader understand, that he may use there- in his own judgment and consideration." His frequent appeals to eye-witnesses of the things he relates, the manner in which the declarations he received from the persecuted of their examinations and sufferings, are affirmed by him, not to be credited for their words only, even though in one remarkable case the narrative of their sorrows was written with their own blood, and not with ink. All these things prove to us that Foxe is worthy of our confi- dence, and that his " veracity andfdeliiy" cannot be assailed with either truth or honour. Disgrace has followed every attempt to destroy its value. If Foxe's Acls and Monuments had not been written, and this is the best criterion of its merits, no hook in the English language can he mentioned, which could supply its place. Whoever will but impartially and candidly consider the mass of the materials collected, and remember that this work was the first attempt to give to the common reader a history of the church of Christ, as well as a narrative of the evil consequences of the one false principle, that the soul of the Christian is to be governed by authority that is fallible, on the supposition that such authority is infallible, unchangeable and divine, — must, I think, acknowledge, ON THE AUTHORITY OF STRYPE. 97 that the work of John Foxe is one of the most useful, most im- portant, and most valuable books we still possess. It has never been superseded. Its loss could not have been supplied. He will also, I think, confess that our ancestors were justified in their admiration of the volumes of Foxe ; and that we can name no other work, on the subjects treated upon by John Foxe, which so certainly deserved their favour, and which still continues to de- serve the approbation of their sons. To appeal to the decisions of our fathers, — to speak to the present age of the " wisdom of our ancestors," I well know to be, among many, the undoubted crite- rion of narrowness of intellect. The very expression — " the wisdom of our ancestors," is ranked by Jeremy Bentham, among the fallacies which prevent the free exercise of our judgment, in matters both of political or religious inquiry. I cannot say how this may be. I am too unlearned to fathom the wisdom of our ancestors ; but I am sure that their folly in abhorring and dis- favouring papistry, was much less than the folly of their sons, who, in spite of the experience of the past, are once more employed in reviving its power, in encouraging its usurpations, and pretensions; and in depreciating and deriding the value and estimation, the " veracity and fidelity ," of the martyrologist, John Foxe." — Pre- liminary Dissertation, p. 471. Note C. p. 14. ON THE AUTHORITY OF STRYPE. It is SO seldom that history is written without prejudice, and some purpose beyond the mere record of truth, that we must always be on our guard lest it should turn out that the authorities which historians use are over or under-rated by them. If we feel suf- ficient interest in any part of history to attempt its investigation, it is impossible that we should not wish to discover one thing rather than another. We must, when we find contradictions, incline as a matter of feeling (if it be merely a bare sense of com- parative probability) to one side or the other, and it will be hard to avoid giving undue importance to the authority who says just [- ^ 1» H 98 ON THE AUTHORITY OF STRYPE. what we wish him to say. One of the fallacies by which we are liable to deceive ourselves and others in this matter, is, if I may so speak, the transferring of a man's merits from one point to an- other. If a writer has in some way obtained a name, that name has a certain weight and is in some degree like steam-power, ap- plicable to any purpose. Write with what care and learning you may to prove that the Chinese criminal code is harsh or merciful, you will not persuade so many persons as if you state roundly that your opinion is maintained by Hume and Robertson, and that Smollett, in the main, agrees with them. Mr. Townsend has however furnished one of the best illustrations that could be given in the following passage ; — " Strype, the most patient collector of similar papers, and the most com- petent witness to form a judgment on the merits or demerits, of the results of the labours of the martyrologist, speaks, as we shall see, not only of the infinite pains of Foxe in searching registries and seeking documents ; but Strype assures us, that Foxe left them as he found them ; and had not de- stroyed them, as his antagonist Parsons dared to presume to affirm that he had done." — Life oj Fox, p. 28. Now who does not immediately see the fallacy of this 1 We have reason to be thankful that Strype was a " most patient collector ; " but surely he would have been a more " competent witness " about the Martyrology, if instead of being a great col- lector himself he had spent his time in examining what had been collected and printed by Fox. But as to the Jact ; let us see what is Strype's authority as to this very Martyrology. Suppose we go to him, as the " most competent witness," to seek for some account of the most important fact in Fox's life, and in the whole history of his writings — the first publication of the Martyrology in England. We shall find that he speaks of it in four different places, from which I will give extracts, prefixing to each the date of its original publication, and inserting a few words of comment in brackets. No. 1. (1694), " While he was here, [at BasW] employed by Oporinus, at spare hours he began his history of the Acts of the Church in Latin ; \Jie had actually 'published an edition at Stras- ON THE AUTHORITY OF STRYPE. 99 hurgh before he went to BasW] which he drew out more briefly at first ; and before his return home into England, well near finish- ed. [He did not return to England, but staid abroad on purpose, till it was printed.l Having here completed the copy, which was but the first part of what he intended, but making a just volume in folio, he sent the work to Basil to be printed : [as I have said, he staid there while it was printed] and so it was in the year 155 — . [reorf 1559]. It remained many years after in those parts in great request, and was read by foreign nations ; although hardly known at all in our own. Being now in peace and safety at home, Fox reviewed this his work and in the year 1566, [read 1563] first published it in English very voluminous, because of those many relations of the persecutions in Queen Mary's days, that came to his hands. All this work he did himself [trans- lations ?] without the help of an amanuensis, nor had he any servant to do his necessary domestic business ; being fain to be often diverted by his own private occasions from his work. He after- wards enlarged these his labours into three large volumes, [never mure than two] which have since undergone many editions." Life of Cranmer. Vol. II. p. 575. Oxford reprint of 1840 *. No. 2. (1709) "About this year [he is speaking of 1561] did the laborious John Fox set forth the first edition in English of his great book of Acts and monuments, in one thick volume." Ann. Vol. I. P. i. p. 374 f. * It is obvious that Strype was led into this tissue of misstatement by following the same legendary memoir of Fox by which Mr. Townsend was so grossly misled ; of which see Part I. of these Notes. t I need hardly say that there is not in the Oxford Edition of Strype any note or hint of error annexed to either of the passages which I quote. As to this particular case, however, if the reader of Vol. I. Part i. perseveres through that volume, and five more, he will, just before he gets through the sixth (Vol. IV. p. 001) find more than twenty pages of notes, by Mr. Baker, of St. John's, Cambridge, correcting and illustrating what he has been read- ing without any thing to create suspicion that it wanted correction at all ; and among those notes he will find one correcting this error. Surely it would liave been worth while to annex these notes to the several passages to wiiicli they relate. H 2 100 ON THE AUTHORITY OF STRYPE. No. 3. (1728) "Infinite was the pains he took in compiling thereof and in searching of registers and the enlargements in the several editions in his life-time. The first was published by him in Latin, and printed, I think, at Basil (where he lived) one of the cantons of Switzerland. The next edition which was set forth in English, the history commencing about 500 years before, was printed in London in the year 1562" \_read as before, 156o.] Jnn. Vol. in, P. i. p. 735. No. 4. (1733). " Upon the first edition of Fox's book which I think was about 1565 or 1566." Mem. Vol. III. P. i. p. 577. If we want to make it out that Strype was a writer of singular care and accuracy, I know not what we are to say to this ; but, if we only desire truth, I do not see why we may not tell it, and I think Strype's character and services will quite bear it. Per- haps it has been told somewhat harshly (but I know not how to say unfairly) by Thomas Hearne, who certainly was a more " competent witness " as to Strype's labours, than Strype was as to Fox's, " Mr. Strype hath a large collection of MSS. papers, and he is an industrious man. But then, as I take it, he wants both learning and judgment, and does not know how to make a true and right use of his papers. The things he hath published are voluminous, and written in a creeping style. Had they been managed by a judicious man they would have been brought into a less compass, and been adorned with better and more perti- nent observations*." But if we think this rather severe, may we not say that these passages were written at intervals during thirty-nine years ; and that it is not wonderful if in so long a time, and in the publication of such a vast mass of matter as Strype printed during that time, he fell into some contradictions, and that the very nature of his works leading him to recur fre- quently to the same facts, it was likely that he should sometimes state, on a second or third occasion, what was more correct, with- out cancelling, or perhaps recollecting that he had before said, * Letter to Mr. Anstis, No. CV. of Letters written by eminent persons from the Bodleian, &c. Vol. L p. 2'Jl. ON THE AUTHORITY OF STRYPE. 101 what was erroneous. At the same time the reader will perceive that the extracts which I have quoted do not become more cor- rect as they proceed ; and I think that they would be sufficient of themselves to give him an impression that the writer from whom they are taken was not a very accurate man, or peculiarly qualified to vouch for the accuracy of other people. Such was undoubtedly and obviously the fact ; and I feel that it is no injustice, I might say no reproach, to Strype to state it ; for I believe that all men have their own natures and vocations. He worked in his own way, and all the world could not have altered it. I can heartily concur with Bishop Burnet in calling him " the sincere and diligent Mr. Strype," but it is quite obvious that he was not a man of much critical investigation. Every one who has any knowledge of his works, and of literary history, must see at once that he belonged to a different class — a class well de- fined and well known, and one to which literature is almost, if not quite, as much indebted as it is to men of genius. I mean the class of writers who have made it their business to collect, preserve and publish (with whatever imperfection) original docu- ments — the men who have kept in, or restored to, public know- ledge, the records of truth. Mr. Townsend's phrase is as felicitous as Bishop Burnet's. Strype was a " most patient col- lector of papers ;" and in the course of a long life he collected a vast treasure. But if we would have the full benefit of the rich cargoes brought in by patient collectors, they must be carefully unladen, examined, weighed, and sorted. Or perhaps we might better liken such collectors as Martene, Pez, Leibnitz, Baluze, Labbe, D'Achery, &c. ; to men who have made incursions into the vast territory of oblivion, and brought back waggon-loads of spoil — who ■womHi have earned their laurels even if it should turn out that some things which glittered were not gold, and who might well feel themselves injuriously treated if we should reproach them with not having staid to examine and appraise each article before they determined to bring it away. That is afterwork; but work which has never been done for Strype. His 102 ON THE AUTHORITY OF STRYPE. loads remain precisely as he pitched them down ; and anybody who likes may pick them over, and make the best of them. He wants what Wood has found in Dr. Bliss. I am not desirous to detract from the well-earned reputation of Strype. There is no writer of his class to which the Church of England is so deeply indebted, and a blessed thing it would have been for that church, if for these thirty years past every man admitted to holy orders had been well acquainted with Strype's works. We should have been spared much of the miserable and poisonous ignorance which has, on different sides, too frequently mis-represented the persons and things connected with the Reform- ation. But all this does not make Strype the " most competent witness to form a judgment on the merits or demerits of the results of the labours of the martyrologist." Since the whole of the above matter was in the printer's hands, an incident has occurred so much to our purpose, that I cannot help adding some notice of it in the proof. A gentleman at Ox- ford, who had observed that the account given by Mr. Perceval of the consecration of a certain bishop, differed from that given by Strype, wrote to request that I would refer to Archbishop Cranmer's Register, and see which was right. Strype's account of the matter is this ; — " John Chambre, B.D., was consecrated first bishop of Peterburgh, in the Cathedral Church of Peterburgh, in the presbytery there, by John Bisliop of Lincoln, Thomas Bishop of Ely, and William Bishop of Norwich, by com- mission from the Archbishop." — Life of Cranmer, Vol. I. p. 135. Now SO far as concerns the consecrating bishops, iwo-thirds of this is untrue. Neither the Bishop of Lincoln nor the Bishop of Norwich took part in the consecration ; and Mr, Perceval is right in giving the names of two other bishops as acting with the Bishop of Ely. It is easy to see how a hasty person might be led into the error, and how Strype was in fact misled. The arch- bishop granted a commission to the three prelates whom Strype names, and that commission is (as he would have said) " exempli- fied" in the Register. It is true also that at the beginning of the ON THE AUTHORITY OF STRYPE. 103 "Acta Consecrationis," (whence I presume Strype took his account) those three are mentioned as commissioners by way of recital. But if (without saying anything of " infinite pains " in " searching registers ") Strype had had the patience and pru- dence to look through a document of less than a single page, he would have seen that the Bishop of Ely was the only one of the commissioners who acted, assisted by two other bishops who were not named in the commission. i { COL. COL! Gilbert & Rivington, Printers, St. John's Square, London. By the same Aulhor. A REVIEW of FOX'S HISTORY of the WALDENSES. 8vo. 1837. II. SIX LETTERS on FOX'S ACTS and MONUMENTS, Reprinted from the British Magazine. 8vo. 1837. III. SIX MORE LETTERS, Reprinted from the same. 8vo. 1841. IV. REMARKS on the Rev. S. R. CATTLEY'S DEFENCE of his Edition of FOX'S M ARTYROLOGY, 8vo, price 2s. (id. 1842. V. NOTES on the CONTRIBUTIONS of the Rev. G. TOWN- SEND, M.A., Canon of Durham, to the new edition of FOX'S MARTYROLOGY, Part I. On the MEMOIR of FOX ascribed to his SON. 8vo. 1841. VI. NOTES on Mr. TOWNSEND'S CONTRIBUTIONS. Part ii. PURITAN THAUMATURGY, With a REPLY to Mr. TOWNSEND'S "REMARKS" on Part I. 8vo. 3s. 6d. 1842, COLT DATE DUE ; 1/ ■ - \ \ fl 1 'JTSM .^1 H fl m Pilnled In USA BRiTTir 0^) HOT PHOTOCOPY 355 ^^ ^ 5^/?^ F855 >0 m o 00 m o O 1-^ z o < -J • ro H- m fO »»4 ! fo 00 < (7* U_ 2.