Chinese Nationalist (Kuo Min Tang) Publication “Chinese Politics Made Easy” Series Our Common Cause With China Against Imperialism and Communism by PAUL LINEBARGER International Lawyer and Counselor of the late Dr. Sun Yat Sen, (Founder of the Chinese Republic) ; U. S. Judge (Philippines, 1901-1907, First Instance) ; Author of Dr. Sun’s biography, “Sun Yat Sen and the Chinese Republic,” “Our Chinese Chances,” “Miss American Dollars,” “The World Gone Mad,” etc., etc. Founder and Ex-editor-in-chief of the Kuo Min Tang Monthly, “The Chinese Nationalist,” etc., etc. PRICE, TEN CENTS Published and Circulated By KUO-MIN-TANG (Chinese Nationalist Party). 424 N. Los Angeles Street, LOS ANGELES, CALIF. BOOKS BY PAUL LINEBARGER THE CENTURY COMPANY 353 Fourth Avenue, NEW YORK CITY SUN YAT SEN AND THE CHINESE REPUBLIC . . . makes Sun Yat Sen a vital interesting individual . . . colorful and understandable, the life of the Chinese village. — New York Times. It is probable that no one will improve upon Linebarger’s biography on the purely personal side. — Portland Oregonian. He presents in outline a great and con- sistent career. — St. Paul News. Carries the reader into the heart of Chinese affairs. — Boston Herald. Authoritative picturing. — Cincinnati Commercial- Tribune. An authoritative biography. — International Book Review. One of the extremely important books of the year. — Nashville Banner. Judge Line- barger has given an enlightening picture. — Boston Monitor. Judge Line- barger is lucid . . . writing manner cultivated and attractive. — Cincin- nati Post. Clearly, beautifully sketched. — Chicago Post. For Copies in Chinese, Please Apply to any Kuo Min Tang Secretary MID-NATION PUBLISHERS 535-537 West Sixty-second Street, CHICAGO, ILL. (These books were written under the pen name of “Paul Myron.”) OUR CHINESE CHANCES Entertaining account. — Boston Globe. A well informed book. — Portland Oregonian. Much valuable information. — Los Angeles Express. Speaks with authority. — Milwaukee Journal. Volume one of interest; agreeably written. — Providence Journal. Written with conviction, authority, and obviously first-hand knowledge. — Montreal Daily News. A man not only of convic- tion, but of more than casual acquaintance with the Chinese. — New York Independent. . . . delightful book well illustrated. — Indianapolis News. . . . mine of plain everyday information. — Washington, D. C. Star. . . . Unusually interesting and entertaining. — New Orleans Times Picayune. MISS AMERICAN DOLLARS Grips the reader from cover to cover. — San Francisco News-Letter. Red blooded, robust story. — Albany Times-Union. A rattling good story told in the author’s best style. — Pittsburgh Press. The climax is thrilling and un- expected. — Buffalo News. The war scenes are graphic. — New York Evening Post. It’s good. — Nashville Tennesseean. That’s the charm and wonder of this master tale.- — Birmingham Age-Herald. Vast knowledge of foreign countries. — Chicago Examiner. No reader is apt to go to sleep over it. — - Boston Globe. Stirring romance. — Book News Monthly. Ouida and Archi- bald, Clavering, Gunther might have collaborated in writing this book. — Hartford Courant. Interesting and illuminating volume. — Philadelphia Press. A story whose timeliness is but one of its chief charms. — Leslie’s Weekly. BUGLE RHYMES FROM FRANCE Breathes sincerity and purpose and makes pictures in the mind. — Detroit Free Press. Intimate glimpses of soldier life and combat.- — Milwaukee Jour- nal. Spirited poems. — Spokane Spokesman-Review. Exciting short stories told in fascinating verse. — Gulfport and Biloxi Herald. Clean cut natural verse. — Brooklyn (N.Y.) Standard Union. Few books and fewer poets bring us closer to the boys over there. — Pittsburgh Post. Follows a well defined, psychological method. — Seattle Times. Paul Myron has done us a service. — Buffalo Courier. Proves himself a gifted American patriot. — Musical Leader. Never more clearly has been interpreted for us the ideals and daily experiences of the American soldier in France. — Boston Transcript. Spirited verse. — Army and Navy Register. THIS SIDE OF FRANCE A novelty of stagecraft. . . an hour of merriment. — Brooklyn Standard Union. Clever and witty. — Pittsburgh Post. Enjoyable comedy. — Portland Oregonian. Perhaps the first play ever written primarily for production on the natural setting of a ship. . . amusing and clever plot. — Buffalo Courier. OUR COMMON CAUSE WITH CHINA AGAINST IMPERIALISM AND COMMUNISM by PAUL LINEBARGER FOREWORD In the following pages I shall endeavor to give a synoptic report of the considerable number of speeches which I have made in Southern California, since my return (December, 1926) to America from China. During the past five months I have devoted my entire time to making a canvass and survey of American reaction to the conditions existing in China. I have tried to make this survey and canvass in at least a relatively uncontroversial spirit, although this attempt involved an informational program to prove that there is actually no civil war in China, but merely a foreign capitalist imperialist siege of Chinese democracy, in which siege, imperialist foreigners hire certain Chinese mercenaries to betray their countrymen. I selected Southern Cali- fornia for this labor since no section of America has a higher or more responsive standard of citizenship and none is more involved and in- terested in the questions presented. Moreover, I knew that certain Southern Californians appreciated the possibility that peaceful and harmonious relations with China might eventually (and perhaps within the century) develop Los Angeles County into the greatest civic center the world has ever known. Contrasting this eager interest of Southern California with the less interested state of the American mind elsewhere, this field appeared to offer the best prospect of immediate reactions. METHOD OF SURVEY Canvassing individual representations of trades and professions and business men generally, supplemented by reactions obtained from speaking before clubs and organizations such as Long Beach Interna- tional Union, Adventurers Club, Los Angeles American Civil Liber- ties Union, Los Angeles Fellowship of Reconciliation, Progressive State League, Belmont Community Congregational Church, Society of the Blue and the Grey, Los Angeles Men’s City Club, Long Beach Masonic Club, Pasadena Independent Voters’ League, Los Angeles Women’s City Club, Long Beach Open Forum, Los Angeles Cosmos Club, Los Angeles Ebell Club, Covina Chamber of Commerce, Long- Beach Social Study Club, Los Angeles Friday Morning Club, Pasa- dena Open Forum and other organizations of a similar high grade. Lectures before these and other organizations were followed by a question period which developed sources of public sentiment in the discussions which such questions evoked. Necessarily, the greatest part of this publication must be devoted to a synoptic statement of what I have uttered in these lectures, for otherwise the brief conclusions, which I shall give at the close, and which set forth the reactions to such statement, would be of no value. I regret that I can give in this very new field so few conclusions of reactions. The work has been pioneer and has involved much diffi- culty. I shall let the reader judge whether it has been of any actual value. I have been alone and single-handed and it is hard to do one’s very best under such circumstances. ********* 3 SYNOPTIC STATEMENT OF LECTURES AN HISTORIC PARALELL THAT COMES HOME TO US On October 24, 1S71, in Los Angeles, California, American citizens hunted out fifteen law-abiding, peaceful Chinese, and with no other provocation than the fact that they did not want Chinese in America, these alleged citizens hung each and all of these Chinese by the neck until they were dead. These alleged citizens likewise hunted out six other Chinese and these they shot to death one by one in an expression of deliberate and fiendish malice toward the whole race of China. These alleged citizens must have been men of a prominence that made them immune from justice, for their standing was such that according to the coroner’s inquest “the Chinese had met their death in consequence of the failure of the Police to protect them,” which is a plain indication that even the coroner’s jury likewise did not care to point the finger of accusation at any of the murderers. Now to understand the extraterritorial situation as Imperialism has chained it on to China today, let us imagine that when the Chinese government learned of these murders, that it immediately sent a fleet of gun boa.ts to occupy the principal ports of America, with this pro- nunciamento: “You Americans are barbarians. You do not have a strong government as do we, to protect society from murderers. We shall not allow your barbarous citizens to murder our civilized, law- abiding Chinese. Therefore, we shall take possession of certain ports and parts of America and hold them by force of our arms, until we decide that you have advanced sufficiently along the road of our Chinese civilization to give assurances that you can administer justice and punish murderers. Moreover, since it will be a long time before you become civilized like China, we shall establish our own system of courts in America, and you shall have to have your cases tried by our Chinese judges in the above named ports and parts of America, for you are so uncivilized that we cannot allow your astrocious barbarism to decide the matters involving the life and property of law-abiding and civilized men such as we. “However, should we decide in the remote future that you have proceeded far enough along the way of Chinese civilization in imita- tion of our Chinese justice and order, to give us guarantees that no further murders of our citizens will occur, then perhaps we shall con- sider withdrawing our gunboats and restoring to you your American authority over America. “Moreover, we as civilized men (deploring greatly your American inability to govern yourselves) find that in your American interests as well as our own, that it will be necessary for us to take over your customs service and collect your revenues so that they may be prop- erly disbursed by us. Actuated by the highest motives of our Chi- nese philosophy, we shall pay to the representatives of your American government (as long as they are duly accredited and respectful to the treaties) whatever may be left over from the collections of your maritime customs, so that you will have money with which to run your government. By this act of generosity we shall prove to you and to the world that we are not actuated by any other save the motive of helping you get out of the slough of barbarism, up onto our path of Chinese civilization. We shall put the import customs duty down to only five per cent ad valorem, instead of the sixty per cent which you say is necessary to run your government and protect your own industries, for you, as Americans, are so barbarous and we are so civilized as Chinese, that we do not think that we should allow you, as 4 barbarians, any advantage whatsoever over us until you have pro- gressed sufficiently in our Chinese civilization to satisfy us of your sincere desire to become civilized according to our Chinese way of four thousand years.” Only the Imperialist of the dullest imagination will fail to admit that substituting the word “Chinese” for “American” and vice versa, the above comparison describes the situation of China’s enslavement today. THE BOLSHEVIST REMEDY FOR CHINA’S FREEDOM FROM IMPERIALISM China has three great neighbors, which named in point of their economic and political influence over China are: America, Japan and Russia. Of these great neighbors only one has left the ranks of im- perialistic oppression and offered China assistance. Unfortunately for Americans, Communistic Russia of all the great nations has been the only power that has declared that the Imperialist strangle hold on China must be loosened. I say, it is unfortunate for us as Americans, because thereby we are put at a greater disadvantage in combating the insiduous growth of communism not only in England and Europe, but indeed, even here in America. For on the theory that thrice is he armed who has his quarrel just, all fair-minded men must agree, that godless Russia, regardless of its motives, has in its attitude toward China come nearer to following the teachings of Christ, than any of the nations that profess His life as a faith. One of the first organized acts of Soviet Russia was to renounce its unequal treaties with China and to tender it as an equal, the hand of fellowship. IMPERIALISTIC PROPAGANDA AGAINST RED CHINA Imperialism instead of trying to meet the Bolshevist tender of friendship toward China by the fair means of beating the Soviets, by likewise granting China independence from foreign control, pursued its usual ruthless imperialistic method by announcing to the world through a most expensive propaganda, that China being now red (which it is not, and cannot be if democratic constitutional America assists China to obtain its freedom from the Imperialistic throttle hold), no quarter should be given it, but that the use of an armed force be employed to the utmost to further strangle China. On the occasion on my return from the first of two journeys I made to China last year (1926), I gave out interviews to the American press, declaring that a “Red China” was only a hocus pocus Imperialist propaganda, and my interviewers looked at me incredulously. Now, however*, even the most irreconcilible Imperialist knows that this anti-red China propaganda can no longer be manufactured at a profit, for the whole march of General Chiang Kai Chek’s victorious army, all the way from Canton to Shanghai via Hankow, has demonstrated that the nationalist armies are fighting merely against a foreign invasion and the subsidized native troops of that invasion, and not for communistic doctrines. China will only accept Communism as a last alternative, and never if America offers China genuine friendship. WHY INTERNATIONAL IMPERIALISM STRANGLES DEMOCRATIC CHINA We have not in mentioning China’s great neighbors called England a neighbor of China, for her presence in China is merely a part of its gunboat control of the great seas. Of all the countries of the earth England is the last to have any neighborly rights with China, for not only is it on the other side of the world from. China, but has less in 5 common by reason of its Imperialism than any other nation. America, Japan and Russia on the contrary have most vital interests in China, foremost among which is the right of political expression in the many ways which contiguous territory involve, and which result in peace or war. Imperialistic England, however, seeks to excuse itself for its in- terference in China on the ground that it must not only protect Aus- tralia, but also the Straits Settlements, India and all the other se- quence of its possessions, which its gunboats control between the merry land of the Masters of the sea and the scenes of their activities. Australia however, has shown that it possesses a power of self govern- ment and a genius of diplomacy, that is far more enduring than any armed assistance that England can give. The world’s history shows that a land like self-sufficient Australia survives when military col- lossi go down in shambles. Moreover, in the frequent exchange of views I have had with Australians, I do not find that the Australian is overwhelmed with gratitude at the benevolent gunboat protection which England boasts she gives to Australia. I think that the ma- jority of Australians will bear me out in the declaration that the moral support of the United States is of more value to them than the military and naval strength of England, chasing itself like a will- ’o-the-wisp over the face of the whole globe, and extracting rather than giving support to those peoples which it claims to protect. Inci- dentally, I do not wonder that the English give the Australians small credit for one of the most thrilling achievements of the Great War, the capture of the “Emden,” for as the British Master expressed him- self as he pointed over toward the island where the capture was ef- fected, “It was only a boy’s work anyhow.” But this sample of a boy’s work is indicative of what the boy Australian can do. With the fine moral fibre and independence of the Australian, “this boy’s” work applied to diplomacy, will do more in solving peaceably and successfully, our racial questions on the Pacific than Hanoverian Imperialism. CHINA’S DOMINATION NOT NEEDFUL TO ENGLISH DEMOCRACY We shall digress here to remark that England would be a much happier and successful country if it would abandon its gunboat policy of world control. Loaded down with military and war taxation to the breaking point, England still scours the seas with its ruinous warships, with an army of unemployed at home, when by trusting to the sturdy character of English workmen and to the unequalled product which their experience and intelligence produces, they could compete suc- cessfully in the markets of the world. It is a fallacy to believe that a great military and naval program of sustained conquest means success and happiness at home. It is to be hoped that England, with its millions of enlightened men and women, will at last be allowed to strike the lances of their intelligence in a friendly joust with the whole commercial and industrial world, instead of being stalemated in their efforts, by the narrow and limited tracks marked out by their gunboats. THE INSTRUMENTS OF ENGLAND’S IMPERIALISTIC CONTROL OF CHINA There are many of these of which we shall briefly mention : Army and Navy, international trade agreements of a private nature sanc- tioned by the War and Navy control; International Banking agree- ments, in which America is heavily involved; Certain Foreign Mis- 6 sionary Societies; Large Pensioner Groups of English living in Eng- land upon money which is derived from the Chinese customs and other collections. In a word, England holds in its hand a mighty cat-’o- nine and more tails, with which it is continually lashing away at the Chinese, each one of the tails made up of a certain group (either purely English or English and International) of foreigners. Each of these groups profits by the despoilment of the prostrate body of China, chained and helpless under the guns and bludgeons of Im- perialism. THE EAST INDIA COMPANY China’s troubles commenced with the first of all these international imperialistic gangs or groups; which bears a much more respectable name than it is entitled to — The East India Company. A more ap- propriate name would be “THE FAR EAST HORDE OF CUT- THROATS.” This company was made up of the worst type of trade pirates, political buccaneers and ruthless corsairs. The history of the world gives us no parallel to this mob of red-handed pillagers and depredators, who in part a product of the Napoleonic wars, lost all sense of humanity in their bestial disregard for aught of just and in- nocent that opposed them in their greed for gold. Their slogan was, “China’s gold or China’s head,” acclaimed with great confidence for they knew that China, with its peace of thousands of years, never for a moment thought of stemming the tide of the East India Cut-throat invasion. WHY ENGLAND INVADED CHINA The East India Company, as the ruler of India, had for a con- siderable period taken great treasures from India, and had ruthless- ly dispoiled it of all its transportable wealth. When the English had already looted India to the limit, great was their exasperation to find that India was becoming a liability rather than an asset. India was not only going bankrupt but its poverty was so appalling that it of- fered no hope of any economic comeback. For years the English buccaneers had looked longingly at the rich markets of China, with little hope that they would be able to carry away their treasures. Neither India nor even England itself had much of wares to tempt the Chinese buyer, for the Chinese were then, as they had been for thousands of years, entirely self-sufFicient and self-sustaining in their economic life. In their dispair in trying to put India on its feet, the English buccaneers finally hit upon a plan of robbing China, which for diabolical cunning, surpasses the malevolent genius of the most successful American bootlegger of today. This plan was to try to fasten the vice of opium smoking upon the Chinese, for the English knew that all men regardless of race succumbed to the debauchery of opium, and that if they could obtain the entering wedge of the in- troduction of the opium vice in China, that they would thus be able to put India back on its feet, with the great treasure which would pour in from China, from the purchase of the poppy product. The poppy grows like a weed in India and the cost of opium production is negligible, compared with the prices which men of all times have been willing to pay for the drug. OPIUM PRACTICALLY UNKNOWN IN CHINA BEFORE FOREIGN INTRODUCTION As far back as 973 A. D., we find in the “Chinese Her- balist Treasury” the mention of the opium producing poppy for medi- cinal use. The Chinese however had never used the drug for other 7 than medicinal purposes, until the East India Company launched its trade campaign for its illicit sale in China. Beginning this insiduous and wicked campaign for the debauchery of the Chinese as early as 1790, they had in a single twelve-month introduced and sold 4054 chests of Indian opium. Once introduced the sale increased by leaps and bounds. The “Harriet” with three smaller sister ships, of the Company took away from China $430,000 in gold and silver, an enormous sum amounting to perhaps the equivalent of ten times that amount today. Frantically, Chinese authorities attempted to suppress the traffic, punishing the users of opium with Cangue (pil- lory), Bamboo (flogging) and even death by strangulation, but their efforts were futile, for the insiduous and carefully advanced English plans overcame even the vigilance of the law abiding. Supposing that immediately after our war of 1812, that we had promulgated the Volstead act, and that England, with the other principal nations of Europe had forced us to buy their whiskey, brandies, and wines. Do you think that we could have made any headway against their armed insistance that we continue to allow their prohibited product to enter? So it was with the Chinese after the Opium War. OPIUM AN ECONOMIC AS WELL AS A MORAL ISSUE I should here make a passing explanation of the reasons for Chinese opposition to the foreign introduction of opium. The moral opposi- tion was great, but the economic opposition was equally strong. In those days as now, gold and silver reserves were highly essential to trade prosperity. The English had to drain their own countries of gold and silver in order to pay for the tea, rhubarb and other pro- ducts which they could not obtain elsewhere; for tea particularly had become an essential product of English use, and the Chinese re- quired that its purchase be paid for in gold or silver, since in their own self-sufficiency (as above noted), they did not need English products. As soon as the English had their opium debauchery campaign well organized in China, not only were they able to drain away from China all its gold and silver, but indeed, take for themselves a great treasure in other products, for which they paid only in opium. THE HONG KONG GANG This designation is given to those foreigners, (chiefly English), who following the precedents of the East India Gang, hope to control China by foreign gunboat rule. When the East India Company was dissolved, many of its members organized themselves into trading organizations directly under the protection of the English flag, at Hong Kong, where they continued the same methods established by the precedents obtained in the opium war. In fact the trade of China under its unequal treaties today and the present foreign gunboat invasion of China is based upon the buccaneer precedents obtained by the foreigners in the opium wars. This Hong Kong Gang is affiliated with other political gangs at Shanghai and elsewhere in China and Japan and through trade af- filiation has a voice in every representative legislative assembly of the whole so-called Christian world. It is the most powerful overseas political organization the world has ever known, for it is in a measure international as to its membership and support, although under the protection particularly of the British flag. It has a huge representa- tion, which to a degree includes the missionary element of China, who support it, because of the belief that the abolition of the instrument of extraterritoriality, will end their missions in China. Likewise the 8 Hong Kong Gang is supported in England (as previously noted), and in other foreign countries by the large army of pensioners of the Chinese Maritime Customs, and of the other branches of foreign ad- ministrative control in China, who know that when China is liberated from foreign control that their pensions will cease. Foreign banks follow the Hong Kong Gang as well as the great influences of foreign financial centers, since the profits which they obtain are by them at- tributed to the blessing of the control of the gunboat administration of Hong Kong, which as the chief fortress of Chinese intimidation is looked upon as their Rock of Ages. The foreign press of China, such as it is, is indeed largely all powerful in its ardent advocacy of the Hong Kong Gang, for the advocacy of Chinese enslavement means ad- vertising and other foreign remuneration. This foreign press, together with foreign news service, are most willing menials of the Hong Kong Gang, and lend their services gen- erously to broadcasting to the Western world, stories to aggrandize the Hong Kong Gang and deprecate the Chinese. Petty foreign traders, too insignificant to have a voice in the great thunder of the Hong Kong Gang, pipe out their puerile wrath against the Chinese, in order to make themselves believe that they, too, are a part of the great victorious chorus of the Hong Kong Gang’s song to the Su- premacy of the White Man. It is all very ridiculous, and were it not so serious would alford a great funny sheet of laughter, for the im- portant way which the Hong Kong Gangster takes to himself is the most amusing international comedy of the day. Few of them in the profligacy of their idle days have any serious hope that they will be allowed to remain long on their bed of Chinese roses, but they still dream on their dreams of hate against the Chinese in the hope that they will some day succeed in their schemes to get Chinese money enough to enable them to go back “home.” I do not care to waste much space upon this Hong Kong Gang and its international representatives throughout the world, for it would indeed be space wasted. With much of the whole Christian world de- manding the right to grind its axes in China at the expense of the long suffering Chinese masses, there is little purpose in attacking the Hong Kong Gang in the great citadel of its strength. Let me rather point out some of the props that uphold the banners of the Hong Kong Gang Imperialism, for some of these are not in China but where we can reach them and demand an accounting. THE WHISKEY AND ALCOHOL INTERESTS The Booze Ring of the Hong Kong Gang have much to say in favor of the strangling of China’s autonomy. The old opium gang has been split up, but the Booze Ring flourishes mightily in a great comradeship of strength. The Chinese were not alcoholically inclined before the advent of the foreigner. China has for thousands of years distilled spirits, mostly for medicinal purposes. Wines and beers and other use of alcohol as a table beverage was unusual. Distilled spirits compounded with herbs and spices have long been in favor among Chinese for medicinal use. Now, however, by persistent example in the foreign abuse of alcohol, China has become one of the greatest whiskey countries of the earth, with quantity production putting whiskey prices way down. Whiskey, wine, brandy and beer are cheaper in China than even in the country of their manufacture. You can buy a bottle of twenty- year-old Scotch whiskey in Shanghai, for almost the amount of the in- ternal revenue placed upon it in England. You can buy French brandies in China cheaper than you can buy them in Cognac, France. 9 Your can buy German bottled beer in China cheaper than you can buy it in Germany. Why? Because the Booze Ring has found it advantageous to its interests to adhere to the foreign control of the maritime customs which allow alcohols to come into China, on a tariff so low as to make its cost practically very attractive to the customer. Moreover, the foreigner will not allow the Chinese to put internal rev- enue charges upon alcohol. Two of the “sights” of Shanghai are the bars of the Shanghai Club and the American Club, said to be the longest whiskey bars in the world, but to which fortunately no Chi- nese are admitted. THE FOREIGN CIGARETTE RING When I first went to China, twenty-five years ago, few Chinese smoked cigarettes. Now, by dint of a persistent foreign cigarette campaign and sale drive for cigarette consumption in China, few Chinese are free from the vice. Cigarette smoking has become a rage among the poorer classes, for they find that it allays hunger. It is pathetic to see a poor, undernourished, emaciated coolie, take his little handful of coppers, all that he possesses on earth, and pay at times more of them out for cigarettes than he does for food. “Why do you waste your money on cigarettes? Why do you not buy food with the few coppers you have?” I asked an emaciated looking coolie wait- ing with his bamboo shoulder pole, for the heavy work of unloading a cargo. “Ah,” he responded, “I only eat food at home, for it is cheaper there and all of the family eat together. With these cigarettes I can stave off hunger until I get home.” Few realize the drains made on Chinese labor resistance by the insiduous and pernicious use of cigarettes. Nicotine that ordinarily in the well nourished body might be innocuously absorbed, accumulates in the organs of the under- nourished coolie, greatly to the impairment of his health. The foreign capital invested in the cigarette business in China is enormous. Need- less to say, the Tobacco Ring is a rabid supporter of the Hong Kong Gang. THE FOREIGN RACE HORSE RING The Chinese people are dispoiled annually of large sums of money through the foreign institution of the race course. Before the advent of the foreigner, horse racing as we know it was unknown in China. Post-haste after its success in the Opium Wars, the Hong Kong Gang instituted expensive and attractive racing grounds in nearly all the treaty ports, called under the euphoneous title of “Recreation Grounds.” On these grounds they erected gambling clubs and gam- bling race courses. Had these foreigners kept their own vices to them- selves the Chinese would not have cared. Perceiving the large re- wards that cajoling the Chinese into the race horse vice would bring into the treasuries of these foreign gambling groups, the foreigner persisted in bringing the Chinese into their vicious operations, until now in such a city as Shanghai, the whole Chinese population goes race-horse mad at least twice a year, when the great sweepstake races take in the “Recreation Grounds.” Poverty stricken Chinese stinge on their food in order to take a share in a ten dollar ticket. Feverishly they await the big racing event, with the hope that they will participate in winning something of the prize money, running at times up to a million dollars Mexican. Banks, factories and public buildings are closed and all other business suspended during the two or more days that these gambling race horse major events take place. Moreover, these foreigners, not satisfied with the havoc their ruinous gambling game is working on the Chinese masses, hold weekly races throughout the whole year, offering further temptation to the Chinese 10 poor, to lose their hard earned money and neglect their lawful busi- nesses. Needless to say this gambling ring with its professional en- tourage of professional gamblers is strong for the Hong Kong Gang. FOREIGN BAWDY HOUSES Shortly after the opium war, the Hong Kong Gang allowed the vicious allurement of the foreign, bawdy house, and vicious foreign women were imported to China to serve the purposes of foreigners. In spite of efforts by self-respecting foreigners, this vice openly con- tinues, particularly in Shanghai, where Kiangse Road has become ill- famed among the Chinese throughout China. Moreover the foreigners have licensed Chinese houses of prostitution and elevated them to a dignity which causes serious Chinese to wonder. I have no doubt but that the frequenters of the foreign bawdy houses believe in the righteousness of the Hong Kong Gang. INTERNATIONAL BARS, TRENCHES AND GAMBLING DENS The foreigner under the loose moral system of his foreign prece- dents has not been slow in proving to the Chinese that he can beat him at any game of depravity. International Bars are everywhere in the treaty ports of China and run by foreigners, are filled with cursing half drunken foreigners, who rave against the Chinese and blame them for every misfortune of their miserable lives. At one time at Shanghai during the prosperous post war period of foreign trade venture, there was a net work of streets, called under the pleasantly jocular title of the “Trenches,” the idea being that a man took his life in his hands if he ventured down that foul net work of streets infested with foul foreign harpies and their foreign consorts. Depression in business, however, did to this district that which the self-respecting foreigner could not do. The Chinese are not the incessant gamblers that some would have one believe. By instinct they gamble less than we do. The foreigner however, has not been backward in doing all that he could to obtain money in his gambling dens from the Chinese upon any gambling pretext whatsoever. These dissolute foreigners are among the loudest in their praise of the Hong Kong Gang, and indignantly opposed to any thought of the Chinese being competent to conduct their own government. They almost become pious in their denunciation of any clever Chinese trickery that outwits their own conspiracies to rob the Chinese. SHOE-STRING FOREIGN CAPITALISTS I have had professional contact with a considerable number of al- leged “Export and Import” foreigners, who have come out to China to try vainly to make a fortune with their wits. Ordinarily, one might regard them as a mere nuisance, were it not for the suscep- tability of the Chinese to foreign blandishments. To illustrate, I shall mention one case, that came directly under my professional ob- servation. A foreigner, recently arrived in China advertised for a Chinese compradore, who possessed the qualifications of integrity, trade acquaintance, enterprise and (as a mere incident) the sum of five thousand taels to put up as a guarantee of his good behavior. A Chinese business man of an affluent family applied for the position, and after a few further blandishments was induced to deposit his five thousand taels with a middleman, also a foreigner. The day after the five thousand taels were thus deposited with the other foreigner (really a confederate), the foreigner kicked the Chinese out of his office and threatened to have him put in the International Mixed Court Jail if he ever made a demand for his money, a threat easy to be carried into effect, thanks to the unequal treaty provisions as interpreted by its chief interpreter, the Hong Kong Gang. 11 THE PEKING FOREIGN BOND MANIPULATORS Peking- is a long ways from Hong Kong, but the Hong Kong Gang is as close to Peking, its underling, as a Siamese twin brother, when it comes to fleecing the Chinese people on the pretext of making foreign loans to the Chinese people. Most of the schemes for floating Chinese loans are hatched up in the fertile minds of some of the more cleverly sober of the Hong Kong Gang, who proceed on the theory that the more indebtedness is saddled on the Chinese masses, the more they will be willing to submit to their gunboat rule. This bond ring of the Hong Kong Gang is getting rather weak kneed and is hardly worth mentioning now, for their bad day’s work is utterly done. To illustrate: May I ask if you have noticed recently the quotations on the foreign bonds listed on the New York Stock Ex- change as “Chinese Railways,” (The Hukuang issue)? Well, they were issued around ninety-five and are now waiting bids at about one fifth of issue price. Together with other foreign Chinese bonds of their kind, they will be worth, presumably, the price of cheap wall paper, before long. And why should we waste any sympathy with these international vultures, who knew that whatever of money was actually paid into Chinese hands (after deductions, and Oh, what deductions) that practically nothing thereof was expended to the benefit of the Chinese masses? However, for a long time to come, we may expect these bond shark members of the Hong Kong Gang to be foremost in an expression of injured innocence, in being betrayed by gunboat promises of easy money in China. FOREIGN MISSIONARIES IN CHINA Reluctantly I shall deal briefly with the Missionaries in China. I say, reluctantly because any brief mention on this delicate subject will involve interminable explanations from missionaries and their supporters. Moreover, the subject is worthy of a deeper discussion than allowed at this time. Hardly anything can be said concerning missionaries without qualification. In my public speaking I have found that the most irascible element of my audiences were either missionaries or communists. Both claim that they are the sole redemption of China, and both mani- fest violent feelings if anything is said that does not concur exactly with their viewpoint. I have had both missionaries and communists interrupt my meetings out of a sheer unreasoned emotion. Mis- sionaries have had their own way so long in China that they believe that the font of all wisdom lies in their own meagre records. More- over, in their spoken and written records of their “labor” in China, they only tell of the good that they are doing the Chinese and leave the rest to conjecture. As a boy, and as the son of a Methodist Minister, I grew up with a respect for missionaries of which much of the influence still remains. I could not be angry with a missionary if I wanted to, for it is not in my heart to break down my old childhood ideals. What I shall say concerning missionaries in China, is therefore said, rather in a spirit of constructive criticism, sad to me in its expression perhaps, but at all events, entirely free from any malice. Moreover when I give this constructive criticism of missionaries in China, let it be understood that I do not include in this criticism the splendid corps of the Y. M. C. A. and Y. W. C. A. whose particularly broad work along indigenous lines is producing good results in China. Nor in this criticism do I include any missionary work that has de- veloped self sustaining indigenous work, nor any who have already turned their work over to the Chinese, nor any who contemplate in 12 the immediate, near future so doing, nor any engaged in practical educational work, who can rely solely upon the Chinese for protection and who do not, will not and have not asked for the protection of the armed forces of their respective governments to assist them in remain- ing in their fields. CHINA, THE LAST FIELD FOR MISSIONARIES China has always been attractive to foreign missionaries because it is a highly civilized land, with comfort and plenty and even great luxury afforded on what we consider here in America to be a small salary. Journeying to and from China and in China itself is delight- ful. Chinese climates are excellent and opportunities for the enjoy- ment of the dearest things in life are accentuated and emphasized in China. Frequent vacations, liberal first class allowances for periodi- cal returns home on palatial steamers, manor like dwellings, servants galore, quaint and interesting familiarities with fascinating phases of Chinese life, abundant food, v/ell prepared by Chinese cooks, (the equal of French chefs) and moreover, a sufficient salary on which even a saving may be made in times of good exchange, opportunities to study trade conditions with a view to entering trade, all these give to the missionary in China a zest in existence that no other missionary finds. Moreover, to the Chinese the missionary comes with the re- peated assurance that his God is a wrathful god, and that the gunboats of his land will protect him through the benefits of extraterritoriality, in the event that he drives his personal zeal at too hard a gait. To the Chinese the missionary has become emblematic of unequal treaties and foreign enslavement. This the missionary will not believe. Likewise, the missionary to China has the assurance that he is a member of a highly organized enterprise, richly endowed, possessing large political and other influence. He feels proudly that the value of the missionary life in China has at times equalled the price of a whole slice of China. He thanks his God that his nation is not like China but that his nation possesses great machines of war, that at an hour’s bidding are ready on their way to come to his aid in the event of a starving mob protest against his method of proselyting. In fact, I presume that it is hard for the missionary to understand that the navy of his particular nation is maintained for any other purpose than to supply gunboats to hold down starving mobs of protesting Chinese. Thus may we account for the eagerness with which missionaries seek the shores of China. The savage jungles of the Congo and the barbarous wilds of a dozen climes await the missionary, but the great force of missionary strength is diverted rather to the pleasanter and fully civilized lands of China and India. Moreover, it is hard for the Chinese to understand why the missionaries do not go to countries that have no gods at all, rather than to a country as abundantly sup- plied with religions and philosophies as China, some of which have sur- vived our own faiths by many centuries. ANCESTRAL WORSHIP IN CHINA Likewise, it is hard for the Chinese to understand why missionaries should wish to break down that philosophy called ancestral cult, and which to them is the dearest philosophy of life. It is difficult for the Westerner to understand what ancestral cult means to the Chinese. With us, a great grandfather is just a great grandfather; an old man who is dead and laid away, just where few of us know or care, for our scheme of religion does not bother itself with the soul of those who gave us being. We find that we have all that we can do in taking- care of our own soul, and obtain little satisfaction in ever keeping up the grave of an ancestor that we never knew in the flesh, unless he was so great that by honoring his grave we can publish the glory of our descent. With the Chinese, however, it is different. Their ancestors are not dead, they are still alive in the spirit. None of them are damned; all of them are “saved.” Therefore it is right to honor their spirits by going to the last resting place at a stated period every year, and more- over, by enshrining in the home the ancestral tablets which commem- orate their memory. Laugh if you will at this sacred regard for the dead to comfort the living, but with such sweet solace as this, the Chinese mind has evolved a philosophy that tinges his whole life with optimism. When he dies he too will have a part in the respect to which all those who pass beyond the black portal of death are en- titled. This hope, he knows will be realized, for he has seen its realiza- tion. To take this hope from him is cruel for this hope has sustained him in building up the oldest and most sufficient civilization which the world has ever known. Even in their dire poverty this cult bears golden fruit of a self reliant solace. Therefore, when the missionary proposes that he abandon this simple cult for a complicated faith involving a labyrinth of perplexi- ties as to the way to get to heaven, (utterly disregarding the irretriev- ably and eternally damned dead), the Chinese mind wonders at the motive. He knows that the missionary belongs to a nation that has, from his Chinese viewpoint, behaved in a manner very different from what Christ taught. Hence, in his practical way, the Chinese believes that the missionary’s ulterior motive is support of the gunboat policy of the land the missionary represents. Moreover, the Chinese, like all Orientals, believes that the holy man, (that is one who has a mes- sage to preach), should be self denying to the greatest extreme. Christ going about doing good, just for the sake of doing good with- out pay or price is their ideal of the holy man. They, therefore, cannot understand why missionaries live in a luxurious state that only goes with mandarin or rich merchant rank. From the Chinese viewpoint, how can a missionary claim holiness without any indica- tion of self denial from the comforts of life? This is all a long story, upon which it would be useful to dwell. Suffice it to say, that the practical mind of the Chinese cannot accept Christianity as the missionaries teach it from their luxurious sur- roundings, and their attachment to the gunboat policy of foreign op- pression in China. THE Y. M. C. A. AND THE Y. W. C. A. IN CHINA The splendid work done by the Y. M. C. A. and the Y. W. C. A. in China, is due to the fact that their fields have developed an indigenous support almost from the very beginning. They have approached the Chinese from the angle of present rewards rather than the promise of a reward hereafter. Hell fire doesn’t scare the Chinese as bad as it scares us. Future salvation is of less import to their practical minds, then self-respect and self-sufficiency in the present. These movements succeed moreover because they limit their activities to the work carried on in their own buildings and develop this work through institutionalism. They are not as close as the church and not as loose as a club. Their spiritual objective in teaching the Kingdom of God, the Brotherhood of Christ and of man, is not made offensive to the Chinese, for these movements try to make Christ Chinese, as well as the Jewish Messiah and the European Savior. They do not preach Christ as a foreign God. They never attack the native religions, nor do they criticise their customs. Recognizing the extreme sensitiveness 14 of the Chinese, they do not present competition to their ancestral cult. They are believed to be free from the suspicion of acting as political agents, and do not appear to have asked for gunboats and consular protection. The Chinese regard the Y. M. C. A. workers in an entirely different light from that of the missionaries, for they consider the later to be unproductive, whereas the Y. M. C. A. workers are looked upon as productive teachers instead of mere preachers. Likewise these workers make no display of luxurious living, and the Chinese consider them as productive men to be entitled as business men to comforts and luxuries, denied to the man who pretends to be devoted to an unproductive holy life. With such a working scheme as the above is it any wonder that these movements of the Y. M. C. A. and the Y. W. C. A. come in contact with the higher class of Chinese, who are rarely converts to the regular evangelical missionary? Is it any wonder that they suc- ceed where the missionary fails? Do you wonder that the Y. M. C. A. obtains the respect of not only Chinese merchants, journalists, au- thors and other scholars, but even indeed of the leaders and followers of native religions? Moreover, it seems to me that the Y. M. C. A. excels because it recognizes the fact that the Chinese mind in its democracy is much like the American mind, whereas many missionaries rail in disap- pointment at the Chinese. Such missionaries declare that the Chinese are handicapped by a mental looseness, caused by spirit, devil and even ancestral worship, and that the clear, unobstructed current of the mind is damned by thinking of the occult, which only shows how little such missionaries really ever know of the Chinese mind. WHY NOT LET THE CHINESE ENJOY THE SOLACE OF THEIR ANCESTRAL CULT? To make an end to this delicate subject, let us ask if it is not fairer to the Chinese to pursue the Y. M. C. A. method of proselyting Christianity among them rather than the hell and torment method of certain evangelical efforts. The beautiful and unparalelled story of Jesus is becoming very dear to the Chinese. They realize that this story has made one-half of the world more prosperous than the other. Why not let them take their own way and adopt their own method? They look upon Christianity as now offered them by many missionar- ies, as merely a barrier that will not only excommunicate them from their living family but separate them eternally from those other members of their family who in the world of death (according to cer- tain missionaries) are damned ghosts, damned because the missionary had not come to them and they had no opportunity to accept Christ as a God. Would it not be better for us to practice the teaching of Christ so at our own homes, that the practical mind of the Chinese would perceive from afar, the true value of Christ’s wonderful teach- ing, alas, so greatly disregarded by even the so-called Christian na- tions who should be the first to follow them? “Why did not Christ come to China?” “Why do the foreigners here in China not live up to the teaching of Jesus?” Such are the simple questions asked almost daily by earnest truth seeking Chinese. And how shall we answer them? By gunboats? By coercive methods, that Christ Himself con- demned? Or shall it be the earnest resolve to try to make our own personal and national example an incentive to the Chinese to follow Christianity by the sheer force of proving its practical value, as the basic element in the great struggle, (Christ’s struggle) for the brotherhood of man? My heart is sad, when I reflect upon our mis- sionary failure after generations of highly organized effort, in which 15 a great treasure has been expended. Why not start out anew, by proving to the Chinese people that we ourselves really believe in the precious and beautiful teachings of our Lord, and that they are not mere empty forms of hypocritical preachments, but indeed inexorable rules of human conduct that beautify our lives and bring happiness to the whole world? Unfortunately, too many missionaries look upon their work in China as being their sole chance of making a living. They know on which side their bread is buttered, for it is buttered on both sides; on the one side by their church,' that gathers in a huge treasure (frequently from those at home who can illy afford the sacri- fice), and on the other side by their government, that encourages them to continue in the labor, for various motives based upon the oppor- tunism of international politics. Some of the holiest men I have ever known have been missionaries in China, but I never met one that appeared to me to have lived nearer to his God, than a poor old, octogenarian Chinese monk. I watched him dying in one of the side lanes of the crowded city of Nantao. He had a stone for a pillow and propped up by his side was his pilgrim’s banner. Overcome by the infirmities of his years, he had left the Sanctuary of Poutou, to come out and preach to the ragged poor, his words of comfort. Only that morning he had arrived by junk from the sacred islands, and now be- set by the hand of Death, he had drawn his coarse, much mended, but carefully washed gown about him, and had lain down to die, there with the roar of a great city traffic sounding but a few yards away. His face was lighted up with a smile of hope. “Take this money,” someone said. “It will pay for medicine.” The old Chinese monk raised his head slowly from his pillow of stone, and there was the majesty of the spirit world in his utterance: “Give it yourself to the poor. My way is now the way that leads to other riches.” I gazed around upon the group of Chinese gathered in the midst, and there was a look of reverence upon the faces of all. I took off my hat and bowed in reverence for in my mind the place became hallowed. This aged monk, I knew was dying as he had lived: A seeker of truth whose first thought was ever for the poor. Cruelly poor himself, he had ever practiced a rude and self-denying poverty that made his presence on earth an example of good to his fellows. Verily of such is the Kingdom of Heaven. Are all our missionaries to China friends of the poor as was this aged monk? ABSURDITY OF FOREIGN TRADING METHDOS The Hong Kong Gang as we have seen operated upon the old East India iniquitous system. One of their hard and fast rules has at- tempted to keep the Chinese merchants in complete ignorance of foreign methods of trading, so that these Chinese merchants and ex- porters would be compelled to use foreign services in all China’s huge import and export foreign trade. When I first went to China twenty- five years ago, I knew of no Chinese firm or hong, or even individual that traded direct with foreign countries, and even to this day the number of such is negligible. The Hong Kong Gang has done all that was in their far reaching power to prevent Chinese merchants and manufacturers from getting acquainted with foreign methods of doing business. While missionaries were teaching the Gospel to Chinese the Hong Kong Gang was teaching the Chinese how absolutely ir- responsible and worthless they were in matters of foreign trade. “You will have to trade through us because we alone understand the method of foreign trade,” declared the Hong Kong Gang. The missionaries declared that the Chinese should change their spiritual lives, but the Hong Kong Gang declared that the Chinese were utterly hopeless in 16 learning the secrets of foreign trade, so that they might as well give up trying altogether and that no change whatsoever was required in regard to their ancient trade practices. Yes, their souls had to be saved, but as far as their businesses were concerned; well, the Hong Kong Gang would take care of Chinese deficiencies with great alacri- ty. And take care of it, they did, to the tune of millions of pounds sterling of profit poured into the idle hands of foreigners, which should have really gone as a reward for unrequited Chinese toil. THE FOREIGN INVENTION OF THE CHINESE COMFRADORE SYSTEM To throttle all Chinese initiative in efforts at Chinese independent foreign trade, the foreigners invented the Comprador system, (which continues to this day), as an instrument to prevent the Chinese from trading overseas independently. This system was not entirely invent- ed by the Portuguese, although the word compradore is taken from their language, meaning a buyer. The system was really invented by the British East India Company, and for the coercive reasons above stated. The Portuguese reason for the use of the compradore was rather one of early necessity, in the very early period of their first trade with China. Moreover, the Portuguese never had the capital, the gunboats or the initiative, to do what the English buccaneer traders of the British East India Company did. To dispose of this informative statement as quickly as possible, let us pass over any his- torical outline and say that even admitting that the compradore sys- tem was absolutely necessary down to the opium wars, that it was not necessary after China had opened up certain treaty ports for the use of foreigners. This is the way that the compradore system works today: All foreigners refuse to allow independent Chinese foreign trade competition. If a Chinese wishes to sell his manufactured or other product overseas he must go to a foreign concern. Since foreigners in China have never made much serious attempt to learn the Chi- nese mediums of expression, they are forced by reason of their ignorance of Chinese languages to employ Chinese. The head Chi- nese that they thus employ is called their “Buyer” or compradore, These compradores are tied up on exacting contracts which hold them to foreign concerns, frequently by complications of accounts, for life. If a Chinese compradore wishes to establish a business of his own and do his own trading overseas, he is immediately beset with all sorts of difficulties, even to the point of threat of incarceration in the foreign jails of China. Moreover, if such compradore attempted to establish an independent business, he could obtain no ships to carry his exports and imports, for the Chinese practically have no mer- chant marine (or other marine for that matter), and the Hong Kong Gang adherents would “jolly well” see to it, that the “damned chink” could not “doublecross” them, and despoil them of the great loot, which by their foreign monopoly they are taking away from China, in the way of “combined interests” profits. In this connection, I think that I should state that foreigners in China are not satisfied with the legitimate and usual returns of trade. When we would be satisfied at home among ourselves with a twenty percent profit, they want many times this, and instances have been known of foreigners grumbling, even when they have taken in a profit of a thousand percent, and this mostly on the capital of their Chinese compradore. In fact avarice in China feeds on avarice, and there is no end to the bloating of men’s souls when they once have a taste of Chinese easy money. 17 ABOLITION OF THE COMPRADORE TRADE SYSTEM Foreign gunboats by the threat of their constant presence and in- terference have been responsible for the maintenance of this iniquitous compradore system. Chinese producers, manufacturers and other ex- porters want to get their goods off the junks and on a foreign pro- tected steamer as soon as possible, since the memory of the opium and other foreign trade “foreign fireworks demonstrations,” is not for- gotten. As we have seen, the Hong Kong Gang is the international political lobbyist to pile the cangues (movable pillories) on China, but it is hoped that even the Hong Kong Gang is at least beginning to realize, that their profits if not so large will at least be more steady and certain if they allow the Chinese to act as independent traders in an open and competitive market. FALLACY OF COMPRADORE SYSTEM PROVED BY JAPAN’S CHANGE We don’t have to look far for corroborative proof of the above as- sertions concerning the need for the abolition of the compradore sys- tem. For many years prior to the abolition of extraterritoriality in Japan, foreigners (for the most part adherents to Hong Kong Gang) proclaimed to the world in an expensive propaganda, that the Western World would be a great loser by the abolition of extraterritoriality in Japan, because the Japanese would thus obtain a trade activity that would drive out and impoverish the foreigner. In fact, the foreign argument went almost to the same length in propaganda against Japanese liberation, as it now does against Chinese emancipation from foreign control. There was this difference however: the pro- fits of Japanese trade were as nothing compared with China’s stupend- ous offering. Moreover, Japan was not filled up with get-rich-quick foreign concerns and missionaries as is China, for the “pickings” were not as good, nor was the abundance as great for the foreigner. Likewise, the Japanese had just come out of their feudal period and were possessed of feudal belligerency, whereas China had been out of its feudal period for a couple of thousand years and had lost all desire to engage in war. But in spite of all propaganda to the contrary, in 1896 the “benevo- lent, Christian West” most philanthropically assented to Japan’s demand that unequal treaties be abolished in Japan, and foreign courts were done away with. Even as recent as a quarter of a cen- tury ago, on the occasion of my first visit to Japan, I heard angry expostulations on the part of irate foreigners declaiming indignantly on the treachery of their governments in exposing them to the fury of “heathen Japan.” According to these foreigners, foreign trade with Japan was utterly doomed, because Japan was not sufficiently civilized to administer justice to Christian foreigners. What has been the result? Foreigners have been compelled to leave Japan, it is true, because their monopolistic control of foreign trade passed into Japanese hands, as it should. They, these irate foreigners, lost their soft jobs and their places at the foreign drinking bars and the comfortable foreign clubs. They actually had to go home and go to work the way the rest of their nationals at home worked. Of course, it was all wrong (from their viewpoint) for their government not to send over more war ships in order to teach the Japanese a les- son and continue the unequal treaties. Terrible indeed were the foreign denunciations I heard against Japan back even in that brief quarter of a century ago. “A nation of monkeys. Don’t have any idea of foreign trading. Mere imitators of what we the strong men of the West can do. Ah, this d d Japan should be made to respect 18 (with the West. Our trade has all gone to the bow wows. Ah. clinched fists, etc.)” But again I ask: What has been the result of our abolishing our unequal treaties with Japan, and according to the bibulous kickers, taking the bread and butter out of the mouths of our nationals to give it to the Japanese? Astounding and generous indeed have been the resultant rewards from this recognition of Japan’s rights. What a handful of bibulous foreigners and sanctimonious adherents of the Hong Kong Gang failed to accomplish, the Japanese trader at last with a free hand ac- complished in a wonderful degree. Look at our trade balance with Japan today, and then reflect upon what it 'would have been had we striven to continue our unequal treaties with Japan. All these huge profits that roll into the channels of our American industry at home, is in a very large measure due to what? Because we did for Japan what we should today do for China: abolish unequal treaties and let the Chinese trade with us direct, instead of allowing a lot of worthless and unnecessary foreign middle men capture the huge intervening profits, and otherwise restrict Chinese trade generally. “Enormous,” is a small word to use, to portray the value to us of Chinese trade, when under unrestricted Chinese initiative, the treasure ships com- mence to ply between China’s ports and ours. What Japan has done and is doing for us, in her own Oriental way, China will do for us to the very overflow of our economic abundance. GANG MILITARISM AGAINST CHINESE PACIFICISM Strike China off our planet today and what do you have left that does not worship either the God of War or the Goddess of Gold? Have you ever thought of the great service China has been to the world, by refusing to prepare for wars that she knew were inevitable? The Chinese is no man’s fool. His philosophy sounds the bottom of a wisdom of five thousand years. John Chinaman, does not deceive himself in regard to the threats of war. Why then does he not pre- pare for war? Because he knows that war is folly. A war to him is like a lawsuit; ruinous even to him who wins it. Moreover, war is against his idea of the brotherhood and tolerance of man. May we not learn something from the Chinese, in this regard at least? When the English Opium wars proved to China the rapacious pur- pose of the foreign invasion, China waited, hoping that the Christian world would some day tire of plundering China, and recall something of the teaching of Christ. This is still China’s hope. China is too great to go to war. When China goes to war, the whole planet will shake beneath the tread of her armies. The Chinese are born faster than modern armies can kill them. Therefore, China is safe from war, as far as its own protection is concerned, for in its enormous multi- tude it defies the armies of the whole world. China is the one spot on the globe that is there to stay by reason of the very weight of its unmovable and consolidated mass. Christian civilization express their most forceful terms in the mili- tary rosters of great armies. But these armies are not great for they depend for their existence upon the mere passing political expression of the day. Party politics is a curious kaleidoscope. It shows the fancy of a victory today and the shadow of a defeat tomorrow. The proud, arrogant Germany that I knew as a student at Heidelberg thirty years ago; where is it today? Where are those invincible armies of iron with their superman of a Kaiser? China, in spite of its poverty is the greatest physical and moral 19 force on the globe today. Why? Because it is not militaristic. China has more in its wisdom of five thousand years than we with all our trained armies of today. China is incomparably great in this regard, and head and shoulders above all the peoples of the earth today, be- cause it is something entirely opposite to us. China is more than a nation, more than a government, more than a race, more than a peo- ple. China is a civilization and a civilization whose basic theory is the philosphy of the brotherhood of man. Brotherhood of man means peace instead of war. A nation has to be very great to be able to put in actual practice this brotherhood of man theory. Imperialistic nations proceed on the theory that brotherhood of man does not go beyond the serried ranks of its armed force, but China, “Heathen China” alone has been great enough to really practice the gentle Galilean’s teaching against war. FOLLY OF MILITARIZING CHINA One would think, that at times in our almost incessant succession of Christian wars, we should reflect seriously upon what “waking” China up really means to us. Cartoons and jokes of an increasingly stale nature are about the only protests made against our Christian civilization continually complaining against China, because she is not militaristic as are we. We say that we are willing to leave China free to X’un its own affairs when it has a “strong government.” Some day we may regret that we did not leave China to herself, before we forced her to adopt a “strong government.” For to us a strong gov- ernment means a government that spends at least half of its revenues in paying for present, past or future wars. But really, is this political talk about waiting for China to organize a “strong government” the usual talking-through-the-high-hat method of Western diplomacy, or is it really an earnest wish that China shall make itself into such a “strong government,” that it will eventually control the whole Pacific and perhaps the whole world? Of course, we all know (even to the politicians who make these utterances) that the “strong government” argument, is merely another “save the face” excuse for our depreda- tions in China, and is another of the insulting arguments which the Hong Kong Gang uses in its attempt to continue its looting of China. Let us at this point study the International Imperialistic Institution of the Benevolent Gunboat Control of the World, at a little closer range. “GOD BLESS THE SQUIRE AND HIS RELATIONS, AND KEEP US IN OUR PROPER STATIONS” The above is not a nursery ditty, but a very proper prayer re- sponse, adapted to the caste system of any imperialistically controlled land. George Washington undoubtedly heard this prayer on many occasions; but George Washington, fortunately for us, was cf a valiant type, who held a regard for the proper station of the people to be even higher than the homage due to the squire and his relations. The recitation of this prayer would make any Chinese laugh, for the Chi- nese tribal democracy of thousands of years does not wholesale, by reason of birth, humanity into “stations.” Chinese civilization made the station of the scholar the supreme goal of all human ambition. Perhaps, in this, they failed, by adopting too cultural and too al- truistic a standard of man’s value to man. At all events, Chinese national longevity proves that the scholarship method of appraising man’s value, was safer than the “squire and his relations” method of the Imperialists. But of this we shall have something to say later. I believe in paying deep respect to all countries of the earth and particularly to those that are in any way helpful to my own country. 20 I believe that every human being has a right to adhere to any form of government that appears best to him, and I shall always consider it my duty as an American citizen to respect that right. Hence what I have here to say concerning Imperialism is not a criticism of any existing governments but rather of passing policies represented in an international group which I have denominated for want of a better name as the Hong Kong Gang, for as elsewhere remarked, Hong Kong as a gunboat international center is the chief fortress of this Imperial- istic expression against democratic China. Protests in England itself against what the Hong Kong Gang stands for, show how deeply the Chinese should respect their well wishers there, as w T ell as elsewhere even in the very stronghold of China’s foreign oppression. For brave, courageous and just men are not lacking in the nations of the earth to utter protest against such oppression. INTERNATIONAL GANG IMPERIALISM AGAINST CHINESE PACIFICISM History will some day (and not far distant) sit and wonder if the pages of her records today being written in the foreign invasion of China, really are true. Nothing is more opposed to the teaching of Christ than this invasion, an invasion made by those who claim to profess adherence to His teachings. I often wonder, in a dream-like way, (particularly upon the slow half awakening of the morning), if after all this foreign invasion of China is not just a horrid impossible dream. A DOCTOR SUN EPISODE I have brooded over the wrongs done to China, until I can only find comfort in recalling the words Sun Yat Sen once said to me, when I was suspended from the practice of my profession by the British at Shanghai, in 1920, for the organization of a tax strike against the British tax collectors, for refusing to allow Chinese repre- sentation on the Shanghai Municipal Council. I was very downcast, for the suspension was not only humiliating, but put me in a dire predicament with my clients, whose pending cases I was no longer able to protect by reason of such suspension. Sun, like all Chinese, never put his hand upon the person of one with whom he was talking, in the manner common to us in America among close friends. But this time, when I told him the news, he came and put his hand lightly and reassuringly on my shoulder and said:: “This is not a punishment. This is a recognition of your value as a man. Our enemies reward you, when they think to punish you.” Hence, I feel that the friends of China would do well to look upon the present foreign invasion of China as being just another proof of the recognition that Pacifist China is superior to Militarist Imperialism If China was the “strong government” that certain foreigners hypo- critically claim they wish it to be, the foreign gunboats would never dare approach China within the farthest gun range of China. So out of the terror of foreign invasion, I trust that the Chinese will find something akin to sweetness in the thought that China is big and brave enough not to retaliate to the passing and temporary invasion of foreign gunboat control, in the hope that Christian peoples at home will eventually compel the return of these instruments of war. I am enheartened in this expression of non-resistance against the foreign gunboats because of the lesson I received in the matter of my suspen- sion from the practice of law above referred to. Under Dr. Sun’s advice I did not retaliate against the unjust judgement of the Inter- national Mixed Court usurped by British authority. I made no public or private utterances in my own behalf. I published nothing in my own defense. I remained silent. This silence was indeed eloquent in my own defense, for it was not long before high minded foreigners of various nationalities began to perceive that the punishment of my suspension was all wrong. Although I had made no complaint against this punishment to my own government, certain of my nationals spoke out bravely in my behalf, declaring very justly that the British had no right to take jurisdiction over any other foreigner. Little by little the public sentiment of the better class of foreigners in Shanghai, China, and elsewhere, came to my support without any solicitation whatsoever from me. Eventually I was not only vindicated and re- instated to practice my profession as a lawyer before the International Mixed Court, but indeed the controversy concerning Chinese repre- sentation resulted likewise in my favor and two Chinese advisors were alloted for representation on the Shanghai Municipal Council. From my own actual experience, I am satisfied therefore, that a Chinese policy of non-resistance against the foreign invasion will re- sult in a complete victory for Chinese Democracy. Already I perceive the American public awakening to the injustice of the foreign inva- sion of China. I prophesy that by such non-resistant program, that the Chinese Republic as founded by Dr. Sun Yat Sen will be fully victorious. It is sad to think that so many innocent Chinese lives are being ruthlessly destroyed during the progress of this foreign inva- sion, but the martyrdom of their lives accentuates and distinguishes the justice of China’s philosophy of Pacificism. CHINESE RAPPROACHMENT TO AMERICA The suffering of the Chinese people during the present foreign in- vasion will bring America at least nearer to an understanding of the Chinese. The Chinese are very much like Americans. Some one has proposed that the peoples of the earth who happen to speak English shall make a great political alliance. What could be more non-sensical? Do mere words mean more than actions? Does an utterance of the tongue show more sympathy than the thought of the head and the feeling of the heart? FOLLY OF AN ENGLISH SPEAKING ALLIANCE If such an alliance is to be manufactured, upon what historical proof of value shall it rest? Does history show that peoples that speak the same language are ever at peace with one another? How many of our wars have been fought against England? How many civil wars has England fought? What war was more terribly and more ruthlessly waged than our own civil war of Secession? If mere language, if just utterance of the human throat held men to- gether in bonds of brotherhood, why all these wars between men who not only spoke the same language, but who had strains of the same blood running in their veins. Nay. Mere language will never make holy or even a reasonable alliance among men. Christ spoke Aramaic, a mere dialect forgotten for many centuries, but He still speaks to us through our hearts and our heads, a language that is far sweeter and purer than any mere vocal concord. Christ speaks to us in the language of the brotherhood of man, in the language of Peace and Good Will to men. We in America are likewise trying to speak this language of the Lowly Nazarene, for we believe that it should be the language of the whole world’s happiness. It is the soul and the mind and the heart, that bring men together. Where else shall we Americans find men whose counterparts are so near to us as the Chinese, who for thousands of years have observed at least the princi- ples of the brotherhood of man that Christ taught? 22 A CHINESE-AMERICAN ALLIANCE Therefore, I boldly declare that from this day on, we should form a Pacifist alliance with the Chinese people and help them now as we expect them to help us likewise in moments of need. Such an al- liance is practicable and essential, since of all the nations of the earth today, China and America are the freest from caste systems. There is no “Keep us in our proper stations” doctrine either in America or China. America is not a gunboat land, neither is China. America believes in the self-determination of the peoples of the whole earth. So does China. America wants peace on the Pacific particularly, and peace everywhere generally. The only nation that in the future can guarantee to us the one, and support the other is China. Moreover, America has founded the whole faith of its constitution in man’s equality to man. What other nation can show a more sustained ob- servance to this faith than China? And if these moral reasons are not enough to justify a Chinese-American Pacificist Alliance, let us decide the issue upon purely material lines. Who is tomorrow’s master of the other side of the Pacific? Can we expect to long sur- vive against the overwhelming population of Asia, if we do not main- tain toward China the same attitude of friendship that she wishes to manifest to us? AGAIN THAT “STRONG GOVERNMENT” We are rather tired of hearing that the philanthropic Hong Kong Gang is merely waiting to recommend the withdrawal of the foreign gTeat fleets from China, when China can give assurance that its gov- ernment is sufficiently strong to protect the nationals of all the earth who may wish to prey upon China. This aimiably disposed and charit- able contingent of the Hong Kong Gang call China (the China of five thousand years) a land of “bandit rule.” Have these complacent gangsters ever made a study of China? Have they ever gone forth to behold China’s millions busy even in the wartime of today in the sow- ing and harvesting of the fields? Have they ever attended the village elders’ town meetings to learn lessons of democracy from the soil stained fathers of Chinese democracy? Do they know that the China of today has comparatively fewer bandits than America? Bandits of a different type to be sure, and less merciful than the Chinese bandits, but bandits with the strength of their myriads, that baffle even the highly complicated machinery of the most expensive govern- ment on earth. And why are there bandits in China today? Be- cause the Hong Kong Gang has seen fit to divert for its own selfish purposes the revenues, necessary to maintain peace and order in the remote districts of China. What Christian government on earth can maintain order on the pittance of five or even seven per cent ad valorem duties? How much of its generous policing could England provide with this pitiful sum? Bandits? Why, if England had as little money to run its government as China it would be ruled from the throne of King George by “bandits” far ruder than those of China. Isn’t it about time that we no longer exploited this “strong government” hocus pocus, to hide our real motives of trade greed and avarice? How long does a people have to survive to prove that they are strong? Is not five thousand years quite sufficient to prove that China is capable of self rule? What virtues of peace can we show in our own government to compare to the peaceful life of Chinese civil- ization? To be sure, China is poor and poverty means lack of sani- tation and many other lacks. But, what is the cause of China’s pov- erty today? Can any one deny that it is the persistence of foreign 23 invasion under unequal treaties, that bleed white the whole Chinese body politic, with the bloodletting of a privileged foreign trade? What progress would even our own bountiful America make if we had been enslaved by the concerted armed power of the whole Christian world for eighty-three years? GIVE CHINA A BREATHING SPELL During the course of my lectures during the past few weeks I have had gratifying responses from American audiences. I might give as the synoptic expression of these responses the query: “Why not at least give China a breathing spell?” Yes. That is all that China wants ; just a breathing spell. But even this breathing spell the Hong Kong Gangsters will not grant China. If all foreigners were to do their duty toward the effort for world’s peace, and leave China at once, to give it say even a five years’ breathing spell, China would be unified and again back along the lines of reform surveyed for it by Sun Yat Sen. So long, however, as foreigners protected by foreign gunboats continue to foment internal trouble by the supply of great and ruinous supplies of war material, just so long will China have to wait patiently for its emancipation by a policy of non-resistance. THE HONG KONG GANG “HATE ARTISTS” It was not long ago since we paid men to go about our fair land and teach us to hate the Germans. We thought it our duty to hate the Germans, because by hating the Germans we thought that we could make our brave soldier boys die happier on the field of battle. These paid propaganda hate artists told us many lies. We didn’t be- lieve them, but still we thought it our duty to applaud the hate artists, just to do our bit to help win the war, against our then ferocious enemy, the Germans. Today insiduous forces are preaching the doctrine of hate to America; this time it is hatred of the Chinese. Think of it! Wicked imperialistic forces are trying to make us hate the nation that eco- nomically will prove our savior in the generations to come. More- over, these same imperialistic influences are trying to make the Chi- nese hate us. The European powers are safe behind our skirts from Asiatic wrath. They know that the only way that Asia can avenge itself on Europe is over our dead body. America is a natural Great Wall that protects Europe from Asia. So it is good Hong Kong Gang politics to strain to the utmost the effort to create hatred between Asia and America. “America is already footing the bill for one of our wars, so why not get another war started for America, as long as the getting is good?” is the logic of the Hong Kong Gang, as it sends its hate artists out to stir up hatred between China and America. Europe has nothing to lose and everything to gain (mater- ially not spiritually) in creating hate on the Pacific. The Pacific is not their ocean. It is the ocean of America and Asia. China pro- poses that since China and America are the most interested of all nations in the control of this sea, that it be controlled by friendship between these countries. To this I am sure that Japan as the third most interested nation would gladly assent. Imperialistic Europe however, is seeing to it (through its prophet, the Hong Kong Gang) that at the very first opportunity there shall be a century long strug- gle on the Pacific for the mastery of its great expanse and for the benefit of Imperialistic Europe. With such a struggle for the mastery of the Pacific, Imperialistic Europe could gorge itself to the fullest on the profits of a long, protracted and never ending war, between America and the other nations of the Pacific, knowing all the while that Imperialism would be safe as long as America could stand up to ' 24 this war to a finish. But unfortunately for the plans of Imperialism there is a land called Soviet Russia, which seems to be quite a large affair on the map, and perhaps not so unsuccessful as many of us would like to believe. Is it not to our shame that Russia, as an ad- ministrative expression, appears to the Chinese as the only friend that China has today? CHINA CANNOT BE BOLSHEVIST BUT CAN BE A BOLSHEVIST ALLY It seems strange that Russia should ever have been as generous as she has toward China in the voluntary abrogation of the unequal treat- ies, and other expressions of helpful friendship, for Russia as a neigh- bor knows that China can never be Soviet. This is not the place to enter into a communistic discussion, for communism is a relative term that would take us nowhere as far as the limited purpose of this publication is concerned. Suffice it to say, that within the ordinarily accepted meaning of the words “Communism and red”, that China can never be “red communistic,” for the following three reasons stated as briefly as possible: (1) In China there is no landlordism; (2) no capitalism; (3) no alternative to the rule of family autonomy. The purpose of com- munism is to destroy the first two (which do not exist in China) and communism would fail in China moreover, because there is no system of communism yet invented that recognizes the supremacy of the family over the individual. That is to say, family communism in China is directly and irrevocably opposed to soviet individual com- munism. This, however, does not mean that if the Christian nations of the world continue to enslave economic China, that political China will not turn to Soviet Russia as the only alternative between eco- nomic slavery and economic freedom. Hence we see the peril in which true democracy finds itself today in China. China enslaved by imperialism in order to free itself from imperialism must (unless as- sisted by America) turn to Russia to escape destruction. It is easy to understand that our cause in common with China in our defense of our democracy against imperialism, for imperialism is utterly op- posed to true democracy such as found in America and China. Laugh if you will at Chinese democracy, but only after you have lived (not in a missionary compound) at least a few years among actual Chinese, and I think then that you will agree with me that if there was ever a democratic country in the fullest sense of being governed by the voice of the people, it is China. Accepting China as a democracy, we readily perceive the danger we incur in making alliances with im- perialism to enslave Chinese democracy, for we are thereby cutting- off, so to speak, our chief support of the world’s scant democratic influence. SOVIET EUROPE I trust that I have profited sufficiently by the many voyages and long sojourns that I have made in Europe to understand something of the communistic reaction of Europe and England after the great war. Very reluctantly I have come to the conclusion that there is serious reason to believe that all Europe, including England, will follow the lead of Soviet Russia, perhaps well within the present gen- eration, if imperialism continues to disregard the rights of men. I am satisfied that with the proper conduct of our own American gov- ernment and by holding true to the precepts of our forbears, that we shall escape this great deluge of Sovietism, if we join with China and help China strike away the chains of imperialism. I shall not argue this matter, except with those who have had equal opportu- nities to make first hand observations in England, in Europe and Asia as have I. The questions involved are not to be answered by en- cyclopaedias or histories, for the political conditions of the whole world today are so utterly different from what have gone before, that we find naught in our own experience as men, nor yet in the whole store of human wisdom, to serve us in the present extreme. In this threatened parting of the international ways I shall, of course, follow my country, for right or wrong. America is my country. I shall add nothing to the embarrassment of the hour by criticism of official conduct, but as an American citizen in possession of first hand in- formation concerning the political conditions involved I believe it to be my duty, as an American citizen, to declare that friendship with China is the greatest prize ever offered the American people, and the only influence on earth today that will make the meaning of our constitution what its creators intended it to be. ATLANTIC AND PACIFIC NEIGHBORS COMPARED I wonder if we reflect sufficiently upon the great value of our Asiatic propiniquity. Do we realize that, if properly considered, the greatest boon of America is its nearness to China? China, the land of eternal peace, at least as far as the West will allow it to be! Where would we have been now if during the brief century and a half of our national existence China (as large as all Europe and more popul- ous) had been a warring country, such as Europe and England, rather than a land of peace? Is it not pleasing to reflect that China has left us alone, when England and Europe have embroiled us in wars? While Europe and England are straining every effort of its citizens and subjects to prepare for future wars, and to pay something for past wars, China refuses to join in the great councils of waste and carnage. Should this thought alone not make us want China as a friend ? CHINA AT THE FRONT DOOR OF AMERICA Our great sacrifices in the World war proved to most American citizens that Alliances with our Atlantic neighbors are not at all desirable. By leaps and bounds our interests will direct themselves to China’s shores. The Atlantic coast will become the back door of America and the Pacific coast will be the veritable Golden Gate of America’s abundance. Yes, this forecast is certain — if we have peace. Peace with China would be cheap at even the cost of the greatest sacrifices. To conserve our friendship with China we could afford to cancel all our huge war credits in Europe. We could even agree to give decrepit Europe a pension for whole generations, for this peace. For it is the sine qua non of our national existence. European intrigue and jealousy however will do all that in its power lies to prevent our alliance with China. Imperialism will go to the utmost to build up a barrier of hate between these two great democ- racies. When we have established our trade conditions with China, they will not cease to continue their efforts to destroy this friendship so essential to the existence of both democracies and so necessary to maintain peace on the Pacific. A GOOD WORD FOR JAPAN Many many times have I heard the expression from American lips, “I like the Chinaman, but I have no use for the Jap.” This sort of an expression is not pleasing to the Chinese. He does not care to be praised at the expense of another. Japan is a great and powerful nation, by its brilliant, enterprising culture, commanding the respect of the whole world. There is no reason why America should have 26 any wrangle with Japan over China’s enormous trade, for there is enough for both countries, as well as for the whole world for that matter. The Japanese have shown themselves to be of a more really Christian attitude than we, for in their acceptance of our exclusion acts (rude indeed compared with those of Australia), they have proved to us a diplomatic high mindeness that should command our admiration. I passed through Tsushima straits in 1904 just a few hours before the great naval battle was fought there, and there was hardly one foreigner on the whole ship who expressed any sym- pathy with Japan or hope that it would win. But win Japan did, and any forecast of the future history of the world will have to consider most respectfully and seriously the enormous power of courageous Japan. Any derogation of Japan is a greater self derogation of the derogator; for if there is a nation on earth that knows more nearly than another what the morrow will bring forth, it is Japan. And incidentally, a nation that knows what it is doing, is rather rare today, for most nations stagger and stumble along under their heavy loads of militarism, pulling themselves out of the bog of one blunder, only to plunge more deeply into another. China wants Japanese friendship and it is our duty to help cultivate this friendship for motives of peace on the Pacific. Japanese friendship is likewise a prize for which we should put forth our best endeavors. OUR FOREIGN POLICY China has “made good” with us, but thus far we have not “made good” with China. Why? Because of an erroneous conception of foreign policy which happens to prevail at the present time. And who makes this foreign policy? The President? No. The people? No! Neither the people nor their chief executive could take the time to follow from day to day the complication of foreign affairs that brings out an expression of our attitude, and which send our gunships and our marines to the distant seas. Our President should not be blamed for mistakes of foreign policy. The President has all that he can do to keep up with even a part of the domestic complications of our intricately formed and organized government. Who then, shapes our foreign policy? Our State Department acting upon in- fluential pressure in connection with a variety of other influences, chiefly financial, is responsible for the expression of the so-called “foreign policies,” these foreign policies being really only home poli- cies on the financial outlook abroad. The dollar the world over is the chief argument in such policies. Foreign policies are extremely cold blooded, and rarely does the flicker of emotional reaction enter into them, unless there is a special campaign made to rouse up the people in such behalf. Hence, should the English partners of an International banking institution declare to their American partners, that British loss of trade, by reason of the emancipation of China from British control, would result in the loss of Chinese markets, and likewise the loss of the East Indian markets as well, it is not hard to realize a favorable reaction on the part of certain influences in our State Department. The protection of the dollar and the pound sterling is paramount. This reaction is favored because never have England and America been so entangled in finances as today. It is very hard to discover where the British Lion’s tail ends, and the American Eagle’s wing begins. Moreover, for years our State De- partment has been modeling itself after the British caste system of diplomacy, and our diplomatic service has now become a service by the rich. This a scrutiny of the fortunes of our half hundred State Department officials in diplomatic missions abroad will show. Of 27 course, there are some half thousand of State Department officials at Washington, and not all of these are rich, but whatever their con- dition of fortune, they are under the perceptive influence of large wealth. With certain numerous and conspicuous exceptions, wealth loves the caste system. The rich seek the companionship of the rich, and the inner circle of the King’s favor is the shrine where the worship of the Golden Calf obtains its most exotic expression. And why not? As long as the extreme rich can thus withdraw from the suffering pov- erty of the world of labor, without inflicting the hardship of war and other suffering upon the people — why not? But otherwise — why? Does it not seem that we need more Benjamin Franklins in our diplomatic service and fewer of those who love to approach the gilded thrones of caste system power? If the American people could rid themselves of all throne influences, there would be an happily different condition in China today. WESTERN CAPITALIST CIVILIZATION AND CHINESE CULTURAL CIVILIZATION When I first visited China a quarter of a century ago, the Chinese millionaire was unknown. Even now the Chinese rich man is a rarity. We number our millionaires by the thirty thousand. Even at this late day you can count those of the Chinese by the half dozens. Why? Because the whole force of our Western civilization is to encourage the accumulation of mere physical wealth, while China encourages learning and scholarship. The millionaire is our superman, our demi-god, our benefactor, the favorite and privileged son of the whole tribe, our Triton among the minnows. Respect is due to him as to no other. It does not matter how he has made his wealth. It suffices that he has wealth, and is out of jail; then indeed do we extol his virtues. The Chinese scholar is as high even today in the Chinese estimate as the millionaire is in ours. The Chinese scholar may be poor in the extreme, but he has the respect of the whole multitude. The treasures of wealth in the hands of capitalists may mean war; the treasures of scholarship in a school of philosophy means peace. It took our civilization five thousand years to catch up with the Chinese. Perhaps we are not as far ahead of them even now as we think, in the glory of our present gunboat days. For after all the civilization of scholarship means happiness, happi- ness even in penury. Isn’t happiness worth more than a bank account of seven figures? The Chinese still think that it is. ********* CONCLUSIONS FROM THE SYNOPTIC STATEMENT We shall here abruptly end an attempt to recite some at least of the statement of facts, which I set forth in the speaking campaign above mentioned. This statement of fact, lengthy as it is, is alto- gether insufficient to inform the reader, so that he may more fully appreciate the abbreviated deductions and conclusions which I shall now make concerning the attitude of the public mind in America, as expressed in the following ways: REACTION OF AMERICAN WOMEN The most pleasant feature of this speaking tour has been the sympa- thetic support offered by the women. After so many absences in China I was surprised to find that our American women are for the most part better informed concerning China and more interested in 28 its struggle for political freedom than the average of our American men. This may be due to the greater measure of leisure of American women, in part, but more largely because the natural sympathy of women is more easily aroused than that of men. REACTION OF AMERICAN MEN But what I have just said concerning the women is no derogation of the interest of our American men, for I was indeed gratified with the lively interest they manifested, and their eagerness to be further informed. The clear-headed purposes of American manhood mani- fested itself in the many original questions asked and the counter- arguments presented. I did not, however, find that the men were as a rule as well informed as the women, as I have above suggested, as their questions indicated. REACTION OF THE PRESS Both in the announcement of the meetings and in sometimes an extended report of the same, I was likewise gratified, with the ex- ception of one instance. This paper at first did me a great deal of harm by garbling up and misrepresenting through a whole column length, a report of one of my speeches. But on the theory that this particular newspaper followed the policy of always trying to make it appear that the man bit the dog, when really it was the dog that bit the man, I passed the matter over in silence, with the happy result that it was not long before I had more invitations to speak before conservative societies than ever before. REACTION OF THE “REDS” One of the two painful experiences of my meetings occurred when I addressed an audience of nearly a thousand, among whom a large per cent were reported to be “red.” Patiently this large audience listened quietly and respectfully through an hour’s statement of facts, concerning conditions in China, only to burst out into an uproar of rage when I declared that Sun Yat Sen was not a “red,” that he did not get the inspiration of his genius from Lenine and that the Chinese moreover could not become communistic because of the reasons which I have already stated in the foregoing synoptic statement. The “Reds” even turned their denunciation of injured innocence against the very competent chairman, accusing him of having “double crossed” them by having invited me to tell lies concerning China, when they wanted the pure communistic truth. The wailing and gnashing of teeth was such that even in the bedlam and uproar of the disappointed “reds” I could not help laughing, which heaped additional fuel upon the fury of their wrath. REACTION OF THE MISSIONARIES I regret to say that in one of my speeches the wrath of the mis- sionary influence expressed itself in a way which pained me. While talking before one of the leading clubs of Los Angeles, a gentleman member of the club challenged my remarks concerning the mission- aries and demanded that the chairman allow a missionary guest of his, then present, to address the meeting in my contradiction. Al- though I yielded my right as speaker the chairman rapped for order and very generously asked me to continue. Subsequently the mis- sionary gniest was allowed to address the club at a later date. I am informed that the missionary guest gave a very able talk on China, but that he did not answer in any wise my own statements concerning missionaries in China, limiting himself in this regard (if I am prop- erly informed) to the conclusion that China’s progress began with the missionaries’ coming to China and would cease if the missionaries left China. I shall make no comment on this conclusion. 29 REACTIONS OF PATRIOTIC ORGANIZATIONS Before we had actually fired upon the Chinese, certain patriotic organizations were strong for friendship and no interference with China. After the first firing of our American guns in China, I was one of the first to agree with them, that it would be unwise to allow any expression of opinion concerning our armed occupation of China. In such an organization there is always more or less of a division of opinion, and moreover, the Great War taught us the need of with- holding organization effort, for other purposes than the expression of political opinions. The individual may speak from his own ex- perience and enlighten his fellows upon certain conditions upon which his fellow citizens are not informed. This is his individual duty as an American citizen. When, however, this mere personal experience hardens itself into an organization expression of approval or censure, it will do perhaps harm as well as good. Hence, I considered it my duty to withdraw from speechmaking along this line. INDIVIDUAL CANVASS FOR EXPRESSIONS One of the most illuminating reactions I had was not from speech- making, but rather from an individual limited canvass of American men, in perhaps all usual employments of life and of all conditions of financial dependence or independence. This canvassing brought indeed gratifying results, for there was none of the formal tension, that public speaking entails, between me and the reaction. I have not space to tell the method of this canvass, which, unfortunately, was very limited and rather more casual than I would have wished. I was delighted to find how very generally the basic principles of our own democracy expressed with eloquence a protest against the im- perialistic strangling of China, in such expressions as: “Why don’t they leave China alone?” “Why not let China have its own rule?” “It’s our revolution of 1776 transplanted to China.” I regret to say that during this personal canvass there were a few who declined to answer, for a reason that may be summed up in the remark of one of them, who declared in a low tone: “I’ve got a family to support, and well — fellows get fired mighty quick, when they get to talking politics with strangers.” NO CHINESE PROPAGANDA IN AMERICA Nationalist China has no money for propaganda work in this great struggle for its freedom. Hence, were it not for the fact that our American citizenship is quick to favor him “who hath his quarrel just,” Chinese Nationalism would suffer greatly by the deluge of im- perialistic propaganda, which is daily flooding our country. So, in this hour of their extremity, the Chinese Nationalists cannot deny the false news that is published against it. The Chinese Nationalists can, however, rest assured that America has not, and never will, for- sake the purposes for which it was founded. The spirit of our con- stitution as built up by the sacrifices of our forbears, is stronger than any of the forces of Militaristic Imperialism, yes, stronger than even the greed and avarice of the most selfish power. This spirit of the constitution is in the hearts of our American people today just as it was in the beginning. It is to that spirit that the patriots of Nation- alist China appeal, and it is that spirit that will eventually be their strong ally. Imperialism may triumph today, but the spirit of the American Constitution will triumph tomorrow, when there will be a renewal of the truth that all men are created equal and there shall be A concord of hearts, and a labor of hands. With Peace to bless ours, and China’s fair lands. 30 “An Authoritative Biography” International Book Review To know Chinese Nationalism, you must read the story of its crea- tor: Dr. Sun Yat Sen, who will be known eventually as the greatest political leader of all time. Judge Linebarger prepared this story, in direct contact with Dr. Sun. Dr. Sun in fact wrote some of the pages of “SUN YAT SEN AND THE CHINESE REPUBLIC” by PAUL LINEBARGER Century and Company, 353 Fourth Avenue, New York, Publishers. Nearly four hundred pages with many illustrations. Cloth bound $4.00 NOTE — The above contains about half of the materials assembled by Judge Linebarger, as biographical data, in direct contact with Dr. Sun. A supplement will appear in a new volume when Chinese Nationalist publications of another authoritative source have been published. The volume already published, however, is essential to an understanding of the great reformer, and his movement. OTHER PAMPHLETS In preparation by the same author: Sunyatsenism and World Peace. The Sowing of the Wind in China. Western Capitalist Civilization and Chinese Cultural Civilization. Gunboat Folly in China. A Chinese-American Entente Essential to Peace on the Pacific. Old Glory; Invincible and Eternal, with China’s Friendship. What Chinese Friendship Means to American Labor. For prices in thousand lots please address Secretary, Kuo Min Tang Los Angeles, California, U. S. A. 424 N. Los Angeles Street NOTE — This publication is issued by the Chinese Nationalist Party, (Kuo Min Tang), Los Angeles Branch, California. Copies may be obtained by addressing — Jackson P* Kwan Secretary 424 N. Los Angeles Street, Los Angeles, California, U. S. A. West Coast Publishing Co., Inc. Publishers