^ THE <5> 
 O LIBRARIES q 
 
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 GENERAL 
 LIBRARY 
 
A SOURCE-BOOK OF ANCIENT HISTORY 
 
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 
 
 Wfl iV YORK • BOSTON • CHICAGO 
 OALLAS • SAN FRANCISCO 
 
 MACMILLAN & CO., Limited 
 
 LONDON • BOMBAY • CALCUTTA 
 MELBOURNE 
 
 THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, Ltd, 
 
 TORONTO 
 
A SOURCE-BOOK OF 
 
 ANCIENT HISTORY 
 
 BY 
 
 GEORGE WILLIS BOTSFORD, Ph.D. 
 
 PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY; AUTHOR OF "THB 
 
 DEVELOPMENT OF THE ATHENIAN CONSTITUTION," "THE ROMAN 
 
 ASSEMBLIES," "A HISTORY OF GREECE," "A HISTORY OF 
 
 ROME," "a HISTORY OF THE ANCIENT WORLD," ETC. 
 
 AND 
 LILLIE SHAW BOTSFORD 
 
 AUTHOR (with G. W. BOTSFORD) OF 
 
 THE STORY OF ROME AS GREEKS AND ROMANS TELL IT 
 
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 f. r n * 
 
 ' ■ ; J ' J ■>■> 
 
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 THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 
 
 All rights reserved 
 
AUG 2 6 1943 
 
 v 
 
 
 Copyright, 1912, 
 
 Ev THE MACMI1.LAN COMPANY 
 
 Set up and electrotyped. Published December, igia. 
 
 • t » » • t c 
 
 Printp(J ii the 7!jnited Stale* of America 
 
 
PREFACE 
 
 This volume may be used in connection with any course 
 in Ancient History. It is especially intended, however, 
 to serve as an auxiliary to Botsford's "History of the 
 Ancient World." The material has accordingly been 
 arranged in chapters parallel to those of this text-book, 
 to which references are constantly given. 
 
 Some of the selections have been translated by friends — 
 especially by Dr. E. G. Sihler of New York University 
 and Miss Rachel R. Hiller — and others by ourselves; 
 but most of them have been taken from published trans- 
 lations, to which credit is duly given. Particularly in the 
 case of excerpts from translations by scholars of recog- 
 nized merit, we have followed the policy of making the 
 least possible revision, even to the extent of allowing some 
 inconsistencies in the spelling of proper names. Readers 
 will thus be reminded that the spelling of Greek names is 
 far from being standardized. 
 
 As to the use of the volume, we advise that the pupils 
 read each chapter in connection with their study of the 
 corresponding chapter of the text-book. The questions, 
 which suggest the more important facts to be gathered 
 from the selections, are to be regarded merely as ex- 
 amples. The teacher may modify or expand them ac- 
 cording to the needs of the class. In the case of the 
 more mature pupils, greater attention should be given 
 to a study of the authors and to the critical appreciation 
 of the selections than these illustrative questions indicate. 
 In such work the pupils could advantageously use ]\Iur- 
 ray's "History of Ancient Greek Literature;" Mahaffy's 
 
vi Preface 
 
 "History of Classical Greek Literature;" Mackail's 
 "Latin Literature;" Duff's "Literary History of Rome;" 
 Teuffel and Schwabe's "History of Roman Literature;" 
 and the histories of Greece and of Rome by Grote, Cur- 
 tius, Holm, Mommsen, Duruy, and others. Historical 
 criticism, however, involving the careful weighing of evi- 
 dence and the valuation of the reliability of authors and 
 documents, is an exceedingly complex and difficult work, 
 which must in the main be reserved for students of Uni- 
 versity grade. 
 
 It is to be noticed that the questions rarely call for an 
 expression of opinion as to the right or wrong, the folly 
 or wisdom, of an action. It is true that when an act is 
 obviously right or wrong, the character of the pupil may 
 be strengthened by his being called upon to pronounce 
 judgment; but nothing so conduces to superficial self- 
 sufficiency as the practice of declaring off-hand opinions 
 on subjects but partially and one-sidedly known. The 
 power of discrimination, most essential to a well-developed 
 mind, may be better cultivated by exercise in determin- 
 ing, for instance, what is relevant and what irrelevant 
 to a given subject, what are the facts in the case and 
 what is merely opinion, what are the essential elements 
 of a given subject, and what are its connections with re- 
 lated subjects. In text-books the material is so selected 
 and arranged as to train the memory more than any other 
 mental faculty. The sources, on the other hand, while 
 bringing the reader into close, almost personal touch with 
 the individuals and events treated, have the advantage 
 of presenting a body of raw material, on which the mind 
 may exercise itself, especially in discrimination. The 
 selections would be robbed of this value by excessive 
 comment and by the elimination of all obscurities, un- 
 
Preface vii 
 
 familiar names, and other difficulties. It will be a great 
 advantage to the pupil to learn by experience that, with- 
 out being able to pronounce every proper name or to 
 clear up every difficulty in a given passage, he may yet 
 extract useful information from it. With no detriment 
 to himself or to others, he may learn, too, at an early age 
 that neither teacher nor author is omniscient. 
 
 There are already in existence good source-books for 
 Greece and Rome, to which references are given in Bots- 
 ford's text-books in ancient history. To those who wish 
 a greater amount of source material on Rome, woven into 
 a connected, readable narrative extending from the found- 
 ing of the city to the death of Marcus Aurelius, and 
 abounding in interesting sketches of characters and cus- 
 toms, we recommend our "Story of Rome as Greeks and 
 Romans tell it." The present volume may claim the 
 unique merit of rendering Oriental sources available for 
 high-school and college courses in ancient history. It 
 includes, too, certain classes of sources for Greece and 
 Rome not represented in other books of the kind. The 
 aim, however, has been not novelty but usefulness. 
 
 EXPLANATIONS 
 
 Greece, Rome, and Ancient World are abbreviated titles 
 of Botsford, History of Greece, History of Rome, and His- 
 tory of the Ancient World, respectively. 
 
 Words supplied by the editors are enclosed in paren- 
 theses. 
 
 The design on the cover represents a herm of Herodotus 
 now in the Berlin Museum. 
 
 George Willis Botsford 
 
 LiLLiE Shaw Botsford 
 Mount Vernon, New York, 
 October 30, 19 12. 
 
CONTENTS 
 BOOK I 
 
 THE ORIENTAL NATIONS 
 
 CHAPTER ^^°^ 
 
 I. . Introduction to the Sources i 
 
 '^l. Egypt 5 
 
 J^. The Tigris-Euphrates Valley 27 
 
 iIV. Syria: The Phcenicians and the Hebrews 42 
 
 ' V. The Median and Persian Empires 55 
 
 BOOK II 
 
 HELLAS 
 
 vVI. Introduction to the Sources 67 
 
 VII. The Cretan and Mycen^an Civilizations 77 
 
 VIII. The Epic or Homeric Age 81 
 
 IX. Myth and Religion 88 
 
 X. The City-State and its Development 97 
 
 XI. Economy and Colonization 103 
 
 XII. The Rise of Sparta and the Peloponnesian League hi 
 
 XIII. Athens: From Monarchy to Democracy 123 
 
 XIV. The Poets and the Philosophers 141 
 
 XV. The Ionic Revolt 152 
 
 XVI. The War Between Greece and Persia 162 
 
 XVII. The Delian Confederacy and the Athenian Empire 175 
 
 XVIII. The Age of Pericles. . . . .• 180 
 
 XIX. The Peloponnesian War to the Sicilian Expedi- 
 tion ^^^ 
 
 XX. From the Sicilian Expedition to the End of the 
 
 War 218 
 
 XXI. Sicily: The Tyrant and the Liberator 241 
 
 is. 
 
X Contents 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 XXII. The Supremacy of Sparta 247 
 
 XXIII. Thebes Attempts to Gain the Supremacy 258 
 
 XXIV. The Rise of Macedon 266 
 
 XXV. Alexander's Empire 276 
 
 XXVI. Greek Life and Thought 283 
 
 XXVII. The Hellenistic Age 297 
 
 BOOK III 
 
 ROME 
 
 XXVIII. A. Introduction to the Sources 313 
 
 B. Italy and Her People 326 
 
 XXIX. Rome Under the Kings 334 
 
 XXX. The Early Republic: (I) The Plebeians Win 
 
 Their Rights 348 
 
 XXXI. The Early Republic: (II) Rome Becomes Su- 
 preme IN Italy 361 
 
 XXXII. Roman Organization: Progress in Culture. . . 371 
 
 XXXIII. The First and Second Punic Wars 379 
 
 XXXIV. The End of Greek Freedom 389 
 
 XXXV. Growth of Plutocracy; Progress in Civilization 397 
 
 XXXVI. The Revolution: (I) From Plutocracy to Mili- 
 tary Rule 4^7 
 
 XXXVII. The Revolution: (II) The Military Power in 
 
 Conflict with the Republic 433 
 
 XXXVIII. The Founding of the Principate; Augustus and 
 
 Tiberius 464 
 
 XXXIX. From Principate to Monarchy: The Claudian 
 
 and Flavian Princes 480 
 
 XL. The Period of the Five Good Emperors 502 
 
 XLI. Early History of Christianity 521 
 
 XLII. The Absolute Monarchy 527 
 
 XLIII. Some Aspects of the Decline 537 
 
 XLIV. The Northern Barbarians 544 
 
 XLV. Roman Life Under the Late Empire 558 
 
 XLVL The Mohammedans and the Prankish Power ..574 
 Index 585 
 
A Source-Book of Ancient History 
 
 BOOK I 
 
 The Oriental Nations 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 INTRODUCTION TO THE SOURCES 
 
 At the opening of the last century almost our only Greek 
 
 • -r-y T^ 1 1 • sources* 
 
 sources of information for ancient Egypt, Babylonia, 
 
 and Assyria were the works of the Greeks. For the earlier 
 history of the first two countries here named these writers See chapter 
 had to depend largely on folk tales, which though not real 
 history throw a clearer light on the customs and thought 
 of the Orientals than could any narrative of events how- 
 ever detailed. Even at the present day, notwithstanding 
 the vast accumulation of other sources, we are attracted 
 to Herodotus, "the Father of History," who visited 
 Egypt and Babylon about the middle of the fifth cen- 
 tury B.C. In simple, charming style, he wrote down what 
 he himself saw and what the priests and others told him of 
 native history, religion, social customs, and achievements 
 in engineering and architecture. Although we can place 
 little dependence upon his account of earlier times, his 
 own age he portrays with great fidelity. For geography, 
 products, and to some extent customs we may still use 
 Strabo, the famous Greek geographer who wrote in the 
 first century of the Christian era. Scattered through 
 Greek and Roman literature are many incidental but 
 
 I 
 
Introduction to the Sources 
 
 Native 
 sources for 
 Egypt, Bab- 
 ylonia, and 
 Assyria. 
 
 Sources for 
 Syria. 
 
 P. 47. 
 
 Sources for 
 Persia. 
 
 valuable references to the Orient, with here and there 
 more extended summaries of history and chronology. 
 
 Our knowledge of that part of the world, however, has 
 been vastly increased since the beginning of the nineteenth 
 century by the decipherment of ancient scripts, first the 
 Egyptian and afterward the Babylonian. The great value 
 of these native sources lies in the facts (i) that they are 
 nearly always contemporary with the persons, events, or 
 conditions to which they refer, (2) that they are composed 
 by natives and present therefore the native attitude of mind 
 and mode of thought, (3) that their abundance and variety 
 enable us to examine with great minuteness and accuracy 
 all the activities of these nations in war, commerce and 
 industry, the useful and fine arts, religion, morals, and 
 science — in brief every field of thought and endeavor of 
 the poor and lowly as well as of kings and officials. We are 
 therefore especially well provided with the means of study- 
 ing the Egyptians, Babylonians and Assyrians. 
 
 Of the peoples of Syria we have almost no early writ- 
 ten records in addition to the letters found at Tel-el- 
 Amarna, Egypt, described below. These letters, written 
 in the fifteenth century by various governors of the Syrian 
 cities to the Egyptian king, throw an interesting light 
 especially on Palestine before its conquest by the Hebrews. 
 Almost nothing has reached us from the Phoenicians, 
 whereas the Hebrews created a rich Hterature in the books 
 of the Old Testament. 
 
 The Persians were a race of warriors, and the inscrip- 
 tions of their kings are, like those of Assyria, mainly a 
 record of conquest and building. There remains, however, 
 a considerable part of their sacred books comprised in the 
 Avesta. The beginnings of these writings belong to Media. 
 From that country they were adopted by the Persians, 
 
Bibliography 3 
 
 who gradually added to them as their religion expanded. 
 
 This entire body of writings, however, purported to be a 
 
 revelation of God to his prophet Zoroaster (native name 
 
 Zarathrustra). Although some modern scholars look 
 
 upon this figure as a myth, it seems more probable that 
 
 he was a historical person who lived in the latter half of 
 
 the seventh century B.C. The religion he taught is Ancient 
 
 . World, 54. 
 
 called Zoroastrianism after himself, or Mazdeism, after 
 
 his supreme God, Ahura Mazda. It is an interesting 
 fact that of all the pagan worships which flourished in 
 Egypt and southwestern Asia Mazdeism alone has sur- 
 vived to the present day. It is held by a sect called the 
 Parsis, who, when the Mohammedans conquered Persia, 642 A.D. 
 fled to India, where they are still settled. 
 
 BOOKS FROM WHICH SELECTIONS HAVE BEEN MADE 
 
 The Holy Bible. New York: Hurst and Co. 
 
 Birch, S., editor, Records of the Past: Being English Translations of 
 the Assyrian and Egyptian Monuments, i-xii (1875-1881). 
 London: Samuel Bagster and Sons. 
 
 Sayce, A. H., editor, Records of the Past: Being English Translations 
 of the Ancient Monuments of Egypt and Western Asia. New 
 Series, i-vi (18SS-1S92). Bagster and Sons. This series is in- 
 dicated thus, i,^ ii,^ iii,' etc. 
 
 Baum, H. M., and Wright, F. B., editors. Records of the Past. Wash- 
 ington, D. C: Exploration Society (a volume annually, beginning 
 1902). Referred to as (American) Records of the Past. It is 
 devoted mainly to brief studies, but contains an occasional 
 translation. 
 
 Breasted, J. H., editor and translator, Ancient Records of Egypt, 
 5 vols. Chicago: University Press (1906). 
 
 King, L. W., Studies in Eastern History, 3 vols. London: Luzac and 
 Co. (1Q04-1907). 
 
 King, L. W., The Letters and Inscriptions of Hafumiirabi, vol. iii. 
 Luzac and Co. (1900^. 
 
4 Introduction to the Sources 
 
 Harper, R. F., The Code of Hammurabi King of Babylon. Chicagor 
 University Press (1904). Translation and commentary. 
 
 Darmesteter, J., The Zend-Avesta, 2 pts. in F. Max Miiller's Sacred 
 Books of the East, vols, iv, xxiii. Oxford: Clarendon Press 
 (1880, 1883). 
 
 Herodotus, see p. 75. 
 
 Strabo, see p. 76. 
 
1.4- 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 EGYPT 
 
 I. The Nile 
 
 The Nile, when it leaves the boundaries of Ethiopia, The Delta, 
 flows in a straight line toward the North, to the tract 
 called the Delta, then, cloven at the head, as Plato says, Strabo xvii. 
 it makes this point the apex of a triangle, the sides of 
 which are formed by streams. . . . An island is thus 
 formed by the sea and the two streams of the river, 
 called the Delta from its resemblance to the letter of that . 
 name A. 
 
 At the time of the rising of the Nile the whole valley 
 is covered and resembles the sea, except the inhabited 
 parts, which are on natural hills or mounds; the larger 
 cities and the villages appear like islands on the distant 
 prospect. 
 
 After having continued on the ground more than forty 
 days in Summer, the water subsides by degrees in the same 
 manner as it arose. In sixty days the plain is entirely 
 exposed to view and dries up. The sooner the land is dry, 
 so much the sooner the plowing and sowing are ac- 
 complished, and it dries earlier in those parts where the 
 heat is greater. The country above the Delta is irrigated 
 in the same manner, except that the river flows in a straight 
 channel to the distance of about four thousand stadia 
 unless where some island intervenes. 
 
 In later times persons learned by experience as eye- 
 witnesses that the Nile owes its rise to summer rains, which 
 
 5 
 
Egypt 
 
 Farm labor 
 is easy. 
 
 Herodotus 
 ii. 14. 
 
 fall in great abundance in Upper Ethiopia, especially 
 in the most distant mountains. When the rains cease, 
 the fulness of the river gradually subsides. This was 
 particularly observed by those who navigated the Arabian 
 Gulf on their way to the Cinnamon country and by those 
 who were sent to hunt elephants, or for such other pur- 
 poses as induced the Ptolemies to send persons in that 
 direction. 
 
 II. Fertility 
 
 They (the Egyptians) gather the fruit of the earth with 
 far less labor than any other people. . . . For they do not 
 toil in breaking furrows with the plow nor in hoeing it, 
 nor in doing any other work in which men are employed 
 in raising a crop; but when the river of its own accord 
 comes up over the field and waters it and then withdraws 
 to its bed, each farmer sows his field with seed and turns 
 the swine into it; and when the swine have trodden the 
 seed down, he awaits the harvest. Then he threshes by 
 means of the swine and gathers in his crop. 
 
 The greatest 
 pyramid. 
 
 Herodotus 
 ii. 124. 
 
 The remains 
 of two cause- 
 ways are 
 extant. 
 
 III. The Pyramids 
 
 After Cheops had ascended the throne, he brought the 
 country into every manner of evil. First closing all the 
 temples, he forbade sacrificing there, then ordered all the 
 Egyptians to work for him. Some he bade draw stones 
 from the quarries in the Arabian mountains about the 
 Nile; others were ordered to receive them after they had 
 been carried over the river in boats, and to dravv^ them to 
 the Libyan mountains. And they worked in groups of 
 100,000 men, each group for three months continually. 
 Ten years of oppression for the people were required for 
 making the causeway by which they dragged the stones. 
 
The Greatest Pyramid 7 
 
 This causeway which they built was not a much inferior 
 work to the pyramid itself, as it seems to me; for the 
 lensth is five stades and the breadth ten fathoms; its high- A stade 
 
 ° , (stadium) 
 
 est point is eight fathoms; it is made of polished stones and was 600 feet. 
 
 engraved with the figures of living beings. Ten years were 
 
 required for this, and for the works on the mound, where 
 
 the pyramids stand, and for the underground chambers 
 
 in the island, which he intended as sepulchral vaults for No trace of 
 
 the canal can 
 
 his own use, and lastly for the canal which he dug from the now be found. 
 
 Nile. The pyramid was building 20 years; it is square; 
 
 each side measures 800 feet and its height is the same; 
 
 the stones are polished and fitted together with the utmost 
 
 exactness. Not one of them is less than 30 feet in length. 
 
 The pyramid was built in steps, battlement-wise, or Lifting ma- 
 
 . chines. 
 
 as some say, altar-wise. After laying the base, they lifted 
 
 the remaining stones to their places by means of machines, Ih. 125. 
 made of short pieces of wood. The first machine raised 
 them from the ground to the top of the first step; and when 
 the stone had been lifted thus far, it was drawn to the top 
 of the second step by another machine; for they had as 
 many machines as steps, or they lifted the same machine, 
 which was made so as to be easily carried, from one step 
 to the other for the purpose of elevating the stones; for I 
 give both methods as they were told me. At any rate, 
 the highest parts were finished first, then the next, and so 
 on till they came to the parts resting on the ground, 
 namely the base. It is set down in Egyptian writing on the 
 pyramid how much was spent on radishes and leeks and 
 onions for the workmen; and I remember well the in- 
 terpreter read the sum of 1600 talents of silver. Now if 
 these figures are correct, how much more must have been 
 spent on the iron which with they worked, and on the food 
 and clothing of the workmen, considering the length of 
 
8 
 
 Egypt 
 
 time which the work lasted, and an additional period, 
 as I understand, during which they cut and brought the 
 stones, and made the excavations. 
 
 The con- 
 tracting 
 parties. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 12. 
 
 Renewal of 
 old relations. 
 
 ^V. Treaty between Rameses II and the Hittites 
 
 A treaty of peace was signed between Rameses II and the Hittite 
 King, 1272, the earliest treaty now extajrt.- The following is the more 
 important part of it. 'Brea.&ied, Records of Ancient Egypt, m. pp. 165- 
 174. 
 
 The treaty which the great chief of the Hitdtes, Khet- 
 asar, the valiant, the son of Merasar, the great chief of 
 the Hittites, the valiant, the grandson of Seplel, the great 
 chief of the Hittites, the valiant, made upon a silver tab- 
 let for Rameses II, the great ruler of Egypt, the valiant; 
 ... the good treaty of peace and of brotherhood, setting 
 peace between them forever. . . . 
 
 Behold, then, Khetasar, the great chief of the Hitrites, 
 is in a treaty relation with Rameses II, the great ruler of 
 Egypt, beginning with this day, in order to bring about 
 good peace and good brotherhood between us forever, 
 while he is in brotherhood with me; and I am in brother- 
 hood with him, and I am in peace with him forever. 
 Since Metella, the great chief of the Hittites, my brother, 
 succumbed to his fate, and Khetasar sat as great chief 
 of the Hittites upon the throne of his father, behold, I am 
 together with Rameses-Meriamon, the great ruler of 
 Egypt, and he is with me in our peace and our brother- 
 hood. It is better than the former peace and brotherhood 
 which were in the land. Behold, I, even the great chief 
 of the Hittites, am with Rameses, the great ruler of 
 Egypt, in good peace and in good brotherhood. The 
 children of the children of the great chief of the Hittites 
 shall be in brotherhood and peace with the children of the 
 
f 
 
 The Earliest Extant Treaty 9 
 
 children of Rameses-Meriamon, the great ruler of Egypt, 
 
 being in our relations of brotherhood and our relations 
 
 of peace, that the land of Egypt may be with the land of 
 
 the Hittites in peace and brotherhood, like ourselves, 
 
 forever. 
 
 There shall be no hostilities between them forever. Neither 
 
 party shall 
 The great chief of the Hittites shall not pass over mto the attack the 
 
 land of Egypt, forever, to take anything therefrom. Ram- 
 eses-Meriamon, the great ruler of Egypt, shall not pass 
 over into the land of the Hittites to take anything there- 
 from, forever. . . . 
 
 If another enemy come against the lands of Rameses, Defensive 
 
 alliance, 
 the great ruler of Egypt, and he shall send to the great 
 
 chief of the Hittites, saying, "Come with me as reinforce- 
 ment against him," the great chief of the Hittites shall 
 come, and the great chief of the Hittites shall slay his 
 enemy. But if it shall not be the desire of the great chief 
 of the Hittites to come, he shall send his infantry and his 
 chariotry, and shall slay his enemy. 
 
 Or if Rameses-Meriamon, the great ruler of Egypt, be 
 provoked against delinquent subjects, when they have 
 committed some other fault against him, and he come to 
 slay them, then the great chief of the Hittites shall act 
 with the lord of Egypt. / 
 
 If another enemy come against the great chief of the 
 Hittites and he shall send to the great chief of Egypt, 
 Rameses for reinforcements, then he shall come to him 
 as reinforcement, to slay his enemy. But if it be not the 
 desire of Rameses-Meriamon, the great ruler of Egypt 
 to come, he shall send his infantry and his chariotry and 
 shall slay his enemy. . , . 
 
 If any great man of the land of Egypt shall flee and 
 shall come to the great chief of the Hittites, from either a 
 
lO 
 
 Egypt 
 
 Extradtion 
 clause 
 
 The docu- 
 ment con- 
 tains a simi- 
 lar clause in 
 favor of the 
 Hittites. 
 
 The gods are 
 witnesses. 
 
 town or. . . of the lands of Rameses-Meriamon, the great 
 ruler of Egypt, and they shall come to the great chief of 
 the Hittites, then the great chief of the Hittites shall not 
 receive them, but the great chief of the Hittites shall cause 
 them to be brought to Rameses, the great ruler of Egypt, 
 their lord therefor. . . . 
 
 As for the words of this contract of the great chief 
 of the Hittites with Rameses-Meriamon, the great ruler 
 of Egypt, written upon this silver tablet; as for these 
 words, a thousand gods of the male gods and of the female 
 gods, of those of the land of the Hittites, together with a 
 thousand gods, of the male and of the female gods of those 
 of the land of Egypt, they are with me as witnesses to 
 these words. 
 
 Ptah ad- 
 dresses 
 Rameses II. 
 
 Ptah (artist- 
 god), chief 
 deity of Mem- 
 phis; Num 
 (Khnum) 
 creator and 
 protector; 
 Hathor, god- 
 dess of love 
 and pleasure, 
 often in form 
 of a cow. 
 
 V. Rameses II, Son and Second Self of the God Ptah- 
 
 TOTUNEN 
 
 This extract from a much longer inscription found at Abu-Simbel, 
 Egypt, gives, perhaps better than any other passage, an idea of the 
 divine perfection, majesty, and almighty power of the Egyptian king 
 as the son and incarnation of the chief deity. Interesting is the in- 
 cidental reference to the successful close of the war with the Hittites 
 and to the king's marriage with the Hittite princess. Records of the 
 Past, xii. 85-89. 
 
 Thus sp.eaks «.,Ptah-Totunen with the high plumes, 
 arnied with horns, the father of the gods, to his son who 
 loves him. . . . 
 
 Num and Ptah have nourished thy childhood, they leap 
 with joy when they see thee made after my likeness, noble, 
 great, exalted. The great princesses of the house of Ptah 
 and the Hathors of the temple of Tern are in festival, 
 their hearts are full of gladness, their hands take the drum 
 with joy, when they see thy person beautiful and lovely 
 
Rameses II ii 
 
 like my Majesty. . . . King Rameses, I grant thee to 
 cut the mountains into statues immense, gigantic, ever- 
 lasting; I grant that foreign lands find for thee precious 
 stone to inscribe the monuments with thy name. 
 
 I give thee to succeed in all the works which thou hast ^V^^^!^^"^ 
 done. I give thee all kinds of workmen, all that goes on takings, 
 two or four feet, all that flies and all that has wings. I 
 have put in the heart of all nations to offer thee what they 
 have done; themselves, princes great and small, with one 
 heart seek to please thee. King Rameses. Thou hast built 
 a great residence to fortify the boundary of the land, 
 the city of Rameses; it is established on the earth like the 
 four pillars of the sky; hast constructed within a royal 
 palace, where festivals are celebrated to thee as is done 
 for me within. I have set the crown on thy head with my 
 own hands, when thou appearest in the great hall of the 
 double throne; and men and gods have praised thy name 
 like mine when my festival is celebrated. 
 
 Thou hast carved my statues and built my shrines as Rameses 
 
 -^ the mcama- 
 
 I have done in times of old. I have given thee years by tion of Ptah. 
 
 periods of thirty; thou reignest in my place on my throne; 
 
 I fill thy limbs with life and happiness, I am behind thee to 
 
 protect thee; I give thee health and strength; I cause 
 
 Egypt to be submitted to thee, and I supply the two 
 
 countries with pure life. King Rameses, I grant that the 
 
 strength, the vigor, and the might of thy sword be felt 
 
 among all countries; thou castest down the hearts of all 
 
 nations; I have put them under thy feet; thou comest 
 
 forth every day in order that be brought to thee the foreign 
 
 prisoners; the chiefs and the great of all nations offer thee 
 
 their children. I give them to thy gallant sword that thou 
 
 mayest do with them what thou likest. King Rameses, 
 
 I grant that the fear of thee be in the minds of all and thy 
 
12 
 
 Egypt 
 
 Power of the 
 king's name. 
 
 He marries 
 the Hittite 
 princess. 
 
 command in their hearts. I grant that thy valor reach all 
 countries, and that the dread of thee be spread over all 
 lands; the princes tremble at thy remembrance, and thy 
 majesty is fixed on their heads; they come to thee as sup- 
 plicants to implore thy mercy. Thou givest life to whom 
 thou wishest, and thou puttest to death whom thou pleas- 
 est; the throne of all nations is in thy possession. . . . 
 
 King Rameses, I have exalted thee through such marvel- 
 ous endowments that heaven and earth leap for joy and 
 those who are within praise thy existence; the mountains, 
 the water, and the stone walls which are on the earth 
 are shaken when they hear thy excellent name, since they 
 have seen what I have accomplished for thee; which is 
 that the land of the Hittites should be subjected to thy 
 palace; I have put in the heart of the inhabitants to an- 
 ticipate thee themselves by their obeisance in bringing 
 thee their presents. Their chiefs are prisoners, all their 
 property is the tribute in the dependency of the living king. 
 Their royal daughter is at the head of them; she comes to 
 soften the heart of King Rameses; her merits are marvel- 
 ous, but she does not know the goodness which is in thy 
 heart. 
 
 When Thebes 
 became the 
 residence of 
 pharaoh, 
 Amon (Am- 
 mon, or 
 Amen), chief 
 god of the 
 city, became 
 the supreme 
 deity of Egypt, 
 and a stupen- 
 dous temple 
 was built to 
 him; AncierU 
 World, 16. 
 
 VI. Hymn to Amon (Ammon) 
 
 Records of the Past, vi. 99 f. 
 
 I cry, the beginning of wisdom is the way of Amon, the rudder of 
 
 truth. 
 Thou art he that giveth bread to him who has none, 
 That sustaineth the servant of his house. 
 Let no prince be my defender in all my troubles. 
 Let not my memorial be placed under the power 
 Of any man who is in the house . . . My Lord is my defender; 
 I know his power, to wit, he is a strong defender; 
 There is none mighty except him alone. 
 
The Nile a Deity 
 
 Strong is Amon, knowing how to answer, 
 Fulfilling the desire of him who cries to him; 
 The Sun the true King of Gods, 
 The Strong Bull, the mighty lover of power. 
 
 13 
 
 VII. Hymn to the Nile 
 
 By the scribe Ennana. It represents the idea that "the Nile is the 
 source of all life in Egypt, that it is the supreme god, mysterious, un- 
 created, the father of the gods and all things else, into whose secrets 
 none can penetrate. He describes in a lofty style the benefits con- 
 ferred by the Nile when it spreads its waters over the country at its 
 annual return." Records of the Past, iii.' 48-54. 
 
 Adoration to the Nile! 
 
 Hail to thee, O Nile! 
 
 Who manifestest thyself over this land. 
 
 And comest to give life to Egypt! 
 
 Mysterious is thy issuing forth from the darkness, 
 
 On this day whereon it is celebrated! 
 
 Watering the orchards created by Re 
 
 To cause all the cattle to live. 
 
 Thou givest the earth to drink, inexhaustible one! 
 
 Path that descendest from the sky. 
 
 Loving the bread of Seb and the first fruits of Nepera, 
 
 Thou causest the workshops of Ptah to prosper! . . . 
 
 He brings the offerings, as chief of provisioning; 
 
 He is creator of all good things, 
 
 As master of energy, full of sweetness in his choice. 
 
 If offerings are made it is thanks to him. 
 
 He brings forth the herbage for the flocks. 
 
 And sees that each god receives his sacrifices. 
 
 All that depends on him is a precious incense. 
 
 He spreads himself over Egypt, 
 
 Filling the granaries, renewing the marts. 
 
 Watching over the goods of the unhappy. 
 
 He is prosperous to the height of all desires, 
 Without fatiguing himself therefor. 
 He brings again his lordly bark; 
 
 Giver of 
 Life. 
 
 Its sources 
 were un- 
 known. 
 
 Re, the sun- 
 god. 
 
 Seb, god of 
 earth; Ptah, 
 chief god of 
 Memphis. 
 
 Creator of 
 all good. 
 
 Incessantly 
 active. 
 
/TJraeui 
 
 14 Egypt 
 
 He is not sculptured in stone, in the statues crowned with the uraeus 
 
 Jraeus, 
 snake-symbol serpent, 
 
 of divinity or ^^ '^ , ^ 1 <. j 
 
 royalty, worn He cannot be contemplated. 
 
 on headdress. Nq servitors has he, no bearers of offerings! 
 
 He is not enticed by incantations! 
 
 None knows the place where he dwells. 
 
 None discovers his retreat by the power of a written spell . . . 
 
 Nourisher of Establisher of justice! mankind desires thee, 
 
 mankind. Supplicating thee to answer their prayers; thou answerest chem by 
 the inundation! 
 
 Men offer the first fruits of corn; 
 
 All the gods adore thee! 
 
 The birds descend not on the soil. 
 
 It is believed that with thy hand of gold 
 
 Thou makest bricks of silver! 
 
 But we are not nourished on lapis lazuli; 
 
 Corn alone gives vigor. . . . 
 
 K 
 
 Ollerings 
 thee. 
 
 to 
 
 Tuau, the 
 other world. 
 
 Prosper, O 
 giver of 
 prosperity! 
 
 His son is y 
 pharaoh. 
 
 O inundation of the Nile, 
 
 Offerings are made to thee, 
 
 Oxen are immolated to thee. 
 
 Great festivals are instituted for thee. 
 
 Birds are sacrificed to thee, 
 
 Gazelles are taken for thee in the mountain. 
 
 Pure flames are prepared for thee. 
 
 Sacrifice is made to every god as it is made to the Nile. 
 
 The Nile has made its retreats in Southern Egypt, 
 
 Its name is not known beyond the Tuau. 
 
 The god manifests not his forms, 
 
 He bafiies all conception. 
 
 Men exalt him like the cycle of the gods, 
 
 They dread him who creates the heat, 
 
 Even him who has made his son the universal master 
 
 In order to give prosperity to Egypt. 
 
 Come and prosper! come and prosper! 
 
 O Nile, come and prosper! 
 
 O thou who makest men to live through his flocks, 
 
 And his flocks through his orchards! 
 
Tombs; Precepts 15 
 
 Come and prosper, come, 
 O Nile, come and prosper! 
 
 This work has been successfully finished and dedicated to the 
 scribe of the treasury Qaqabu (by the scribe Ennana). 
 
 VIII. Spoliation of Tombs 
 
 This extract is a single clause in an extensive report made by a 
 commission for examining into the condition of cemeteries appointed 
 by Rameses IX (about iioo). From this and other sources we learn 
 that tomb robbery was an oft-committed crime. Records of the Past, 
 xii. 107. 
 
 Sepulchres and chapels in which repose the chanters 
 and mourners, the women and men of the country, in the 
 west-quarter of the city. It was found that the thieves 
 had violated them all, that they had torn their occupants 
 away from their coffins and "cases, had thrown them into 
 the dust and had stolen all the funeral objects which had 
 been given to them, as well as the gold and silver and the 
 ornaments which were in their coffins. 
 
 IX. Egyptian Precepts 
 
 The following precepts are taken from the "oldest book in the 
 world," written on papyrus. It was discovered in the necropolis of 
 Thebes and first published in 1847. It is now in the National Library 
 in Paris. 
 
 The first part, in which we find some precepts concerning manners The third and 
 
 and morals, was composed in the reign of Senoferu (third dynastv). ^.^^^.I^y"^^' 
 
 , , 1 f T^ 1 1 -1 • t^iss lie within 
 
 The last part was composed by the prefect Ptah-hotep in the reign 2900-2540. 
 
 of Assa (fifth dynasty). (American) Records of the Past, i. 311-320. 
 
 If thou sittest down to eat with a number, despise the Or. eating in 
 
 company, 
 dishes which thou lovest; it is but a short time to restram 
 
 thyself; and voracity is something degrading, for there is 
 
 bestiality in it. As a glass of water quenches thirst, as a 
 
i6 
 
 Egypt 
 
 Moral 
 
 proverbs and 
 precepts; 
 A ncient 
 World, 19. 
 
 Conduct to- 
 ward chil- 
 dren. 
 
 Treatment 
 of the quar- 
 relsome. 
 
 mouthful of vegetables strengthens the heart, as one good 
 takes the place of another good, as a very little takes the 
 place of much, he who is drawn away by his stomach when 
 he is not on the watch is a worthless man. With such 
 people the stomach is master. However, if thou sittest 
 down to eat with a glutton, to keep up with him in eating 
 will lead afar; and if thou drinkest with a great drinker, 
 accept to please him. Do not reject the meats, even from 
 a man repugnant to thee; take what he gives thee, and do 
 not leave it; truly that is disagreeable. 
 
 Do not harden the hearts of thy children. Instruct 
 those who will be in thy place; but when he does not per- 
 mit, none knows the events which God brings to pass. Let 
 the chief talk to his children, after he has accomplished 
 the human condition; they will gain honor for themselves 
 by increasing in well doing, starting from that which he 
 has told them. 
 
 He says to his son: Be not proud because of thy knowl- 
 edge; converse with the ignorant as with the scholar; for 
 the barriers of art are never closed, no artist ever 
 possessing that perfection to which he should aspire. 
 But wisdom is more difficult to find than the emerald; 
 which is found by slaves among the rocks of pegma- 
 tite. 
 
 If thou hast to do with a disputer while he is in his heat, 
 and if he is superior to thee in ability, lower the hands, 
 bend the back, do not get into a passion with him. As 
 he will not permit thee to spoil his speech, it is very wrong 
 to interrupt him; that shows thou art not able to keep 
 quiet when thou art contradicted. If then thou hast to do 
 with a disputer while he is in his heat, act as one not to be 
 moved. Thou hast the advantage over him, if only in 
 keeping silent when his speech is bad. "Better is he who 
 
Precepts 17 
 
 refrains," says the audience; and thou art right in the 
 
 opinion of the great. . . . 
 
 If thou art in the position of leader, to decide the con- Treatment 
 
 of those 
 dition of a large number of men, seek the best way, that under your 
 
 thine own position may be without reproach. Justice is ^" °" ^' 
 great, unchangeable and assured; it has not been dis- 
 turbed since the time of Osiris. To put an obstacle in the Osiris, once "a 
 
 r 1 1 • 1 1 r -1 TT7-11 ruleronearth, 
 
 way of the laws, is to open the way before violence. W ill now the god 
 the low be exalted if the unjust does not succeed to the ^he°de"ad^^^ 
 place of justice, he who says: "I take for myself, ac- 
 cording to my will," but does not say, "I take by my 
 authority." The limits of justice are unchangeable; this 
 is a precept which each man receives from his father. 
 
 Do not intimidate men; or God will likewise contend 
 with thee. . . . 
 
 If thou art among persons who are sitting down to eat 
 at the house of one greater than thyself, take what he gives riors. 
 thee, bowing low. Look at what is before thee, bowing pro- 
 foundly. Look at what is before thee; but do not stare at 
 it: do not look at it frequently; he is blameworthy who 
 breaks this rule. Do not speak to him (the great man) 
 more than he asks, for one does not know what might dis- 
 please him. Speak when he invites thee to do so, and thy 
 word will please. . . . 
 
 If thou art one of those who carry messages from one Conduct as a 
 
 ■' ° . . messenger. 
 
 great man to another, keep exactly to that he has enjoined 
 upon thee. Beware of altering in speaking the repulsive 
 things which one great man addresses to another. He who 
 distorts the fidelity of his message by repeating only what 
 is pleasing in the words of any man, great or small, is a 
 detestable being. . . . 
 
 Be active during the time of thy existence, in doing Beware of 
 more than is commanded. Do no wrong in the time of 
 
 Conduct to- 
 ward supe- 
 
i8 Egypt 
 
 activity; he is blameworthy who wastes his hour. Do not 
 lose the daily opportunity for the increase of that which 
 thy house possesses. Activity produces riches, and riches 
 do not last when it (activity) slackens. ... 
 Have cour- Declare thy Hne of conduct without reserve; give thine 
 
 aorp frt give 
 
 sound ad- advice in the council of thy lord; there are people who take 
 ^*"" all sides when they speak, so that, by not replying, they 
 
 may not grieve the one who has made a statement. . . . 
 Govern your If thou desirest that thy conduct be good and kept from 
 temper. ^^^ ^^.^^ beware of all fits of bad temper. This is a sad 
 
 malady which leads to discord, and there is no more Hfe 
 at all for the one who falls into it. For it brings quarrels 
 between fathers and mothers, as between brothers and 
 sisters; it makes the wife and the husband abhor each other, 
 it contains all wickedness, it encloses all injuries. When a 
 man takes justice for his rule, walks in her ways, and dwells 
 with her, there is no room left for bad temper. . . . 
 Conduct to- If thou art wise, take care of thy house; love thy wife 
 purely. Fill her stomach; clothe her back; these are the 
 cares to give to her body. Caress her, fulfill her desire 
 during the time of thine existence; it is a kindness which 
 honors its master. Be not brutal; consideration will lead 
 her better than force; . . . this is her breath, her aim, her 
 gaze. This establishes her in thy house; if thou repellest 
 her, it is an abyss. Open thine arms to her for her arms; 
 call her, show her thy love. . . . 
 Conduct of If thou art powerful, pay respect to knowledge and 
 mand. calm speech. Command only to direct ; to be absolute is to 
 
 enter into evil. Let not thy heart exalt itself, let it not be 
 cast down. Make thine orders heard, and make thy re- 
 plies understood; but speak without heat; let thy face be 
 stern. As for the vivacity of a warm heart, temper it; the 
 gentle man overcomes obstacles. The man who hurries 
 
to- 
 
 Precepts 19 
 
 all day long has not one good moment ; but he who amuses 
 himself all day long does not retain his house. Aim at the 
 right point as do the pilots; while one sits down, another 
 works, and applies himself to obeying the command. 
 
 Do not disturb a great man; do not distract the at- •J^^i.^'^^^g 
 tention of the busy man. His care is to accomplish his great or 
 task, and he strips his body for love of the work. Love for 
 the work they do brings men near to God. Therefore com- 
 pose thy face, even in the midst of trouble, so that peace 
 may be with thee. . . . These are the people who suc- 
 ceed where they apply themselves. . . . 
 
 If thou art great after having been low, if thou art rich J^^^^^\°l 
 
 after having been straitened, when thou art at the head of risen to 
 
 , , r ^ 1 • • J. power, 
 
 the city, learn not to take advantage of thy havmg risen to 
 
 the first rank ; do not harden thy heart on account of thine 
 
 elevation; thou hast only become the steward of the goods 
 
 belonging to God. Do not put behind thee the neighbor 
 
 who is thine equal; be to him as a companion. . . . 
 
 Let thy face be bright during all the time of thy hfe. ^^^J^! °- 
 When one of those who entered carrying his products ness. 
 comes out of the place of toll with a drawn face, that shows 
 that his stomach is empty, and that the authorities are an 
 abhorrence to him. May that never happen to thee. . . . 
 
 Distinguish the overseer, who directs, from the laborer; 
 for manual labor is degrading, and inaction is honora- 
 ble. . . . 
 
 When a son receives the word of his father, there is no beTach^^** 
 error in all his plans. So instruct thy son that he shall be ble. 
 a teachable man whose wisdom shall be pleasant to the 
 great. Let him direct his mouth according to that which 
 has been told him; in the teachableness of a son is seen 
 his wisdom. His conduct is perfect, while error carries 
 away him who will not be taught; to-morrow knowl- 
 
20 -^gypt 
 
 edge shall uphold him, while the ignorant shall be 
 crushed. 
 
 S?i^ble ^^ ^°^ ^^^ ^^^ without experience, who hearkens not, 
 
 man. he does nothing at all. He seeks knowledge in ignorance, 
 
 profit in injury ; he commits all sorts of errors, seizing always 
 whatever is the opposite of praiseworthy. Thus he lives 
 only on the perishable. His food is the evil word that 
 charms him. He lives every day on what the great know 
 to be perishable; fleeing what is best for him, because of 
 the many errors which are before him each day. . . . 
 thereof mas- ^° ^^^^ which thy master tells thee. Doubly good is 
 ter. the precept of our father, from whose flesh we come forth. 
 
 May what he tells us be in our hearts; do for him more 
 than he has said and satisfy him wholly. Surely a good 
 son is one of the gifts of God, a son doing better than he 
 has been told. For his master he does what is right, 
 throwing his whole heart into the ways. 
 Value of By following these lessons I secure that thy body shall 
 
 cepts. be m health, that the king shall be satisfied with thee in all 
 
 things, and that thou shaltgain years of life without failures. 
 They have gained for me upon earth one hundred and 
 ten years of life, with the gift of the favor of the king, 
 among the first of those w^hose works have made them 
 noble, doing the pleasure of the king in an honored place. 
 
 X. Epitaph of Beka 
 
 This inscription is on a pillar in the Museum of Turin. Beka, the 
 deceased, was the great steward of the Public Granary. Its value 
 lies chiefly in the enumeration of virtues attributed to the deceased, 
 representing him as a perfect model of conduct in private and official 
 life. Records of the Past, x. 7-10. 
 
 A royal gift of offerings to the person of the Stew- 
 ard of the public granary, Beka, the justified. He says, I 
 
An Epitaph 21 
 
 myself was just and true, without malice, havins; put God His justifi- 
 • , , , • , . , \. , . .,, cation be- 
 
 lli my heart, and having been quick to discern his will, fore the 
 
 I reach the city of those who are in eternity. I have done the^Dead. 
 good upon earth; I have harbored no prejudice; I have not 
 been wicked; I have not approved of any offense or in- 
 iquity. I have taken pleasure in speaking the truth; I 
 have perceived the advantage it is to conform to this 
 practice upon the earth from the first action of my life 
 even to the tomb. My sure defence shall be to speak 
 it (truth) in the day when I reach the divine judges, the 
 skilful interpreters, discoverers of all actions, the chastisers 
 of sins. Pure is my soul. While living, I bear no malice. 
 There are no errors attributable to me, no sins of mine 
 are before their hand. I am come out of this trial with the 
 help of truth, and behold I am in the place of the ancients. 
 Bring ye the food of truth to the Steward of the public 
 granary, Beka, the justified. 
 
 He says, It was I who filled the heart of the Lord of the His relations 
 Two Regions, who was the beloved of the King of Upper and the 
 Egypt, the favorite of the King of Lower Egypt, on ac- *^o"^- 
 count of my preeminent merits, which were the cause 
 of my promotion. Great was I in the place of millions 
 of true perfections. Wherever the King proceeded, I al- 
 ways approached his person, and went joyfully around 
 him adoring his goodness each day, and did homage to Double asp, 
 the double asp on his diadem throughout all time. . . . theki^'sim- 
 I have not made myself master over the lowly; I have done mortality. 
 no harm to men who honored their gods. I have spent 
 my lifetime in the life of truth, until I have attained the 
 age of venefation, being in favor with the King, and be- 
 loved by the great ones about him. The royal dwelling, 
 those who dwelt there, no ill will towards me was in their 
 heart. The men of the future, while they live, will be 
 
22 Egypt 
 
 charmed by my remarkable merits. He who inhabits 
 the place of the fulness of health had given me an import- 
 ant post. 
 ^°°f"*i!- *°' ^^y sincerity and my goodness were in the heart of my 
 parents and father and mother; my affection was in them. Never have 
 I outraged it in my mode of action towards them from the 
 beginning of the time of my youth. Though great, yet 
 have I acted as if I had been a little one. I have not dis- 
 abled anyone worthier than myself. . . . 
 
 XI. Products op Arabia 
 
 A group of inscriptions on the inner walls of an Egyptian temple 
 gives an account of the conquest of Arabia Felix by the Regent 
 Queen Mother of Thothmes III. It includes a description of the 
 spoils brought home by the expedition. Naturally these same prod- 
 ucts were imported from Arabia in time of peace. Records of the Past, 
 X. 14. 
 
 Imports into xhe loading of the ships of transport with a great quant- 
 ent World, 15. ity of the magnificent products of Arabia, with all kinds 
 of precious woods of the Holy Land, with heaps of incense 
 resin, with verdant incense trees, with ebony, with pure 
 ivory, with gold and silver from the land of Amu, with the 
 tesep-wood, and the cassia-bark, aham-incense and mes- 
 temkohl, and hounds, with skins of leopards of the South, 
 apes and monkeys, with women and children. Never 
 has a convoy been made like this one by any king since 
 the creation of the world. 
 
 XII. The Laboring Classes 
 
 From a papyrus in the British Museum, copied in the nineteenth 
 dynasty from an original of the twelfth dynasty or earlier. The 
 document gives an account of the various occupations, and with 
 quaint humor pictures their hardships as contrasted with the easy 
 life of the scribe. Records of the Past, viii. 147-156. 
 
Miseries of Labor 23 
 
 I have not seen a blacksmith on a commission, a founder The hard lot 
 
 of mechan- 
 who goes on an embassy. I have seen the blacksmith ics. 
 
 at his work at the mouth of his furnace, his fingers like 
 
 the skin of a crocodile; he smells worse than the roe of a Ancient 
 
 . . H orld, 14 f. 
 
 fish. Every carpenter carrymg tools — is he more at rest 
 
 than the common laborers? His fields are of wood, his Cutting 
 
 wood. 
 
 tools of metal ; at night when he is free, he works his hands 
 further in making at night the lighting of his house. The 
 stone-cutter, he searches for employment in all kinds of 
 hard stones. When he has completed his task, his arms 
 are fatigued; when he is at rest, his knees and his back are 
 broken. The barber is shaving till evening; when he places 
 himself to eat, he reclines on his elbows. He betakes him- 
 self from street to street to seek after his shaving; he 
 wearies his hands to feed his stomach, as bees feed by their 
 labors. The boatman, he navigates to At'hu that he may 
 have his price. He has done beyond the power of his hands 
 in doing, to kill geese and flamingoes; he has suffered his 
 suffering; he approaches his orchard; he approaches his 
 house at night, for he must go again to his labors on the 
 morrow. 
 
 The little laborer with a field, he passes his life among The field- 
 TT . , r • 1 • r • 1 laborer, 
 
 rustics. He is worn down for vines and pigs, to furnish builder, 
 
 his kitchen with what his fields have. His clothes are |^^ farmer„ 
 
 heavy with weight; he is tied as a forced laborer; he goes 
 
 into the air and he suffers though coming forth M'ell from 
 
 his fireplace. He is bastinadoed with a stick on his legs, 
 
 but escapes with his life. Shut against him is the wall of 
 
 every house — drawn are the chambers. I tell you also 
 
 of the builder of precincts. Disease tastes him, for he is 
 
 in draughts of air. ... To go on to his end, his hands are 
 
 worn with labor. Disordered are his clothes. He eats 
 
 himself, the bread his fingers; he washes himself at one 
 
24 
 
 Egypt 
 
 The weaver, 
 armorer, 
 courier, and 
 other work- 
 men. 
 
 time only. He lowers himself to examine all directions. 
 His passage is from place to place, which is from ten to six 
 cubits; his passage is from month to month upon the 
 beams of the lotuses of the houses, while he does all its 
 work. Should there be bread for him, he gives it his 
 house. Exhausted are his children. The gardener brings 
 me wreaths (?); all his yokes are heavy; his hands are 
 chiefly on his neck. When he has done the fertilizing, he 
 passes the morning watering vegetables, the evening vines. 
 He has worked day by day; his stomach is wretched. 
 Ignorant of his mother is his name — more tranquil than 
 any employment. The farmer, his garments are for eter- 
 nity. He elevates his voice like a bird. His fingers aid me, 
 for his arms are dry in the wind. He reposes at the middle 
 of the marshes, for he is a forced laborer. He is in good 
 health with the beasts. Illnesses taste him; he resides 
 among them. He arrives at his garden; he comes to his 
 house in the evening; he must go out next morning. 
 
 The weaver inside the houses is more wretched than a 
 woman; his knees are at the place of his heart; he has not 
 tasted the air. Should he have done little in a day of his 
 weaving, he is dragged as a lily in a pool. He gives bread 
 to the porter that he may be allowed to behold the light. 
 The maker of weapons suffers extremely, going forth to 
 foreign countries. He gives a great deal for his asses, 
 more than the labors of his hands; he gives a great deal 
 for their pasturing in a field. He gives on the road; he 
 arrives at his garden; he reaches his house at night; he 
 must be off in the morning. The courier, going to foreign 
 countries, bequeaths his goods to his children, because 
 of the fears of beasts and Asiatics. What happens to him 
 when he is at Kam ; he arrives at his garden ; he goes to his 
 house in the evening; he must be off on the morrow. His 
 
Miseries of Labor 25 
 
 heavy bond comes forth; no joys come. The dyer, his 
 fingers smell — the smell of bad fish. His two eyes are 
 weary with very fatigue; his hand does not stop; he watches 
 at the rent of the old garment — abominable are the clothes. 
 The sandal-maker is very miserable, he is always begging; 
 his health is as the health of a bad fish; he gnaws the 
 leather. The washerman, washing on the quay, traverses 
 the ground approaching the crocodiles. The father of 
 the water brings out the dirt: his hand does not stop. A 
 quiet employment is not before you, no easier than other 
 employment. His draughts are mixed up with his clothes: 
 not a limb of him is clean. There is given to him the bonds 
 of women, for he is in misfortunes. I lament to thee that 
 he passes his time with a bat. . . . The fowler of birds 
 suffers very much. The confines of Num are before thee, 
 when he says, "Let the net refuse." The god will not 
 show his forms; vain are his plans. I tell you the fisher- 
 man suffers more than any employment. Consider: is he 
 not toiling on the river? he is mixed up with the crocodiles. 
 Should the clumps of papyrus diminish, then he is crying 
 out for help. If he has not been told a crocodile is there, 
 terrors blind him. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Who was Strabo, and what did he write?. Who was Plato 
 (ch. vi)? How did they get their information as to Egypt? Describe 
 the overflow of the Nile and explain its cause. 
 
 2. Who was Herodotus (ch. vi)? What made the Nile so fertile? 
 
 3. Describe the building of the greatest pyramid. How was 
 Cheops able to build so grandly? What did the people probably 
 think of such undertakings? 
 
 4. Write in the simplest form the terms of treaty between Ram- 
 eses II and the Hittites. Who were the Hittites? What is meant by 
 extradition? 
 
26 Egypt 
 
 5. Why did the King of Egypt think himself a god? What benefits 
 did he derive from Ptah? On what did he especially pride himself? 
 
 6. Who was Amon? What qualities and powers are ascribed to him 
 
 in this poem? 
 
 7. Why did the Egyptians worship the Nile? In this Hymn what 
 benefits do they say come from it? 
 
 8. What valuables did robbers find in tombs? 
 
 9. Write a list of the precepts in this extract from " the oldest book 
 in the world." How do these ideas of right and propriety compare 
 with ours? 
 
 10. Of what virtues does Beka boast in his epitaph? Is it likely 
 that he lived up to this standard? 
 
 11. From this list of the spoils of Arabia what do we infer as to the 
 Egyptian motive to conquest? 
 
 12. Make a list of the laboring classes found in this selection com- 
 posed by a scribe. What was the scribe's attitude toward manual 
 labor? 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 THE TIGRIS-EUPHRATES VALLEY 
 I. Chronicle of the Reign of Sargon 
 
 The tablet translated below is in the British Museum. Although 
 this chronicle was composed in the second Babylonian period (after 
 606 B.C.), it is known to be a faithful epitome of a far earlier narra- 
 tive. King, Chronicles, ii. 3-9. 
 
 Sargon, King of Agade, through the royal gift of Ishtar His reign, 
 was exalted, and he possessed no foe nor rival. His glory b.c '^°° 
 over the world he poured out. The Sea in the East he 
 crossed, and in the eleventh year the Country of the West Ancient 
 in its full extent his hand subdued. He united them under 
 one control; he set up his images in the West; their booty The Sea in 
 he brought over at his word. The sons of his palace for Persian Gulf. 
 five kasbti around he settled, and over the hosts of the ^ven^miles"*^ 
 world he reigned supreme. Against Kasalla he marched, 
 and he turned Kasalla into mounds and heaps of ruins; he A Babylonian 
 destroyed the land and left not enough for a bird to rest 
 thereon. Afterward in his old age all the* lands revolted 
 against him, and they beseiged him in Agade; and Sargon 
 went forth to battle and defeated them; he accomplished 
 their overthrow, and their widespreading host he destroyed. 
 Afterward he attacked the land of Subartu in his might, 
 and they submitted to his arms, and Sargon settled that 
 revolt, and defeated them; he accomplished their over- 
 throw, and their widespreading host he destroyed, and 
 he brought their possessions into Agade. The soil from 
 the trenches of Babylon he removed, and the boundaries 
 
 27 
 
 city. 
 
 i 
 
28 The Tigris-Euphrates Valley 
 
 Probably he 
 made the ter- 
 ritory of 
 Agade as 
 large as that 
 of Babylon. 
 
 of Agade he made like those of Babylon. But because of 
 the evil which he had committed the great lord Marduk 
 was angry, and he destroyed his people by famine. From 
 the rising of the Sun unto the setting of the sun they op- 
 posed him and gave him no rest. 
 
 Hammurabi, 
 king of Bab- 
 ylon, 1958- 
 1916. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 25. 
 
 Marduk, chief 
 god of Baby- 
 lon. Bel 
 
 (Baal) means 
 "lord." 
 
 Sumer and 
 Accad, 
 countries of 
 the Sumer- 
 ians and the 
 Accadians; 
 Ancient 
 World, 23. 
 
 Such assem- 
 blies of the 
 people are 
 unusual in 
 the Orient. 
 
 The divine 
 right of kings 
 is e.xtremely 
 ancient. 
 
 II. Achievements of Hammurabi 
 
 An inscription in the Babylonian language, a dialect of the Semitic, 
 in the Museum of Paris. All the inscriptions of Oriental kings lay 
 stress on their great piety and on the favor of the gods through which 
 they rule and win victories in war. This document attests further 
 the paternal care of Hammurabi for his people. Records of the Pasl, i.^ 
 
 Hammurabi, the exalted King, the King of Babylon, 
 the King renowned throughout the world, conqueror of 
 the enemies of Marduk, the King beloved by his heart am I. 
 
 The favor of god and Bel gave the people of Sumer and 
 Accad unto my government. Their celestial weapons 
 unto my hand they gave. The canal Hammurabi, the 
 joy of men, a stream of abundant waters, for the people 
 of Sumer and Accad I excavated. Its banks, all of them, 
 I restored to newness; new supporting walls I heaped up; 
 perennial waters for the people of Sumer and Accad I 
 provided. 
 
 The people of Sumer and Accad, all of them, in general 
 assemblies I summoned. A review and inspection of them I 
 ordained every year. In joy and abundance I watched 
 over them, and in peaceful habitations I caused them to 
 dwell. 
 
 By the divine favor I am Hammurabi, the exalted King, 
 the worshipper of the supreme deity. 
 
 With the prosperous power which Marduk gave me, 
 I built a lofty citadel on a h'gh mound of earth, whose 
 
i 
 
 Y 
 
 The Oldest Extant Code 29 
 
 summits rose up like mountains, on the bank of Ham- 
 murabi river, the joy of men. 
 
 III. Laws of Hammurabi 
 
 ' If a man bring an accusation against a man and charge Capital of- 
 ' fences 
 
 him with a (capital) crime, but cannot prove it, he, the 
 
 accuser, shall be put to death. 
 
 If a man in a case (pending judgment) bear false wit- As an intro- 
 
 . , . duction to 
 
 ness, or do not establish the testmiony he has given, if this extract, 
 that case be a case involving Hfe, that man shall be put to \l^orid, §§34, 
 death. 41- 
 
 If a man steal the property of a god or palace, that man This code 
 
 TTIfl k PS fl fP- 
 
 shall be put to death; and he who receives from his hand markabiy free 
 
 the stolen (property) shall also be put to death. dllth pen- 
 
 ^ If a man aid a male or female slave of a freeman to ^^^y- 
 
 escape from the city gate, he shall be put to death. 
 
 If a man practice brigandage and be captured, that man 
 
 shall be put to death. 
 
 If the brigand be not captured, the man who has been State insur- 
 ,,,,„., f , , ... ance against 
 
 robbed, shall m the presence of god make an itemized robbery. 
 
 statement of his loss, and the city and the governor, in 
 whose province and jurisdiction the robbery was com- 
 mitted, shall compensate him for whatever was lost. 
 
 If a son be too young and be not able to conduct the Women in 
 
 . . business, 
 
 business of his father, they shall give one third of the field 
 
 and of the garden to his mother, and his mother shall rear 
 
 him. 
 
 A woman, merchant or other property holder may sell 
 field, garden or house. The purchaser shall conduct the 
 business of the field, garden or house which he has pur- 
 chased. 
 
 If outlaws collect in the house of a wine-seller, and she 
 
 > 
 
30 The Tigris-Euphrates Valley 
 
 do not arrest these outlaws and bring them to the police, 
 the wine-seller shall be put to death. 
 Family law. If a man be in debt and sell his wife, son or daughter, or 
 bind them over to service, for three years they shall work 
 in the house of their purchaser or master; in the fourth 
 year they shall be given their freedom. 
 
 If a man take a wife and do not arrange with her the 
 proper contracts, that woman is not a (legal) wife. 
 
 >If a woman hate her husband and say: "Thou shalt not 
 have me," they shall inquire into her antecedents for her 
 defects; and if she have been a careful mistress and be 
 without reproach and her husband have been going about 
 greatly belittling her, that woman has no blame. She 
 shall receive her dowry and shall go to her father's 
 house. 
 
 If she have not been a careful mistress, have gadded 
 y^about and have belittled her husband, they shall throw that 
 woman into the water. 
 
 If a son strike his father, they shall cut off his fingers. 
 
 " An eye for jf ^ man destroy the eye of another man, they shall 
 
 an eye and a 
 
 tooth for a destroy his eye. 
 
 *°°* ■ If one break a man's bone, they shall break his bone. 
 
 ■s^If one destroy the eye of a man's slave or break a bone 
 
 of a man's slave, he shall pay one half his price. 
 
 Compensa- Jf a physician operate on a man for a severe wound 
 
 work. (or make a severe wound on a man) with a bronze lancet 
 
 and save the man's life; or if he open an abscess (in the 
 
 eye) of a man with a bronze lancet and save that man's 
 
 eye, he shall receive ten shekels (as a fee). 
 
 If with a bronze lancet a physician operate on a man 
 
 for a severe wound and cause the man's death; or with a 
 
 bronze lancet open an abscess (in the eye) of a man and 
 
 destroy the man's eye, they shall cut off his fingers. 
 
Assyria 31 
 
 If a man hire a field laborer, he shall pay 8 gur of grain 
 per year. 
 
 If a male slave say to his master: "Thou art not my ^^^Jf^^^^*^ 
 master," his master shall prove him to be his slave and 
 shall cut off his ear. 
 
 IV. TiGLATH-PlLESER I 
 
 This document is inscribed on four large octagonal cylinders of 
 clay, originally buried under the foundations of the four corners of a 
 temple in the ancient city of Assur, and now in the British Museum. 
 Records of the Past, i. 92-121. 
 
 Ye great gods, guiders of heaven and earth, whose on- ^iglath- 
 
 set is opposition and combat, who have magnified the circa 1125. 
 kingdom of Tiglath-Pileser, the prince, the chosen, of the 
 
 desire of vour hearts, the exalted shepherd, whom you The first not- 
 
 -' . , able Assyrian 
 
 have conjured in the steadfastness of your hearts, witn a conqueror; 
 crown supreme you have clothed him; to rule over the fj^^/J^'^?. 
 land of Bel mightily you have established him; priority 
 of birth, supremacy and heroism have you given him; the 
 destiny of his lordship for his increase and supremacy, to 
 inhabit Bit-kharsag-kurkurra forever you have summoned. 
 
 Alav Assur and the great gods who have magnified my Conquest 
 kingdom, who have given increase and strength to my tion. 
 fetters, who have ordered the boundary of their land to be 
 enlarged, cause my hand to hold their mighty weapons, A^s^ur^ t^he^su- 
 even the deluge of battle. Countries, mountains, for- Assyria. 
 tresses, and kinglets, the enemies of Assur, I have con- 
 quered, and their territories I have made submit. With 
 sixty kings I have contended furiously, and power and 
 rivalry over them I displayed. A rival in the combat, a 
 confronter in the battle have I not. To the land of As- 
 syria I have added land, to its men I have added men; the 
 
32 The Tigris-Euphrates Valley 
 
 Treatment 
 of the con- 
 quered. 
 
 He spares 
 suppliants. 
 
 Zoological 
 collection. 
 
 boundary of my own land I have enlarged, and all their 
 lands I have conquered. . . . 
 
 Trusting in Assur my lord I assembled my chariots 
 and armies. Thereupon I delayed not. The mountain of 
 Kasi-Yara, a difficult region, I crossed, with their twenty 
 thousand fighting men, and their five kings in the land 
 of Kummukh I contended. A destruction of them I made. 
 The bodies of their warriors in destructive battle like the 
 inundator (Rimmon) I overthrew; their corpses I spread 
 over the valleys and the high places of the mountains. 
 Their heads I cut off; at the sides of their cities I heaped 
 them like mounds. Their spoil, their property, their goods, 
 to a countless number I brought forth. Six thousand men, 
 the relics of their armies, which before my weapons had 
 fled, took my feet. I laid hold upon them and counted 
 them among the men of my own country. . . . 
 
 Under the protection of Uras, who loves me, 120 lions 
 with my stout heart, in the conflict of my heroism on my 
 feet, I slew; and 800 hong in my chariot with javehns I 
 slaughtered. All the cattle of the field and the birds of 
 heaven that fly, among my rarefies I placed. . . . 
 
 Site and 
 building ma- 
 terials. 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 27. 
 
 V. Nebuchadnezzar's Palace 
 
 This brief reference to the building of a palace in Babylon is taken 
 from a long inscription by that monarch, whose chief interest was in 
 the construction of public works and other internal improvements. 
 Records of the Past, v. 130 f. 
 
 A palace of My Royalty for the land of Babylon, in 
 the midst of the city of Babylon. . . . 
 
 Opposite the waters I laid its foundations and with 
 brick and cement I skilfully surrounded it; tall cedars for 
 its porticoes I fitted — ikki and cedar woods with layers of 
 copper ; domes and arches were covered with bronze work. I 
 
Babylon 3^ 
 
 strongly overlaid its gates with silver, gold, precious stones, 
 whatsoever they call them, in heaps; I vaHantly collected 
 spoils; as an adornment of the house were they arranged, 
 and were collected within it; trophies, abundance, royal 
 treasures, I accumulated, and gathered together. 
 
 VI. Babylon 
 
 Babylon itself also is situated in a plain. The wall is Walls and 
 
 . , . , rr,. Hanging 
 
 385 stadia in circumference, and t,2 feet in thickness. The Gardens. 
 
 height of the space between the towers is 50, and of the 
 
 towers 60 cubits. The roadway upon the walls will allow Strabo xvi. 
 
 chariots with four horses when they meet to pass each other 
 
 with ease. Whence, among the seven wonders of the world, 
 
 are reckoned this wall and the hanging garden: the shape 
 
 of the garden is a square, and each side of it measures Ancient 
 
 " . , " orla, 27 I. 
 
 four plethra. It consists of vaulted terraces, raised one 
 above another, and resting upon cube-shaped pillars. 
 These are hollow and filled with earth to allow trees of the 
 largest size to be planted. The pillars, the vaults, and the 
 terraces are constructed of baked brick and asphalt. 
 
 The ascent to the highest story is by stairs, and at their 
 side are water engines, by means of which persons, ap- 
 pointed expressly for the purpose, are continually em- 
 ployed in raising water from the Euphrates into the gar- 
 den. For the river, which is a stadium in breadth, flows 
 through the middle of the city, and the garden is on the 
 side of the river. 
 
 VII. The Chaldean Account or the Deluge 
 
 This account of the flood is found inscribed on some Assyrian 
 tablets in the British Museum. The origin, age, and history of the 
 legend are not known. It forms a part of the "Epic of Gilgamesh" 
 in twelve books. Ancient World, 32. It is interesting to compare 
 
34 The Tigris-Euphrates Valley 
 
 this account of the deluge with that of Genesis, chs. vi-ix. (Amer- 
 ican) Records of the Past, i. 376-380. 
 
 The gods Nuh-napishtim saith to him, even to Gilgamesh: let 
 
 buifding^of a me unfold to thee, Gilgamesh, a secret story, and the decree 
 
 ^^'P* of the gods let me tell thee! Shurippak, a city thou know- 
 
 Nuh-napish- est. On the banks of the Euphrates it lieth; that city was 
 
 Brbylonfan fuU of violence, and the gods within it— to make a flood 
 
 Sesh^to their heart urged them, even the mighty gods. Their 
 
 whom he tells father was Anu, their counsellor the warrior Bel, their 
 
 the story, is .,,.,• x • nvy • • 
 
 a hero, like throne-bearer Nmib, their champion Innugi. JNin-igi- 
 HerSile? azeg, even la, had sat near them, and their talk he re- 
 peated to the reed-fence : " Reed-fence, reed-fence ! House- 
 Shurippakis -wall! house-wall! Reed-fence listen! and house-wall, 
 of "^Babylonia; give heed! Man of Shurippak, son of Ubara-Tutu, pull 
 heTven! Bel ^own the house, and build a ship! Leave goods, seek life! 
 (Baai),'^ Property forsake, and life preserve! Cause seed of hfe 
 
 epithet of of every sort to go up into the ship! The ship which thou 
 Sthf e1i,°^ Shalt build, exact be its dimensions ; equal be its length and 
 the sea god. breadth ! On the ocean launch it ! " 
 
 Building and I understood, and said unto la, my lord, "The command, 
 thelwp!^ my lord, which thou spakest thus, I honor, I will do it! 
 But what shall I answer the city, the people, and the el- 
 ders? " la framed his mouth and answered, He saith unto 
 me, his slave, "Answer thus thou shalt make unto them, 
 'Bel hath rejected and hateth me, and I may no longer 
 dwell in your city, and toward Bel's ground I may no 
 longer turn my face; but I will go down to the ocean, and 
 with la my lord will I dwell! Upon you it will rain 
 heavily.'" . . . 
 A common On the fifth day I laid down the frame of it; at its bul- 
 
 18 inches. °^ warks its sides were 140 cubits high; the border of its top 
 equaled 140 cubits. I laid down its form, I figured it; I 
 constructed it in six stories, dividing it into seven com- 
 
The Great Flood 35 
 
 partments; its floors I divided into nine chambers each. 
 Water-pegs inside it I drove to stop leaks. I chose a mast 
 and supplied what was necessary: six sars of bitumen I 
 poured over the outside, three sars of bitumen I poured 
 over the inside. While the basket-bearers were carrying 
 three sars of oil abroad, I reserved one sar of oil, which the 
 libations consumed; two sars of oil the shipmen stored 
 away. For the men's food I slaughtered oxen; I slew small 
 cattle every day; new wine, sesame wine, oil and grape 
 wine, the people I gave to drink, like the water of a river. 
 A feast I made, like New Year's Day. With all that I 
 possessed I freighted it; with all that I had of silver I 
 freighted it; with all that I had of gold I freighted it; wath 
 all that I had of seed of life of every sort I freighted it; 
 I put on board all my family and clan; cattle of the field, 
 wild beasts of the field, all the craftsmen, I put on board. 
 
 A time Samas appointed, saying, "When the Lord of The flood. 
 Storm at eventide causes the heavens to rain heavily, enter ■ 
 into the ship, and shut thy door!" That time came; the Samas is the 
 Lord of Storm at eventide caused the heavens to rain ^"^s° 
 heavily. I dreaded the appearance of day; I was afraid 
 of beholding day; I entered the ship and shut my door. 
 For the steering of the ship, to Bezur-Bel, the shipman, 
 the great vessel I handed over, with its freight. When the 
 first light of dawn appeared there rose from the foundation 
 of heaven a black cloud: Rimmon in the heart of it thun- Rimmon, god 
 ders, and Nebo and Marduk march before; the Throne- Marduk, 'god 
 Bearers march o'er mountain and plain. The mighty Kebo^ Ws°son. 
 Dibbarra wrenches away the helm; Ninib goes on, pouring 
 out ruin. The Anunnaki (earth spirits) lift torches; with Ninib, chief 
 their sheen they lighten the world. Rimmon's violence spirits, 
 reacheth heaven; whatever is bright he turneth into dark- 
 ness. One day the southern blast hard it blew, and like a 
 
36 The Tigris-Euphrates Valley 
 
 Tshtar, god- 
 dess of love 
 and beauty, 
 like the Greek 
 Aphrodite 
 (Lat. Venus). 
 
 The flood 
 abates. 
 
 battle-charge upon mankind rush the waters. One no 
 longer sees another; no more are men discerned in heaven. 
 The gods were dismayed at the flood, and sought refuge 
 in ascending to the highest heaven ; the gods cowered like 
 dogs; on the battlements of heaven they crouched. Ishtar 
 screamed like a woman in travail, the loud-voiced Lady of 
 the gods exclaims, "Yon generation is turned again to clay ! 
 As I in the assembly of the gods foretold the evil — like 
 as I foretold in the assembly of the gods the evil ; a tempest 
 for the destruction of the people I foretold. But I will 
 give birth to my people again, though like the fry of fishes 
 they fill the sea ! " Because of the Anunnaki, the gods wept 
 with her; the gods were downcast, they sat weeping; 
 closed were their lips. During six days and nights wind, 
 flood, storm, ever more fiercely whelmed the land. 
 
 When the seventh day came, storm and flood ceased the 
 battle, wherein they had contended like a host: the sea 
 lulled, the blast fell, the flood ceased. I looked for the 
 people with a cry of lamentation; but all mankind had 
 turned again into clay; the tilled land was becoming like 
 the waste. I opened the window, and daylight fell upon 
 my cheeks; crouching I sit and weep; over my cheeks course 
 my tears. I looked at the heavens, the borders of the sea; 
 toward the twelfth point rose the land. To the country 
 of Nizir the ship made way; the mountain of the country 
 of Nizir caught the ship, and suffered it not to stir. One 
 day, a second day, the mountains of Nizir caught the 
 ship; a third day, a fourth day, the mountains of Nizir 
 caught the ship; a fifth, a sixth, the mountains of Nizir 
 caught the ship. But when the seventh day was come, I 
 brought out a dove and let it go. The dove went to and 
 fro, but found no foothold, and returned. Then I brought 
 out a swallow and let it go; the swaflow went to and fro. 
 
The Great Flood 37 
 
 but found no foothold and returned. Then I brought out 
 
 a raven and let it go; the raven went off, noticed the dying 
 
 of the water, and feeding, wading, croaking, returned not. 
 
 Then I brought out everything to the four winds, sacri- J^ey go 
 
 iiced victims, made an oilering of incense on the mountam the ship. 
 
 top; seven and seven tripods I set, into their bowls I 
 
 poured calamus, cedar, fragrant herbs; the gods snuffed 
 
 the odor, the gods snuffed the pleasant odor, the gods like 
 
 flies swarmed above the sacrificer. But when Ishtar was 
 
 come from afar, she lifted up the Great Gems, which 
 
 Anu had made to adorn her. "These gods," she cried, 
 
 "by mine azure collar I will never forget! These days will 
 
 I bear in mind and nevermore forget! Let the gods go to 
 
 the incense offering! But let Bel never go to the incense 
 
 offering. Forasmuch as he took no counsel, but caused 
 
 the flood and delivered my people to destruction." But 
 
 when Bel was come from afar, he saw the ship, and Bel 
 
 waxed wrathful; he was filled with wrath at the gods, and 
 
 the Igigi (spirits of heaven): "Some soul," he cried, "hath 
 
 escaped! Let not a man survive the destruction! " Ninib 
 
 frameth his mouth and speaketh — he saith to the warrior 
 
 Bel: "Who then but la doeth the thing? la is versed in 
 
 every wile." 
 
 la frameth his mouth and speaketh — he saith to the Other forms 
 
 of destruc- 
 warrior Bel, "Thou, sage of the gods and warrior, in no- tion for men. 
 
 wise hast thou been well-counselled in causing a flood! 
 On the sinner lay his sin! On the guilty lay his guilt! 
 But remit somewhat! Let him not be cut off! forbear! 
 let him not be swept away! Instead of thy causing a 
 flood, let the lion come and minish mankind! Instead of ' 
 thy causing a flood, let the leopard come and minish man- 
 kind! Instead of thy causing a flood, let famine break 
 out and desolate the land! Instead of thy causing a flood. 
 
38 The Tigris-Euphrates Valley 
 
 let pestilence come and slay mankind! I divulged not 
 
 the decision of the mighty gods; someone caused Atranaeis 
 
 to see visions, and so he heard the decisions of the gods." 
 
 Thereupon he took counsel with himself; Bel came on 
 
 board the ship, seized my hand and led me up out of the 
 
 ship, let up my wife and made her kneel beside me; he 
 
 turned us face to face, and standing between us, blessed 
 
 Nuh-napish- yg^ saying, "Ere this, Nuh-napishtim was human; but 
 
 wife become now Nuh-napishtim and his wife shall be like us gods! 
 
 g°^^- Nuh-napishtim shall dwell far away from men, at the 
 
 mouth of the rivers!" Then they took me, and made me 
 
 dwell far away, at the mouth of the rivers. 
 
 VIII. The Descent of Ishtar to Hades 
 
 This legend is from a tablet in the British Museum. The begin- 
 ning of it is here given for the purpose of showing the Babylonian and 
 Assyrian view of the future world and of the condition of the dead. 
 Records of the Past, i^ 145 ff. 
 
 To the land of Hades, the region of her desire, Ishtar 
 daughter of the Moon-god San turned her mind, and the 
 daughter of San fixed her mind to go there; to the house 
 where all meet, the dwelling of the god Irkalla, to the house 
 men enter, but cannot depart from; to the road men go, 
 but cannot return. The abode of darkness and famine, 
 where earth is their food; their nourishment is clay; light 
 is not seen; in darkness they dwell; ghosts, like birds, flut- 
 ter their wings there; on the door and gate-posts the dust 
 lies undisturbed. 
 
 IX. Prayers for tiie Soul of a Dying Man 
 
 r Records of the Past, iii. 134. 
 
 I. Like a bird may it fly to a lofty place! To the holy 
 lands of its god, may it ascend! 
 
Astronomy; Magic 39 
 
 II. The man who is departing in glory: may his soul These prayers 
 shine radiant as brass. To that man may the Sun give happier out- 
 Hfe! and Marduk, eldest Son of heaven, grant him an fu^ureWe.'^" 
 abode of happiness! ■ 
 
 X. An Astronomical Observation 
 
 Report of the astfonomer Ablua to the king of Accad. Records of 
 the Past, i^. 159. 
 
 The 15th day the Moon and Sun with one another 
 are seen. The face is stedfast. The heart of land is good. 
 Joy possesses the heart of the inhabitants. The gods of 
 Accad to prosperity consign it. The Moon and the Sun 
 are clear; the King of the land his ears enlarges. The re- 
 port of Ablua. 
 
 XL Babylonian Charms 
 
 The Babylonians and Assyrians believed in hosts of noxious 
 spirits which attacked different parts of the body. The charms were 
 repeated to keep them away or to expel them from the body. Records 
 of the Past, i-. 135-7. 
 
 Wasting, want of health, the evil spirit of the ulcer, The aim of 
 spreading quinsey of the gullet, the violent ulcer, the to expel the 
 noxious ulcer. Spirit of heaven remember, spirit of earth ^^^u^S '^^" 
 remember. 
 
 He who makes an image which injures the man, an evil This charm 
 face, an evil eye, an evil mouth, an evil tongue, evil lips, act the evil 
 an evil poison. Spirit of heaven remember, spirit of earth sucMmage^ 
 remember. 
 
 On the sick man by the sacrifice of mercy may perfect Charm forthe 
 health shine like bronze; may the Sun-god give this man sick. 
 life; may Marduk, the eldest son of the deep give him 
 
40 The Tigris-Euphrates Valley 
 
 Dress. 
 
 Herodotus i. 
 195- 
 
 Marriage. 
 
 lb. 196. 
 
 Strength, prosperity, and health. Spirit of heaven re- 
 member, spirit of earth remember. 
 
 XII. Babylonian Customs 
 
 The following is the manner of dress which they use, 
 namely a linen tunic reaching to the feet, and over this 
 they put on another of wool, and then a white mantle 
 thrown around, while they have shoes of native fashion 
 rather like the Boeotian slippers. They wear their hair 
 long and bind their heads around with fillets, and they 
 are anointed over the whole of their bodies with perfumes. 
 Each man has a seal and staff carved by hand, and on each 
 staff is carved either an apple or a rose or a lily or an eagle 
 or some other device, for it is not their custom to have a 
 staff without a device upon it. 
 
 Such is the equipment of their bodies: and the customs 
 which are established among them are as follows, the wis- 
 est in our opinion being this, which I am informed that 
 the Enetoi in Illyria also have. In every village once in 
 each year it was done as follows: — when the maidens grew 
 to the age for marriage, they gathered these all together 
 and brought them in a body to one place, and round them 
 stood a company of men: and the crier caused each one 
 severally to stand up, and proceeded to sell them, first 
 the most comely of all, and afterwards, when she had been 
 sold and had fetched a large sum of money, he would put 
 up another who was the most comely after her: and they 
 were sold for marriage. Now all the wealthy men of the 
 Babylonians who were ready to marry vied with one an- 
 other in bidding for the most beautiful maidens; those 
 however of the common sort who were ready to marry 
 did not require a fine form, but they would accept money 
 together with less comely maidens. For when the crier 
 
Babylonian Marriage 41 
 
 had made an end of selling the most comely of the maidens, 
 then he would cause to stand up the one who was least 
 shapely, or any one of them who might be crippled in any 
 way, and he would make proclamation of her, asking who 
 was willing for least gold to have her in marriage, until 
 she was assigned to him who was willing to accept least; 
 and the gold would be got from the sale of the comely 
 maidens, and so those of beautiful form provided dowries 
 for those who were unshapely or crippled; but to give in 
 marriage one's own daughter to whomsoever each man 
 would, was not allowed, nor to carry off the maiden after 
 buying her without a surety; for it was necessary for the 
 man to provide sureties that he would marry her, before 
 he took her away; and if they did not agree well together, 
 the law was laid down that he should pay back the money. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Describe in simple language the achievements of Sargon. What 
 does the writer suppose to have been the cause of the famine? 
 
 2. Of what especial achievements does Hammurabi boast? 
 
 3. How were crimes punished under his code? What legal rights 
 were enjoyed by women? by children? 
 
 4. What had the Assyrian gods to do with conquest? What are 
 all the motives to conquest mentioned in this selection? How were 
 the conquered treated? 
 
 5. Describe Nebuchadnezzar's palace. 
 
 6. Describe the two greatest "Wonders" of Babylon. 
 
 7. Where in the Bible is the account of the flood? Compare it 
 in detail with the Chaldean account. 
 
 8. What view of the future Ufe do we find in this selection? 
 
 9. Compare this view of the future world with that in the selection 
 above. 
 
 10. Explain the meaning of this selection. 
 
 11. What light does this selection throw on Babylonian character-? 
 
 12. What is your opinion of the marriage custom of the Babylonians 
 here described by Herodotus? 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 SYRIA: THE PHCENICIANS AND THE HEBREWS 
 
 Comparative 
 importance. 
 
 Strabo xvi. 2. 
 22-4. 
 
 Ancient 
 World. 38 f. 
 
 Tyre: its 
 dwellings 
 and dye- 
 works. 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 280 f. 
 
 I. SiDON AND Tyre 
 
 Next to Sidon is Tyre, the largest and most ancient 
 city of the Phoenicians. This city is the rival of Sidon in 
 magnitude, fame, and antiquity, as recorded in many 
 fables. For although poets have celebrated Sidon more 
 than Tyre (Homer does not even mention Tyre), yet 
 the colonies sent into Africa and Spain, as far as, and 
 beyond the pillars, extol much more the glory of Tyre. 
 Both however were formerly, and are at present, dis- 
 tinguished and illustrious cities, but which of the two 
 should be called the capital of Phoenicia is a subject of 
 dispute among the inhabitants. Sidon is situated upon a 
 fine naturally-formed harbor on the mainland. 
 
 Tyre is wholly an island, built in nearly the same man- 
 ner as Aradus. It is joined to the continent by a mound, 
 which Alexander raised, when he was besieging it. It has 
 two harbors, one close, the other open, which is called the 
 Egyptian harbor. The houses here, it is said, consist of 
 many stories, of more than at Rome; on the occurrence, 
 therefore, of an earthquake, the city was nearly demolished. 
 It sustained great injury when it was taken by siege by 
 Alexander, but it rose above these misfortunes, and recov- 
 ered itself both by the skill of the people in the art of navi- 
 gation, in which the Phoenicians in general have always 
 excelled all nations, and by (the export of) purple-dyed 
 manufactures, the Tyrian purple being in the highest esti- 
 
 42 
 
Sea-Purple and Tin 43 
 
 mation. The shell-fish from which it is procured is caught 
 near the coast, and the Tyrians have in great abundance 
 other requisites for dyeing. The great number of dyeing 
 works renders the city unpleasant as a place of residence, 
 but the superior skill of the people in the practice of this 
 art is the source of its wealth. Their independence was 
 secured to them at a small expense to themselves, not only 
 by the kings of Syria, but also by the Romans, who con- 
 firmed what the former had conceded. They pay extrava- 
 gant honors to Hercules. The great number and magni- 
 tude of their colonies and cities are proofs of their mari- 
 time skill and power. Such then are the Tyrians. 
 
 The Sidonians are said by historians to excel in various Intellectual 
 kinds of art, as the words of Homer also imply. Be- '"'■ 
 sides, they cultivate science and study astronomy and 
 arithmetic, to which they were led by the application of Strabo 1. c. 
 numbers (in accounts) and night sailing, each of which 
 (branches of knowledge) concerns the merchant and sea- 
 man. 
 
 II. The Cassiterides Islands 
 
 The Cassiterides are ten in number, and lie near each The Natives 
 other in the ocean towards the north from the haven of trade. 
 the Artabri. One of them is desert, but the others are 
 inhabited by men in black cloaks, clad in tunics reaching 
 to the feet, girt about the breast, and walking with staves, Strabo iii. s, 
 thus resembling the Furies we see in tragic representa- 
 tions. They subsist by their cattle, leading for the most 
 part a wandering life. Of the metals they have tin and 
 lead; which with skins they barter with the merchants 
 for earthenware, salt, and brazen vessels. Formerly the 
 Phoenicians alone carried on this trafific from Gades, con- 
 cealing the passage from every one; and when the Romans 
 
 II. 
 
44 Syria 
 
 followed a certain ship-master, that they also might find 
 the market, the ship-master in jealousy purposely ran 
 his vessel upon a shoal, leading on those who followed him 
 into the same destructive disaster; he himself escaped by 
 means of a fragment of the ship, and received from the 
 state the value of the cargo he had lost. The Romans 
 nevertheless by frequent efforts discovered the passage, 
 and as soon as Publius Crassus, passing over to them, per- 
 ceived that the metals were dug out at a little depth and 
 that the men were peaceably disposed, he declared it to 
 those who already wished to traffic in this sea for profit, 
 although the passage was longer than that to Britain. 
 
 III. Phoenicians Work the Iberian Silver Mines 
 
 The Silver Almost all this country is full of such mines, whence 
 
 mines. . ' 
 
 IS dug very good and pure silver; so that those who deal 
 
 in that metal, gain great profit. And in the former book 
 
 Diodorusv. 2. we have spoken of the Pyrenees mountains in Iberia, when 
 
 we treated of the acts and achievements of Hercules; these 
 
 are the highest and greatest of all; for from the south sea, 
 
 Ancient almost as far as the northern ocean, they divide Gaul from 
 
 World, 39 f. , . . . 
 
 Iberia and Celtiberia, running out for the space of three 
 thousand furlongs. As these places are full of woods, 
 it is reported that in ancient time this mountainous tract 
 was set on fire by some shepherds, and continued burning 
 for many days together, whence the mountains were called 
 Pyrenees. The parched surface of the earth sweated, 
 abundance of silver, the ore being melted, flowed down in 
 pure streams like a river. Its use being unknown to the 
 inhabitants, the Phoenician merchants bought it for trifles 
 given in exchange, and by transporting it into Greece, 
 Asia, and all other nations, greatly enriched themselves; 
 and such was their covetousness, that when they had fully 
 
Colonization and Commerce 45 
 
 loaded their ships, and had much more silver to bring 
 aboard, they cut off the lead from their anchors, and made 
 use of silver instead of the other metal. 
 
 For a long time using this trade, and so growing more 
 and more wealthy, the Phoenicians sent many colonies 
 into Sicily and the neighboring islands, and at length into 
 Africa and Sardinia. 
 
 IV. Phcenician Trade 
 
 The Carthaginians say also this, namely, that there A peculiar 
 is a place in Libya and men dwelling there, outside the barter. 
 Pillars of Heracles, to whom when they have come ard 
 have taken the merchandise forth from their ships, they Herodotus iv. 
 set it in order along the beach and embark again in their 
 ships, and after that they raise a smoke; and the natives 
 of the country seeing the smoke, come to the sea, and then 
 they lay down gold as an equivalent for the merchandise 
 and retire to a distance away from the merchandise. The 
 Carthaginians upon that disembark and examine it, and 
 if the gold is, in their opinion, sufficient for the value of the 
 merchandise, they take it up and go their way; but if not, 
 they embark again in their ships and sit there; and the 
 others approach and straightway add more gold to the 
 former, until they satisfy them; and they say that neither 
 party wrongs the other; for neither do the Carthaginians 
 lay hands on the gold until it is made equal to the value 
 of their merchandise, nor do the others lay hands on the 
 merchandise until the Carthaginians have taken the gold. 
 
 V. The Commerce of Tyre 
 
 Tyrus, thou hast said, I am of perfect beauty. industries 
 
 Thy borders are in the midst of the seas, thy builders ^° i™Por s. 
 have perfected thy beauty. 
 
46 Syria 
 
 Ezekiel xxvii. They have made all thy ship boards of fir trees of Senir; 
 ^ ^^" they have taken cedars from Lebanon to make masts for 
 
 thee. 
 
 Of the oaks of Bashan they have made thine oars; the 
 company of the Ashurites have made thy benches of ivory, 
 brought out of the isles of Chittim. 
 
 Fine linen with broidered work from Egypt was that 
 which thou spreadest forth to be thy sail; blue and purple 
 from the isles of Elishah was that which covered thee. 
 
 The inhabitants of Zidon and Arvad were thy mar- 
 iners: thy wise men, Tyrus, that were in thee, were thy 
 pilots. . . . 
 
 Tarshish was thy merchant by reason of the multitude 
 of all kind of riches; with silver, iron, tin, and lead, they 
 traded in thy fairs. 
 
 Javan, Tubal, and Meshech, they were thy merchants; 
 they traded the persons of men and vessels of brass in thy 
 market. 
 
 They of the house of Togarmah traded in thy fairs with 
 horses and horsemen and mules. 
 
 The men of Dedan were thy merchants; many isles were 
 the merchandise of thy hand; they brought thee for a 
 present horns of ivory and ebony. 
 
 Syria was thy merchant by reason of the multitude of 
 the wares of thy making: they occupied in thy fairs with 
 emeralds, purple, and broidered work, and fine linen, and 
 coral, and agate. 
 
 Judah, and the land of Israel, they were thy merchants; 
 they traded in thy market wheat of Minnith and Pannag, 
 and honey, and oil, and balm. 
 
 Damascus was thy merchant in the multitude of the 
 wares of thy making, for the multitude of all riches; in the 
 wine of Helbon, and white wool. 
 
The Gift of the Alphabet 47 
 
 Dan also and Javan going to and fro occupied in thy 
 fairs; bright iron, cassia, and calamus, were in thy market. 
 
 VI. They Gave the Alphabet to Greece 
 
 Now these Phoenicians brought in among the Hellenes 
 many arts when they settled in this land of Boeotia, and 
 especially letters, which did not exist, as it appears to me, 
 among the Hellenes before this time; and at first they 
 brought in those which are used by the Phoenician race gen- 
 erally, but afterwards, as time went on, they changed with Herodotus v, 
 their speech the form of the letters also. During this time ^ ' 
 the lonians were the race of Hellenes who dwelt near them 
 in most of the places where they were; and these having 
 received letters by instruction of the Phoenicians, changed 
 their form slightly and so made use of them, and in doing 
 so they declared them to be called "phenicians" as was 
 just, seeing that the Phoenicians had introduced them into 
 Hellas. Also the lonians from ancient times call paper 
 "skins," because, formerly paper beii^g scarce, they used 
 skins of sheep and goats; nay, even in my own time many 
 of the Barbarians write on such skins. 
 
 Vn. Letter of Ebed-Tob, Governor of Jerusalem, 
 to the King of Egypt 
 
 In the latter part of the fifteenth century, the successors of Thoth- 
 mes III weakened and his great empire declined; Ancient World, 12. 
 Syria, his chief dependency, fell into anarchy. The petty princes 
 and governors of cities warred against one another and rebelled 
 against pharaoh. Letters poured into his hands from them, accusing 
 one another of disloyalty and imploring military protection. A 
 great number of these letters have been found in excavations at 
 Tel-el-Amarna, Egypt. Written in the Babylonian language and the 
 cuneiform script, they prove the dominance of Babylonian culture 
 
48 Syria 
 
 over Syria in the fifteenth century and the use of the Babylonian 
 language for general diplomatic purposes. The following letter was 
 addressed to pharaoh by Ebed-Tob, priest-king of Jerusalem long 
 before the Hebrew conquest of Canaan. Records of the Fast, v-. 66-8. 
 
 Letter of To the king my lord speak thus: I Ebed-tob, thy serv- 
 
 pharaoh. ant, at the feet of my lord the king, seven times seven 
 
 Someone has prostrate myself. What have I done against the king my 
 
 Ebed-Tob of lord? They have slandered myself, laying wait for me in 
 
 disloyalty to |-}^g presence of the king, the lord, saying: Ebed-tob has 
 
 He has re- revolted from the king his lord. Behold, neither my 
 
 kingdom, not father nor my mother has exalted me in this place; the 
 
 ^n '"^but di- prophecy of the mighty King has caused me to enter the 
 
 rectly from house of my father. Why should I have committed a sin 
 
 protests his against the king the lord? With the king m.y lord is life, 
 
 mnocence. j ^^^ ^^ ^^^ Commissioner of the king my lord: Why dost 
 
 sioner, an thou love the Confederates, and the governors thou hat- 
 
 °^'^^'' ?^. est? and constantly I am sending to the presence of the 
 
 confederates, king my lord to Say that the countries of the king my lord 
 
 people of u • J i J 
 
 Hebron, a are bemg destroyed. . . . 
 
 Jerusalem^ ^° All the govemors are destroyed; no governor remains 
 Governors, to the king the lord. May the king turn his face to the 
 ^haraolf to^^ men, and may he send auxiliaries, even the troops of the 
 rule the cities, king my lord. No countries remain unto the king: the 
 
 The country, ^ . , , i n 1 • r i 1 • 
 
 wasted by Confederates have wasted all the countries of the kmg. 
 needs'^mHi- ^^ auxiliaries come this year, the countries of the king the 
 tary protec- Jord will be preserved; but if no auxiliaries come the coun- 
 
 tion. . ^ , 
 
 tries of the king my lord are destroyed. . . . 
 
 VIII. The Ten Commandments 
 
 And God spake all these words, saying, 
 I am the Lord thy God, which have brought thee out 
 of the land of Egypt, out of the house of bondage. 
 
The Ten Commandments 49 
 
 Thou shalt have no other gods before me. 
 
 Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image, or Exodus xx. 
 any Hkeness of anything that is in heaven above, or that is 
 in the earth beneath, or that is in the water under the earth : 
 
 Thou shalt not bow down thyself to them nor serve 
 them: for I the Lord thy God am a jealous God, visiting 
 the iniquity of the fathers upon the children unto the third 
 and fourth generation of them that hate me; 
 
 And shewing mercy unto thousands of them that love 
 me and keep my commandments. 
 
 Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in 
 vain; for the Lord will not hold him guiltless that taketh 
 his name in vain. 
 
 Remember the sabbath day, to keep it holy. 
 I Six days shalt thou labor, and do all thy work; 
 
 But the seventh day is the sabbath of the Lord thy God; 
 in it thou shalt not do any work, thou, nor thy son, nor 
 thy daughter, thy manservant, nor thy maidservant, nor 
 thy cattle, nor thy stranger that is within thy gates: / 
 
 For in six days the Lord made heaven and eart"li7 the 
 sea, and all that in them is, and rested the seventh day: 
 wherefore the Lord blessed the sabbath day and hal- 
 lowed it. 
 
 Honor thy father and thy mother: that thy days may 
 be long upon the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee. 
 /^Thou shalt not kill. 
 
 Thou shalt not commit adultefy. 
 
 Thou shalt not steal. 
 
 Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor. 
 
 Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's house, thou shalt 
 not covet thy neighbor's wife, nor his manservant, nor 
 his maidservant, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor any thing that 
 is thy neighbor's. 
 
so 
 
 Syria 
 
 IX. The Building of Solomon's Temple 
 
 The work 
 men. 
 
 I Kings V. 
 13-18; vi. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 44. 
 
 Materials. 
 
 And king Solomon raised a levy out of all Israel; and 
 the levy was thirty thousand men. 
 
 And he sent them to Lebanon, ten thousand a month by 
 courses; a month they were in Lebanon, and two months 
 at home; and Adoniram was over the levy. 
 
 And Solomon had three score and ten thousand that 
 bare burdens, and fourscore thousand hewers in the moun- 
 tains; 
 
 Beside the chief of Solomon's officers which were over 
 the work, three thousand and three hundred, which ruled 
 over the people that wrought in the work. 
 
 And the king commanded, and they brought great 
 stones, costly stones, and hewed stones, to lay the 
 foundation of the house. 
 
 And Solomon's builders and Hiram's builders did hew 
 them, and the stonesquarers; so they prepared timber and 
 stones to build the house. 
 
 And it came to pass in the four hundred and eightieth 
 year after the children of Israel were come out of the land 
 of Egypt, in the fourth year of Solomon's reign over Israel, 
 in the month Zif, which is the second month, that he began 
 to build the house of the Lord. 
 Dimensions. And the house which king Solomon built for the Lord, 
 the length thereof was threescore cubits, and the breadth 
 thereof twenty cubits, and the height thereof thirty cubits. 
 
 And the porch before the temple of the house, twenty 
 cubits was the length thereof, according to the breadth of 
 the house; and ten cubits was the breadth thereof before 
 the house. 
 
 And for the house he made windows of narrow lights. 
 Chambers. And against the wall of the house he built chambers 
 
Solomon's Temple 51 
 
 round about, against the walls of the house round about, 
 both of the temple and the oracle; and he made chambers 
 round about: 
 
 The nethermost chamber was five cubits broad, and 
 the middle was six cubits broad, and the third was seven 
 cubits broad; for without in the wall of the house he made 
 narrowed rests round about, that the beams should not be 
 fastened in the walls of the house. 
 
 And the house when it was in building, was built of 
 stone made ready before it was brought thither; so that 
 there was neither hammer nor ax nor any tool of iron heard 
 in the house, while it "was in building. 
 
 The door for the middle chamber was in the right side 
 of the house; and they went up with winding stairs into 
 the middle chamber, and out of the middle into the third. 
 
 So he built the house, and finished it; and covered the 
 house with beams and boards of cedar. 
 
 And then he built chambers against all the house, five 
 cubits high; and they rested on the house with timber of 
 cedar. 
 
 And the word of the Lord came to Solomon, saying, The promise 
 
 Concerning this house which thou art in building, if ° 
 thou wilt walk in my statutes, and execute my judgments, 
 and keep all my commandments to walk in them; then 
 will I perform my word with thee, which I spake unto 
 David thy father; 
 
 And I will dwell among the children of Israel, and will 
 not forsake my people Israel. 
 
 So Solomon built the house, and finished it. 
 
 And he built the walls of the house within with boards The interior, 
 of cedar, both the floor of the house, and the walls of the 
 ceiling; and he covered them on the inside with wood, and 
 covered the floor of the house with planks of fir. 
 
52 Syria 
 
 And he built twenty cubits on the sides of the house, 
 both the floor and the walls with boards of cedar; he even 
 built them for it within, even for the oracle, even for the 
 most holy place. 
 
 And the house, that is the temple before it, was forty 
 cubits long. 
 
 And the cedar of the house within was carved with knops 
 and open flowers; all was cedar; there was no stone seen. 
 
 And the oracle he prepared in the house within, to 
 set there the ark of the covenant of the Lord. 
 
 And the oracle in the forepart was twenty cubits in 
 length, and twenty cubits in breadth, and twenty cubits 
 in the height thereof; and he overlaid it with pure gold; 
 and so covered the altar which was of cedar. 
 
 So Solomon overlaid the house within with pure gold; 
 and he made a partition by the chains of gold before the 
 oracle; and he overlaid it with gold. 
 
 And the whole house he overlaid with gold, until he 
 had finished all the house; also the whole altar that was by 
 the oracle he overlaid with gold. 
 Chenibims. And within the oracle he made two cherubims of olive 
 tree, each ten cubits high. 
 
 And five cubits was the one wing of the cherub, and 
 five cubits the other M'ing of the cherub; from the utter- 
 most part of the one wing unto the uttermost part of the 
 other were ten cubits. 
 
 And the other cherub was ten cubits; both the cherubims 
 were of one measure and one size. 
 
 The height of the one cherub was ten cubits, and so was 
 it of the other cherub. 
 
 And he set the cherubims within the inner house; and 
 they stretched forth the wings of the cherubims, so that 
 the wing of the one touched the one wail, and the wing of 
 
Solomon's Temple 53 
 
 the other cherub touched the other wall; and their wings 
 touched one another in the midst of the house. 
 
 And he overlaid the cherubims with gold. 
 
 And he carved all the walls of the house round about 
 with carved figures of cherubims and palm trees and open 
 flowers, within and without. 
 
 And the floor of the house he overlaid with gold, within 
 and without. 
 
 And for the entering of the oracle he made doors of olive 
 tree; the lintel and side posts were a fifth part of the wall. 
 
 And the two doors were of fir tree; the two leaves of 
 the one door were folding, and the two leaves of the other 
 door were folding. 
 
 And he carved thereon cherubims and palm trees and 
 open flowers; and covered them with gold fitted upon the 
 carved work. 
 
 And he built the inner court with three rows of hewed 
 stone, and a row of cedar beams. 
 
 In the fourth year was the foundation of the house of 
 the Lord laid, in the month Zif. 
 
 And in the eleventh year, in the month Bui, which is 
 the eighth month, was the house finished throughout all 
 the parts thereof, and according to all the fashion of it. 
 So was he seven years in building it. 
 
 X. The Goodness and Mercy of God 
 
 The Lord is my shepherd ; I shall not want. The Lord is 
 
 He maketh me to lie down in the green pastures: he lead- ™g^^_ ^^" 
 eth me beside the still waters. 
 
 He restoreth my soul: he leadeth m.e in the paths cf Psalm x^i. 
 righteousness for his name's sake. 
 
 Vea, though I walk through the valley of the shadow of 
 
54 Syria 
 
 death, I will fear no evil: for thou art with me; thy rod and 
 thy staff they comfort me. 
 
 Thou preparest a table before me in the presence of 
 mine enemies: thou anointest my head with oil; my cup 
 runneth over. 
 
 Surely goodness and mercy shall follow me all the days 
 of my life; and I will dwell in the house of the Lord for- 
 ever. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. What was the condition of Sidon and Tyre in Strabo's time? 
 
 2. Where were the Cassiterides islands and what were their prod- 
 ucts? 
 
 3. What metals did the Phoenicians find in Iberia (Spain)? How 
 did this wealth influence them? 
 
 4. Describe the peculiar method of barter followed by the Car- 
 thaginians in Libya? Who were the Carthaginians? 
 
 5. Who was Ezekiel and what did he write? Mention the various 
 articles bought and sold in the Tyrian markets. 
 
 6. What was the chief benefit of the Phoenicians to Greece? 
 What were the writing materials? 
 
 7. What position was held by Ebed-Tob? Compare him with 
 Melchizedek (Genesis xiv. 18-20), another priest-king of Jerusalem. 
 
 8. Where is the book called Exodus found? Compare the Ten 
 Commandments with the best Egyptian precepts. 
 
 9. Describe Solomon's temple. 
 
 10. What conception of God is given in this psalm? Contrast it 
 with the Assyrian conception of the deity? 
 
13- II. 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 THE MEDIAN AND PERSIAN EMPIRES 
 
 I. Media: Country and Customs 
 
 It is a Median custom to elect the bravest person as The King, 
 king, but this does not generally prevail, being confined to 
 the mountain tribes. The custom for the kings to have StraboxL 
 many wives is more general, it is found among all the 
 mountaineers also, but they are not permitted to have 
 less than five. In the same manner the women think it 
 honorable for husbands to have as many wives as possible, 
 and esteem it a misfortune if they have less than five. 
 
 While the rest of Media is very fertile, the northern and 
 mountainous part is barren. The people subsist upon the 
 produce of trees. They make cakes of apples, sHced and 
 dried, and bread of roasted almonds; they express a wine 
 from some kind of roots. They eat the flesh of wild animals 
 and do not breed any tame animals. So much then respect- 
 ing the Medes. As to the laws and customs in common use 
 throughout the whole of Media, as they are the same as 
 those of the Persians in consequence of the establishment 
 of the Persian empire, I shall speak of them when I give 
 an account of the latter nation, 
 
 II. Empire of Darius 
 
 The following account of the Persian Empire, composed by Darius, 
 is given in an inscription. It describes the composition of the empire 
 and illustrates the King's reverence for Ormazd, the supreme deity 
 of the Persians. Records of the Past, v. 151-3. 
 
 55 
 
Extent of his 
 empire. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, so f. 
 
 Ormazd (A- 
 hura Mazda), 
 the supreme 
 deity. 
 
 Map, Ancient 
 World, before 
 P.I. 
 
 The empire 
 did not in 
 fact include 
 Sparta. 
 
 Protection 
 and mainte- 
 nance of 
 peace. 
 
 Notice his 
 high con- 
 ception of 
 duty to the 
 empire. 
 
 56 The Median and Persian Empires 
 
 Chief of the gods is Ormazd, who created heaven and 
 earth, and created mankind; who gave to men their various 
 fortunes; who created Darius, King of many Kings. I am 
 Darius the great King, the King of Kings, the King of the 
 nations of every different tongue; the King of the vast and 
 wide world; son of Hystaspes the Achsemenian: a Persian, 
 son of a Persian. Darius the King says: Under the pro- 
 tection of Ormazd, these are the countries which I hold 
 besides Persia: and whatever tribute I have commanded 
 them to bring, that they brought; and whatever things I 
 commanded them to do, that they did; and they fulfilled 
 my laws. Media, Susiana, Parthia, Aria, Bactria, Sog- 
 diana, Chorasmia, Zarangia, Arachosia, Sattagydia, Gan- 
 daria, India; those Cimmerians who are called the Hu- 
 murga, those other Cimmerians who wear gloves on their 
 hands, Babylonia, Assyria, Arabia, Egypt, Armenia, Cap- 
 padocia, Sparta, Ionia, those Cimmerians who dwell 
 beyond the seas, in the land of Scythia; those lonians 
 who wear helmets on their heads; the Budians, the Cos- 
 saeans, the Masians, and the land of Cartha. 
 
 Darius the king says: When Ormazd saw that these 
 countries were at war with each other continually, after 
 he had given me to them and had appointed me to be King 
 over them, then I the king under the protection of Ormazd 
 kept them all quiet in their right places. Whatever I 
 said, that they did, and they wished the thing that I 
 wished. And if thou shouldst say thus, "Surely those 
 nations will quarrel and split asunder who now obey 
 Darius the King," look well at those statutes which sup- 
 port my throne, and if thou dost recognize them, then it 
 will be known to thee that the spear of the Persian reaches 
 far! Then it will be known to thee, that the men of Persia, 
 far beyond their own country, wars are wont to wage. 
 
Darius 57 
 
 Darius the King says, "All this that I have done, under 
 the protection of Ormazd, I have done it. Ormazd gave 
 me the strength to do these things. May Ormazd protect 
 me from everything that is evil, both my family and my 
 country, this I pray Ormazd: may Ormazd grant it! O 
 man! whatever Ormazd commands, do thou not rebel 
 against it! 
 
 III. The Achievements of Darius 
 
 Near the western border of Iran stands the isolated rock of Behis- 
 tan, on one side rising almost perpendicular to a height of 1 700 feet. 
 More than 300 feet above the base Darius the king had his artists 
 smooth a large irregular oblong. On the surface thus prepared they 
 sculptured scenes from his reHgious and military life and a chronicle 
 of his deeds. The selection given below is from H. C. Tolman, The 
 Behistan Inscription of King Darius. 
 
 Says Darius the king: Afterward there was one man, a 
 Magian, Gaumata by name: ... he thus deceived the 
 people; I am Bardiya the son of Cyrus, brother of Cam- 
 byses; afterward all the people became estranged from 
 Cambyses and went over to himi, both Persia and Media 
 and the other pro\dnces; he seized the kingdom; g days in 
 the month Garmapada were in course — he thus seized 
 the kingdom; afterwards Cambyses died by a self-imposed 
 death. 
 
 Says Darius the king: This kingdom which Gaumata 
 the Magian took from Cambyses, this kingdom from long 
 ago was the possession of our family; afterwards Gaumata 
 the Magian took from Cambyses both Persia and Media 
 and the other provinces; he seized the power and made it 
 his own possession; he became king. 
 
 Says Darius the king: There was not a man neither a 
 Persian nor a Median nor any one of our family who could 
 
58 The Median and Persian Empires 
 
 make Gaumata the Magian deprived of the kingdom; the 
 people feared his tyranny; they feared he would slay the 
 many who knew Bardiya formerly; for this reason he 
 would slay the people, "that they might not know me 
 that I am not Bardiya the son of Cyrus;" anyone did 
 not dare to say anything against Gaumata the Magian 
 until I came; afterwards I asked Auramazda for help; 
 Auramazda bore me aid; 10 days in the month Bagayadish 
 were in course — I thus with few men slew that Gaumata 
 the Magian and what men were his foremost allies; ... I 
 took the kingdom from him; by the grace of Auramazda 
 I became king; Auramazda gave me the kingdom. 
 
 Says Darius the king: The kingdom which was taken 
 away from our family, this I put in its place; I estabhsh 
 it on its foundations; as it was formerly so I made it; th< 
 sanctuaries which Gaumata the Magian destroyed I re 
 stored; for the people, the revenue and the personal prop- 
 erty and the estates and the royal residences which Gau- 
 mata the Magian took from them I restored; I established 
 the state on its foundation, both Persia and Media and 
 the other provinces; as it was formerly, so I brought back 
 what had been taken away; by the grace of Auramazda 
 this I did ; I labored that our royal house I might establish 
 in its place; as it was formerly so I made it; I labored by 
 the grace of Auramazda that Gaumata the Magian might 
 not take away our royal house. ... 
 
 Says Darius the king: For this reason Auramazda bore 
 me aid and the other gods which are, because I was not an 
 enemy, I was not a deceiver, I was not a wrong-doer, 
 neither I nor my family; according to rectitude I ruled 
 nor made I my power an oppression to those who 
 praise me; the man who helped my house, him who 
 should be well esteemed I esteemed; the man who would 
 
 f* 
 
Persian Religion 59 
 
 destroy it, him who should deserve punishment, I pun- 
 ished. 
 
 IV. Persian Customs 
 
 These are the customs, so far as I know, which the Per- Religion, 
 sians practice : Images and temples and altars they do not 
 account it lawful to erect, nay they even charge with folly Herodotus, i. 
 those who do these things; and this, as it seems to me, be- 
 cause they do not account the gods to be in the likeness of 
 men, as do the Hellenes. But it is their wont to perform Ancient 
 sacrifices to Zeus, going up to the most lofty of the moun- 
 tains, and the whole circle of the heavens they call Zeus: 
 and they sacrifice to the Sun and the Moon and the Earth, 
 to Fire and to Water and to the Winds : these are the only 
 gods to whom they have sacrificed even from the first; 
 but they have learnt also to sacrifice to Aphrodite Urania, 
 having learnt it from the Assyrians and the Arabians. . . . 
 
 Now this is the manner of sacrifice for the gods afore- Manner of 
 said which is established among the Persians : — they make 
 no altars, neither do they kindle fire; and when they mean 
 to sacrifice they use no hbation nor music of the pipe nor Herodotus i 
 chaplets nor meal for sprinkling; but when a man wishes 
 to sacrifice to any one of the gods, he leads the animal for 
 sacrifice to an unpolluted place and calls upon the god, 
 having his tiara wreathed round generally with a branch 
 of myrtle. For himself alone separately the man who 
 sacrifices may not request good things in his prayer but 
 he prays that it may be well with all the Persians and with 
 the King; for he himself also is included of course in the 
 whole body of Persians. And when he has cut up the vic- 
 tim into pieces and boiled the flesh, he spreads a layer of 
 the freshest grass and especially clover, upon which he 
 places forthwith all the pieces of flesh; and when he has 
 
 sacrifice. 
 
 132- 
 
6o The Median and Persian Empires 
 
 Festal days. 
 
 lb. 133. 
 
 Wine-drink- 
 ing. 
 
 Salutations. 
 
 placed them in order, a Magian man stands by them and 
 chants over them a theogony (for of this nature they say 
 that their incantation is), seeing that without a Magian 
 it is not lawful for them to make sacrifices. Then after 
 waiting a short time, the sacrificer carries away the flesh 
 and uses it for whatever purpose he pleases. 
 
 And of all their days their wont is to honor most that 
 on which they were born, each one: on this they think 
 it right to set out a feast more liberal than on other days; 
 and in this feast the wealthier of them set upon the table 
 an ox or a horse or a camel or an ass, roasted whole in 
 an oven, and the poor among them set out small animals 
 in the same way. They have few solid dishes, but many 
 served up after as dessert, and these not in a single course; 
 and for this reason the Persians say that the Hellenes 
 leave off dinner hungry, because after dinner they have 
 nothing worth mentioning served up as dessert, whereas 
 if any good dessert were served up they would not stop 
 eating so soon. 
 
 To wine-drinking they are very much given. . . . And 
 they are wont to deliberate when drinking hard about 
 the most important of their affairs, and whatsoever con- 
 clusion has pleased them in their deliberation, this on the 
 next day, when they are sober, the master of the house 
 in which they happen to be when they deliberate lays 
 before them for discussion : and if it pleases them when they 
 are sober also, they adopt it, but if it does not please them, 
 they let it go: and that on which they have had the first 
 deliberation when they are sober, they consider again 
 when they are drinking. 
 
 When they meet one another in the roads, by this you 
 may discern, whether those who meet are of equal rank, — 
 for instead of greeting by words they kiss one another on 
 
Opinion of Other Nations 6i 
 
 the mouth; but if one of them is a httle inferior to the other, 
 
 they kiss one another on the cheeks, and if one is of much 
 
 less noble rank than the other, he falls down before him 
 
 and does worship to him. 
 
 And they honor of all most after themselves those na- Their opin- 
 ,..,,, , , , , . , ion of other 
 
 tions which dwell nearest to them, and next those which nations. 
 
 dwell next nearest, and so they go on giving honor in pro- 
 portion to distance; and they hold least in honor those who 
 dwell furthest off from themselves, esteeming themselves 
 to be by far the best of all the human race in every point, 
 and thinking that others possess merit according to the 
 proportion which is here stated, and that those who dwell 
 furthest from themselves are the worst. And under the 
 supremacy of the JNIedes the various nations used also to 
 govern one another according to the same rule as the 
 Persians observe in giving honor, the Medes governing 
 the whole and in particular those who dwelt nearest to 
 themselves, and these having rule over those who bor- 
 dered upon them, and those again over the nations that 
 were next to them: for the race went forward thus ever 
 from government by themselves to government through 
 others. 
 
 The Persians more than any other men admit foreign They borrow 
 usages; for they both wear the Median dress, judging it to tomsf" '^^^' 
 be more comely than their own, and also for fighting, the 
 Egj'ptian corslet: moreover they adopt all kinds of luxu- /j. 135 
 ries when they hear of them. . . . 
 
 It is established as a sign of manly excellence next after Family ana 
 excellence in fight, to be able to show many sons; and to education, 
 those who have the most the king sends gifts every year: ib. 136. 
 for they consider number to be a source of strength. And 
 they educate their children, beginning at five years old 
 and going on till twenty, in three things only, in riding, 
 
62 The Median and Persian Empires 
 
 Capital pun- 
 ishment. 
 
 Ih. 137. 
 
 Lying and 
 business. 
 
 lb. 138. 
 
 Leprosy. 
 
 shooting, and in speaking the truth; but before the boy is 
 five years old he does not come into the presence of his 
 father, but lives with the women ; and it is so done for this 
 reason, that if the child should die while he is being bred 
 up, he may not be the cause of any grief to his father. 
 I commend this custom of theirs, and also the one which is 
 next to be mentioned, namely that neither the king him- 
 self shall put any to death for one cause alone, nor any of 
 the other Persians for one cause alone shall do hurt that 
 is irremediable to any of his own servants; but if after 
 reckoning he find that the wrongs done are more in num- 
 ber and greater than the services rendered, then only he 
 gives vent to his anger. Moreover they say that no one 
 ever killed his own father or mother, but whatever deeds 
 have been done which seemed to be of this nature, if ex- 
 amined must necessarily, they say, be found to be due 
 either to changelings or to children of adulterous birth; 
 for, say they, it is not reasonable to suppose that the true 
 parent would be killed by his own son. 
 
 Whatever things it is not lawful for them to do, these it 
 is not lawful for them even to speak of: and the most 
 disgraceful thing in their estimation is to tell a lie, and 
 next to this is to owe money, this last for many other 
 reasons, but especially because it is necessary, they say, 
 for him who owes money, also sometimes to tell lies; and 
 whosoever of the men of the city has leprosy or whiteness 
 of skin, he does not come into a city nor mingle with the 
 other Persians; and they say that he has these diseases 
 because he has in some way offended against the Sun: 
 but a stranger who is taken by these diseases, in many 
 regions they drive out of the country altogether, and also 
 white doves, alleging against them the same cause. And 
 into a river they neither spit, neither do they wash their 
 
The Dead 63 
 
 hands in it, nor allow any other to do these things, but 
 they reverence rivers very greatly. . . . 
 
 So much am I able to say for certain from my own Treatment 
 knowledge about them: but what follows is reported about 
 their dead as a secret mystery and not with clearness, lb. 140. 
 namely that the body of a Persian man is not buried until 
 it has been torn by a bird or a dog. (The Magians I know 
 for a certainty have this practice, for they do it openly). 
 However that may be, the Persians cover the body with 
 wax and then bury it in the earth. Now the Magians are 
 distinguished in many ways from other men, as also from 
 the priests of Egypt; for these last esteem it a matter of 
 purity to kill no living creature except the animals which 
 they sacrifice; but the Magians kill with their own hands 
 all creatures except dogs and men, and they even make this 
 a great end to aim at, killing both ants and serpents and 
 all other creeping and flying things. 
 
 V. Treatment of the Dead 
 
 Ahura Mazda answered: "Thirty paces from the fire; The question 
 thirty paces from the water; thirty paces from the conse- shall be 
 crated bundles of baresma; thirty paces from the faithful: ong^^o^ 
 
 On that place they shall dig a grave, half a foot deep if dies in 
 the earth be hard, half the height of a man if it be soft; a storm? 
 they shall cover the surface of it with dust of bricks, or of Avesta. 
 stones, or of dry earth. He is buried 
 
 And they shall let the Hfeless body lie there for two temporarily 
 -' •' ma dwelling 
 
 nights, or three nights, or a month long, until the birds 
 begin to fly, the plants to grow, the floods to flow, and the 
 wind to dry up the waters from off the earth. 
 
 And when the birds begin to fly, the plants to grow, the 
 floods to flow, and the wind to dry up the waters from off 
 the earth, then the worshippers of Mazda shall make a 
 
The dead and 
 the living 
 must not pass 
 the same 
 way. 
 
 In practice, 
 spots on the 
 face of a dog 
 were con- 
 sidered eyes. 
 
 The Drug 
 Nasu was 
 a demon rep- 
 resenting the 
 impurity of 
 death. 
 
 Mithra as 
 worthy as 
 his creator. 
 
 Zarathrustra 
 is Zoroaster. 
 
 Avesta. 
 
 He is god of 
 truth. 
 
 As god of 
 light, Mithra 
 sees and hears 
 everything. 
 
 64 The Median and Persian Empires 
 
 breach in the wall of the house, and they shall call for two 
 men, strong and skilful, and those having stripped their 
 clothing off, shall take the body to the building of clay, 
 stones, and mortar, raised on a place where they know 
 there are always corpse-eating dogs and corpse-eating 
 birds. . . . 
 
 Can the way whereupon the carcasses of dogs or the 
 corpses of men have been carried, be passed through again 
 by flocks and herds, by men and women. . . .? 
 
 You shall cause the yellow dog with four eyes or the 
 white dog with yellow ears to go three times through that 
 way. When either the yellow dog with four ears or the 
 white dog with yellow ears is brought there, then the Drug 
 Nasu flies away to the regions of the north, in the shape of a 
 raging fly, with knees and tail sticking out, all stained with 
 stains, and like unto the foulest Khrafstras (servants of 
 the Evil One). 
 
 VI. Mithra 
 
 Ahura Mazda spake unto Spitama Zarathrustra, say- 
 ing: "Verily when I created Mithra, lord of wide pastures, 
 O Spitama, I created him as worthy of sacrifice, as worthy 
 prayer as myself, Ahura Mazda. 
 
 The ruffian who lies unto Mithra brings death unto the 
 whole country, injuring the faithful world as much as a 
 hundred evil-doers could do. Break not the contract, O 
 Spitama, neither the one thou hadst entered into with 
 one of the unfaithful, nor the one thou hadst entered into 
 with one of the faithful who is of thine own faith. For 
 Mithra stands for both the faithful and the unfaith- 
 ful. . . . 
 
 We sacrifice unto Mithra, lord of wide pastures, who is 
 truth-speaking, a chief in assemblies, with a thousand 
 
Mithra; Healing 65 
 
 ears well-shapen, with ten thousand eyes, high, with full 
 knowledge, strong, sleepless, and ever awake. 
 
 To whom the chiefs of nations offer up sacrifices, as 
 they go to the field against havocking hosts, against ene- 
 mies coming in battle array, in the strife of conflicting 
 nations. 
 
 On whichever side he has been worshipped first in the He turns the 
 
 scale of bat- 
 fulness of faith of a devoted heart, to that side turns tie. 
 
 Mithra, lord of wide pastures, with the fiend-smiting wind, 
 
 with the cursing thought of the wise. 
 
 VII. Healing 
 
 One may heal with Holiness, one may heal with the Spiritual as 
 Law, one may heal with the knife, one may heal with herbs, inal healing. 
 one may heal with the Holy Word. Amongst all remedies 
 this one is the healing one that heals with the Holy Word; Avesta. 
 this one it is that will best drive away sickness from the 
 body of the faithful; for this one is the best-healing of all 
 remedies. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Describe the ]Median kingship. What were the products of the 
 countrj'? 
 
 2. What was the extent of the Persian empire? W^hat idea of 
 duty to the empire had Darius? Can we find anything similar in the 
 tpse of other Oriental kings? 
 
 3. Give an account of the accession of Dasius. 
 
 4. What were the chief features of the religion of the Persians as 
 described by Herodotus? What were their customs at meals? How 
 did they regard other nations? What does he tell us of their family? 
 
 5. Describe their burial customs and beliefs. 
 
 6. What was the character of Mithra? 
 
 7. What means of healing does the Avesta prescribe. What idea 
 of the Persian religion do you derive from these selections from the 
 Avesta? 
 
BOOK II 
 
 Hellas 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 INTRODUCTION TO THE SOURCES 
 
 The main sources for Hellenic history are (i) the liter- The main 
 
 sources 
 ary works of the Greeks themselves, (2) their inscriptions 
 
 chiefly on stone, (3) letters and other documents on papyri, 
 
 many of which have recently been found in Egypt, (4) 
 
 geography, especially valuable for explaining the elements 
 
 of economic, social, and political life, (5) archaeology, a 
 
 relatively new science, which concerns itself with the 
 
 material works of men's hands during the remote past. 
 
 In Botsford's History of the Ancient World, archaeology 
 
 is represented by the illustrations; the present volume is 
 
 limited to written sources. In the study of the latter Criticism of 
 
 sources. 
 
 material we must discriminate between (i) contemporary 
 sources, composed in the period to which they refer, (2) 
 sources later than the period treated. The contemporary 
 writer has the advantage of direct acquaintance with the 
 condition or event or person he describes. His account 
 therefore is always fresher and often more trustworthy 
 than any afterward composed. We must keep in mind, 
 however, that in many cases a later writer is able to take 
 a broader, or more critical, view of a situation, and may 
 in that respect be a more valuable authority. In every 
 instance it is necessary to study the writer in order to 
 determine his worth as a source. 
 
 For the Cretan and ]\Iycenaean civilizations our chief 
 
 67 
 
68 
 
 Introduction to the Sources 
 
 Sources for 
 the earlier 
 periods. 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 69 ff. 
 
 The Iliad 
 and the 
 Odyssey. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 83-5. 
 
 Seventh and 
 sixth centu- 
 ries, B.C. 
 
 materials are archaeological. This source we may supple- 
 ment by a study of traditions and of the survival of re- 
 ligious, social, and political institutions from that age to 
 later time. In such research it is extremely difficult, on 
 many points impossible, to determine what has actually 
 come down from the period under consideration and what 
 was added in later time. 
 
 The epic or Homeric age is represented by the two great 
 poems of Homer, the Iliad and the Odyssey. For the 
 poet himself we have mere traditions so uncertain and 
 conflicting as to lead many scholars to doubt his existence. 
 It seems most probable, however, that Homer was a real 
 person who lived in Asia Minor, either at Smyrna or on the 
 island of Chios, about 800 B.C. The beautiful art and 
 material splendor he describes are in the main a memory 
 from the glorious past, whereas the religious, moral, 
 social, and political atmosphere of his poems is that of his 
 own time and people. Although some scholars are of the 
 opinion that his poems were written, it is more probable 
 that they were for a time handed down orally from gen- 
 eration to generation in schools of minstrels, who found a 
 livelihood by chanting them at the courts of nobles and at 
 public festivals. 
 
 From the age of Homer no written material, so far as 
 we know, came down to later time. About 700 B.C., 
 however, some of the more progressive states began to 
 keep lists of magistrates, and a little later to reduce their 
 laws and treaties to writing. Such material proved use- 
 ful to later historians. Poets of the seventh and sixth 
 centuries, treating of their own personalities and of their 
 surroundings, now wrote out their compositions, which have 
 proved of the highest value for the study of those times. 
 
 The earliest of these poets was Hesiod, who lived in 
 
Greek Poetry 69 
 
 Boeotia about 700 B.C. His Works and Days gives us a Hesiod. 
 clearer view of country life than we can find anywhere else Ancient 
 in ancient literature. Additional light on rural conditions 
 of early Greece is shed by the poems of Solon, the great Solon. 
 Athenian lawgiver of about 600 B.C. Both poets tell of 
 the peasants' hard lot under the oppressive rule of the 
 nobles. The military spirit of the seventh century is well 
 represented by Tyrtasus of Sparta and CalUnu's of Ephesus, Tyrtaeus. 
 Ionia. Early in the sixth century lived the two famous Ancient 
 lyric poets of Lesbos, Alcaeus and Sappho. Their poems 153. 
 afford interesting glimpses of their own character and of Alcaeus and 
 the society in which they moved. These names Jiave been ^^^ 
 taken as representative of a far larger group of seventh 
 and sixth century poets, whose genius dominated the 
 intellectual life of that period and whose extant works, 
 though mere fragments, are, apart from a few short in- 
 scriptions, the sole contemporary source for that period. 
 
 For the early fifth century we have another great Pindar. 
 lyric poet, Pindar, whose best work has survived. Though Ancient 
 a native of Boeotia, he represents for all Hellas the spirit 
 of the old aristocracy, which was soon to disappear. His 
 poems are in honor of victors at the great national games. 
 A contemporary of Pindar was ^schylus, the first great ^schylus. 
 Attic dramatist. The characters of Attic tragedy are lb. 213 f. 
 generally mythical persons of the distant past, whereas 
 the ideas ascribed to them are those of the writer's time. 
 Occasionally, however, the poet chooses as his theme a re- 
 cent event and introduces historical persons. Such is the 
 Persians of ^Eschylus, which presents in dramatic form 
 the invasion of Xerxes and his overthrow at Salamis, 
 whereas the Prometheus has to do with mythical charac- 
 ters. A warrior in the mighty struggle for the maintenance 
 of Hellenic freedom, ^Eschylus chose the divine and the 
 
70 
 
 Introduction to the Sources 
 
 Sophocles. 
 
 lb. 214. 
 
 Euripides. 
 
 lb. 241. 
 
 Aristoph- 
 anes. 
 
 lb. 
 
 Herodotus, 
 
 about 480- 
 42s B.C. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 215. 
 
 The Greek 
 word for 
 "inquiry" 
 is history 
 {[(TTopia)., 
 here for the 
 first time ap- 
 plied to a de- 
 partment of 
 literature. 
 
 heroic for his theme. His younger contemporary Sophocles, 
 hving a comfortable, serene life in the age of Pericles, 
 devoted his mind to the ideal human character and to the 
 peaceful compromise of warring religious and moral be- 
 liefs. Euripides, who wrote in the latter part of the cen- 
 tury, in a period of political and intellectual unrest, deals 
 with human nature as it is. He is intensely modern, en- 
 dowed with a deep knowledge of human character and a 
 broad, sympathetic spirit — the Shakespeare of Athens. 
 Slightly younger than Euripides was Aristophanes, the 
 greatest master of Greek comedy. Deriving his subjects 
 from contemporary politics and society , he transfigured them 
 with his splendid imagination and his inexhaustible wit. 
 
 Contemporary with Sophocles was the earliest Greek 
 historian — Herodotus "the father of history," who wrote 
 an account of the great struggle between the Greeks and 
 the Persians. In tracing the events which led up to it he 
 narrates from the earliest times the history of the various 
 nations involved in the conflict. His work, he informs us, 
 is a presentation of the results of his own inquiry "to the 
 end that neither the deeds of men be forgotten in the lapse 
 of time nor oblivion overtake the great and marvelous 
 achievements of the Hellenes and the barbarians, particu- 
 larly those which brought about the war." As he was 
 born in the midst of that war, he had the opportunity 
 to learn its history directly from those who had fought 
 in it. This portion of his work is therefore more trust- 
 worthy than the earlier parts. The chief value of history 
 lies in the study of characters of individuals and of na- 
 tions; and in the faithful, sympathetic presentation of 
 human nature, alike of Greeks and foreigners, Herodotus, 
 whether dealing with fact or fiction, is the truest as well 
 as the most attractive of historians. 
 
Thucydides 71 
 
 While Herodotus was putting the last touches to his His- Thucydides, 
 
 , 1 -r, 1 • Tf- • • 1- about 4651,?)- 
 
 tory, and the Peloponnesian War was in its earliest stage, 400. 
 Thucydides in the prime of life was engaged in writing an lb. 241 f. 
 account of the latter conflict. "Thucydides, an Athen- 
 ian," he tells us, "wrote the history of the war in which 
 the Peloponnesians and the Athenians fought against 
 one another. He began to write when they first took up 
 arms, believing that it would be great and memorable 
 above any previous war." "Of the events of the war I 
 have not ventured to speak from any chance information, 
 nor according to any notion of my own; I have described 
 nothing but what I either saw myself or learned from others 
 of whom I made the most careful and particular inquiry. 
 The task was a laborious one because eye-witnesses of the 
 same occurrences gave different accounts of them, as they 
 remembered or were interested in the actions of one side 
 or the other. And very likely the strictly historical char- 
 acter of my narrative may be disappointing to the ear. 
 But if he who desires to have before his eyes a true picture 
 of the events which have happened, and of the like events 
 which may be expected to happen hereafter in the order 
 of human things, shall pronounce what I have written 
 to be useful, then I shall be satisfied. My history is an 
 everlasting possession, not a prize composition which is 
 heard and forgotten." In contrast with the popular his- 
 tory of Herodotus, this work was composed for the general 
 and statesman; hence though narrow and special, it is far 
 deeper and more philosophic. 
 
 As we pass from the fifth to the fourth century — from Fourth Cen- 
 Thucydides to Xenophon — we perceive within the his- phon, about 
 torical field a marked decline in style and in intellectual 430-354 B.C. 
 power. Yet Xenophon, as a soldier of fortune and a man Ancient 
 
 % ., . ^ . • 1 Kl • f r World,2?,(>l. 
 
 of wide experience, gives us mvaluable information con- 
 
72 
 
 Introduction to the Sources 
 
 The orators: 
 Demos- 
 thenes, 384- 
 322 B.C. 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 271 f., 
 287 f. 
 
 Philosophy : 
 Plato, about 
 427-347 B.C. 
 
 lb. 288 f. 
 
 Aristotle, 
 384-322 B.C. 
 
 cerning the customs and character of Greeks and foreigners 
 of his own age. From this point of view his Anabasis 
 will be found especially attractive. His Hellenica narrates 
 the political and military events of Greece from 411 to 
 362 B.C. It is valuable as our only continuous account 
 of that period by a contemporary writer. Among his 
 briefer works are the Constitution of the Lacedaemonians 
 and the Economist. The former in an idealizing spirit 
 refers the origin of the Lacedaemonian institutions to 
 Lycurgus; the latter, treating of the management of a 
 household, presents a charming picture of private Athenian 
 life. 
 
 For the political, economic, and social conditions of 
 the fourth century we find the contemporary orators a 
 valuable source. We have many of their judicial speeches 
 dealing with property, damages, adoptions, and inheri- 
 tances as well as with crimes. Others, delivered before 
 the popular assembly, have to do with public affairs. The 
 career of Demosthenes as a statesman belongs to the lat- 
 ter half of the century. His greatness lies not only in the 
 perfect mastery of every possible power and resource 
 of oratory, but even more in his championship of local 
 freedom against encroaching imperialism. 
 
 While the age was one of political decline, the intel- 
 lect was coming to maturity in the greatest philosophic 
 writers of the ancient world — Plato and Aristotle. Plato, 
 gifted with a splendid poetic imagination, was an idealist. 
 Though less creative, Aristotle had a genius for system, 
 employed in reducing to scientific order the knowledge 
 accumulated by the ancients down to his own time. The 
 greatest of Plato's works is the Republic; second in im- 
 portance among his political writings is the Laws. From 
 the works of Aristotle the student of history will prefer 
 
Polybius; Diodorus 73 
 
 to acquaint himself with the Politics, a masterpiece of 
 poHtical science, and the Constitution of the Athenians, 
 the manuscript of which, written on a papyrus, was dis- 
 covered in Egypt in 1890. With Demosthenes and Aris- 
 totle the classical age of Greek literature comes to an end. 
 
 In the historical field by far the most eminent post- Later bis- 
 classical writer was Polybius. He lived during the Roman ius, about 
 conquest of Greece, and therefore saw not only his na- ^^°~^^° ^■^• 
 tion's political enslavement but the establishment of Rome 
 as the only great power in the world. His work is a history 
 of Roman expansion in the Mediterranean basin; only 
 by way of introduction or incidental reference does he 
 touch on earlier time. The experiences of mankind since 
 the days of Thucydides gave him a broader view of history 
 and politics. Most of the material for his work he ob- 
 tained from documents, from personal observation of the 
 topography and resources of the countries treated, and 
 from men who had taken part in the events which he nar- 
 rates. His interest centres in the motives, causes, and 
 effects of actions. A careful reading of this author is the 
 best possible introduction to the spirit and method of 
 history as we of to-day regard it. 
 
 To the age of Caesar belongs another Greek historian, Diodorus, 
 Diodorus the Sicilian, a writer incomparably inferior to ter 21 B.C. 
 Polybius in ability. His vast Historical Library narrates 
 the events of the civilized world from the earliest times to 
 Caesar's invasion of Britain (54 B.C.). The author shows 
 no judgment in selecting his material or in putting it to- 
 gether; hence the different parts of his work are of unequal 
 merit. He had no conception of the unity of history, and 
 this fault, together with his arrangement of events by 
 years, prevented him from tracing the causes, connections 
 and effects of events, — from being a good historian. His 
 
74 
 
 Introduction to the Sources 
 
 Nepos, 
 
 about 99-24 
 B.C. 
 
 Pompeius, 
 Trogus. 
 
 Strabo. 
 
 His work was 
 composed un- 
 der Augustus 
 and revised 
 under Tiber- 
 ius. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 
 about 50-125 
 A.D. 
 
 descriptions of countries and nations, however, are ex- 
 cellent; and in spite of all defects, his work is indispensable, 
 as it is our main source for long periods of ancient history. 
 Of the forty books, we have the first five, the eleventh 
 to the twentieth, and fragments of the other parts. 
 
 In this age Romans were interesting themselves in 
 writing about Greek men and affairs. Nepos composed 
 biographies, among which we still have the lives of several 
 famous Greek generals; they show him to have been an 
 inferior and untrustworthy writer. In the age of Augustus 
 Pompeius Trogus, a Roman of Gallic birth, wrote in Latin 
 a history of the world down to his own time. Undoubtedly 
 it was more meritorious than the history of Diodorus, 
 though we know it only through a poor abridgment of 
 the second century A.D. by Justin. 
 
 Nearly contemporary with Trogus was Strabo, the 
 geographer. After travelling through many countries 
 and learning much from earlier writers, he composed a 
 description of the known world in seventeen books. He 
 gives useful historical information also regarding many of 
 the places which he mentions. Though he wrote in Greek 
 and had Greek blood in his veins, he was a native of Pontus 
 in Asia Minor, and probably composed his work for the 
 reigning queen of that country. 
 
 The most famous Greek writer of the Christian era was 
 Plutarch, the biographer. He was a philosopher and a 
 man of sincere religious convictions, high moral purpose, 
 and lovable character. His parallel Lives of Greeks and 
 Romans has probably been read by more persons than any 
 other book by a single author. Although the writer lacks 
 historical training and critical judgment, his biographies 
 are among the most instructive sources for the persons 
 and events of which they treat. 
 
Authors and Documents 
 
 75 
 
 It will suffice to mention three other late Greek writers 
 with the principal work of each. Arrian of Nicomedia 
 wrote the Anabasis of Alexander, a military narrative 
 drawn from sources contemporary with the great conqueror. 
 At nearly the same time Pausanias composed his Guide to 
 Greece, which treats of the archaeology, myths, and to some 
 extent the history of that country. Sometime afterward 
 Diogenes Laertius wrote his Lives of the Philosophers, an 
 inaccurate work though full of useful information. The 
 Greek authors who treat mainly of Roman affairs will 
 be mentioned in a later chapter. 
 
 Later Greek 
 
 writers. 
 
 Arrian, about 
 95-175- 
 
 Pausanias, 
 d. about 175. 
 
 Diogenes 
 Laertius, 
 early third 
 century 
 A.D. 
 
 Ch. xxvii. 
 
 AUTHORS AND DOCUMENTS 
 
 i^lschylus, translated by A. S. Way. Macmillan. 
 
 Alcaeus, translated by Easby-Smith. Washington: Lowdermilk. 
 
 Aristophanes, edited and translated by B. B. Rogers. Macmillan. 
 
 • , Select Comedies, translated by J. H. Frere. Morley's Library. 
 
 Aristotle, Constitution of the Athenians, translated by the editors. 
 
 , Politics, translated by Jowett. O.xford: Clarendon Press. 
 
 Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, translated by E. J. Chinnock. Mac- 
 millan. I 
 
 Callinus, translated by the editors. 
 
 Demosthenes, translated by C. R. Kennedy. Macmillan. 
 
 Diodorus the Sicilian, Historical Library, translated by Booth (1814). 
 Revised by the editors. 
 
 Diogenes Laertius, translated by C. D. Yonge. Macmillan. 
 
 Euripides, translated by E. P. Coleridge. Macmillan. 
 
 Herodotus, translated by G. C. Macaulay. Macmillan. Revised by 
 the editors. 
 
 Hesiod, Works and Days, translated by A. W. Mair. Oxford: Claren- 
 don Press. 
 
 Homer, Iliad, translated by A. Lang, W. Leaf, and E. Myers. Mac- 
 millan. 
 
 , Odyssey, translated by S. H. Butcher and A. Lang. Mac- 
 millan. 
 
 Inscriptions, Greek, translated by the editors. 
 
76 Introduction to the Sources 
 
 Justin, translated by J. S. Watson. Macmillan. 
 
 Nepos, translated by J. S. Watson (in the same volume with Justin). 
 
 Papyri. Selections from the Greek Papyri, edited with translations by 
 G. Milligan. Cambridge: University Press. 
 
 Papyri, translated by the editors, unless otherwise stated. 
 
 Pausanias, translated by J. G. Frazer. 6 vols. Macmillan. 
 
 Pindar, translated by E. Myers. Macmillan. 
 
 Plato, translated by B. Jowett. Macmillan. 
 
 Plutarch, Lives, translated by A. Stewart and G. Long. Mac- 
 millan. 
 
 Polybius, translated by E. S. Shuckburgh. Macmillan. 
 
 Sappho, selected translations, edited by Wharton. Chicago: McClurg. 
 
 , new fragments, translated by J. M. Edmonds. Classical Review, 
 
 xxiii (1910). 99-104. 
 
 Sophocles, translated by R. C. Jebb. Cambridge: University Press. 
 
 Strabo, translated by H. C. Hamilton and W. Falconer. Mac- 
 millan. 
 
 Thucydides, translated by B. Jowett. Lothrop. 
 
 Tyrtaeus, translated by the editors. 
 
 Xenophon, translated by H. G. Dakyns. Macmillan. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 THE CRETAN AND MYCEN^AN CIVILIZATIONS 
 
 I. Race: The Carians 
 
 The Carians came to the mainland from the islands; Subjects of 
 for being of old time subjects of Minos and being called 
 Leleges, they used to dwell in the islands, paying no tribute, 171. 
 so far back as I am able to arrive by hearsay; but whenever Ancient 
 Minos required it, they used to supply his ships with sea- ^Vorld, 94. 
 men : and as Minos subdued much land and was fortunate 
 in his fighting, the Carian nation was of all nations much 
 the most famous at that time together with him. And 
 they produced three inventions of which the Hellenes 
 adopted the use; that is to say, the Carians were those 
 who first set the fashion of fastening crests on helmets, 
 and of making the devices which are put upon shields, 
 and these also were the first who made handles for their 
 shields, whereas up to that time all who were wont to 
 use shields carried them without handles and with leath- 
 ern straps to guide them, having them hung about their 
 necks and their left shoulders. Then after the lapse of a 
 long time the Dorians and lonians drove the Carians out 
 of the islands, and so they came to the mainland. 
 
 II. Minos 
 
 They say that many generations after the birth of the ^omfSs' 
 
 gods many heroes arose in Crete, the most illustrious of legisiati^ 
 
 whom were Minos and Rhadamanthys and Sarpedon, power. 
 
 77 
 
78 The Cretan and Mycenaean Civilizations 
 
 Diodorus v. 
 78, 
 
 Results of 
 his naval 
 supremacy. 
 
 Thucydides 
 
 The primi- 
 tive Greeks. 
 
 Thucydides 
 i. 2. 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 73 f. 
 
 who they say were the sons of Zeus and Agenor's sister 
 Europa. She, the story goes, had by a device of the gods 
 been carried off on a bull's back to Crete. Minos as the 
 eldest was king of the island, in which he planted no few 
 cities, the most famous among them being Cnossus in the 
 part which inclines toward Asia, Phgestus on the southern 
 coast, and Cydonia in the western regions opposite Pelo- 
 ponnesus. He enacted for the Cretans many laws, pre- 
 tending to receive them from his father Zeus and to hold 
 converse with him in a certain cave. It is said, too, that 
 he acquired a great naval power, conquered most of the 
 islands and was the first Greek to estabhsh an empire 
 at sea. After winning great repute for bravery and jus- 
 tice, he ended his life in Sicily in an expedition against 
 Cocalus. 
 
 After Minos had established a navy, communication by 
 sea became more general. For after he had expelled the 
 pirates, when he colonized the greater part of the islands, 
 the dwellers on the sea-coast began to grow richer and to 
 live in a more settled manner; and some of them, finding 
 their wealth increase beyond their expectations, sur- 
 rounded their towns with walls. The love of gain made the 
 weaker willing to serve the stronger, and the command of 
 wealth enabled the more powerful to subjugate the lesser 
 cities. This was the state of society which was beginning 
 to prevail at the time of the Trojan War. 
 
 III. Greek Migrations 
 
 The country which is now called Hellas was not regu- 
 larly settled in ancient times. The people were migratory, 
 and readily left their homes when they were overpowered 
 by numbers. There was no commerce, and they could 
 not safely hold intercourse with one another by land or 
 
Hellenic Migrations 79 
 
 sea. The several tribes cultivated their own soil just 
 enough to obtain a living from it. But they had no ac- 
 cumulation of wealth, and did not plant the ground; for 
 being without walls, they were never sure that an invader 
 might not come and despoil them. Living in this manner 
 and knowing that they could anywhere obtain a bare 
 subsistence, they were always ready to migrate; so that 
 they had neither great cities nor any considerable re- 
 sources. 
 
 The richest districts were most constantly changing J^^ ^^f^t of 
 
 •' ^ o increasing 
 
 their inhabitants; for example, the countries which are wealth, 
 now called Thessaly and Boeotia, the greater part of the 
 Peloponnesus with the exception of Arcadia, and all the 
 best districts of Hellas. For the productiveness of the 
 land increased the power of individuals; this in turn was 
 a source of quarrels by which communities were ruined, 
 while at the same time they were exposed to attacks from 
 without. Certainly Attica, of which the soil was poor and 
 thin, enjoyed a long freedom from civil strife, and there- 
 fore retained its original inhabitants. And a striking 
 confirmation of my argument is afforded by the fact that 
 Attica through immigration increased in population more 
 than any other region. For the leading men of Hellas, 
 when driven out of their own country by war or revolution, 
 sought an asylum in Athens; and from the very earliest 
 times, being admitted to the rights of citizenship, so 
 greatly increased the number of inhabitants that Attica 
 became incapable of containing them, and was at last 
 obliged to send out colonies to Ionia. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. What were the relations of the Carians to Minos? How did 
 they serve him? What inventions are ascribed to them? 
 
8o The Cretan and Mycenaean Civilizations' 
 
 2. What achievements of Minos are here mentioned? Does he 
 seem a myth or a real king? What economic effect had his naval 
 supremacy? 
 
 3. Describe the primitive condition of the Hellenes. Why were they 
 at first migratory? Why were the richest districts most unsettled? 
 Which were the richest countries? What was the condition of Attica 
 and its inhabitants? What policy did the early Athenians adopt 
 with reference to immigrants? Who wrote these selections, and 
 from what source did they obtain their information? What, there- 
 fore, is the value of their statements? 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 THE EPIC OR HOMERIC AGE 
 
 I. The Shield of Achilles 
 
 Achilles, son of the goddess Thetis, was the most valiant of all the 
 heroes who took part in the Trojan War; Ancient World, 95 f. After 
 he had quarrelled with Agamemnon, leader of the expedition, and had 
 become reconciled, Hephaestus, the artisan god, forged for him a 
 splendid suit of armor. The following passage tells how Hephjestus 
 made and decorated the shield. The chief value of the extract lies, 
 not only in the artist's work known to Homer, but even more in the 
 pictures of life which covered the shield — the marriage festival, the 
 trial, the siege and ambush, plowing, reaping, the vintage, the 
 herdsmen protecting their flocks from lions, the youths and maidens 
 dancing. Homer, Iliad, xviii. 478-607. 
 
 First fashioned he a shield great and strong, adorning 
 it all over, and set thereto a shining rim, triple, bright- 
 glancing, and therefrom a silver baldrick. Five were the 
 folds of the shield itself; and therein fashioned he much 
 cunning work from his wise heart. . . . 
 
 a. Also he fashioned therein two fair cities of mortal 
 men. In the one were espousals and marriage feasts, and 
 beneath the blaze of torches they were leading the brides 
 from their chambers through the city, and loud arose the 
 bridal song. And young men were whirling in the dance, 
 and among them flutes and viols sounded high; and the 
 women standing each at her door were marvelling. But 
 the folk were gathered in the assembly place; for there 
 a strife was arisen, two men striving about the blood-price 
 of a man slain; the one claimed to pay full atonement, 
 
 81 
 
 Hephaestus 
 fashions the 
 shield. 
 
 Iliad xviii. 
 478 ff. 
 
 Marriage. 
 
 Homeric age; 
 Greece, 10-17; 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 83-s. 
 
 A trials 
 
82 The Epic or Homeric Age 
 
 expounding to the people, but the other denied him and 
 would take naught; and both were fain to receive judgment 
 at the hands of an arbiter. And the folk were cheering 
 both, as they took part on either side. And heralds kept 
 order among the folk, while the elders on polished stones 
 were sitting in the sacred circle, and holding in their hands 
 staves from the loud-voiced heralds. Then before the 
 The talent people they rose up and gave judgment each in turn. And 
 tioned was a in the midst lay two talents of gold, to be given unto him 
 small weight, ^^lo should plead among them most righteously. 
 A siege. But around the other city were two armies in siege 
 
 with glittering arms. And two counsels found favor among 
 them, either to sack the town or to share all with the towns- 
 folk even whatsoever substance the fair city held within. 
 But the besieged were not yet yielding, but arming for 
 an ambushment. On the wall there stood to guard it their 
 dear wives and infant children, and with these the old 
 men; but the rest went forth, and their leaders were Ares 
 and Pallas Athena, both wrought in gold, and golden was 
 the vesture they had on. Goodly and great were they 
 in their armor, even as gods, far seen around, and the folk 
 at their feet were smaller. 
 An ambush. And when they came where it seemed good to them to 
 lay ambush, in a river bed where there was a common 
 watering-place of herds, there they set them, clad in ght- 
 tering bronze. And two scouts were posted by them afar 
 off to spy the coming of flocks and of oxen with crooked 
 horns. And presently came the cattle, and with them 
 two herdsmen playing on pipes, that took no thought of 
 the guile. Then the others when they beheld these ran 
 upon them and quickly cut off the herds of oxen and fair 
 flocks of white sheep, and slew the shepherds withal. But 
 the besiegers as they sat before the speech-places and heard 
 
Rural Life 83 
 
 much din among the oxen, mounted forthwith behind 
 their high-stepping horses, and came up with speed. Then 
 they arrayed their battle and fought beside the river banks, 
 and smote one another with bronze-shod spears. And 
 among them mingled Strife and Tumult, and fell Death, 
 grasping one man alive fresh -wounded, another without 
 wound, and dragging another dead through the mellay 
 by the feet; and the raiment on her shoulders was red 
 with the blood of men. Like living mortals they hurled 
 together and fought, and haled the corpses each of the 
 other's slain. 
 
 h. Furthermore he set in the shield a soft fresh-plowed Plowing. 
 field, rich tilth and wide, the third time plowed; and 
 many plowers therein drave their yokes to and fro as they 
 wheeled about. Whensoever they came to the bound- 
 ary of the field and turned, then would a man come to each 
 and give into his hands a goblet of sweet wine, while 
 others would be turning back along the furrows, fain to 
 reach the boundary of the deep tilth. And the field grew 
 black behind and seemed as it were a-plowing, albeit of 
 gold, for this was the great marvel of the work. 
 
 Furthermore he set therein the domain-land of a king. Reaping, 
 where hinds were reaping with sharp sickles in their hands. 
 Some armfuls along the swathe were falling in rows to 
 the earth, whilst others the sheaf-binders were binding 
 in twisted bands of straw. Three sheaf-binders stood over 
 them, while behind boys gathering corn and bearing it 
 in their arms gave it constantly to the binders; and among 
 them the king in silence was standing at the swathe with 
 his staff, rejoicing in his heart. And henchmen apart 
 beneath an oak were making ready a feast, and prepar- 
 ing a great ox they had sacrificed; while the women were 
 strewing much white barley to be a supper for the hinds. 
 
84 
 
 The Epic or Homeric Age 
 
 Vintage. Also he set therein a vineyard teeming plenteously 
 
 with clusters, wrought fair in gold; black were the grapes, 
 but the vines hung throughout on silver poles. And 
 around it he ran a ditch of cyanus, and round that a fence 
 of tin; and one single pathway led to it, whereby the 
 vintagers might go when they should gather the vintage. 
 And maidens and striplings in childish glee bare the sweet 
 fruit in plaited baskets. And in the midst of them a boy 
 made pleasant music on a clear-toned viol, and sang thereto 
 a sweet Linos-song with delicate voice; while the rest with 
 feet falling together kept time with the music and song. 
 
 Grazing. c. Also he wrought therein a herd of kine with upright 
 
 horns, and the kine were fashioned of gold and tin, and 
 with lowing they hurried from the yard to pasture beside 
 a murmuring river, beside the waving reed. And herds- 
 men of gold were following with the kine, four of them, 
 and nine dogs fleet of foot came after them. But two 
 terrible lions among the foremost kine had seized a loud- 
 roaring bull that bellowed mightily as they haled him, and 
 the dogs and the young men sped after him. The lions 
 rending the great bull's hide were devouring his vitals 
 and his black blood; while the herdsmen in vain tarred 
 on their fleet dogs to set them on, for they shrank from 
 biting the lions but stood hard by and barked and swerved 
 away. 
 
 Also the glorious lame god wrought therein a pasture 
 in a fair glen, a great pasture of white sheep, and a stead- 
 ing, and roofed huts, and folds. 
 
 Dancing. Also did the glorious lame god devise a dancing-place 
 
 like unto that which once in wide Cnossus Daidalus 
 wrought for Ariadne of the lovely tresses. There were 
 youths dancing and maidens of costly wooing, their hands 
 upon one another's wrists. Fine hnen the maidens had 
 
A Palace 85 
 
 on, and the youths well-woven doublets faintly ghstening 
 with oil. Fair wreaths had the maidens, and the youths 
 daggers of gold hanging from silver baldrics. And now 
 would they run round with deft feet exceeding lightly, 
 as when a potter sitting by his wheel that fitteth between 
 his hands maketh trial of it whether it run : and now^ anon 
 they would run in hnes to meet each other. And a great 
 company stood round the lovely dance in joy; and among 
 them a di\ane minstrel was making music on his lyre, and 
 through the midst of them, leading the measure, two tum- 
 blers whirled. 
 
 II. The Palace of Alcinous 
 
 The hero Odysseus, returning home from Troy, after its capture and 
 destruction, wandered far and wide, driven about by the sea-god 
 Poseidon, who was angry with him; Ancient World, 96. In these 
 travels he was ship-wrecked upon the island of the Phaeacians. 
 Received hospitably by Nausicaa, a princess of these people, he came 
 to the palace of her father. King Alcinous. Especially interesting is 
 the description of the palace and its inmates and of the garden in the 
 great front court. Homer, Odyssey, vii. 81-132. 
 
 Meanwhile Odysseus went to the famous palace of Interior 
 Alcinous, and his heart was full of many thoughts as he 
 stood there or ever he had reached the threshold of bronze, si g'^^'*' ^" 
 For there was a gleam as it were of sun and moon through 
 the high-roofed hall of great-hearted Alcinous. Brazen Greece, 5-7. 
 were the walls that ran this way and that from the thresh- 
 old to the inmost chamber, and round them was a frieze 
 of blue, and golden were the doors that closed in the good 
 house. Silver were the door-posts that were set on the 
 brazen threshold, and silver the lintel thereupon, and the 
 hook of the door was of gold. And on either side stood 
 golden hounds and silver, which Hephsestus wrought with 
 
86 
 
 The Epic or Homeric Age 
 
 The chief- 
 tains. 
 
 The maid- 
 servants. 
 
 The court- 
 yard. 
 
 his cunning, to guard the palace of great-hearted Alcinous, 
 being free from death and age all their days. 
 
 And within were seats arrayed against the wall this way 
 and that, from the threshold to the inmost chamber, and 
 thereon were spread light coverings finely woven, the hand- 
 iwork of women. There the Phaeacian chieftains were wont 
 to sit eating and drinking, for they had continual store. 
 Yea, and there were youths fashioned in gold, standing 
 on firm-set bases, with flaming torches in their hands, 
 giving light through the night to the feasters in the palace. 
 And he had fifty handmaids in the house, and some grind 
 the yellow grain on the millstone, and others weave webs 
 and turn the yarn as they sit, restless as the leaves of the 
 tall poplar tree; and the soft olive oil drops off that linen, 
 so closely is it woven. For as the Phaeacian men are skilled 
 beyond all others in driving a swift ship upon the deep, 
 even so are the women the most cunning at the loom, 
 for Athena hath given them notable wisdom in all fair 
 handiwork and cunning wit. 
 
 And without the courtyard, hard by the door, is a great 
 garden, of four plowgates, and a hedge runs round on 
 either side. And there grow tall trees blossoming, pear 
 trees and pomegranates, and apple trees with bright fruit, 
 and sweet figs and olives in their bloom. The fruit of 
 these trees never perisheth, neither faileth, winter or sum- 
 mer, enduring through all the year. Evermore the West 
 Wind blowing brings some fruits to birth and ripens others. 
 Pear upon pear waxes old, and apple upon apple, yea, 
 and cluster ripens upon cluster of the grape and fig upon 
 fig. There, too, hath he a fruitful vineyard planted , whereof 
 the one part is being dried by the heat, a sunny plot on 
 level ground, while other grapes men are gathering, and 
 yet others they are treading in the wine-press. In the fore- 
 
Studies 87 
 
 most row are unripe grapes that cast the blossom, and others 
 there be that are growing black to vintaging. There, 
 too, skirting the furthest hne, are all manner of garden 
 beds, planted trimly, that are perpetually fresh, and 
 therein are two fountains of water, whereof one scatters 
 his streams all about the garden, and the other runs over 
 against it beneath the threshold of the courtyard, and is- 
 sues by the lofty house, and thence did the townsfolk 
 draw water. These were the splendid gifts of the gods 
 in the palace of Alcinous. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. a. What features of the marriage are here mentioned? Over 
 what was the trial? Who were the Judges, and what part had the 
 people? What function did the heralds perform? Describe the siege. 
 What alternative plans had the besiegers in mind? What part did 
 the gods take in the conflict? b. Describe the plowing scene; the 
 reaping; the vintage; the preparation of food for the laborers, c. What 
 do you infer from the presence of lions as to the condition of the 
 country? What skilled industry is mentioned? Enumerate all the 
 occupations pictured on the "Shield." What do you infer from this 
 list as to the civilization of the country? Name all the metals used in 
 composing the "Shield." 
 
 2. What features of the palace seem to be Mycenaean? Who 
 were its occupants? Describe the work of the maidservants. 
 Where was the garden, and what were its fruits? How was it 
 watered? Combining these selections from Homer with pages 83-5 
 of the Ancient World, write as full an account as possible of Homeric 
 life. 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 MYTH AND RELIGION 
 
 Aphrodite. 
 
 Diodorus v. 
 
 73-5- 
 A ncient 
 World, 86 ff. 
 
 The Graces. 
 
 Athena. 
 
 The Muses. 
 
 Hephaestus. 
 
 I. The Gods 
 
 To Aphrodite he (Zeus) committed the care of the 
 mature age of girls; at which time they ought to marry, 
 and the oversight of other things used at nuptials. 
 
 To the Graces was granted power to beautify the face, 
 and to give a comely shape and proportion to all the mem- 
 bers of the body, , . . and to cause the persons to be 
 grateful and thankful for what they received. . . . 
 
 To Athena he committed the care of olive yards, and 
 the planting of olive trees, and the extraction of the oil: 
 for before the birth of this goddess, this tree grew wild, 
 disregarded among the trees of the wood, the use and 
 culture of it, as is now practiced, not then being known. 
 
 The making of garments likewise and architecture and 
 many other arts were revealed to men by this goddess. 
 She invented pipes and wind-music and many ingenious 
 tools and instruments for handicrafts; whence she was 
 called Ergane. 
 
 To the Muses their father allotted the invention of 
 letters and the composing of verses, called poetry. . . . 
 
 Hephaestus, they say, found out the working of iron, 
 brass, silver, and gold, and all other metals that require 
 forging by fire; and that the general use of fire in all other 
 cases, was found out by him, and discovered not only to 
 artificers, but to all other men; and therefore all the 
 masters of these arts pay their devotions, and offer their 
 
 88 
 
The Gods 89 
 
 sacrifices chiefly to this god; both they and all others call 
 fire Hephaestus, to the end that this great good bestowed 
 upon mankind might be forever remembered, to his eternal 
 honor and praise. 
 
 Ares, they say, first taught the making of all sorts of Ares. 
 weapons, and how to furnish soldiers both with offensive 
 and defensive arms, and to fight with courage and reso- 
 lution, destroying them all that were enemies to the gods. 
 
 To Apollo is attributed the invention of the harp, and Apollo, 
 that sort of music; and it is said, he discovered the art of 
 medicine, which is practiced by re^•elation from him, by 
 which the sick were commonly restored to health : he found 
 out likewise the use of the bow, and taught the inhabi- 
 tants to shoot; and therefore the Cretans delight much in 
 shooting, and call the bow Scythicus. 
 
 To Hermes they attribute the invention of messages Hermes, 
 in times of war by trumpets and heralds, of truces and 
 leagues; and as a sign they were sent to treat with the 
 enemy they carried a rod before them; and therefore were 
 suffered safely to come and go. Hence they were called 
 the common Hermes, because both sides in the war 
 enjoyed the common benefit of peace. 
 
 They say, he was the first that invented weights and 
 measures, and the acquisition of wealth by merchandise, 
 and the way of cheating and cozening of others. He was 
 accounted the herald of the gods, and the best messenger, 
 because he was quick and ingenious in declaring particu- 
 larly everything he had in command. Whence he was 
 called Hermes. 
 
 II. Odysseus Visits the Realm of Hades 
 
 In his wanderings Odysseus sailed into Oceanus, the stream that 
 girdles the earth. On its farther side he landed on the shore of Erebus, 
 
90 
 
 Myth and Religion 
 
 Odysseus 
 prepares to 
 speak with 
 the spirits of 
 the dead. 
 
 Odyssey xi. 
 34 ff- 
 
 Persephone, 
 wife of Hades. 
 
 Elpenor. 
 
 Left un- 
 buried. 
 
 the country over which Hades rules. He himself tells how he com- 
 municated with certain spirits of the dead. From the passage we 
 learn the view of the future life held by the Greeks of Homer's time. 
 Homer, Odyssey, xi. 34-223. 
 
 a. But when I had besought the tribes of the dead 
 with vows and prayers, I took the sheep and cut their 
 throats over the trench, and the dark blood flowed forth, 
 and lo, the spirits of the dead that be departed gathered 
 them from out of Erebus. Brides and youths unwed, 
 and old men of many and evil days, and tender maidens 
 with grief yet fresh at heart; and many there were, 
 wounded with bronze-shod spears, men slain in fight with 
 their bloody mail about them. And these many ghosts 
 flocked together from every side of the trench with a 
 wondrous cry, and pale fear gat hold on me. Then did I 
 speak to my company and command them to flay the sheep 
 that lay slain by the pitiless sword, and to consume them 
 with fire, and to make prayer to the gods, to mighty Hades 
 and to dread Persephone, and I myself drew the sharp 
 sword from my thigh and sat there, suffering not the 
 strengthless heads of the dead to draw nigh to the blood, 
 ere I had word of Teiresias. 
 
 And first came the soul of Elpenor my companion, that 
 had not yet been buried beneath the wide-wayed earth; 
 for we left the corpse behind us in the hall of Circe, un- 
 wept and unburied, seeing that another task was instant 
 upon us. At the sight of him I wept and had compassion 
 on him, and uttering my voice spake to him winged words: 
 "Elpenor, how hast thou come beneath the darkness and 
 the shadow? Thou hast come fleeter on foot than I in 
 my black ship." 
 
 So spake I, and with a moan he answered me, saying: 
 "Son of Laertes, of the seed of Zeus, Odysseus of many 
 
A Spirit of One Unburied 91 
 
 devices, an evil doom of some god was my bane and wine 
 out of measure. When I laid me down on the housetop 
 of Circe, I minded me not to descend again by the way 
 of the tall ladder, but fell right down from the roof, and 
 my neck was broken off from the bones of my spine, and 
 my spirit went down to the house of Hades. And now I 
 pray thee in the name of those whom we left, who are 
 no more with us, thy wife, and thy sire who cherished thee 
 when as yet thou wert a little one, and Telemachus, whom 
 thou didst leave in thy halls alone; forasmuch as I know 
 that on thy way hence from out the dwelling of Hades, 
 thou wilt stay thy well-wrought ship at the isle of Maean, 
 even then, my lord, I charge thee to think on me. Leave 
 me not unwept and unburied as thou goest hence, nor turn 
 thy back upon me, lest haply I bring upon thee the anger 
 of the gods. Nay, burn me with mine armor, all that is 
 mine, and pile me a barrow on the shore of the grey sea, 
 the grave of a luckless man, that even men unborn may 
 hear my story. Fulfil me this and plant upon the barrow 
 mine oar, wherewith I rowed in the days of my hfe, while 
 I was yet among my fellows." 
 
 Even so he spake, and I answered him saying: "All 
 this, luckless man, will I perform for thee and do." 
 
 Even so we twain were sitting holding sad discourse, 
 
 I on the one side, stretching forth my sword over the blood, 
 
 while on the other side the ghost of my friend told all his 
 
 tale. 
 
 b. Anon came up the soul of my mother dead, Anticleia, Anticleia, 
 
 11X1'- mother of 
 the daughter of Autolycus, the great-hearted, whom 1 leit odysseus, 
 
 alive when I departed for sacred Ilios. At the sight of 
 
 her I wept and was moved with compassion, yet even so, 
 
 for all my sore grief, I suffered her not to draw nigh to the 
 
 blood, ere I had word of Teiresias. , . . 
 
92 Myth and Religion 
 
 So spake I, and anon he answered me and said: "l will 
 tell thee an easy saying, and will put it in thy heart. Whom- 
 soever of the dead that be departed thou shalt suffer to 
 draw nigh to the blood, he shall tell thee sooth; but if thou 
 shalt grudge any, that one shall go to his own place again." 
 Therewith the spirit of the prince Teiresias went back 
 within the house of Hades, when he had told all his oracles. 
 But I abode there steadfastly, till my mother drew nigh 
 and drank the dark blood; and at once she knew me, and 
 bewailing herself spake to me winged words: 
 
 "Dear child, how didst thou come beneath the dark- 
 ness and the shadow, thou that art a living man? Griev- 
 ous is the sight of these things to the living, for between 
 us and you are great rivers and dreadful streams; first, 
 Oceanus, which can no wise be crossed on foot, but only 
 if one have a well-wrought ship. Art thou but now come 
 hither with thy ship and thy company in thy long wander- 
 ings from Troy? and hast thou not yet reached Ithaca, 
 nor seen thy wife in thy halls? " 
 
 Why Odys- Even so she spake, and I answered her, and said: "O 
 
 seus came to , . 111 
 
 the realm of my mother, necessity was on me to come down to the house 
 
 Hades. ^£ fj2,des to seek the spirit of Theban Teiresias. For not 
 
 yet have I drawn near to the Achaean shore, nor yet have 
 I set foot on mine own country, but have been wandering 
 evermore in afifliction, from the day that first I went with 
 goodly Agamemnon to Ilios of the fair steeds, to do bat- 
 tle with the Trojans. But come, declare me this and plainly 
 tell it all. What doom overcame thee of death that lays 
 men at their length? Was it a slow disease, or did Artemis 
 the archer slay thee with the visitation of her gentle shafts? 
 And tell me of my father and my son, that I left behind me; 
 doth my honor yet abide with them, or hath another al- 
 ready taken it while they say that I shall come home no 
 
Mother of Odysseus 93 
 
 more? And tell me of my wedded wife, of her counsel 
 and her purpose, doth she abide with her son and keep all 
 secure, or hath she already wedded the best of the Acha;- 
 ans?" 
 
 Even so I spake, and anon my lady mother answered His family 
 me: "Yea verily, she abideth with steadfast spirit in thy 
 halls; and wearily for her the nights wane always and the 
 daj's in shedding of tears. But the fair honor that is thine 
 no man hath yet taken; but Telemachus sits at peace on 
 his domain, and feasts at equal banquets, whereof it is 
 meet that a judge partake, for all men bid him to their 
 house. And thy father abides there in the field, and goes 
 not down to the town, nor lies he on bedding or rugs or 
 shining blankets, but all the winter he sleeps, where sleep 
 the thralls in the house, in the ashes by the fire, and is 
 clad in sorry raiment. But when the summer comes and 
 the rich harvest-tide, his beds of fallen leaves are strewn 
 lowly all about the knoll of his vineyard plot. There he 
 lies sorrowing and nurses his mighty grief, for long desire 
 of thy return, and old age withal comes heavy upon him. 
 Yea and even so did I too perish and meet my doom. It 
 was not the archer goddess of the keen sight, who slew 
 me in my halls with the visitation of her gentle shafts, 
 nor did any sickness come upon me, such as chiefly with 
 a sad wasting draws the spirit from the limbs; nay, it 
 was my sore longing for thee, and for thy counsels, great 
 Odysseus, and for thy loving-kindness, that reft me of 
 sweet life." 
 
 So spake she, and I mused in my heart and would fain Parting with 
 have embraced the spirit of my mother dead. Thrice I 
 sprang toward her, and was minded to embrace her; 
 thrice she flitted from my hands as a shadow or even 
 as a dream, and grief waxed ever the sharper at my 
 
94 
 
 Myth and Religion 
 
 The Treas- 
 ure-Houses. 
 
 Strabo ix. 3. 
 4- 
 
 It is to be 
 noticed that 
 Strabo com- 
 pleted his 
 work about 
 18 A.D. He 
 is therefore 
 speaking of a 
 time centuries 
 before his 
 own. 
 
 The Oracle. 
 
 /*. 5. 
 
 heart. And uttering my voice I spake to her winged 
 words : 
 
 "Mother mine, wherefore dost thou not abide me who 
 am eager to clasp thee, that even in Hades we twain may 
 cast our arms each about the other, and have our fill of 
 chill lament? Is this but a phantom that the high goddess 
 Persephone hath sent me, to the end that I may groan 
 for more exceeding sorrow?" 
 
 So spake I, and my lady mother answered me anon: 
 "Ah me, my child, of all men most ill-fated, Persephone, 
 the daughter of Zeus, doth in no wise deceive thee, but 
 even on this wise it is with mortals when they die. For 
 the sinews no more bind together the flesh and the bones, 
 but the great force of burning fire abolishes these, so soon 
 as the life hath left the white bones, and the spirit like a 
 dream flies forth and hovers near. But haste with all 
 thine heart toward the sunlight and mark all this, that 
 even hereafter thou mayest tell it to thy wife." 
 
 III. The Temple op Apollo at Delphi and the 
 
 Amphictyony 
 
 The temple of Apollo is now much neglected, although 
 formerly it was held in the greatest reverence. Proofs 
 of the respect which were paid to it are the treasures, 
 built at the expense of communities and princes, where 
 was deposited the wealth dedicated to sacred uses, the 
 works of the most eminent artists, the Pythian games, 
 and a vast number of recorded oracles. 
 
 The place where the oracle is delivered is said to be a 
 deep hollow cavern, the entrance to which is not very wide. 
 From it rises up an exhalation which inspires a divine 
 frenzy: over the mouth is placed a lofty tripod on which 
 the Pythian priestess ascends to receive the exhalation, 
 
The Delphic Amphictyony 95 
 
 after which she gi^•es the prophetic response in verse or 
 prose. The prose is adapted to metre by poets who are 
 in the service of the temple. . . . 
 
 Although the highest honor was paid to this temple on lb. 6. 
 account of this oracle, as the freest of all from deception, 
 yet its reputation was owing in part to its situation in the 
 centre of all Greece, both within and without the Isth- 
 mus. It was also supposed to be the centre of the habitable 
 earth. . . . 
 
 As the situation of Delphi is convenient, persons easily The Am- 
 assembled there, particularly those from the neighbor- 
 hood, of whom the Amphictyonic body is composed. It lb. 7. 
 is the business of this body to deliberate on pubhc affairs, 
 and to it is more particularly intrusted the guardianship 
 of the temple for the common good; for large sums of 
 money were deposited there, and votive offerings, which 
 required great vigilance and religious care. The early 
 history of this body is unknown, but among the names 
 which are recorded, Acrisius appears to have been the first 
 who regulated its constitution, to have determined what 
 cities were to have votes in the council, and to have as- 
 signed the number of votes and mode of voting. To some 
 cities he gave a single vote each, or a vote to two cities, 
 or to several cities conjointly. He also defined the class 
 of questions which might arise between the different cities, 
 which were to be submitted to the decision of the Am- 
 phictyonic tribunal; and subsequently many other regu- 
 lations were made, but this federation hke that of the 
 Achseans, was finally dissolved. 
 
 At first twelve cities are said to have assembled, each of Time and 
 1 • 1 -n. 1 rr^i • 111- place of as- 
 
 which sent a rylagoras. I he convention was held twice a sembly. 
 
 year, in spring and autumn. But latterly a greater number 
 
 of cities assembled. They called both the vernal and the 
 
96 Myth and Religion 
 
 autumnal convention Pylasan, because it was held at Pylae, 
 which has the name also of Thermopylae. The Pylagorae 
 sacrificed to Demeter. In the beginning, only the persons 
 in the neighborhood assembled, or consulted the oracle, 
 but afterwards people repaired thither from a distance 
 for this purpose, sent gifts, and constructed treasuries, 
 as Croesus, and his father Alyattes, some of the Italians 
 also, and the Sicilians. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Enumerate the deities mentioned in this selection, with the 
 functions of each. What are the Roman equivalents? What must 
 have been the mental condition of men which created these ideas of 
 the gods? 
 
 2. a. What classes of people did Odysseus find in the home of the 
 dead? What means had he of restoring their spirits to consciousness? 
 What was the normal state of their minds? What was the peculiar 
 condition of Elpenor? What was necessary to give his spirit peace? 
 b. What information did Odysseus' mother give him concerning 
 his family at home? Did the dead, then, know what was going on in 
 this world? What was the condition of his family? How, as his 
 mother explains, does the spirit separate itself from the body? 
 
 3. What were the Delphic treasure-houses? By what means did 
 Apollo give his oracles? Why did this oracle become the most im- 
 portant in Hellas? Describe the organization of the amphictyony. 
 Who were the Pylagorae? Mention all the authors represented in 
 this chapter and the source of Information of each. What is the 
 historical value of each selection? 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 THE CITY-STATE AND ITS DEVELOPMENT 
 
 I. Family, Village, and State 
 
 The family is the association established by nature The family, 
 for the supply of men's everyday wants, and the members Aristotle, 
 of it are called by Charondas "companions of the cup- °^^^"' •• 2- 
 board" and by Epimenides the Cretan, "companions of ^y"J^'' g. 
 the manger." But when several families are united, and io4- 
 the association aims at something more than the supply The village, 
 of daily needs, then comes into existence the village. And 
 the most natural form of the village appears to be that of a 
 colony from the family, composed of the children and grand- 
 children, who are said to be "nourished with the same 
 milk." And this is the reason why Hellenic states were 
 originally governed by kings; because the Hellenes were 
 under royal rule before they came together, as the bar- 
 barians still are. Every family is ruled by the eldest, and 
 therefore in the colonies of the family the kingly form of 
 government prevailed because they were of the same 
 blood. . . . 
 
 When several villages are united in a single community, The City- 
 perfect and large enough to be nearly or quite self-suffic- ^ 
 ing, the state comes into existence, originating in the 
 bare needs of life, and continuing in existence for the sake 
 of a good life. 
 
 97 
 
98 The City-State and Its Development 
 
 Situation. 
 
 Aristotle, 
 Politics, vii. 
 II. 
 
 Arrange- 
 ment of 
 houses in 
 streets. 
 
 II. The Founding or a City 
 
 In respect of the place itself our wish would be to find 
 a situation for it, fortunate in four things. The first, 
 health; this is a necessity: cities which lie toward the east 
 and are blown upon by winds coming from the east, are the 
 healthiest; next in healthfulness are those which are 
 sheltered from the north wind, for they have a milder win- 
 ter. The site of the city should likewise be convenient 
 for political administration and for war. With a view to 
 the latter it should afford easy egress to the citizens, 
 and at the same time be inaccessible and difficult of cap- 
 ture to enemies. There should be a natural abundance 
 of springs and fountains in the town; or, if there is a de- 
 ficiency of them, great reservoirs may be established for 
 the collection of rain-water, such as will not fail when 
 the inhabitants are cut off from the country by war. 
 Special care should be taken of the health of the inhabi- 
 tants, which will depend chiefly on the healthiness of the 
 locality and of the quarter to which they are exposed, 
 and secondly, on the use of pure water; this latter point 
 is by no means a secondary consideration. For the ele- 
 ments which we use most and oftenest for the support of 
 the body contribute most to health, and among these 
 are water and air. Wherefore in all wise states, if there is 
 a want of pure water and the supply is not all equally 
 good, the drinking water ought to be separated from that 
 which is used for other purposes. . . . 
 
 The arrangement of private houses is considered to 
 be more agreeable and generally more convenient, if the 
 streets are regularly laid out after the modern fashion 
 which Hippodamus introduced, but for security in war 
 the antiquated mode of building, which made it difficult 
 
Limitations 99 
 
 for strangers to get out of a town and for assailants to 
 find their way in, is preferable. A city should therefore 
 adopt both plans of building; it is possible to arrange the 
 houses irregularly, as husbandmen plant their vines in 
 what are called "clumps." The whole town should not 
 be laid out in straight lines, but only certain quarters and 
 regions; thus security and beauty will be combined. . . . 
 
 III. Population and Territory should be Limited 
 
 A state, then, only begins to exist when it has attained What should 
 a population sufficient for a good life in the poHtical ® ^ °"^ 
 community; it may indeed somewhat exceed this number. Aristotle, ^ 
 But, as I was saying, there must be a Umit. What should ^i, ' ' 
 be the limit will be easily ascertained by experience. For 
 both governors and governed have duties to perform; 
 the special functions of a governor are to command and 
 to judge. But if the citizens of a state are to judge and 
 distribute offices according to merit, then they must know 
 each other's characters; where they do not possess this 
 knowledge, both the election to offices and the decision of 
 lawsuits will go wrong. When the population is very large, 
 these things are manifestly settled at haphazard, which 
 clearly ought not to be. Besides, in an overpopulous state 
 foreigners and metics will readily acquire the rights of 
 citizens, for who will find them out? Clearly then the best 
 limit of the population of a state is the largest number 
 which suffices for the purposes of life, and can be taken in 
 at a single view. Enough concerning the size of a city. 
 
 Much the same principle will apply to the territory Self- 
 of the state; every one would agree in praising the state ^" '^^^' 
 which is most entirely self-sufficing; and that must be the 
 state which is all producing, for to have all things, and to 
 want nothing is sufficiency. In size and extent it should 
 
loo The City-State and Its Development 
 
 be such as may enable the inhabitants to Hve temperately 
 and liberally in the enjoyment of leisure. . . . 
 
 Three true 
 forms of 
 government. 
 
 Aristotle, 
 Politics, iii. 
 
 7- 
 
 IV. Forms of Government 
 
 We have next to consider how many forms of govern- 
 ment there are, and what they are; and in the first place 
 what are the true forms; for what they are determines the 
 perversions of them, as will at once be apparent. The 
 words constitution and government have the same mean- 
 ing, and the government which is the supreme authority 
 in states, must be in the hands of one or of a few or of many. 
 The true forms of government therefore are those in which 
 the one, or the few, or the many govern with a view to the 
 common interest; but governments which rule with a view 
 to the private interest, whether of the one, or of the few, 
 or of the many, are perversions. For citizens, if they are 
 truly citizens, ought to participate in the advantages of a 
 state. Of forms of government in which one rules, we 
 call that which regards the common interests, kingship 
 or royalty; that in which more than one but not many, 
 rule, aristocracy ("the rule of the best") ; and it is so called, 
 either because the rulers are the best men, or because they 
 have at heart the best interests of the state and of the 
 citizens. But when the citizens at large administer the 
 state for the common interest, the government is called 
 by the generic name — a constitution. And there is a 
 reason for this use of language. One man or a few 
 may excel in virtue; but of virtue there are many kinds; 
 and as the number increases, it becomes more difficult 
 for them to attain perfection in every kind, though they 
 may in mihtary virtue, for this is found in the masses. 
 Hence, in a constitutional government the fighting men 
 
Evolution of Government loi 
 
 have the supreme power, and those who possess arms are 
 the citizens. 
 
 Of the above-mentioned forms, the perversions are as Three per- 
 follows: — of royalty, tyranny; of aristocracy, oHgarchy; forms. 
 of constitutional government, democracy. For tyranny 
 is a kind of monarchy which has in view the interest of the 
 monarch only; oligarchy has in view the interest of the 
 wealthy; democracy of the needy; none of them the com- 
 mon good of all. 
 
 The hrst governments were kingships; probably for Evolution of 
 this reason, because of old, when cities were small, men of 
 eminent virtue were few. They were m.ade kings because Aristotle, 
 they were benefactors, and benefits can only be bestowed jji. 15. ' 
 by good men. But when many persons equal in merit 
 arose, no longer enduring the pre-eminence of one, they 
 desired to have a commonwealth, and set up a constitu- 
 tion. The ruhng class soon deteriorated and enriched 
 themselves out of the public treasury; riches became the 
 path to honor, and so oligarchies naturally grew up. These 
 passed into tyrannies and tyrannies into democracies; 
 for love of gain in the ruling classes was always tending to 
 diminish their number, and so to strengthen the masses, 
 who in the end set upon their masters and established 
 democracies. Since cities have increased in size, no other 
 form of government appears to be any longer possible. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. What is a family, and what is a village? What form of govern- 
 ment had the village and why? How did the state arise? 
 
 2. What are the four essentials in the situation of a city? How 
 may they be secured? What were the two modes of arranging the 
 houses in streets, and their relative merits? 
 
 3. What limit should there be to the extent and population of a 
 city-state? What would Aristotle think of our state? 
 
IG2 The City-State and Its Development 
 
 4. Name and define the true forms of government; the perverted 
 forms. How does an oHgarchy differ from an aristocracy? What 
 objection has Aristotle to democracy? Trace the evolution of the 
 various forms of government. When did Aristotle live, and what is 
 the value of his Politics? 
 
CHAPTER XI 
 
 ECONOMY AND COLONIZATION 
 
 I. Farming 
 
 Get a house first and a woman and a plowing ox; and 
 get all gear arrayed within the house, lest thou beg of 
 another and he deny thee and thou go lacking, and the 
 season pass by and thy work be minished. Neither put 
 off till the morrow nor the day after. The idle man filleth 
 not his barn, neither he that putteth off. Diligence pros- 
 pereth work, but the man that putteth off ever wrestleth 
 with ruin. ' 
 
 And bring thou home a plowbeam, when thou findest 
 it by search on hill or in field — of holm oak: for this is the 
 strongest to plow with, when Athena's servant fasteneth 
 it in the share-beam and fixeth it with dowels to the pole. 
 Get thee two plows, fashioning them at home, one of the 
 natural wood, the other jointed, since it is far better to do 
 so. Hence if thou break the one, thou canst yoke the oxen 
 to the other. Freest of worms are poles of bay or elm. 
 Get thee then share-beam of oak, plow-beam of holm, 
 and two oxen of nine years. For the strength of such is 
 not weak in the fulness of their age; they are best for 
 work. They will not quarrel in the furrow and break the 
 plow, and leave their work undone. And with them let 
 a man of forty follow, his dinner a loaf of four quarters, 
 eight pieces, who will mind his work and drive a straight 
 furrow, no more gaping after his fellows, but having his 
 heart on his task. Than he no younger man is better at 
 
 103 
 
 Prepara- 
 tions for 
 small farni' 
 ing. 
 
 Hesiod, 
 M'orks and 
 Days. 
 
 Plows. 
 
 Evidently 
 the writer 
 here has in 
 mind a larger 
 farm. 
 
I04 Economy and Colonization 
 
 Winter 
 occupation. 
 
 Winter 
 clothing. 
 
 Threshing 
 and after. 
 
 sowing. For the mind of a younger man is fluttered after 
 his age-fellows. . . . And let a young slave follow behind 
 with a mattock and cause trouble to the birds by covering 
 up the seed. . . . 
 
 But pass by the smith's forge and the crowded club- 
 house in the winter season when cold constraineth men 
 from work, wherein a diligent man would greatly prosper 
 his house, lest the helplessness of evil winter overtake thee 
 with poverty, and thou press a swollen foot with lean 
 hand. But the idle man who waiteth on empty hope, 
 for lack of livelihood garnereth many sorrows for his soul. 
 Hope is a poor companion for a man in need, who sitteth 
 in a club-house when he hath no livelihood secured. Nay; 
 declare thou to thy thralls while it is still midsummer: 
 It will not be summer always; build ye cabins. . . . 
 
 In that season (winter) do thou for the defence of thy 
 body array thee as I bid thee in soft cloak and full-length 
 tunic, and twine much woof in a scanty warp. . . . About 
 thy feet bind fitting sandals of the hide of a slaughtered 
 ox, covering them with felt. And when the frost cometh 
 in its season, sew thou together with thread of ox-thong 
 the skins of firstling kids to put about thy back as a shield 
 against the rain. And on thy head wear thou a cap of 
 wrought felt, that thou mayest not have thy ears wetted. 
 For chill is the dawn at the onset of Boreas. . . . 
 
 But so soon as the strength qf Orion appeareth, urge 
 thy thralls to thresh the holy grain of Demeter in a windy 
 place and on a rounded floor; measure and store it in ves- 
 sels; and when thou hast laid up all thy li^•elihood within 
 thy house, then I bid thee get a thrall that hath no family, 
 and seek a serving woman without a child. Troublous 
 is a serving woman that hath a child. Care, too, for tie 
 dog of jagged teeth. Spare not his food, lest the Ley 
 
Agriculture; Navigation 105 
 
 Sleeper filch away thy goods. Also bring in fodder and 
 litter that thou mayest have sufficient store for thy cattle 
 and thy mules. Then let thy thralls rest their knees and 
 loose thine oxen. 
 
 But when Orion and Sirius come into mid-heaven, and Vintage. 
 rosy-fingered Morning looketh upon Arcturus, O Perses, 
 pluck and bring home all thy grapes, and show them to 
 the sun ten days and ten nights. Cover them five days 
 and on the sixth draw off into vessels the gifts of joyous 
 Dionysus. . . . 
 
 In the flower of thine age lead thou home thy bride, Marriage, 
 when thou art not far short of thirty years nor far past 
 over. This is the timely marriage. Sixteen years old 
 should be the woman; let her marry in the seventeenth. 
 Marry a maiden that thou mayest teach her good ways. 
 Marry a neighbor best of all, with care and circum- 
 spection, lest thy marriage be a (mahcious) joy to thy 
 neighbors. For no better spoil doth a man win than a 
 good wife, even as he winneth no worse than a bad wife — 
 the banquet-seeker, that roasteth her husband without a 
 brand, and giveth him over to untimely old age. 
 
 II. Navigation 
 
 For fifty days after the turning of the sun, when har- Directions ^^ 
 vest, the weary season, hath come to an end, sailing is tion. 
 seasonable for men. Thou shalt not break thy ship, nor 
 shall the sea destroy thy crew, save only if Poseidon fy^^'^f'^^^ 
 Shaker of the Earth or Zeus the King of the Immortals Days. 
 be wholly minded to destroy. For with them is the issue 
 alike of good and evil. Then are the breezes easy to judge 
 and the sea is harmless. Then trust thou in the winds; 
 with soul untroubled launch the swift ship in the sea, 
 and well bestow therein thy cargo. And haste with all 
 
io6 Economy and Colonization 
 
 A less favor- 
 able ijeason. 
 
 There was no 
 insurance. 
 
 speed to return home again; neither wait the new wine and 
 autumn rain, the winter's onset and the dread blasts of 
 the southern wind, which, coming with the heavy autumn 
 rain of Zeus, stirreth the sea and maketh the deep perilous. 
 Also in spring may men sail; when first on the topmost 
 spray of the fig-tree leaves appear as the foot-print of a 
 crow for size, then is the sea navigable. This is the spring 
 sailing, which I commend not, for it is not pleasing to my 
 mind, snatched sailing that it is. Hardly shalt thou escape 
 doom. Yet even this men do in ignorance of mind. For 
 money is life for hapless men: but dread is death amid the 
 waves, and I bid thee think of all these things in thy 
 heart, even as I say. Neither set thou all thy livelihood 
 in hollow ships, but leave the greater part and put on 
 board the less. For a dread thing it is to chance on doom 
 amid the waves. 
 
 Topography 
 and art. 
 
 Strabo vi. 
 3. I. 
 
 Greece, 34; 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 107. 
 
 III. Tarentum 
 
 The Gulf of Tarentum is for the most part destitute of a 
 port, but here there is a large commodious harbor closed 
 in by a great bridge. . . . The site of the city is extremely 
 low. The ground rises slightly toward the citadel. The 
 old wall of the city has an immense circuit, but now the 
 greater portion — that toward the isthmus — is deserted; 
 but the part near the mouth of the harbor still subsists 
 and constitutes a considerable city. It possesses a noble 
 gymnasium and a spacious forum, in which stands a 
 bronze colossus of Zeus, the largest ever made excepting 
 the one at Rhodes. The citadel, situated between the 
 forum and the entrance to the harbor, still preserves some 
 slight relics of the ancient magnificence of consecrated 
 ofiferings, but the best were destroyed either by the Car- 
 thaginians when they took the city or by the Romans when 
 
Tarentum; Marseilles 107 
 
 they stormed and sacked it. In the booty taken on this 
 occasion was the bronze colossus of Hercules, the work of 
 Lysippus, now on the Capitohne HiU. It was dedicated 
 there as an offering by Fabius Maximus, who captured the 
 city. 
 
 At one time, when the government of the Tarentines Govern- 
 
 ment. 
 had assumed a democratic form, they rose to great im- 
 portance; for they possessed the largest fleet of all the 3. 4. 
 states in that region, and could bring into the field an army 
 of 30,000 foot and 3,000 horse besides a select body of 
 1000 cavalry called hipparchi. They adopted, too, the 
 Pythagorean philosophy; and Archytas, who for a long 
 time presided over the government, gave it his special 
 support. At a later period, however, their luxury, aris- 
 ing from their prosperity, so increased that their public 
 festivals exceeded in number the days of the year. Hence 
 arose an inefficient government. 
 
 IV. Massalia (Marseilles) 
 
 Marseilles, founded by the Phocaeans, is built in a Its founding, 
 stony region. Its harbor lies beneath a rock which is Strabo iv. 
 shaped like a theatre opening toward the south. Walls ^' "*' 
 protect the harbor and the whole city, which is of consider- ^"^/^"'^ 
 able size. Within the citadel stand the Ephesium and 
 the temple of the Delphian Apollo. The latter temple 
 is common to all the lonians. The Ephesium is the 
 temple consecrated to Artemis of Ephesus. It is said 
 that when the Phocasans were about to quit their country, 
 an oracle commanded them to take from Artemis of Ephe- 
 sus, a conductor for their voyage. On arriving at Ephesus, 
 therefore, they inquired how they might be able to ob- 
 tain from the goddess what was ordered them. The god- 
 
 [lO. 
 
io8 Economy and Colonization 
 
 Government. 
 
 lb. 5- 
 
 Timuchi, 
 "holders of 
 honor" 
 (office.) 
 
 Livelihood. 
 
 dess appeared in a dream to Aristarcha, one of the most 
 honorable women of the city, and commanded her to ac- 
 company the Phocaeans, and to take with her a plan of 
 the temple and statues. When this was done and the 
 colony settled, the Phocseans built a temple, and evinced 
 their great respect for Aristarcha by making her priestess. 
 All the colonies sent out from Marseilles hold this goddess 
 in peculiar reverence, preserving the form of the statue 
 as well as every rite observed in the mother-city. 
 
 The Massalians live under a well-regulated aristocracy. 
 They have a council composed of six hundred persons 
 called timuchi, who enjoy this dignity for Hfe. Fifteen 
 timuchi preside over the council and have the manage- 
 ment of current affairs; these fifteen are presided over by 
 three of their number, in whom rests the chief authority; 
 and of these three, one is chairman. No one can become 
 a timuchus unless he has children and has been a citizen 
 for three generations. Their laws, which are the same as 
 those of the lonians, they expound in public. 
 
 Their country abounds in vines and olives, but on ac- 
 count of its ruggedness their wheat is poor. Hence they 
 trust more to the resources of the sea than of the land, and 
 avail themselves of their excellent position for commerce. 
 They have found it possible, however, through persever- 
 ance to annex some of the surrounding plains, and also 
 to found cities. Of this number are the cities they founded 
 in Iberia as a rampart against the Iberians, in which they 
 introduced the worship of Artemis of Ephesus as practised 
 in the fatherland, with the Greek mode of sacrifice. . . . 
 They possess also dry docks and armories. Formerly 
 they had an abundance of vessels, arms, and machines 
 for navigation and for besieging towns, by which means 
 they defended themselves against the barbarians. 
 
Colonial Institutions 109 
 
 V. Relation between the Colony and the 
 Mother-City 
 
 T maintain that this colony of ours has a father and a As a child to 
 
 . . a parent, 
 
 mother, who are no other than the colonizmg state. Weli 
 
 I know that many colonies have been, and will be, at Plato, Laws, 
 
 enmity with their parents. But in early days, the child, 
 
 as in a family, loves and is loved; even if there come a Greece, 39; 
 
 time later when the tie is broken, still while he is in want World, 106. 
 
 of education, he naturally loves his parents and is beloved 
 
 by them, and flies to his relatives for protection, and finds 
 
 in them his only natural allies in time of need; and this 
 
 parental feeling already exists in the Cnossians, as is 
 
 shown by their care of the new city; and there is a similar 
 
 feeling on the part of the young city toward Cnossus. 
 
 VI. Athenian Decree for the Colonization of Brea, 
 
 446-445 
 
 The leaders of the colonists shall provide flocks of goats. Religious 
 
 rit6S> 
 as many as they shall deem sufficient, for the offering of 
 
 auspicious sacrifices in behalf of the colony. Ten men shall ;j^„_" 
 be chosen as surveyors, one from each tribe, and these surveyors, 
 men shall assign the land. Democlides shall have full ^^^ 
 power to estabhsh the colony according to the best of his founder, 
 ability. The sacred domains that have been set apart 
 shall be left as they are, and no others shall be conse- 
 crated. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 I. WTiat things must the farmer have to begin with? Do these 
 directions have reference to a large or a small farm? Describe the 
 making of a plow. What kinds of wood grew in the forests? Who 
 will make the best plowman? Is this man of forty slave or free? 
 Does this reference to the plowman and the slave boy indicate a very 
 
no Economy and Colonization 
 
 small farm? How was the seed covered? What class of men frequent 
 the club-houses? What should the farmer do during winter? De- 
 scribe the threshing; the vintage. What directions are given for 
 marriage? 
 
 2. What are the seasons for navigation? What precaution is to 
 be taken regarding the cargo? What seems to have been the condi- 
 tion of navigation? 
 
 3. Describe the situation of Tarentum. What became of its works 
 of art? What was its form of government? 
 
 4. How did Artemis come to be the chief deity of Marseilles? Com- 
 pare the government of this city with that of Tarentum. What wars 
 the occupations of the people? 
 
 5. How was the colony related to the mother-city? 
 
 6. What regulations for the founding of Brea did Athens establish 
 by decree? 
 
CHAPTER XII 
 
 THE RISE OF SPARTA AND THE PELOPONNESIAN 
 
 LEAGUE 
 
 I. Lyctjrgus: Regency and Travels 
 
 With regard to Lycurgus the lawgiver there is noth- 
 ing whatever that is undisputed; as his birth, his travels, 
 his death, and besides all this, his legislation, have all been 
 related in various ways. . . . He was king for eight 
 months in all; and was much looked up to by the citizens 
 who rendered a willing obedience to him, because of his 
 eminent virtues rather than because he was regent with 
 royal powers. There was, nevertheless, a faction which 
 grudged him his elevation, and tried to oppose him, as 
 he was a young man. . . . He decided to avoid all sus- 
 picion by leaving the country and travelling until his 
 nephew should be grown up and have an heir born to 
 succeed him. 
 
 With this intention he set sail, and first came to Crete, 
 where he studied the constitution and mixed with the 
 leading statesmen. Some part of their laws he approved 
 and made himself master of, with the intention of adopting 
 them on his return home, while with others he was dis- 
 satisfied. One of the men who had a reputation there 
 for learning and state-craft he made his friend, and in- 
 duced him to go to Sparta. This was Thaletas, who was 
 thought to be merely a lyric poet, and who used this art 
 to conceal his graver requirements, being in reality deeply 
 versed in legislation. His poems were exhortations to 
 
 III 
 
 Nothing 
 positively 
 known of 
 him. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Lycurgus, 
 1-6. 
 
 Greece, 56; 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 117 f. 
 
 His visit to 
 Crete. 
 
112 Sparta and the Peloponnesian League 
 
 Public 
 tables. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Lycurgus, lo. 
 
 Girls and 
 women. 
 
 lb. 14. 
 
 unity and concord, breathing a spirit of calm and order, 
 which insensibly civilised their hearers and by urging 
 them to the pursuit of honorable objects, led them to lay 
 aside the feelings of party strife so prevalent in Sparta; 
 so that he may be said in some degree to have educated 
 the people and prepared them to receive the reforms of 
 Lycurgus. 
 
 II. His Idea of Education 
 
 Wishing still further to put down luxury and take away 
 the desire for riches, he introduced the third and the 
 most admirable of his reforms, that of the common din- 
 ing-table. At this the people were to meet and dine 
 together upon a fixed allowance of food, and not to live 
 in their own homes, lolling on expensive couches at rich 
 tables, fattened like beasts in private by the hands of 
 servants and cooks, and undermining their health by in- 
 dulgence to excess in every bodily desire, long sleep, warm 
 baths, and much repose, so that they required a sort of 
 daily nursing like sick people. 
 
 Considering education to be the most important and 
 the noblest work of a lawgiver, he began at the very be- 
 ginning, and regulated marriages and the birth of children. 
 It is not true that, as Aristotle says, he endeavored to 
 regulate the lives of the women, and failed, being foiled 
 by the liberty and habits of command which they had 
 acquired by the long absences of their husbands on mili- 
 tary expeditions, during which they were necessarily 
 left in sole charge at home, wherefore their husbands looked 
 up to them more than was fitting, calling them Mistresses; 
 but he made what regulations were necessary for them also. 
 He strengthened the bodies of the girls by exercises in 
 running, wrestling, and hurling quoits or javelins, in 
 
Modesty and Moderation 113 
 
 order that their children might spring from a healthy 
 source and so grow up strong. . . . He did away with all 
 affectation of seclusion and retirement among the women, 
 and ordained that the girls, no less than the boys, should 
 go unclad in processions, and dance and sing at festivals 
 in the presence of the young men. 
 
 III. The Modesty of the Youths; the Moderation 
 
 OF THEIR Food 
 
 Furthermore, in his desire firmly to implant in their Silent and 
 
 youthful souls a root of modesty he imposed upon these ^^'^ 
 
 bigger boys a special rule. In the very streets they were cmsiiMhn 
 
 to keep their two hands within the folds of the cloak; of the Lace- 
 
 damomans, 
 
 they were to walk m silence and without turning their 3. 
 heads to gaze, now here now there, but rather to keep 
 their eyes fixed upon the ground before them. And hereby 
 it would seem to be proved conclusively that, even in the 
 matter of quiet bearing and sobriety, the masculine type 
 may claim greater strength than that which we attribute 
 to the nature of women. At any rate, you might sooner 
 expect a stone image to find voice than one of those Spar- 
 tan youths; to divert the eyes of some bronze statue were 
 less difficult. And as to quiet bearing, no bride ever 
 stepped in bridal bower with more natural modesty. Note 
 them when they have reached the public table. The 
 plainest answer to the question asked, — that is all you 
 need expect from their lips. 
 
 As to food, his ordinance allowed them so much as Their food, 
 while not inducing repletion, should guard them from ib. 5-7. * 
 actual want. And in fact, there are many exceptional 
 dishes in the shape of game supplied from the hunting 
 field. Or, as a substitute for these, rich men will occasion- 
 
114 Sparta and the Peloponnesian League 
 
 ally garnish the feast with wheaten loaves. So that from 
 beginning to end, till the mess breaks up, the common 
 board is never stinted for viands, nor yet extravagantly 
 furnished. 
 
 The land 
 system. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 
 Lycurgus, 
 8. 
 
 The Cryp- 
 teia. 
 
 lb. 28. 
 
 Greece, 59 f. 
 
 Ancienl 
 Wo'rld, 112 
 
 f. 
 
 IV. The Periceci and the Helots 
 
 Putting his proposal immediately into practice, he 
 divided the outlying lands of the state among the periceci, 
 in thirty thousand lots, and that immediately adjoining 
 the metropolis among the native Spartans, in nine thou- 
 sand lots, for to that number they then amounted. Some 
 say that Lycurgus made six thousand lots, and that 
 Polydorus added three thousand afterwards; others that 
 he added half the nine thousand, and that only half was 
 allotted by Lycurgus. 
 
 Each man's lot was of such a size as to supply a man 
 with seventy medimni of barley, and his wife with twelve, 
 and oil and wine in proportion; for thus much he thought 
 ought to suffice them, as the food was enough to maintain 
 them in health, and they wanted nothing more. It is said 
 that, some years afterwards, as he was returning from a 
 journey through the country at harvest-time, when he saw 
 the sheaves of corn lying in equal parallel rows, he smiled, 
 and said to his companions that all Laconia seemed as if 
 it had just been divided among so many brothers. 
 
 In all these acts of Lycurgus we cannot find any traces 
 of the injustice and unfairness which some complain of 
 in his laws, which they say are excellent to produce cour- 
 age but less so for justice. And the institution called 
 Crypteia, if indeed it is one of the laws of Lycurgus, as 
 Aristotle tells us, would agree with the idea which Plato 
 conceived about him and his system. The Crypteia was 
 this: the leaders of the young men used at intervals to 
 
The Helots 115 
 
 send the most discreet of them into different parts of the 
 country, equipped with daggers and necessary food; in 
 the daytime these men used to conceal themselves in un- 
 frequented spots, and take their rest, but at night they 
 would come down into the roads and murder any helots 
 they found. And often they would range about the fields, 
 and make away with the strongest and bravest helots 
 they could find. Also, as Thucydides mentions in his 
 History oj the Peloponnesian War, those helots who were 
 especially honored by the Spartans for their valor were 
 crowned as free men, and taken to the temples with re- 
 joicings; but in a short time they all disappeared, to the 
 number of more than two thousand, and in such a way 
 that no man, either then or afterward, could tell how they 
 perished. Aristotle says that the Ephors, when they first 
 take office, declare war against the helots, in order that it 
 may be lawful to destroy them. And much other harsh 
 treatment used to be inflicted upon them; and they were 
 compelled to drink much unmixed wine, and then were 
 brought into the pubHc dining halls, to show the young 
 what drunkenness is. 
 
 They were also forced to sing low songs, and to dance Degradation 
 ^ f .,,.-. . of the helots, 
 
 low dances, and not to meddle with those of a fughcr 
 
 character. It is said that when the Thebans made their 
 
 celebrated campaign in Lacedaemon, they ordered the 
 
 helots whom they captured to sing them the songs of 
 
 Terpander, and Alcman, and Spendon the Laconian; 
 
 but they begged to be excused for they said, "the masters 
 
 do not like it." So it seems to have been well said that in 
 
 Lacedaemon, the free man was more free, and the slave • 
 
 more a slave than anywhere else. This harsh treatment, 
 
 I imagine, began in later times, especially after the great 
 
 earthquake, when they relate that the helots joined the 
 
ii6 Sparta and the Peloponnesian League 
 
 Messenians, ravaged the country and almost conquered 
 it. I cannot impute this wicked act of the Crypteia to 
 Lycurgus, when I consider the gentleness and justice of 
 his general behavior, which also we know was inspired by 
 heaven. 
 
 Criticisms 
 on the coun- 
 cU. 
 
 Aristotle, 
 Politics, ii. g. 
 
 Candidates 
 passed one 
 by one 
 through the 
 assembly 
 and were 
 acclaimed. 
 The returning 
 board behind 
 a screen 
 determined 
 the choice by 
 the intensity 
 of the ap- 
 plause. 
 
 VI. The Council of Elders 
 
 Again, the council of elders is not free from defects. It 
 may be said that the elders are good men and well trained 
 in manly virtue; and that, therefore, there is an advantage 
 to the state in having them. But that judges of important 
 causes should hold office for life is not a good thing, for 
 the mind grows old as well as the body. And when men 
 have been educated in such a manner that even the legis- 
 lator himself cannot trust them, there is real danger. 
 Many of the elders are well known to have taken bribes 
 and to have been guilty of partiality in public affairs. 
 And therefore they ought not to be irresponsible; yet at 
 Sparta they are so. But it may be replied: "All magis- 
 tracies are accountable to the Ephors." Yes, but this 
 prerogative is too great for them, and we maintain that 
 the control should be exercised in some other manner. 
 Further, the mode in which the Spartans elect their elders 
 is childish; and it is improper that the person to be elected 
 should canvass for the office; the worthiest should be ap- 
 pointed whether he chooses or not. And here the legis- 
 lator clearly indicates the same intention which appears 
 in other parts of his constitution; he would have his 
 citizens ambitious, and he has reckoned upon this quality 
 in the election of the elders; for no one would ask to be 
 elected if he were not. Yet ambition and avarice, almost 
 more than any other passions, are the motives of crime. . . 
 
 The charge which Plato brings, in the Laws, against 
 
Kings T 1 7 
 
 the intention of the legislator, is Hkewise justified ; the They think 
 
 11 ^-^ . ■ 1 1 r • , too much of 
 
 whole constitution has regard to one part of virtue only, — war. 
 
 the virtue of the soldier, which gives victory in war. And 
 
 so long as they were at war, their power was preserved, 
 
 but when they had attained empire they fell; for of the 
 
 arts of peace they knew nothing, and had never engaged 
 
 in any employment higher than war. There is another 
 
 error, equally great, into which they have fallen. Although 
 
 they truly think that the goods for which they contend 
 
 are to be acquired by virtue rather than by vice, they err 
 
 in supposing that these goods are to be preferred to the 
 
 virtue which gains them. 
 
 VII. The Two Kings 
 
 These are the royal rights which have been given by Privileges 
 the Spartans to their kings, namely, two priesthoods, 
 of Zeus Lacedasmon and Zeus Uranius; and the right of ^^^°5'^°*"^ 
 making war against whatsoever land they please, and 
 that no man of the Spartans shall hinder this right, or if Greece, 6i; 
 he do, he shall be subject to the curse; and that when w^orU, ii6 f 
 they go on expeditions the kings shall go out first and re- 
 turn last; that a hundred picked men shall be their guard 
 upon expeditions; and that they shall use in their goings 
 forth to war as many cattle as they desire, and take both 
 the hides and the backs of all that are sacrificed. 
 
 These are their privileges in war; and in peace moreover PnvUeges in 
 things have been assigned to them as follows: — if any p^**^®- 
 sacrifice is performed at the public charge, it is the priv- Herodotus 
 ilege of the kings to sit down at the feast before all others, 
 and the attendants shall begin with them first, and serve 
 to each of them a portion of everything double that which 
 is given to the other guests, and they shall have the first 
 
ii8 Sparta and the Peloponnesian League 
 
 Their din 
 ner. 
 
 pouring of libations and the hides of the animals slain 
 in sacrifice. On every new moon and seventh day of the 
 month there shall be delivered at the public charge to each 
 one of them a full-grown victim in the temple of Apollo, 
 and a measure of barley-groats and a Laconian "quarter" 
 of wine; and at all the games they shall have seats of honor 
 specially set apart for them. Moreover it is their privilege 
 to appoint as protectors of strangers whomsoever they 
 will of the citizens, and to choose each two "Pythians." 
 Now the Pythians are men sent to consult the god at 
 Delphi, and they eat with the kings at the public charge. 
 And if the kings do not come to dinner, it is the rule 
 that there shall be sent out for them to their houses two 
 quarts of barley-groats for each one and half a pint of 
 wine; but if they are present, double shares of everything 
 shall be given them, and moreover they shall be honored 
 in this same manner when they have been invited to dinner 
 by private persons. The kings also, it is ordained, shall 
 have charge of the oracles which are given, but the Pyth- 
 ians too shall have knowledge of them. 
 Jurisdiction. It is the rule moreover that the kings alone give de- 
 cisions on the following cases only, that is to say, about 
 the maiden who inherits her father's property, namely 
 who ought to have her, if her father have not betrothed 
 her to anyone, and about public ways; also if any man de- 
 sires to adopt a son, he must do it in presence of the kings; 
 and it is ordained that they shall sit in council with the 
 elders, who are in number eight and twenty; and if they 
 do not come, those of the elders who are most closely 
 related to them shall have the privileges of the kings and 
 give two votes besides their own, making three in all. 
 Funeral. These rights have been assigned to the kings for their 
 
 vi. 58. lifetime by the Spartan state; and after they are dead these 
 
 Seats in the 
 Council. 
 
A Royal Funeral 119 
 
 which follow: — horsemen go round and announce that 
 which has happened throughout the whole of the Lacon- 
 ian land; and in the city women go about and strike upon 
 a copper kettle. Whenever this happens so, two free 
 persons of each household must go into mourning, a man 
 and a woman, and for those who fail to do this, great 
 penalties are appointed. Now the custom of the Lace- 
 daemonians about the death of their kings is the same as 
 that of the barbarians who dwell in Asia, for most of the 
 barbarians practise the same custom as regards the death 
 of their kings. Whensoever a king of the Lacedaemonians 
 is dead, then from the whole territory of Lacedaemon, 
 not reckoning the Spartans, a certain fixed number of the 
 "dwellers round" are compelled to go to the funeral cere- 
 mony; and when there have been gathered together 
 of these and of the helots and of the Spartans themselves 
 many thousands in the same place, with their women 
 intermingled, they beat their foreheads wdth a good will 
 and make lamentation without stint, saying that this one 
 who has died last of their kings was the best of all; and 
 whenever any of their kings has been killed in war, they 
 prepare an image to represent him, laid upon a couch with 
 fair coverings, and carry it out to be buried. Then after 
 they have buried him, no assembly is held among them 
 for ten days, nor is there any meeting for choice of magis- 
 trates, but they have mourning during these days. 
 
 VIII. Constitution of the Peloponnesian League 
 
 In 418 B.C. Lacedaemon made an alliance with Argos, practically 
 admitting the latter to the Peloponnesian league. The terms of the 
 treaty throw a clear light on the relation between Sparta and her 
 alhes. 
 
 It seems good to the Lacedaemonians and to the Argives 
 
Treaty be- 
 tween Lace- 
 daemon and 
 Argos, 418 
 B.C. 
 
 Document 
 quoted by 
 Thucydides 
 V. 79. 
 
 It is only 
 from such 
 documents 
 and from oc- 
 casional 
 references of 
 historians 
 that we 
 obtain a 
 knowledge 
 of the Pel- 
 oponnesian 
 constitution. 
 
 Greece, 79 f.; 
 Ancient 
 World, 120 f. 
 
 Document 
 quoted by 
 Thucydides 
 V. 77. 
 
 120 Sparta and the Peloponnesian League 
 
 to make peace and alliance for fifty years on the follow- 
 ing conditions: — 
 
 I. They shall submit to arbitration on fair and equal 
 terms, according to their ancestral customs. 
 
 II. The other cities of Peloponnesus shall participate 
 in the peace and alliance, and shall be independent and 
 their own masters, retaining their own territory and sub- 
 mitting to arbitration on fair and equal terms, according 
 to their ancestral customs. 
 
 III. All the allies of the Lacedaemonians outside Pelo- 
 ponnesus shall share in the same terms as the Lacedaemo- 
 nians, and the allies of the Argives shall be in the same 
 position as the Argives, and shall retain their present 
 territory. 
 
 IV. If it shall be necessary to make any expedition in 
 common against any place, the Lacedaemonians and the 
 Argives shall consult together and fix the share in the war 
 which may be equitably borne by the allies. 
 
 V. If any of the states either within or without Pelopon- 
 nesus, have a dispute about a frontier, or any other matter, 
 the difference shall be duly settled. But should a quarrel 
 break out between two of the allied cities, they shall ap- 
 peal to some state which both the cities deem to be im- 
 partial. 
 
 VI. Justice shall be administered to the individual 
 citizens according to their ancestral customs. 
 
 We may add the following clauses from an earlier treaty, which 
 shed further light on the Peloponnesian constitution: — 
 
 VII. The cities of Peloponnesus, both small and great, 
 shall be independent according to their ancestral laws. 
 
 VIII. If anyone from without Peloponnesus comes 
 against Peloponnesus with evil intent, the Peloponnesians 
 
A Treaty 
 
 121 
 
 shall take counsel together and shall repel the enemy; 
 and the several states shall bear such a share in the war 
 as shall seem equitable to the Peloponnesians. 
 
 IX. Treaty between the Eleians and the Hermans 
 
 This document is interesting as the earliest Greek treaty for which 
 we have inscriptional evidence. It belongs to the first half of the 
 sixth centur>' B.C. — probably about 572, when the Eleians gained 
 control of Olympia and its festival. Herasa was a neighboring dis- 
 trict of Arcadia. Probably the treaties between Lacedaemon and 
 her individual allies were cast in a similar form. 
 
 The covenant of the Eleians and the Herceans: There 
 shall be an alliance for one hundred years, and this year 
 shall begin it. If anything shall be needed, whether word 
 or deed, they shall assist one another in all other respects 
 and in war. If they fail to assist one another, the party 
 that fails shall pay a talent of silver as an offering to 
 Olympian Zeus. If anyone, whether private citizen, 
 magistrate or community, violates these provisions, 
 he shall be subject to the sacred fine herein provided. 
 
 The terms. 
 
 Or possibly, 
 "injures this 
 inscription." 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. What evidence do we here find that Lycurgus was a myth? 
 What significance has the story that he got his laws from Crete? 
 
 2. What do we gather from this passage as to the spirit and object 
 of Spartan education? How were the girls trained? 
 
 3. What does Xenophon say of the deportment of youths? What 
 restriction was placed on their food? 
 
 4. What lands were owned by the Spartans and the perioeci re- 
 spectively? What did a Spartan receive from his lot? 
 
 5. Describe the crypteia. What was the condition of the helots? 
 Why were they treated harshly? 
 
 6. What defects does Aristotle find in the Lacedaemonian council 
 of Elders? What objection has he to canvassing for offices? What 
 
122 Sparta and the Peloponnesian League 
 
 would he think of our pohtics? What are the two chief motives to 
 crime? 
 
 7. What rights have the Lacedaemonian kings in war and in peace 
 respectively? Who were the Pythians? Describe the ceremonies at 
 the funeral of a king. From what source did the Lacedaemonians 
 probably adopt this custom? 
 
 8. From these two documents make out as full a written state- 
 ment as possible of the relation between Sparta and her several allies. 
 To what extent was arbitration employed? 
 
 9. What are the terms of treaty mentioned in this document? Who 
 was the Olympian Zeus? 
 
CHAPTER XIII 
 
 ATHENS: FROM MONARCHY TO DEMOCRACY 
 
 I. The Kingship and the Aristocracy 
 
 Afterward it came about that for a long time the Social con- 
 nobles and commons disturbed the state by their sedition, fore Solon. 
 For the government was oHgarchic in all respects; and Aristotle 
 particularly the poor, with their children and wives, ConsiUution 
 were in slavery to the rich. They were called pelatae Athenians, 2. 
 [clients] and hectemori "[sixth-part men"], for they tilled Greece, 46 f.; 
 the fields of the wealthy for that amount of rent. All the iv"rid!iio. 
 land was in the hands of the few; and if they [the tenants] 
 failed to render the rents due, they and their children were 
 liable to enslavement. There were loans on the security 
 of every one's person down to the time of Solon; and he 
 was in fact the first to stand forth as a patron of the com- 
 mons. Now it was a most hard and grievous feature of 
 the constitution that the masses should be in slavery; 
 not but that they had other grounds of complaint, for 
 they were, so to speak, excluded from everything. 
 
 The organization of the original government [of the From king- 
 republic] as it existed before Draco, was as follows. Their tocracy. 
 appointments to oflBce were based on the qualifications ^rist. ih. 3. 
 of birth and wealth. Originally the offices were life-long 
 and afterward decennial. The first and most important 
 magistrates were the king, polemarch, and archon. The 
 earUest of these three was the kingship, for it existed from 
 the beginning. Secondly was instituted in addition the 
 polemarchy because of the fact that some of the kings 
 
 123 
 
124 Athens 
 
 had proved incapable in war; hence they had sent for Ion 
 on an occasion of especial need. The last was the arch- 
 onship. . , . The thesmothetae were for the first time 
 chosen many years later — when the magistrates had al- 
 ready come to be elected annually — in order that they might 
 record the customary laws and keep them for the trial 
 of offenders. Therefore this alone of the offices has never 
 been longer than a year in duration. Thus much do they 
 precede one another in the time (of their institution). . . . 
 They had absolute power to settle cases without appeal, 
 and not as now merely to hold a preliminary trial. These, 
 then, were the regulations regarding the offices. And the 
 council of the Areopagus had the function of watching 
 over the laws; but in fact it managed the most numerous 
 and important public affairs with full power to chastise 
 and fine all who acted disorderly. Birth and wealth were 
 required of those who were elected archons; and from them 
 the Areopagites were constituted. Hence the office of 
 the latter has alone remained lifelong to the present day. 
 
 11. The Timocracy 
 
 Constitution Such is an outline of the original constitution. No long 
 of Draco. time afterward in the archonship of Aristaechmus, Draco 
 lb. 4. drew up his laws. But the constitution itself [as it then 
 
 existed] had the following character. The franchise had 
 already been granted to those who could furnish a pan- 
 oply. They elected the nine archons and the treasurers 
 from such as possessed an estate worth not less than ten 
 minas free from encumbrance, and the other, less im- 
 portant offices from those who had the franchise. The 
 generals and hipparchs must show an estate free from 
 encumbrance, worth no less than a hundred minas, and 
 
Timocracy; Solon 125 
 
 must be the fathers of children above ten years of age, There can 
 
 ■■ be no doubt 
 
 born of a lawful ^\^fe. It was necessary for these persons, that such a 
 
 namely the prytanes, generals and hipparchs, to give ernment fn ^' 
 
 security for the year to the time of their audit, furnishing ?^j^^'"^^gfp'^;g 
 
 four securities of the same census class as the generals Solon, though 
 
 . /-> -1 r -n some of these 
 
 and the hipparchs. There was to be a Council oi tour details seem 
 Hundred and One, appointed by lot from those who had \°^^ |'j[°"S 
 a right to vote. This and other offices were filled by lot P^^fg^^j^^g 
 from the citizens above thirty years of age, and it was not of these 
 permitted to hold the same office a second time till all "''^sistra 
 had their turn, then the lot was drawn anew from the Greece 45; 
 
 ' Ancient 
 
 beginning. When there was a session of the council or World, 126 f. 
 assembly if any councillor was absent, he was fined if a 
 pentacosiomedimnus three drachmas, if a knight two, if 
 a zeugite one. The council of the Areopagus was guard- 
 ian of the laws, and supervised the offices to see that they 
 were legally administered. It was permitted to anyone 
 who was injured, to bring an impeachment before the 
 Areopagites, citing the law in violation of which he was 
 suffering harm. However, there were loans on the secur- 
 ity of the person, as has been said, and the land was in the 
 hands of the few, 
 
 III. Solon 
 
 Such being the organization of the government, while ^^^'^^^^^ *°_ 
 the many were in slavery to the few, the commons rose in ship, 
 revolt against the nobles. After the sedition had grown Arist. ib. 5. 
 strong and the two parties had long been arrayed against 
 each other, they in common elected Solon as arbitrator Greece, 50 ff.; 
 and archon, and intrusted to him the constitution. The worid, 1306. 
 occasion was his composition of the elegy beginning thus: — 
 
 "I perceive, and within my heart lie griefs, as I see the 
 oldest country of laonia in distress. Never is it the will 
 
126 
 
 Athens 
 
 Oppression 
 of the poor. 
 
 Only the first 
 two lines of 
 this poem 
 are found 
 in Arist. 
 Const. Ath.; 
 the rest is 
 taken from 
 another 
 source. 
 
 of Zeus and the thought of the blessed immortal gods that 
 our city perish; for in such wise the high-souled guardian 
 of the city, Pallas Athena, daughter of a mighty sire 
 spreads over it her hands. The nobles, persuaded by their 
 love of money, desire recklessly to destroy the great city. 
 And as to the people, the mind of their magistrates is 
 dishonest — magistrates who are destined to suffer many 
 ills because of their monstrous violence. For they know 
 not how to be satisfied or to enjoy the present feast in 
 quiet. . . . They grow wealthy in obedience to unjust 
 deeds. . . . They spare neither sacred nor public prop- 
 erty and they rob and steal, one here and one there. They 
 guard not the revered foundations of Justice, who though 
 silent, knows what is going on, what went on before, and 
 has come to demand full settlement in time. This wound 
 inevitable hath come upon all the city, namely evil slavery 
 into which the state hath quickly fallen, and which stirs 
 up civil strife and war, — war that destroys our lovely 
 youth in numbers. For our well-beloved city is consumed 
 by the evil-minded in their meetings, in which unjust 
 plans are held dear. These are the ills prevailing in the 
 commons; but many of the poor are going into a foreign 
 land, sold and bound in unseemly chains and suffer hate- 
 ful woes by force of slavery. Hall doors no longer will 
 to hold the evil, it leapeth over the lofty edge, and you find 
 it everywhere, even if you hide in a chamber corner. This 
 my soul bids me teach the Athenians, that misrule brings 
 most ills- to a city; but good rule makes all things har- 
 monious and at one. Good order puts bonds upon the 
 wicked, smooths the rough, stays satiety, weakens vio- 
 lence, withers flowers that grow of Ate (reckless guilt), 
 straightens crooked judgments, softens acts of cruelty, 
 ends disputation, ends the wrath of hateful strife." 
 
Constitutional Reforms 
 
 127 
 
 When he had become master of the state, Solon freed 
 the commons both for the present and for the future by 
 forbidding loans on the security of the person; and he 
 enacted laws and made an abolition of debts both private 
 and public. . . . 
 
 He established a constitution and made laws besides, 
 and the ordinances of Draco they ceased using with the 
 exception of those concerning homicide. Engraving the 
 laws on tablets, he set them up in the King's Porch, and 
 all swore to obey them. The nine archons, taking oath 
 on a stone, swore that they would dedicate a golden 
 statue in case they transgressed any of the laws, hence to 
 the present day they continue to take this oath. 
 
 He divided [the population] into four census classes, 
 just as it had been divided before, into pentacosiomed- 
 imni, knights (hippeis), zeugitse, and thetes. He assigned 
 the offices to be filled from the pentacosiomedimni, knights 
 and zeugitae, namely the nine archons, the treasurers, 
 the commissioners of contracts, the eleven, and the cola- 
 cretae, distributing them among the several classes ac- 
 cording to their property ratings. To the thetic class he 
 granted a share in the assembly and the popular courts 
 only. A pentacosiomedimnus was one who produced from 
 his own estate five hundred measures wet and dry to- 
 gether, a knight three hundred measures, but as some 
 say, one who could support a horse; and they adduce as 
 proof the name of the class, with the idea that it was de- 
 rived from this circumstance, and they cite the dedi- 
 catory offerings of the ancients, for there stands on the 
 Acropolis a statue with the following inscription: — 
 
 "Anthemion, son of Diphilus, dedicated this statue 
 to the gods when he exchanged the thetic for the knightly 
 
 Abolition of 
 debts. 
 
 Aristotle, 
 Const. Ath. 6. 
 
 His laws. 
 
 lb. 7. 
 
 Aristotle 
 does not say 
 that all 
 debts were 
 abolished; 
 and Solon's 
 poems seem 
 to indicate 
 that the 
 abolition ap- 
 plied only to 
 securities on 
 land and 
 person. 
 
 The census 
 classes. 
 
 census. 
 
128 
 
 Athens 
 
 Method of 
 filling the 
 archonship. 
 
 lb. 8. 
 
 Here Aristotle 
 seems to be 
 wrong; it 
 seems certain 
 that the 
 archons were 
 elected till 
 287 B.C.; see 
 ch. 22. 
 
 The tribes, 
 trittyes, and 
 naucraries. 
 
 The council 
 of the Are- 
 opagus. 
 
 The zeugitae were those who produced two hundred 
 measures of both kinds, and the rest were thetes, who had 
 no right to any magistracy. Hence even now when the 
 question is asked of one who is to be taken by lot for any 
 office, what census class he belongs to, no one answers 
 the thetic. 
 
 The archonship he caused to be filled by lot from nomi- 
 nees whom the tribes severally selected. Each tribe chose 
 ten nominees for the archonships and lots were drawn 
 from them; hence even now remains the custom for the 
 tribes to draw severally by lot ten candidates, from whom 
 the archons are then appointed by lot. A proof that he 
 caused them to be taken by lot from the census classes 
 is the law which they continue even now to use concerning 
 the treasurers; it prescribes that they be appointed by 
 lot from the pentacosiomedimni. Thus Solon legislated 
 regarding the nine archons, whereas in the original form 
 of constitution the council of the Areopagus had called 
 up men and of its own judgment had assigned them ac- 
 cording to their qualifications to the several offices for 
 the year. There were four tribes as before and four tribe- 
 kings. From the several tribes were formed three trittyes, 
 with twelve naucraries to each. Over the naucraries 
 were established as a magistracy, the naucrars, having 
 charge of the current receipts and expenditures. In the 
 laws of Solon, therefore, which they no longer use, it is 
 often written that the naucrars shall pay into and expend 
 from the naucraric fund. He constituted further a coun- 
 cil of four hundred, a hundred from each tribe; and he 
 assigned the council of the Areopagus to the duty of pro- 
 tecting the laws, just as formerly it was guardian of the 
 constitution. In fact it continued to supervise in addition 
 the most numerous and most important administrative 
 
All Factions Dissatisfied 129 
 
 matters, while it corrected wrong-doers with full power 
 to fine and punish, and it brought up the fines to the 
 Acropolis without the obligation of stating the ground 
 for their exaction. Furthermore it tried conspirators 
 against the state under a law of impeachment which Solon 
 enacted concerning such offenders. Seeing the state often 
 disturbed by sedition and many of the citizens through 
 sheer inertness allowing such affairs to take their own 
 course, he enacted with reference to them a peculiar law, 
 that whoever, when the coimtry is disturbed by sedition, 
 shall not take up arms with either faction, shall be dis- 
 franchised and deprived of all part in the state. . . . 
 
 When he had arranged the government in the manner Solon's jour 
 described, many people kept coming to him and annoying 
 him in regard to the laws, finding fault with some points lb. n. 
 and asking questions concerning others; and as he wished 
 neither to disturb these arrangements nor to remain and 
 incur enmities, he went on a journey for trade and sight- 
 seeing to Eg}^t, saying he would not return for ten years; 
 for he thought it was not right that he should remain and 
 interpret the laws but that everyone should obey them to 
 the letter. It was at the same time his misfortune that 
 many of the nobles were at variance with him because 
 of the abolition of debts and that both factions had shifted 
 their attitude because his reform had turned out contrary 
 to their expectation. For the commons supposed he would 
 redistribute everything, whereas the nobles hoped he 
 would restore to them the same constitution or make but 
 little change in it. He, however, opposed both parties, 
 and though it was permitted him by conspiring with 
 either to make himself tyrant, he preferred to incur the 
 emnity of both parties by saving his country and legislat- 
 ing for the best. ... 
 
I30 
 
 Athens 
 
 Justification 
 of his policy. 
 
 lb. 12, quot- 
 ing a poem of 
 Solon. 
 
 Abolition of 
 mortgages 
 and emanci- 
 pation of 
 debt-slaves. 
 
 Usurpation 
 of Peisis- 
 tratus, 
 560 B.C. 
 
 Arist. Const. 
 Ath. 14. 
 
 "In the just fulness of time the most mighty mother 
 of the Olympian gods will bear me witness, even black 
 Earth, most excellent, that I removed the mortgage pil- 
 lars which stood in many places, — she was formerly in 
 slavery but now set free. To Athens our country divinely 
 founded, I restored many men who had been sold, some 
 illegally, others under the law, others whom hard necessity 
 forced into exile, who in their many wanderings had for- 
 got the Attic tongue. Others held here in unseemly 
 slavery and trembling under their masters' caprices I 
 set free. These things I did by the power of law, uniting 
 force with justice, and I fulfilled my promise. Ordinances, 
 too, alike for the bad and the good I enacted, adapting 
 straightforward justice to every case. Had another than 
 I, some evil-minded, avaricious man, seized the goad, 
 he would not have restrained the commons; for had I 
 willed what would then have pleased this opposing party, 
 or again what their foes devised for them, this state would 
 now be bereft of many men. Therefore gathering courage 
 from every source, I stood at bay like a wolf amid a pack 
 of dogs." ... 
 
 IV. The Tyranny 
 
 Peisistratus appeared to be most devoted to the popular 
 cause, and had won a brilHant reputation in the war with 
 Megara. Having wounded himself, he persuaded the 
 people, on the supposition that his injuries were inflicted 
 by political enemies, to grant him a guard for his person. 
 Taking the club-bearers, as they were called, he conspired 
 with them against the state, and seized the Acropolis 
 in the archonship of Comeas, in the thirty-second year 
 after (Solon's legislation). The story is told that when 
 Peisistratus was asking for a guard, Solon opposed him, 
 
Peisistratus 131 
 
 saying that he was wiser than some and braver than Greece, 70 f.; 
 others — wiser than those who failed to see that Peisis- World, 135 f. 
 tratus was aiming at the tyranny, and braver than those 
 who knew it but kept silent. As he accomplished nothing 
 with words, he brought out his armor and placed it before 
 his door, saying he had aided his country to the best of his 
 ability (for he was at this time a very old man) and asking 
 the rest now to perform this service. But Solon accom- 
 plished nothing by his exhortations at that crisis. Peisis- 
 tratus, however, assuming the government, managed 
 affairs constitutionally rather than despotically. Before 
 his supremacy was firmly rooted, the party of Megacles, His first 
 joining in friendship with that of Lycurgus, expelled him turn, 
 in the sixth year after his first establishment, in the archon- 
 ship of Hegesias. But in the twelfth year afterward There is great 
 Megacles, harassed by sedition, again made overtures jnThtfdates^ 
 of peace to Peisistratus on condition that the latter should ^^ ^^f^^ 
 
 '^ events. 
 
 take the daughter of the former in marriage. Megacles 
 brought him back in an exceedingly old-fashioned and 
 simple way. Spreading a report that Athena was restor- The demes 
 ing Peisistratus, he found a tall, handsome woman — of hacTno '^^ 
 the Paeanian deme as Herodotus says, whereas others official exist- 
 
 -' ' ence till after 
 
 describe her as a Thracian flower-girl, named Phye, of Cieisthenes 
 
 /-> 1, 1 1 • 1 .... - , , , (ch. 21), but 
 
 Collytus — and dressmg her up m imitation 01 the goddess, some existed 
 he brought her in along with Peisistratus, the latter seated ^^ unorgarT- 
 in the chariot with the woman at his side, while the people '^ed villages. 
 ot the city on their knees received them with adoration. 
 
 Thus was brought about the first restoration. He went His second 
 again into exile about the seventh year after his return; return, 
 for he did not maintain himself long, but because he was 
 unwilling to treat the daughter of Megacles as his wife, Arist. ib. 15. 
 and consequently feared a combination of the two fac- 
 tions, he secretly withdrew from the country. First he 
 
132 
 
 Athens 
 
 The people 
 deprived of 
 their arms. 
 
 Constitu- 
 tional gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 Arist. Const. 
 Ath. i6. 
 
 colonized a place called Rhsecelus about the Thermaic 
 Gulf; then he crossed over to the neighborhood of Mount 
 Pangaeus. Making money in that locality and hiring 
 soldiers, he came to Eretria in the eleventh year. Then 
 for the first time he attempted to recover his supremacy 
 by force, with the cooperation of the Thebans, of Lygdamis 
 of Naxos, and of the knights who had the government 
 at Eretria. Gaining a victory at Pallene and thus re- 
 covering his authority, he deprived the people of their 
 arms and firmly established his despotism. Then taking 
 possession of Naxos, he appointed Lygdamis governor. 
 The people he deprived of their arms in the following 
 manner. Holding a review of the citizens under arms at 
 the Theseum, he attempted to address them, but spoke 
 in a low voice; and when they declared they could not 
 hear him, he bade them come up near the gateway of the 
 Acropolis in order that his voice might sound louder. 
 While he was passing the time making his speech, persons 
 appointed to the task took the arms and locking them 
 in a building near the Theseum, came and made a sign to 
 Peisistratus. He finished his speech and then told them 
 about the arms, bidding them not wonder or be dejected 
 but go and attend to their private affairs, as he would 
 himself manage all public matters. 
 
 Such was the origin of the tyranny of Peisistratus and 
 such were its vicissitudes. He, as has been said, con- 
 ducted the government moderately and more in the char- 
 acter of a statesman than of a tyrant. In general he was 
 humane and unusually mild and forgiving to wrong-doers, 
 and especially he lent money to the needy for use in their 
 labors, in order that they might gain a livelihood by agri- 
 culture. This he did for two reasons, that they might not 
 pass their time in the city but be scattered throughout 
 
Rural Policy; Personal Character 133 
 
 the country, and that, being moderately well off and oc- 
 cupied with their private concerns, they might have neither 
 the desire nor the leisure to attend to pubHc affairs. At 
 the same time the cultivation of the land resulted in the 
 increase of his revenues, for he collected a tenth of the 
 produce. For this reason, too, he established judges to 
 go throughout the denies, and he himself often journeyed 
 into the country to inspect it and to settle disputes. While 
 Peisistratus was on one of these expeditions, it is said that 
 he had the adventure with the man on Hymettus who 
 was cultivating the so-called tax-free farm. Seeing a The "tax- 
 certain man digging and working among the rocks with a ^^^ ^^^' 
 stake, he bade his servant ask what was produced in the 
 place. The other replied, "Only aches and pains, and of 
 these aches and pains Peisistratus must have his tenth." 
 The man answered without knowing him; but Peisistratus, 
 pleased with his candor and his love of work, made him 
 exempt from all taxes. 
 
 In all other respects he absolutely refrained from dis- His charac- 
 
 tcr* 
 turbing the masses by his government, and he always 
 
 preserved peace and maintained quiet; so that the tyranny 
 of Peisistratus was often spoken of proverbially as the age 
 of Cronos (golden age) ; for afterward when his sons had 
 succeeded to the throne, the result was that the govern- 
 ment became much harsher. Most praiseworthy of all 
 his qualities was his popular and kindly character; for 
 in general he chose to manage all affairs in accordance 
 with the laws, giving himself no advantage, and once 
 when cited for murder before the council of the Areopagus, Ancient 
 he presented himself with a view to making his defence, iv. i.'c. ' 
 but the accuser failed through fear to come forward. 
 Hence he remained in power for a long time, and whenever 
 he was banished, he easily recovered his position; for many 
 
134 
 
 Athens 
 
 His death; 
 his children. 
 
 Arist. Const. 
 Ath. 17. 
 
 Here is a mis- 
 conception of 
 the writer. 
 It was law- 
 ful for an 
 Athenian to 
 marry a for- 
 eign woman 
 till 4SI B.C.; 
 Greece, 178 f.; 
 A ncient 
 World, 200. 
 
 of the nobles and commons were pleased with his rule. 
 The former he attached to himself by his associations with 
 them, the latter by aid in their private affairs. Through- 
 out these times the laws of the Athenians concerning 
 tyrants were mild, and particularly the one referring to 
 the establishment of tyranny. The law runs thus: "These 
 are the ancestral usages of the Athenians. If anyone 
 attempts to make himself tyrant, or if anyone has a hand 
 in establishing a tyranny, let him and his gens be dis- 
 franchised." 
 
 Peisistratus accordingly grew old in ofifice and died of 
 illness in the archonship of Philoneos, having lived thirty 
 three years after the time when he first became tyrant, 
 but having actually remained in power nineteen years; 
 for during the rest of the time he was in exile. Evidently 
 therefore they speak foolishly who assert that Peisistratus 
 was a youthful favorite of Solon and a general in the war 
 with Megara for the possession of Salamis. Their ages 
 do not agree, if one reckons the length of their respective 
 lives and the dates of their deaths. After the decease 
 of Peisistratus his sons secured the power and conducted 
 the administration in the same way. Of his lawful wife 
 he had two sons, Hippias and Hipparchus, and two of his 
 Argive wife, lophon and Hegesistratus, surnamed Thet- 
 talus. Peisistratus had married from Argos the daughter 
 of an Argive named Gorgilus. This lady, Timonassa, 
 had formerly been the wife of the Cypselid Archinus of 
 Ambracia. Thence arose his alliance with the Argives, 
 a thousand of whom fought on his side in the battle of 
 Pallene, having been brought by Hegesistratus. Some 
 say he married the Argive woman after his first banish- 
 ment, others while he was in possession of his authority. 
 
 Because of their greater reputation and age Hipparchus 
 
Hippias and Hipparchus 135 
 
 and Hippias were rulers of the state, while Hippias the Accession of 
 
 elder, who was naturally statesmanlike and intelligent, 
 
 was at the head of the government. Hipparchus, however, 
 
 was youthful and amorous, and fond of literature. He 
 
 it was who invited to Athens Anacreon and Simonides 
 
 and the rest of the poets. [But Thettalus was much This sen- 
 
 tcncc '^ccm^ 
 
 younger, and was bold and insolent in manner.] He was an interpola- 
 the source of all their misfortunes. In love with Har- '■'°"" 
 modius but failing to win his affection, he could not re- Greece, 71; 
 strain his anger. On all occasions he showed himself rvw, 136-8. 
 bitter; and finally when the sister of Harmodius was about 
 to act as basket-carrier at the Panathensea, he forbade it, 
 at the same time accusing Harmodius of being effeminate. 
 
 Hence it resulted that in their rage Harmodius and Theconspir- 
 Aristogeiton did the deed with the help of many others. 
 At the Panathenaea they were watching Hippias on the 
 Acropolis (as he chanced to be sacrificing while Hipparchus 
 was arranging the procession), and seeing one of the 
 participants in the plot talking in a friendly manner with 
 Hippias, they believed he was informing against them. 
 Wishing accordingly to accomplish something before their 
 arrest, they descended, and beginning action before the 
 others, they killed Hipparchus while he was arranging ♦ 
 
 the procession near the Leocorium. Thus they ruined 
 the whole plot. Harmodius was immediately killed by 
 the guards, and Aristogeiton, arrested afterward, died by 
 prolonged torture. Under constraint he accused many 
 who belonged by birth to the nobility and were friends 
 of the tyrants. For they were unable forthwith to find a 
 clue to the plot. . . . 
 
 He accused the tyrants' friends, purposely as the demo- Accusations 
 cratic writers say, in order that the tyrants might commit 
 impiety and at the same time be weakened by the de- 
 
136 
 
 Ath 
 
 ens 
 
 The tyranny 
 
 becomes 
 
 harsh. 
 
 lb. 19. 
 
 Fall of the 
 tyranny. 
 
 struction of innocent persons and their own friends, 
 though as some say, he did not deceive but actually in- 
 formed against his accomplices. Lastly as he was unable, 
 whatever he did, to find death, he proposed to denounce 
 many others, and after persuading Hippias to give him 
 his right hand as a pledge, he grasped it, at the same time 
 reproaching Hippias with having offered his hand to the 
 murderer of his brother. In this way he so exasperated 
 Hippias that the latter could not restrain his wrath but 
 drew his dagger and killed him. 
 
 From these events it resulted that the tyranny became 
 far harsher; for in taking vengeance for his brother and in 
 slaying and banishing many citizens, Hippias became 
 distrustful and embittered toward all. About the fourth 
 year after the death of Hipparchus, as his affairs in the 
 city were in a bad condition, he undertook the fortification 
 of Munychia with the idea of changing his residence to 
 that place. 
 
 While engaged in this work he w^as expelled by Cle- 
 omenes, king of the Lacedaemonians, inasmuch as oracles 
 were continually given to the Laconians to the effect that 
 they should abolish the tyranny. The reason for the 
 oracles is as follows. The exiles, led by Alcmeonidas, 
 were unable by their own means to effect their return. 
 In all their other undertakings they failed and particularly 
 when they fortified Leipsydrium on Mount Parnes wdthin 
 the country of Attica. Here, joined by certain men from 
 the city, they were besieged by the tyrants, wherefore 
 after their disaster people used to sing in skolia: — 
 
 "Alas, Leipsydrium, traitor to your friends, hiow good the men you 
 slew, how brave in fight, how nobly born! They showed in that fray 
 their illustrious parentage." 
 
 Having failed in everything else, they contracted to 
 
Fall of the Tyranny 137 
 
 build the temple at Delphi. This transaction provided The Lace- 
 
 dasmonians 
 
 them well with the means of gaining the aid of the Laco- war against 
 nians. Whenever, accordingly, the Lacedaemonians con- ^ ^^^^ ' 
 suited the oracle, the Pythia always replied that they must 
 set Athens free, till she succeeded in persuading the 
 Spartans notwithstanding that they were guest-friends 
 of the Peisistratidse. There was added a no small cause 
 of the undertaking on the part of the Laconians in the 
 alliance existing between the Argives and the Peisistra- 
 tidffi. In the first place they despatched Anchimolus M-ith 
 an army by sea. He was beaten and slain with the aid of 
 Cineas the Thessalian, who came with a thousand cavalry. 
 Enraged at the event, they sent by land with a larger force 
 Cleomenes the king, who after defeating the Thessalian 
 horsemen in their endeavor to prevent his invasion of 
 Attica, drove Hippias into the so-called Pelargic wall, and 
 besieged him there with the aid of the Athenians. This 
 event took place in the archonship of Harpactides, after 
 they had held the tyranny about seventeen years since 
 the death of their father, and including his reign, forty 
 nine years in all. 
 
 V. Cleisthenes and the Democracy 
 
 ■. r, T • Cleisthenes 
 
 When the tyranny had alien, a sedition arose between and Isag- 
 
 Isagoras, son of Teisander, a friend of the tyrants, and °o9%x:°" 
 
 Cleisthenes of the gens of the AlcmeonidcC. Beaten by Arist. 
 
 means of the clubs, Cleisthenes attached the commons 20. 
 
 to himself by promising the franchise to the masses. Isa- Because they 
 
 goras, now pro\ing inferior in strength, called to his aid piously slain 
 
 Cleomenes, his guest-friend, and persuaded him to expel ^1?^^ ^^ Cylon; 
 
 the pollution; for it was the common opinion that the Greece, 46; 
 
 Ancient 
 
 Alcmeonidae were under a curse. Thereupon Cleisthenes World, 128 f. 
 
138 
 
 Athens 
 
 Constitu- 
 tional re- 
 forms, 208 
 B.C. 
 
 Arist. Const. 
 Ath. 21. 
 
 Greece, 81-4; 
 Ancient 
 World, 
 138-41. 
 
 The demes 
 and the 
 tribes. 
 
 lb. 21. 
 
 with a few persons secretly withdrew from the country, 
 while Cleomenes proceeded to expel as polluted seven 
 hundred Athenian families. Having accomplished this 
 object, he attempted to dissolve the council and to make 
 Isagoras and three hundred of his partisans masters of the 
 state. But as the council opposed and the multitude 
 gathered, Cleomenes and Isagoras with their party took 
 refuge in the Acropolis. The commons thereupon en- 
 camped and besieged them two days; on the third day 
 they permitted Cleomenes and all with him to depart 
 under a truce, but recalled Cleisthenes and the rest of 
 the exiles. Now that the commons had become masters 
 of the state, Cleisthenes was their leader and champion: 
 for the Alcmeonidae were perhaps the chief cause of the 
 tyrants' expulsion and were almost always at sedition 
 with them. . . . 
 
 For these reasons the people trusted Cleisthenes. On 
 that occasion, as he was leader of the people in the fourth 
 year after the overthrow of the tyrants, in the archonship 
 of Isagoras, in the first place he distributed all the people 
 among ten tribes in place of four, with the object of inter- 
 mixing them in order that more might have a share in the 
 franchise. Hence arose the saying, "Do not discriminate 
 between the tribes" with reference to those who wished 
 to scrutinize the gentes. Then he constituted the council 
 of five hundred in place of four hundred, fifty from each 
 tribe instead of a hundred as formerly. The reason for 
 his not distributing the people among twelve tribes was his 
 desire to avoid the division into the existing trittyes. . . . 
 
 The country he divided by demes into thirty parts, 
 ten about the city, ten in the paralia, ten in the midland; 
 and calling these parts trittyes, he assigned three by lot 
 to each tribe in such a way that every tribe might have 
 
Tribes and Demes 
 
 139 
 
 a trittys in each of the three local sections. The inhabit- 
 ants of the respective demes he made demesmen of one 
 another in order that they might not expose the new citi- 
 zens by calling them after the names of their fathers, 
 but that they might be named after their demes. Hence 
 the Athenians continue to call themselves by the names 
 of their demes. He instituted demarchs with the same 
 function as the earher naucrars, for he made the demes 
 to take the place of the naucraries. Some of the demes 
 he named after localities, others after their founders; for 
 all the locahties did not preserve the names of their found- 
 ers. Their gentes and phratries and priesthoods he per- 
 mitted them severally to keep according to ancestral 
 usage. As eponyms of the tribes he appointed the ten 
 whom the Pythia had selected from the hundred founders 
 nominated to her. 
 
 Through these changes the constitution became far 
 nore democratic than that of Solon, The fact is that the 
 \ yranny had abolished some of the laws of Solon through 
 f lilure to observe them, and Cleisthenes in his effort to 
 win the populace enacted new regulations, among M'hich 
 W.1S the law of ostracism. It was not however till the 
 fifth year after his legislation that, in the archonship of 
 Hermocreon, they drew up for the Council of Five Hundred 
 the oath which the members continue even now to swear. 
 Then they began to elect the generals by tribes, one from 
 each tribe, whereas the commander of the entire army was 
 the pslemarch. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 Naucraries; 
 ch. S above. 
 
 Gentes and 
 phratries. 
 
 The govern- 
 ment is 
 more demo- 
 cratic. 
 
 lb. 22. 
 
 The Council 
 of Five 
 Hundred. 
 
 The gen- 
 erals. 
 
 I. What was the condition of the majority of Athenian citizens 
 before Soron? How did the change from monarchy to aristocracy 
 affect the offices? WTiat place in the government was held by the 
 Council of the Areopagus? 
 
I40 Athens 
 
 2. What were the chief features of the timocracy? Compare it in 
 detail with the preceding aristocracy. 
 
 3. What brought Solon into prominence? What conditions are 
 described by his poem? How do his poems compare as sources with 
 Aristotle's Constitution of the Athenians? Where did Aristotle prob- 
 ably get his knowledge of Solon? What debts did he abolish? How 
 were his laws to be preserved? What was now to be the place of the 
 Council of the Areopagus? What features of Solon's government 
 were new and what were continued from earlier time? Why did 
 Solon go abroad? What does he say of his own achievements? 
 
 4. How did Peisistratus make himself tyrant? Narrate his exiles 
 and returns. How did he finally establish his power? What was the 
 character of his rule? From the story of the tax-free farm what do we 
 learn as to the condition of the poorest farmers? Describe the char- 
 acter of Peisistratus. Compare the rule of his sons. What led to the 
 overthrow of the tyranny? What part in the event was taken by 
 Cleisthenes? 
 
 5. What were the aims of Cleisthenes and Isagoras? Does the 
 former seem to have been at heart a democrat? What arrangement 
 of demes and tribes did he make, and with what objects? Compare 
 his form of government with that established by Solon. Which 
 deserves the greater credit as a reformer? 
 
CHAPTER XIV 
 
 THE POETS AND THE PHILOSOPHERS 
 
 FROM THE SEVENTH TO THE EARLY FIFTH CENTURY B.C. 
 
 I. A War-Song 
 
 By Callinus 
 
 Sit ye in quiet how long? Stir up the fierce spirit within you; 
 Have ye no feeHng of shame, youths, for the dwellers around? 
 Why thus remiss? Do ye think ye are sitting in blissful contentment 
 Peace given, while dread war holds all our dear native land? 
 Now in the moment of death hurl your last spear at the foe! 
 Honored is he and esteemed who fights in the foremost of lancers, 
 Guarding his country, his home, guarding his dear wedded wife. 
 Fighting with foes; for death comes but once, and whenever it may be. 
 Fate cuts the thread of our life. Each must go quick to the front. 
 Grasping his spear in his hand, and under his shield his untrembhng 
 Heart pressing, panting for fight, mingling in deadliest fray. 
 Fate hath decreed that from death there shall be by no prudence 
 
 avoiding; 
 Doomed are all mortals to die, saving no sons of the gods. 
 Often the din of the battle, the hurtling of lances escaping, 
 Sees man the terror of death stalking into his home. 
 Weaklings are dear to no state, nor in death by the people lamented; 
 Warriors the great and the small mourn when they face their fair 
 
 doom; 
 Longing intense fills all hearts in the land for the stout-minded hero 
 Dying in liberty's cause; living they hold him divine. 
 Just like a tower of defence in the eyes of the people appearing. 
 Works he the deeds of a host, striving alone in his might. 
 
 II. TvRTiEUS 
 
 Noble it is to fall a valiant man in the front line of war- 
 riors battling for the fatherland, but of all things most 
 
 141 
 
 Callinus of 
 Ephesus 
 wrote this 
 poem to 
 rouse his 
 country- 
 men against 
 the barbarous 
 Cimmerians, 
 who assailed 
 them. 
 
 The metre of 
 the transla- 
 tion — elegiac 
 pentameter — 
 is that of 
 the original. 
 
 The poem 
 breathes 
 military fire. 
 
142 The Poets and the Philosophers 
 
 The fight is 
 for home and 
 country. 
 
 Those who 
 fail in the 
 war will be 
 forced into 
 miserable 
 exile. 
 
 Greece, 62 f.; 
 Ancient 
 World, 119. 
 
 -oTLt^' 
 
 
 Let the 
 brave fight 
 in frontl 
 
 The poet 
 addresses all 
 the Spartans 
 as descend- 
 ants of the 
 hero HWa- 
 :les; Ancient 
 World, 92. 
 
 grievous to leave one's city and rich farm and to wander 
 begging with a dear mother, an aged father, Httle children 
 and wedded wife. One driven about by need and hate- 
 ful penury will seem a foe to all among whom he comes. 
 Every kind of dishonor and evil will pursue him. If for 
 such a wanderer there is no care or respect or heed or pity, 
 then let us fight with heart for this our country; let us die 
 for children's sake with no stint of life. Come, youths, 
 to battle, firm standing by comrade's side; begin not 
 shameful flight and panic. Do not by retreat abandon 
 the old whose knees no more are supple; indeed it is a 
 shameful thing for an elder to fall in battle in front of 
 youths — the aged man with white head and hoary beard, 
 breathing out his valiant soul in the very dust, covering 
 bloody wounds with his own hands, — his person stripped — 
 a sight to stir up pity and revenge. But to the young, 
 all this is fitting while yet remains the brilliant bloom of 
 lovely youth, admired of men, adored of women while 
 he lives; and when he has fallen in the front— still beauti- 
 ful. Then with firm poise with both feet fixed on earth, 
 tgfith biting lip, let each man stand his ground! 
 ^ Ye of the race of Heracles unconquered, be brave; 
 ^eus turns not away in disfavor. Fear not nor dread a 
 mass of men; let each bring shield quick into the front 
 rank, holding his own Hfe hateful but death's black fates 
 dear as sunbeams. For well ye know the war-god's actions 
 all-annihilating, that cause the tears to flow; well have ye 
 learned the wrath of troublous war. Of fleeing and pur- 
 suing oft have ye told, young men, and of both have ye 
 pushed into surfeit. Now let those who dare, side by side, 
 advance as champions into closest fray; thus fewer die 
 and they save the. host behind; but when some are cov/ards, 
 all bravery has departed. No one could in words recount 
 
Tyrtsus; Alcasus 143 
 
 the ills that befall a man who suffers cowardice. Horrible 
 it is to cleave the back of a fugitive in hostile war, pitiable' 
 a body lying in the dust, the back thrust through with 
 spear-point. With firm poise, then, with both feet fixed This passage 
 
 — - — ,' ' ■ gi\'es inter- 
 
 on earth, teeth biting lip, let each man stand his ground, esting in- 
 covering with broad shield his hips and legs beneath, his concerning 
 shoulders, breast and vitals. With right hand let him" equipments 
 
 ^ and manner 
 
 wield a mighty lance and toss above the head his fearful of fighting. 
 crest. Let the timid learn to do knightly deeds, and stand 
 not ofl[ with shield beyond the range of darts ; but come to . 
 close fight and with long lance or sword-thrust slay his ' 
 foeman. Pressing foot on foot, shield on shield, crest on 
 crest, helmet on helmet, grapple your man, with hand on '< 
 sword hilt or long spear. And ye light troops here and 
 there, beneath your shields crouched, pelt them with heavy 
 stones, hurl with polished darts, but keep you near the _ 
 
 phalanx. 
 
 'X.^yi.J^^'^^ 
 
 III. Selections from Alc^us 
 
 WINTER 
 
 Zeus hails. The streams are frozen. In the sky The metre of 
 
 A mighty storm is raging high. the original 
 
 And now the forest thick, the ocean hoar, named after 
 
 Grow clamorous with the Thacian tempest's roar. Alc^us; that 
 
 of the trans- 
 lation is 
 But drive away the storm, and make the fire somewhat 
 
 Hotter and pile the logs and faggots higher; similar 
 
 Pour out the tawny wine with lavish hand, Greece, go; 
 
 And bind about thy head a fleecy band. ^t"","!^' 
 
 ■' •' IVorld, 154. 
 
 It ill befits to yield the heart to pain. 
 What profits grief, or what will sorrow gain? 
 
 O Bacchus, bring us wine, delicious wine, 
 
 And sweet into.^ication, balm divine. 
 
144 The Poets and the Philosophers 
 
 This poem 
 
 Alcaeus wrote 
 to encourage 
 his comrades 
 in a civil war. 
 
 THE ARMORY 
 
 The spacious hall in brazen splendor gleams, 
 
 And all the house in Ares' honor beams. 
 The helmets ghtter; high upon the wall 
 
 The nodding plumes of snowy horse's hair, 
 Man's noblest ornaments, wave over all; 
 
 And brightly gleaming brazen greaves are there, 
 Each hanging safe upon its hidden nail, 
 A sure defence against the arrowy hail. 
 
 And many coats of mail, and doublets stout, 
 
 Breast-plates of new-spun linen, hollow shields, 
 Well-worn and brought from foe-abandoned fields, 
 
 And broad Chalcidian swords are stacked about. 
 
 Bear well in mind these tools of war, they make 
 Easy and sure the work we undertake. 
 
 A newly dis- 
 covered frag- 
 ment of 
 Alcaeus, trans- 
 lated by 
 Edmonds, 
 Classical 
 Review, xxiii. 
 72-4. 
 
 The scene is 
 a window 
 opening on a 
 harbor 
 in the fore- 
 noon of a hot 
 summer day. 
 Alcaeus urges 
 his friend 
 to come out 
 for a sail. 
 
 The friend 
 is too lazy 
 to budge. 
 
 ALC^US PROPOSES A MORNING SAIL 
 
 Mix no more into the great bowl. Why toilest so, 
 when I tell thee that never will I have thee waste the day 
 from dawn onward in drunkenness and song? O why do we 
 forbear to use the sea, suffering the winter-cool freshness 
 of the morn to pass like a drunken sleep? If we would 
 but quickly go aboard, and take the rudder in our grasp, 
 and loose the ship from her moorings, turning the sailyard 
 to front the breeze, then merrier should we be and light 
 of heart, and 'twould be as good work as a right long 
 draught of wane. But thou, linking one idle hand in an- 
 other over thy robe, sayest. As for me, bring myrrh 
 for my head; for I am little pleased with what this fellow 
 putteth into song of his. Never think thou troublest my 
 soul, thou wild clamorer, thou roarest like a great fire. 
 
'i 
 
 <-f 
 
 Sappho 
 
 145 
 
 IV. Selections from Sappho 
 
 MNASIDICA, A SOMETIME PUPIL OF SAPPHO 
 
 Atthis, our beloved Mnasidica dwells in far-off Sardis, 
 but she often sends her thoughts hither, recalling how once 
 we used to live in the days when she thought thee like a 
 glorious goddess, and loved thy song the best. Now she 
 shines among the dames of Lydia, as after sunset the stars 
 that are about her, when she spreads her light o'er briny 
 sea and eke o'er flowery field, while the good dew lies on 
 the ground and the roses re\dve and the dainty anthrysc 
 and the honey lotus with all its blooms. And oftentimes 
 when our beloved, wandering abroad, calls to mind her 
 gentle Atthis, the heart devours her tender breast with the 
 pain of longing; and she cries aloud for us to come thither; 
 and what she says we know full well, thou and I, for Night, 
 the many-eared, calls it to us across the dividing sea. 
 
 A newly dis- 
 covered frag- 
 ment of Sap- 
 pho, trans- 
 lated by Ed- 
 monds, Clas- 
 sical Reiieu', 
 xxiii. Q9 flf. 
 Sappho ad- 
 dresses 
 Atthis, a 
 present pupil, 
 regarding 
 Mnasidica, 
 a former 
 pupil, who 
 has married 
 a Lydian 
 grandee. 
 
 Telepathy. 
 
 HYMN TO APHRODITE 
 
 Glittering-throned, immortal Aphrodite, 
 Wile-weaving daughter of high Zeus, I pray thee, 
 Tame not my soul with heavy woes; dread mistress, 
 Nay, nor with anguish. 
 
 But hither come, if erst in the days departed 
 Thou didst incline and listendst to my crying, 
 And from thy father's palace, down descending 
 Cam'st with the golden 
 
 Chariot yoked. Thee fair, swift-flying sparrows, 
 Over black earth multitudinously fluttering, 
 Pinion on pinion through middle ether 
 Down from heaven hurried; 
 
 Translated 
 by Symonds. 
 
 The stanza 
 is Sapphic, 
 named after 
 Sappho; 
 the transla- 
 tion has the 
 metre of the 
 original. 
 
 Sappho; 
 Greece, 90; 
 Ancient 
 World, 154. 
 
146 The Poets and the Philosophers 
 
 Quickly they came like light; and thou, blest lady, 
 Smiling with clear, undying eyes didst ask me 
 What was the woe that troubled me and wherefore 
 Now I had called thee; 
 
 What I fain would have to assuage the torment 
 Of my frenzied soul; and whom now, to please thee, 
 Must persuasion lure to thy love, and who now, 
 Sappho, hath wronged thee? 
 
 Come to me now, too, and from tyrannous sorrow 
 Free me; and all things that my soul desires to 
 Have done, do for me, Queen, and let thyself now, too, 
 Be my great ally ! 
 
 V. Pindar 
 
 hieron's victory in the horse-race at olympia 
 
 Most splen- Best is Water of all, and Gold as a flaming fire in the 
 
 are the *™^ night shineth eminent amid lordly wealth ; but if of prizes 
 
 Olympic. jj^ ^j^g games thou art fain, 3 my soul, to tell, then, as thou 
 
 Pindar, must Search in the void firmament by day for no bright 
 
 Olympian, i. , j j <r> 
 
 star more quickening than the sun, so neither shall we 
 Ancient ' find any games greater than the Olympic whereof to utter 
 nor ,154. ^^^ voice; for hence cometh the glorious hymn and en- 
 tereth into the minds of the skilled in song, so that they 
 celebrate the son of Cronos, when to the rich and happy 
 Hieron is hearth of Hieron they are come; for he wieldeth the sceptre 
 Syracuse. of justice in Sicily of many flocks, culling the choice fruits 
 Pherenicus ^^ ^^^ kinds of excellence; and with the flower of music 
 ("^''^^5"'"^ is he made splendid, even such strains as we sing blithely 
 that won; at the table of a friend. 
 
 used'tor^"^^ Take from the peg the Dorian lute, if in any wise the 
 Ai^hef'^il^^^ glory of Pherenicus at Pisa hath swayed thy soul unto 
 by Olympia. glad thoughts, when by the banks of Alpheus he ran, 
 
An Olympic Victory 
 
 147 
 
 and gave his body ungoaded in the course, and brought 
 victory to his master, the Syracusans' king, who delighteth 
 in horses. . . . 
 
 Now the good that cometh of to-day is ever sovereign 
 unto every man. My part it is to crown Hieron with an 
 equestrian strain in ^EoUan mood; and sure I am that no 
 host among men that are now shall I ever glorify in sound- 
 ing labyrinths of song more learned in the learning of 
 honor and withal with more might to work thereto. A 
 god hath guard over thy hopes, O Hieron, and taketh care 
 for them with a peculiar care; and if he fail thee not, I 
 trust that I shall again proclaim in song a sweeter glory 
 yet, and find thereto in words a ready way, when to the 
 fair-shining hili of Cronos I am come. Her strongest- 
 winged dart my Muse hath yet in store. 
 
 Of many kinds is the greatness of men; but the highest 
 is to be achieved by kings. Look not thou for more than 
 this. May it be thine to walk loftily all thy life, and mine 
 to be the friend of winners in the games, winning honor 
 for my art among Hellenes everywhere. 
 
 Hieron a fit 
 subject for 
 song. 
 
 The hill of 
 Cronos 
 overlooks the 
 stadium 
 at Olympia. 
 
 In this poem 
 Hieron is 
 called a king. 
 
 VI. Thales 
 
 He asserted that water was the principle of all things. The first 
 
 Greek 
 and that the world had life, and was full of spirits: they scientist. 
 
 say, too, that he was the original definer of the seasons Diogenes 
 
 To f^rf ] 1 1 c 
 
 of the year, and that it was he who divided the year mto x/iaies, 6. 
 
 three hundred and sixty-five days. And he never had 
 
 any teacher except during the time that he was in Egypt, 
 
 and associated with the priests. Hieronymus also says Greece, q4 f.,- 
 
 that he measured the Pyramids; watching their shadows, WoHd, 154 f. 
 
 and calculating when they were of the same size as those 
 
 were. ... 
 
148 The Poets and the Philosophers 
 
 An unpracti- It is said that once he was led out of his house by an 
 pher. old woman for the purpose of observing the stars, and he 
 
 Diog. Laert. 8. fell into a ditch and bewailed himself, on which the old 
 woman said to him — "Do you, O Thales, who can not see 
 what is under your feet, think that you shall understand 
 what is in heaven?". . . 
 ffis wise And the following are quoted as sayings of his: — "God 
 
 is the most ancient of all things, for he has no birth: the 
 lb. g. world is the most beautiful of all things, for it is the work 
 
 of God: place is the greatest of things, for it contains all 
 things: intellect is the swiftest of things, for it runs through 
 all things; necessity is the strongest of things, for it rules 
 everything: time is the wisest of things, for it finds out 
 everything." He said also that there was no difference 
 between life and death. "Why, then," said some one to 
 him, " do you not die? " " Because," said he, "it makes no 
 difference." A man asked him which was made first, 
 night or day, and he replied, "Night was made first by 
 one day." Another man asked him whether a man who 
 did wrong, could escape the notice of the Gods. "No, 
 not even if he thinks wrong," said he. . . . When he was 
 asked what was very difficult, he said, "To know one's 
 self." And what was easy, "To advise another." What 
 was most pleasant? "To be successful." To the question, 
 "What is the divinity?" he replied, "That which has 
 neither beginning or end." When asked what hard thing 
 he had seen, he said, "An old man a tyrant." When the 
 question was put to him how a man might most easily 
 endure misfortune, he said, " If he saw his enemies more un- 
 fortunate still!" When asked how men might live most 
 virtuously and most justly, he said, "If we never do our- 
 selves what we blame in others." To the question, "Who 
 is happy, he made answer, "He who is healthy in his 
 
Pythagoras 
 
 149 
 
 body, easy in his circumstances, and well-instructed in 
 mind." 
 
 VII. Pythagoras 
 
 The Pythagoreans called music philosophy. They 
 maintained that the world subsisted by harmony, and 
 considered every kind of music to be the work of the gods. 
 It is thus that the muses are regarded as deities, and Apollo 
 has the name of President of the Muses, and all poetry 
 is divine, being conversant about the praises of the gods. 
 Thus also they ascribe to music the formation of manners, 
 as everything which refines the mind approximates to the 
 power of the gods. 
 
 And as he was a young man, and devoted to learning, 
 he quitted liis country, and got initiated into all the 
 Grecian and barbarian sacred mysteries. Accordingly, 
 he went to Egypt, on which occasion Polycrates gave him 
 a letter of introduction to Amasis; and he learned the 
 Egyptian language, as Antiphon tells us, in his treatise 
 on those men who have been conspicuous for virtue, and 
 he associated with the Chaldeans and with the Magi. 
 
 Afterward he went to Crete, and in company with Epi- 
 menides, he descended into the Idaean cave, and in Egypt 
 he entered into the holiest parts of their temples, and 
 learned all the most sacred mysteries that relate to their 
 gods. Then he returned again to Samos; and finding his 
 country reduced under the absolute dominion of Poly- 
 crates, he set sail, and fled to Croton in Italy. And there, 
 having given laws to the Italians, he gained a very high 
 reputation, together with his scholars, who were about 
 three hundred in number, and governed the republic in a 
 most excellent manner; so that the constitution was very 
 nearly an aristocracy. 
 
 His theory 
 of music. 
 
 Strabo x. 3. 
 10. 
 
 Greece, 95; 
 Ancient 
 World, 155. 
 
 His travels. 
 
 Diogenes 
 Laertius, 
 Pythagoras, 
 3- 
 
 There is some 
 doubt as to 
 his travelling 
 so exten- 
 sively. 
 
 Initiated into 
 the Oriental 
 mysteries. 
 
 lb. 
 
 He founds a 
 school. 
 
150 The Poets and the Philosophers 
 
 He believes 
 in the trans- 
 migration of 
 souls. 
 
 lb. 4. 
 
 He recog- 
 nizes an old 
 friend. 
 
 Xenophanes, 
 quoted by 
 Diog. Laert. 
 Pythag. 15. 
 
 Heraclides Ponticus says, that he was accustomed to 
 speak of himself in this manner: that he had formerly 
 been yEthalides, and had been accounted the son of 
 Hermes; and that Hermes had desired him to select any 
 gift he pleased except immortality. He accordingly re- 
 quested that, whether living or dead, he might preserve 
 the memory of what had happened to him. While, there- 
 fore, he was alive he recollected everything; and when he 
 was dead, he retained the same memory. And at a sub- 
 sequent period he passed into Euphorbus, and was wounded 
 by Menelaus. And while he was Euphorbus, he used to 
 say that he had formerly been ^Ethalides; and that he 
 had received as a gift from Hermes the perpetual trans- 
 migration of his soul, so that it was constantly transmi- 
 grating and passing into whatever plants or animals it 
 pleased; and he had also received the gift of knowing and 
 recollecting all that his soul had suffered in the lower 
 world, and what sufferings too are endured by the rest of 
 the souls. . . . 
 
 They say that once, as passing by he saw 
 
 A dog severely beaten, he did pity him, 
 
 And spoke as follows to the man who beat him: — 
 
 "Stop now, and beat him not; since in his body. 
 
 Abides the soul of a dear friend of mine, 
 
 Whose voice I recognized as he was crying." 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. What reasons does Callinus give for bravery in battle? What 
 is his idea of the working of fate? 
 
 2. Should the Spartans fail in war, what according to Tyrtaeus 
 would be their fate? From this passage describe the offensive and 
 defensive arms of the Spartans. Describe their military formation 
 and manner of fighting. 
 
 3. Mention some of the subjects on which Alcaeus wrote. How 
 
Studies 151 
 
 did he like to pass a winter evening? What weapons filled the ar- 
 mory? Did the Greeks enjoy the same things as we do? 
 
 4. What idea do we get of the relation between Sappho and her 
 pupils? between her country and Lydia? What does Sappho ask of 
 Aphrodite? What impression do you get of her poetry from these two 
 selections? 
 
 5. Write in your own words the meaning of this selection from 
 Pindar. How does he describe Hieron? What did he think of his 
 own poetry? 
 
 6. What scientific discoveries are attributed to Thales? What 
 do the anecdotes aim to teach? What light do his wise sayings 
 throw on his character? 
 
 7. What importance did Pythagoras attach to music? Why 
 should we not accept everything Diogenes tells us as to the travels of 
 this philosopher? What account did he give of his soul before it had 
 entered his body? 
 
CHAPTER XV 
 
 THE IONIC REVOLT 
 
 Aristagoras 
 determines 
 to revolt, 
 499 B.C. 
 
 Herodotus v. 
 36. 
 
 On Aristago- 
 ras and Histi- 
 aeus; Greece, 
 no f.; An- 
 cient World, 
 160. 
 
 Hecataeus 
 was a geogra- 
 pher and 
 writer of 
 Gettealosics, 
 chiefly mythi- 
 cal. 
 
 Aristagoras, 
 in combina- 
 tion with the 
 Persians, had 
 just failed 
 in an attempt 
 to conquer 
 Naxos; 
 Ancient 
 World, 160. 
 
 I. The Beginning 
 
 He (Aristagoras) took counsel therefore with his parti- 
 sans, declaring to them both his own opinion and the 
 message from Histiaeus; and while all the rest expressed 
 an opinion to the same effect, urging him namely to make 
 revolt, Hecataeus, the writer of genealogies, urged first 
 that they should not undertake war with the king of the 
 Persians, describing all the nations over whom Darius 
 was ruler, and his power; and when he did not succeed 
 in persuading him, he counselled next that they should 
 manage to make themselves masters of the sea. Now 
 this, he continued, could not come to pass in any other 
 way, so far as he could see, for he knew that the force of 
 the Milesians was weak; but if the treasures should be 
 taken which were in the temple at Branchidae, which 
 Croesus the Lydian dedicated as offerings, he had great 
 hopes that they might become masters of the sea; and by 
 this means they would not only themselves have wealth 
 at their disposal, but the enemy would not be able to carry 
 the property off as plunder. Now these treasures were of 
 great value, as I have shown in the first part of the history. 
 This opinion did not prevail; but nevertheless it was re- 
 solved that they should revolt, and that one of them should 
 sail to Myus, to the force which had returned from Naxos 
 and was then there, and endeavor to seize the commanders 
 who sailed in the ships. 
 
 152 
 
Overthrow of the Tyrants 
 
 153 
 
 So latragoras was sent for this purpose and seized by 
 craft Oliatus the son of Ibanollis of Mylasa, and Histi- 
 aeus the son of Tymnes of Termera, and Goes the son of 
 Erxander, to whom Darius had given Mytilene as a gift, 
 and Aristagoras the son of Heracleides of Cyme, and many 
 others; and then Aristagoras openly made revolt and de- 
 vised all that he could to the hurt of Darius. And first 
 he pretended to resign the despotic power and give to 
 Miletus equality, in order that the JMilesians might be 
 willing to revolt with him; then afterward he proceeded 
 to do this same thing in the rest of Ionia too; and some 
 of the despots he drove out, but those whom he had taken 
 from» the ships which had sailed with him to Naxos, these 
 he surrendered, because he desired to do a pleasure to 
 their cities, delivering them over severally to that city from 
 which each one came. 
 
 Now the men of Mytilene, as soon as they received 
 Goes into their hands, brought him out and stoned him 
 to death; but the men of Gyme let their tyrant go, and so 
 also most of the others let theirs go. Thus then the ty- 
 rants were deposed in the various cities; and Aristagoras 
 the Milesian, after having deposed them, bade each people 
 appoint commanders in their several cities, and then him- 
 self set forth as an envoy to Lacedaemon ; for in truth it 
 was necessary that he should find out some powerful 
 alliance. , . . 
 
 II. The Attempt to Win Allies 
 
 However, Aristagoras, the tyrant of Miletus, arrived 
 at Sparta while Gleomenes was reigning; and accordingly 
 with him he came to speech, having, as the Lacedaemo- 
 nians say, a tablet of bronze, on which was engraved a 
 map of the whole Earth, with all the sea and all the rivers. 
 
 Beginning of 
 the revolt. 
 
 Hdt. V. 37 f- 
 
 Greece, iir-6; 
 Ancient 
 World, 160-4. 
 
 Fall of the 
 
 Ionian 
 
 tyrants. 
 
 Aristagoras 
 at Sparta, 
 
 winter of 
 499-498. 
 Hdt. V. 49. 
 
154 The Ionic Revolt 
 
 And when he came to speech with Cleomenes he said to 
 him as follows: 
 
 "Marvel not, Cleomenes, at my earnestness in coming 
 hither, for the case is this. That the sons of the lonians 
 should be slaves instead of free is a reproach and a grief 
 most of all indeed to ourselves, but of all others most to 
 you, inasmuch as ye are the leaders of Hellas. Now there- 
 fore I entreat you by the gods of Hellas to rescue from 
 slavery the lonians, who are your own kinsmen. And 
 ye may easily achieve this, for the barbarians are not 
 valiant in fight; whereas ye have attained to the highest 
 point of valor in war; and their fighting is of this fashion, 
 namely with bows and arrows and a short spear, and they 
 go into battle wearing trousers and with caps on their 
 heads. Thus they are easily conquered. Then again they 
 who occupy that continent have good things in such 
 quantity as not all the other nations of the world together 
 possess; first gold, then silver and bronze and embroidered 
 garments and beasts of burden and slaves; all of which 
 ye might have for yourselves, if ye so desired. And the 
 nations, moreover, dwell in such order one after the other 
 as I shall declare: — the lonians here; and next to them the 
 Lydians who not only dwell in a fertile land, but are also 
 exceedingly rich in gold and silver," — and as he said this 
 he pointed to the map of the Earth, which he carried M'ith 
 him engraved upon the tablet, — "and here next to the 
 Lydians," continued Aristagoras, "are the Eastern Phryg- 
 ians, who have the greatest number of sheep and cattle 
 of all people that I know, and also the most abundant 
 crops. Next to the Phrygians are the Cappadocians, 
 whom we call Syrians; and bordering upon them are the 
 Cilicians, coming down to this sea, in which lies the island 
 of Cyprus here; and these pay five hundred talents to 
 
On the Road to Susa 155 
 
 the king for their yearly tribute. Next to these Cilicians 
 are the Armenians, whom thou mayest see here, and these 
 also have great numbers of sheep and cattle. Next to 
 the Armenians are the Matienians occupying this country 
 here; and next to them is the land of Cissia here, in which 
 land by the banks of the river Choaspes is situated that 
 city of Susa where the great king has his residence, and 
 where the money is laid up in treasuries. After ye have 
 taken this city ye may then with good courage enter into 
 a contest with Zeus in the matter of wealth. Nay, but 
 can it be that ye feel yourselves bound to take upon you 
 the risk of battles against Messenians and Arcadians and 
 Argives, who are equally matched against you, for the 
 sake of land which is not much in extent nor very fertile, 
 and for confines which are but small, though these peoples 
 have neither gold nor silver at all, for the sake of which 
 desire incites one to fight, and to die, — can this be, I say, 
 and will ye choose some other way now, when it is possible 
 for you easily to have the rule over all Asia? " Aristagoras 
 spoke thus, and Cleomenes answered him saying: "Guest- 
 friend from JNIiletus, I defer my answer to thee till the 
 day after tomorrow." 
 
 Thus far then they advanced at that time; and when '^°° distant 
 
 anundertak- 
 the appomted day arrived for the answer, and they had ing for the 
 
 come to the place agreed upon, Cleomenes asked Arista- ^^ ^°^' 
 
 goras how m.any days' journey it was from the sea of the ^°' 
 
 lonians to the residence of the king. Now Aristagoras, 
 
 who in other respects acted cleverly and imposed upon him 
 
 well, in this point made a mistake; for whereas he ought 
 
 not to have told him the truth, at least if he desired to 
 
 bring the Spartans out to Asia, he said in fact that it was a 
 
 journey up from the sea of three months; and the other 
 
 cutting short the rest of the account which Aristagoras 
 
156 
 
 The Ionic Revolt 
 
 The princess 
 Gorgo lays 
 down the 
 moral law. 
 
 lb. 51. 
 
 Spartan 
 women; 
 Greece, 58, 
 59 ; Ancient 
 World, 114, 
 IIS- The 
 story of 
 Gorgo is 
 interesting 
 in view of the 
 respect paid 
 to women at 
 Sparta. 
 
 Aristagoras 
 at Athens, 
 4Q9-498 B.C. 
 
 Hdt. V. 97. 
 
 had begun to give of the way, said, "Guest-friend from 
 Miletus, get thee away from Sparta before the sun has 
 set; for thou speakest a word which sounds not well in the 
 ears of the Lacedaemonians, desiring to take them a journey 
 of three months away from the sea." 
 
 Cleomenes accordingly having so said went away to 
 his house; but Aristagoras took the suppliant's branch 
 and went to the house of Cleomenes; and having entered 
 in as a suppliant, he bade Cleomenes send away the child 
 and listen to him: for the daughter of Cleomenes was 
 standing by him, whose name was Gorgo, and this it 
 chanced was his only child, being of the age now of eight 
 or nine years. Cleomenes however bade him say that 
 which he desired to say, and not to stop on account of the 
 child. Then Aristagoras proceeded to promise him money, 
 beginning with ten talents, if he would accomplish for 
 him that for which he was asking; and when Cleomenes 
 refused, Aristagoras went on increasing the sums of money 
 offered, until at last he had promised fifty talents, and at 
 that moment the child cried out, "Father the stranger will 
 do thee hurt, if thou do not leave him and go." Cleomenes 
 then, pleased by the counsel of the child, departed into 
 another room, and Aristagoras went away from Sparta 
 altogether, and had no opportunity of explaining any 
 further about the way up from the sea to the residence of 
 the king. . . . 
 
 While they (the Athenians) had these thoughts and had 
 been set at enmity with the Persians, at this very time 
 Aristagoras the Milesian, ordered away from Sparta by 
 Cleomenes the Lacedaemonian, arrived at Athens; for 
 this was the city which had most power of all the rest 
 besides Sparta. And Aristagoras came forward before 
 the assembly of the people and said the same things as 
 
Aristagoras at Athens 157 
 
 he had said at Sparta about the wealth which there was in 
 Asia, and about the Persian manner of making war, how 
 they used neither shield nor spear and were easy to over- 
 come. Thus I say he said, and also he added this, namely Ancient 
 that the Milesians were colonists from the Athenians, 
 and that it was reasonable that the Athenians should 
 rescue them, since they had such great power; and there 
 was nothing which he did not promise, being very urgent 
 in his request, until at last he persuaded them; for it 
 would seem that it is easier to deceive many than one, 
 seeing that, though he did not prove able to deceive Cleo- 
 menes the Lacedasmonian by himself, yet he did this 
 to thirty thousand Athenians. The Athenians, then, I 
 say, being persuaded, voted a resolution to despatch twenty 
 ships to help the lonians, and appointed to command them 
 Melanthius, one of their citizens who was in all things 
 highly reputed. These ships proved to be the beginning 
 of evils for the Hellenes and the barbarians. . . . 
 
 Aristagoras meanwhile, when the Athenians had ar- The Greeks 
 rived with twenty ships, bringing with them also five against 
 triremes of the Eretrians, who joined the expedition not ^^g ^^^ 
 for the sake of the Athenians but of the Milesians them- 
 selves, to repay them a debt which they owed ; for the Hdt. v. 99. 
 Milesians in former times had borne with the Eretrians 
 the burden of all that war which they had with the Chal- 
 cidians, at the time when the Chalcidians on their side were 
 helped by the Samians against the Eretrians and Milesians. 
 When these, I say, had arrived and the other allies were 
 on the spot, Aristagoras proceeded to make a march upon 
 Sardis. On this march he did not go himself, but remained 
 at Miletus, and appointed others to be in command of 
 the Milesians, namely his brother Charopinus and of the 
 other citizens one Hermophantus. 
 
158 
 
 The Ionic Revolt 
 
 The capture 
 of Sardis. 
 
 lb. loo. 
 
 The burning 
 of Sardis. 
 
 76. loi. 
 
 Greece, 113 f.; 
 A ncicnt 
 World, 161 f. 
 
 With this force then the lonians came to Ephesus; and 
 leaving their ships at Coresus in the land of Ephesus, they 
 went up themselves in a large body, taking Ephesians 
 to guide them in their march. So they marched along by 
 the river Cayster, and then when they arrived after cross- 
 ing the range of Tmolus, they took Sardis without any 
 resistance, all except the citadel; but the citadel Ar- 
 taphernes himself saved from capture, having with him a 
 considerable force of men. 
 
 From plundering the city after they had taken it they 
 were prevented by this: — the houses in Sardis were mostly 
 built of reeds, and even those of them which were of brick 
 had their roofs thatched with reeds; of these houses one 
 was set on fire by a soldier, and forthwith the fire going 
 on from house to house, began to spread over the whole 
 town. So then as the town was on fire, the Lydians and 
 all the Persians who were in the city being cut off from 
 escape, since the fire was prevailing in the extremities 
 round about them, and not having any way out of the 
 town, flowed together to the market-place and to the 
 river Pactolus, which brings down gold-dust for them from 
 Tmolus, flowing through the middle of their market-place, 
 and then runs out into the river Hermus, and this into the 
 sea. To this Pactolus, I say, and to the market-place the 
 Lydians and the Persians gathered themselves together, and 
 were compelled to defend themselves. The lonians, then, 
 seeing some of the enemy standing on their defence and 
 others in great numbers coming on to the attack, were 
 struck with fear and retired to the mountain called 
 Tmolus, and afterward at nightfall departed to go to 
 their ships. 
 
Last Years of the Revolt 159 
 
 III. The Siege and Destruction of Miletus 
 
 The Persians, then, being conquerors of the lonians ^f^^^^ ^*" 
 in the sea-fight, besieged Miletus by land and sea, under- Herodotus vi. 
 mining the walls and bringing against it all manner of 18 
 engines; and they took it completely in the sixth year from ^^j^"^''^^^' 
 the revolt of Aristagoras, and reduced the people to slav- fought oS 
 ery; so that the disaster agreed with the oracle which had ^%,%^ ^"J" 
 been uttered with reference to Miletus. ^^'"' "4- 
 
 For when the Argives were inquiring at Delphi about An oracle, 
 the safety of their city, there was given to them an oracle Hdt. vi. 19. 
 which applied to both, that is to say, part of it had refer- 
 ence to the Argives themselves, while that which was 
 added afterward referred to the Milesians. The part of it 
 which had reference to the Argives I will record when I 
 reach that place in the history, but that which the Oracle 
 uttered with reference to the Milesians who were not 
 there present, is as follows: 
 
 "And at that time, O Miletus, of evil deeds the contriver, 
 Thou shalt be made for many a glorious gift and a banquet; 
 Then shall thy wives be compelled to wash the feet of the long- 
 haired. 
 And in Didyma then my shrine shall be tended by others." 
 
 At the time of which I speak, these things came upon the 
 Milesians, since most of the men were killed by the Per- 
 sians, who are long-haired, and the women and children 
 were dealt with as slaves; and the temple at Didyma, with 
 the sacred building and the sanctuary of the Oracle, was 
 first plundered and then burnt. Of the things in this 
 temple I have made mention frequently in other parts of 
 the history. 
 After this the Milesians who had been taken prisoner 
 
lb. 21. 
 
 i6o The Ionic Revolt 
 
 The fate of were conducted to Susa; and king Darius did to them 
 
 sians. HO other evil, but settled them upon the sea called Eryth- 
 
 Ib. 20. raean, in the city of Ampe, by which the Tigris flows when 
 
 it runs out into the sea. Of the Milesian land the Persians 
 
 chemselves kept the surroundings of the city and the plain, 
 
 but the heights they gave to the Carians of Pedasa for a 
 
 possession. 
 
 Effect on the When the Milesians suffered this treatment from the 
 Athenians. 
 
 Persians, the men of Sybaris, who were dwelling in Laos 
 
 and Scidros, being deprived of their own city, did not re- 
 pay like with like; for when Sybaris was taken by the men 
 of Croton, the Milesians all from youth upwards shaved 
 their heads and put on great mourning; for these cities 
 were more than all others of which we know bound to- 
 gether by ties of friendship. Not like the Sybarites 
 were the Athenians; for these made it clear that they were 
 grieved at the capture of Miletus, both in many other 
 ways and also by this, that when Phrynichus had com- 
 posed a drama called the ^'Capture of Miletus^' and had 
 put it on the stage, the body of spectators fell to weeping, 
 and the Athenians moreover fined the poet a thousand 
 drachmas on the ground that he had reminded them of 
 their own calamities; and they ordered also that no one 
 in future should represent this drama. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. What motive had Aristagoras to revolt (cf. Greece, iii; Ancient 
 World, 1 60)? What was the advice of Hecataeus? Why were the 
 tyrants now deposed? 
 
 2. Why did Aristagoras go to Sparta for aid? By what arguments 
 did he try to persuade Cleomenes? What had he to say of the Per- 
 sians? Why did he give the king a lesson in geography? Why were 
 the Lacedaemonians unwilling to attempt the conquest of Asia? 
 What part had Gorge in the negotiations, and what idea do we get 
 
Studies i6i 
 
 from it of the Spartan girl? Why were the Athenians more easily 
 persuaded? What does Herodotus think of the war? Describe the 
 houses of Sardis. 
 
 3. How did the Persians punish Miletus for revolt? What is the 
 meaning of the oracle? Are we certain that it was given before the 
 event? How did the fall of Miletus affect the Athenians? WTiere 
 did Herodotus probably get his information as to these events, and 
 how trustworthy is it? 
 
CHAPTER XVI 
 
 Darius plans 
 to subdue 
 Hellas. 
 
 Herodotus vi. 
 
 94- 
 
 After the 
 destruction 
 of Sardis 
 Darius liad 
 ordered a 
 servant to ad- 
 monish him 
 daily to "re- 
 member the 
 Athenians." 
 
 Mardonius 
 had failed 
 in an ex- 
 pedition 
 against 
 Greece; 
 Greece, ii8 f.; 
 A ncient 
 World, 1 66 f. 
 
 Athens 
 sends to 
 Sparta for 
 aid. 
 
 Hdt. vi. 105. 
 
 The Persians 
 had already- 
 taken Ere- 
 tria; Ancient 
 World, 167. 
 
 THE WAR BETWEEN GREECE AND PERSIA 
 
 I. The Invasion of Datis and Artaphernes 
 
 So the Athenians were at war with the Eginetans; and 
 meanwhile the Persian was carrying forward his design, 
 since he was put in mind ever by his servant to remember 
 the Athenians, and also because the sons of Peisistratus 
 were near at hand and brought charges continually against 
 the Athenians, while at the same time Darius himself 
 wished to take hold of this pretext and subdue those na- 
 tions of Hellas which had not given him earth and water. 
 Mardonius then, since he had fared miserably in his ex- 
 pedition, he removed from his command; and appointing 
 other generals to command, he despatched them against 
 Eretria and Athens, namely Datis, who was a Mede by 
 race, and Artaphernes the son of Artaphernes, a nephew 
 of the king; and he sent them forth with the charge to 
 reduce Athens and Eretria to slavery and to bring back 
 the slaves into his presence. . . . 
 
 First of all, while they were still in the city the generals 
 sent off to Sparta a herald, namely Pheidippides an Athe- 
 nian, a runner of long day-courses and one who practised 
 this as his profession. With this man, as Pheidippides 
 himself said and as he made report to the Athenians, 
 Pan chanced to meet by Mount Parthenion, which is 
 above Tegea; and calling aloud the name of Pheidippides, 
 Pan bade him report to the Athenians and ask for what 
 reason they had no care of him, though he was well 
 
 162 
 
Athens Prepares for Battle 163 
 
 disposed to the Athenians and had been serviceable to 
 them on many occasions before that time, and would be so 
 also yet again. Believing that this tale was true, the Athe- 
 nians, when their affairs had now been prosperously settled. In a cave on 
 established under the Acropohs a temple of Pan, and in declivity. . 
 consequence of this message they propitiate him with 
 sacrifice offered every year and with a torch-race. 
 
 However at that time, the time namely when he said Pheidip- 
 that Pan appeared to him, this Pheidippides having been peaJs fo'the 
 sent by the generals was in Sparta on the next day after ^a"i^^™°' 
 that on which he left the city of the Athenians; and when 
 he had come to the magistrates he said: " Lacedsemonians, Hdt. vi. 106. 
 the Athenians make request of you to come to their help 
 and not to allow a city most anciently established among On Mara- 
 the Hellenes to fall into slavery by means of barbarians; 120-2; In-'^"' 
 
 for even now Eretria has been enslaved and Hellas has "/"' World, 
 
 167-70. 
 
 become the weaker by a city of renown." He, as I say, 
 
 reported to them that with which he had been charged 
 
 and it pleased them well to come to help the Athenians; 
 
 but it was impossible for them to do so at once, since they 
 
 did not desire to break their law; for it was the ninth day 
 
 of the month and on the ninth day they said they would 
 
 not go forth, nor until the circle of the moon should be full. 
 
 Now the opinions of the generals of the Athenians were The Athen- 
 
 divided, and the one party urged that they should not liberate. ^ 
 
 fight a battle, seeing that they were few to fight with the j^dt vi 109 
 
 army of the Medes, while the others, and among them 
 
 Miltiades, advised that they should do so; and when they 
 
 were divided and the worse opinion was like to prevail. At this time 
 
 then, since he who had been appointed by lot to be pole- march was 
 
 march of the Athenians had a vote in addition to the ten appointeTby 
 
 (for in old times the Athenians gave the polemarch an lot; p- 128 
 
 . above, 
 
 equal vote with the generals) and at that time the pole- 
 
164 The War Between Greece and Persia 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 137. 
 
 The gen- 
 erals resolve 
 to fight. 
 
 Hdt. vi. 
 
 no. 
 
 march was Callimachus of the deme of Aphidnae, to him 
 came Miltiades and said as follows: "With thee now it 
 rests, Callimachus, either to bring Athens into slavery, or 
 by making her free to leave behind thee for all the time 
 that men shall live a memorial such as not even Har- 
 modius and Aristogeiton have left. For now the Atheni- 
 ans have come to a danger the greatest to which they have 
 ever come since they were a people; and on the one hand, 
 if they submit to the Medes, it is determined what they 
 shall suffer, being delivered over to Hippias, while on the 
 other hand, if this city shall gain the victory it may become 
 the first of the cities of Hellas. How this may happen and 
 how it comes to thee of all men to have the decision of 
 these matters, I am now about to tell. Of us the generals, 
 who are ten in number, the opinions are divided, the one 
 party urging that we fight a battle and the others that we 
 do not fight. Now if we do not, I expect that some great 
 spirit of discord will fall upon the minds of the Athenians 
 and so shake them that they shall go over to the Medes; 
 but if we fight a battle before any unsoundness appear 
 in any part of the Athenian people, then we are able to 
 gain the victory in the fight, if the gods grant equal con- 
 ditions. These things then all belong to thee, and depend 
 upon thee; for if thou attach thyself to my opinion, thou 
 hast both a fatherland which is free and a native city 
 which shall be the first among the cities of Hellas; but if 
 thou choose the opinion of those who are earnest against 
 fighting, thou shalt have the opposite of those good things 
 of which I have told thee." 
 
 Thus speaking Miltiades gained Callimachus to his 
 side; and the opinion of the polemarch being added, it was 
 thus determined to fight a battle. After this, those gen- 
 erals whose opinion was in favor of lighting, as the turn 
 
The Battle of Marathon 165 
 
 of each one of them to command for the day came round, 
 
 gave over their command to Miltiades; and he, accepting 
 
 it, would not yet however bring about a battle, until his 
 
 own turn to command had come. 
 
 And when it came round to him, then the Athenians The order of 
 
 battle, 
 were drawn up for battle in the order which here follows : — 
 
 On the right wing the polemarch Callimachus was leader ' ^^^' 
 (for the custom of the Athenians was this, that the pole- 
 march should have the right wing); and he leading, next 
 after him came the tribes in order as they were numbered 
 one after the other, and last were drawn up the Plataeans 
 occupying the left wing; for ever since this battle, when the 
 Athenians offer sacrifices in the solemn assemblies which 
 are made at the four-yearly festiv^s, the herald of the 
 Athenians prays thus, "that blessings may come to the 
 Athenians and to the Plataeans both." On this occasion 
 however, when the Athenians were being drawn up at 
 Marathon, something of this kind was done: — their army 
 being made equal in length of front to that of the Medes, 
 came to be drawn up in the middle with a depth of but 
 a few ranks, and here their army was weakest, while each 
 wing was strengthened with numbers. 
 
 And when they had been arranged in their places and The charge, 
 the sacrifices proved favorable, then the Athenians were ib. 112. 
 let go, and they set forth at a run to attack the barbarians. 
 Now the space between the armies was not less than eight 
 furlongs; and the Persians seeing them advancing to the 
 attack at a run, made preparations to receive them; and 
 in their minds they charged the Athenians with madness 
 which must be fatal, seeing that they were few and yet 
 were pressing forward at a run, having neither cavalry 
 nor archers. Such was the thought of the barbarians; 
 but the Athenians, when all in a body they had joined 
 
1 66 The War Between Greece and Persia 
 
 The Persian 
 route. 
 
 lb. 113. 
 
 The slain. 
 
 lb. 114. 
 
 Cynegeirus 
 was a 
 brother of 
 ^schylus, 
 the great 
 dramatic 
 poet. 
 
 Attempt to 
 
 surprise 
 
 Athens. 
 
 lb. lis. 
 
 in combat with the barbarians, fought in a memorable 
 fashion; for they were the first of all the Hellenes about 
 whom we know who went to attack the enemy at a run, 
 and they were the first also who endured to face the 
 Median garments and the men who wore them, whereas 
 up to this time the very name of the Medes was to the 
 Hellenes a terror to hear. 
 
 Now while they fought in Marathon, much time passed 
 by; and in the centre of the army, where the Persians 
 themselves and the Sacans were drawn up, the barbarians 
 were winning, — here, I say, the barbarians had broken 
 up the ranks of their opponents and were pursuing them 
 inland, but on both wings the Athenians and the Platccans 
 severally were winning the victory; and being victorious 
 they left that part of the barbarians which had been routed 
 to fly without molestation; and bringing together the two 
 wings they fought with those who had broken their centre, 
 and the Athenians were victorious. So they followed after 
 the Persians as they fled, slaughtering them, until they 
 came to the sea; and then they called for fire and began 
 to take hold of the ships. 
 
 In this part of the work was slain the polemarch Cal- 
 limachus after having proved himself a good man, and 
 also one of the generals, Stesilaus the son of Thrasylaus, 
 was killed; and besides this Cynegeirus the son of Eupho- 
 rion, while taking hold there of the ornament at the stern 
 of a ship, had his hand cut off with an axe and fell ; and 
 many others also of the Athenians who were men of note 
 were killed. 
 
 Seven of the ships the Athenians got possession of in 
 this manner, but with the rest the barbarians pushed off 
 from land, and after taking the captives from Eretria 
 off the island where they had left them, they sailed around 
 
lb. ii6. 
 
 The Athenians Win 167 
 
 Sunion, purposing to arrive at the city before the Athe- The sHeM » 
 nians. An accusation became current among the Athenians been hoisted 
 
 , , . , . 1 - • on the sum- 
 
 to the effect that they formed this design by contrivance mit of Mount 
 
 of the Alcmeonidas; for these, it was said, having concerted ^^'^kh ove^- 
 
 matters with the Persians, displayed to them a shield when }j>oks^t^he^ 
 
 they had now embarked in their ships. 
 
 These then, I say, were sailing round Sunion; and mean- j^^^.^^^jfj^f* 
 while the Athenians came to the rescue back to the city 
 as speedily as they could, and they arrived there before 
 the barbarians came; and having arrived from the temple 
 of Heracles at Marathon they encamped at another 
 temple of Heracles, namely that wliich is in Cynosarges. 
 The barbarians however came and lay with their ships 
 in the sea which is off Phaleron, (for this was then the sea- 
 port of the Athenians) ; they anchored their ships, I say, 
 off this place, and then proceeded to sail back to Asia. 
 
 In this fight at Marathon there were slain of the bar- Lo^s^es in 
 barians about six thousand four hundred men, and of the ^^ ^^ 
 Athenians a hundred and ninety and two. Such was the 
 number which fell on both sides. ... 
 
 n. Greek Preparations for Another Invasion 
 
 When those Hellenes who had the better mind about ^ f^^\°Mj 
 Hellas came together to one place, and considered their councU, 
 affairs and interchanged assurances with one another, ^"^So B.C. 
 then deliberating together they thought it well first of all Herodotus 
 things to reconcile the enmities and bring to an end the Yncieni 
 wars which they had with one another. Now there were ^f^f^^'J^J: 
 wars eneased between others also, and especially between dl (congress) 
 
 ^ . A c ii • u • :„ of the Pelo- 
 
 the Athenians and the Egmetans. After this, being m- p^nnesian 
 formed that Xerxes was with his army at Sardis,^ they ^^^f^'^^^ 
 determined to send spies to Asia to make observation of World, 121. 
 
i68 The War Between Greece and Persia 
 
 Greek spies 
 at Sardis. 
 
 Hdt. vii. 146. 
 
 Greece, 13,1 i.; the power of the king; and moreover they resolved to send 
 World, 179. envoys to Argos to form an alliance against the Persian, 
 and to send others to Sicily to Gelon the son of Deino- 
 menes and also to Corcyra, to urge them to come to the 
 assistance of Hellas, and others again to Crete; for they 
 made it their aim that if possible the Hellenic race might 
 unite in one, and that they might join all together and 
 act toward the same end, since dangers were threatening 
 all the Hellenes equally. Now the power of Gelon was 
 said to be great, far greater than any other Hellenic 
 power. 
 
 When they had thus resolved, they reconciled their 
 enmities and then sent first three men as spies to Asia. 
 These having come to Sardis and having got knowledge 
 about the king's army, were discovered, and after having 
 been examined by the generals of the army were being 
 led off to die. For these men, I say, death had been de- 
 termined; but Xerxes, being informed of this, found fault 
 with the decision of the generals and sent some of the 
 spearmen of his guard, enjoining them, if they should find 
 the spies yet alive, to bring them to his presence. So 
 having found them yet surviving, they brought them into 
 the presence of the king; and thereupon Xerxes, being 
 told for what purpose they had come, commanded the 
 spearmen to lead them round and to show them the whole 
 army both foot and horse, and when they should have 
 had their fill of looking at these things, to let them go un- 
 hurt to whatsoever land they desired. 
 
 Such was the command which he gave, adding at the 
 same time this saying, namely that if the spies had been 
 put to death, the Hellenes would not have been informed 
 beforehand of his power, how far beyond description it 
 was; while on the other hand by putting to death three 
 
 Xerxes is 
 confident of 
 his own 
 superiority. 
 
 Ih. 147. 
 
The Confidence of Xerxes 169 
 
 men they would not very greatly have damaged the enemy; 
 but when these returned back to Hellas, he thought it 
 likely that the Hellenes, hearing of his power, would de- 
 liver up their freedom to him themselves, before the ex- 
 pedition took place which was being set in motion; and 
 thus there would be no need for them to have the labor 
 of marching an army against them. This opinion of his 
 is like his manner of thinking at other times; for when 
 Xerxes was in Abydos, he saw vessels which carried corn 
 from the Pontus sailing out through the Hellespont on 
 their way to Egina and the Peloponnese. Those then who 
 sat by his side, being informed that the ships belonged 
 to the enemy, were prepared to capture them, and were 
 looking to the king to see when he would give the word; 
 but Xerxes asked about them whither the men were sail- 
 ing, and they replied: "Master, to thy foes, conveying to 
 them corn": he then made answer and said, "Are we not 
 also sailing to the same place as these men, furnished with 
 corn as well as with other things necessary? How then 
 do these wrong us, since they are conveying provisions 
 for our use?" 
 
 III. The Battle of Salamis 
 
 From Susa, from Ecbatana they went, Marshalling 
 
 From the ancient Cissian fortress were they sent — ho^t '^ 
 
 Seamen, riders upon horses, 
 
 Steady-tramping footman-forces Aschylus, 
 
 Close-marshalled in the battle-armament. 
 
 Amistres, Artaphemes, led them on: Com- 
 
 Megabates and Astaspes forth are gone, ™*^ ^^^' 
 
 Persian kings and princes royal. 
 
 And the Great King's vassals loyal, 
 Chiefs that weld his thousand armies into one. 
 
lyo The War Between Greece and Persia 
 
 Archers and 
 oarsmen. 
 
 Lydians. 
 
 All Asia. 
 
 Bridging the 
 Hellespont. 
 
 The king. 
 
 There are bow-triumphant archers, there are riders of the steed, 
 Men terrible to look on, men dread in battle-deed 
 
 In the grim determination of a spirit hot for war. . . . 
 There be they that mighty Nile sent forth, the nation-nursing 
 
 flood— . . . 
 The marshmen they that row the rafts that skim the river-slime, 
 Men cunning in the oarsman's craft, a multitude untold. 
 
 And the dainty-living Lydians followed with their battle-throng. 
 They which people all the mainland; and Mitrogathes the strong 
 And Arcteus led them onward, each a satrap and a king. 
 There were gold-abounding Sardians, and their chariot-riders pressed 
 Swiftly on, with chariot-horses yoked by two, by three abreast — 
 A sight of terror to the eyes that marked their marshalling. 
 
 Came the borderers on Tmolus the hallowed, all aglow 
 Around the neck of Hellas the bondage-yoke to throw: 
 There were Tharubis and Mardon, stubborn anvils of the spear; 
 There were Mysian javelin-hurlers: gold-abounding Babylon 
 Sent forth a mingled multitude in long lines sweeping on, 
 Riders on the sea-steeds, trusty archers void of fear. 
 
 And the people of all Asia, wielders of the scimitar, 
 Have followed the dread summons of the Great King to the war. 
 Oh, the flower of all the Persian realm hath vanished from our gaze: 
 And ah the land of Asia which hath fostered them doth sigh; 
 With the passion of the yearning of bereavement doth she cry; 
 And the wives and mothers shudder as they count the weary days. 
 
 For the army of the king, for the city-wasting host 
 
 Long since hath passed the channel of the fronting neighbor-coast; 
 
 For they linked the rafts together with the cables cunningly, 
 
 So that Hellas' strait was spanned, 
 
 Land was riveted to land, 
 
 And man had cast a yoke upon the wild neck of the sea! 
 
 And myriad-peopled Asia's King, a battle-eager lord, 
 
 From utmost east to utmost west sped on his countless horde 
 
 In unnumbered squadrons marching, in fleets of keels untold, 
 
 Knowing none dared disobey. 
 
 For stern overseers were they 
 Of the godlike king begotten of the ancient Race of Gold. 
 
Archers against Spearmen 171 
 
 And flashing from his eyes the deadly dragon's steel-blue glance 
 
 On Assyrian battle-car, 
 
 With unnumbered men of war 
 
 He hurls the war-god of the bow on the heroes of the lance. 
 
 Heroes? — none is so heroic as to stem that warrior-flood! 
 
 Not their strongest dams shall bide 
 
 Such resistless ocean-tide: — 
 
 Nay, Persia's valiant myriads shall in no wise be withstood. 
 
 Yet— God sendeth strong delusions, and what mortal may evade Foreboding 
 , ^ of failure, 
 
 them? 
 
 And who with foot light-leaping may spring clear of the snare? 
 
 For Ate smiles alluring men, until she hath betrayed them Ate, reckless 
 
 Amidst her net: none breaks its meshes, once entangled there. Sch^Sgs 
 
 ruin. 
 For the Gods' doom all-controlling decreed this long ago— 
 
 'Persia's sons shall win renown 
 
 In dashing towers down, 
 
 In the clash of charging horsemen, and in cities' overthrow.* 
 
 Yet they learned to look unquailing on the highways of the sea, 
 
 When the flails of tempest smite, 
 
 And its meadows blossom white. 
 
 Grasping slender reins of army-wafting galleys fearlessly. . . . 
 
 Atossa—ls there found with them so vast a multitude for war's Dialogue. 
 
 array? Atossa is 
 
 Choms—YeR, such armed host as many an evil once to Media ^°J^g^g'. f j^^ 
 
 wrought. Chorus is 
 
 Atos Have they aught worth warrior-warding— homes with store composed of 
 , . , - Persian elders 
 
 of wealth full-fraught? _ left in charge 
 
 Clior. Silver have they, yea, a very foimtain, treasure of their land, of the realm 
 
 Atos. And their weapons— are they cunning archers straining bow ^^[gVf 3*^,^.^ 
 
 in hand? sence. 
 
 Chor. Nay, but foot to foot in fight they close with spear and clash- J'^^^j^"' 
 
 ing shield. about the 
 
 Atos. And their shepherd— who is lord and king of these in fighting Greeks. 
 
 field? ^^^ Greek 
 
 Chor. No man's servants do they name them, they are subject to govermnent. 
 
 none. . . . 
 
172 The War Between Greece and Persia 
 
 The battle. 
 
 The messen- 
 ger is a 
 Persian, who 
 brings news 
 of the battle 
 to the queen 
 and chorus. 
 
 Greece, 132-4; 
 A ncient 
 World, 175-7. 
 
 The deception 
 here men- 
 tioned was 
 the work of 
 Themisto- 
 cles. 
 
 ^schylus re- 
 frains from 
 mention- 
 ing Greeks by 
 name. 
 
 Messenger 
 'Twas this began all our disaster, Queen: 
 A demon or fell fiend rose — who knows whence? — 
 For from the Athenian host a Hellene came, 
 And to thy son, to Xerxes, told this tale. 
 That when the mirk of black night should be come, 
 The Greeks would not abide, but, leaping straight 
 Upon the galley thwarts, this way and that 
 In stealthy flight would seek to save their lives. 
 Soon as he heard, discerning neither guile 
 In that Greek, nor the jealousy of heaven, 
 This word to all his captains he proclaims, 
 That, when the sun should cease to scorch the earth. 
 And gloom should fill the hallowed space of sky. 
 In three lines should they range their throng of ships 
 To guard each pass, each seaward-surging strait; 
 And others should enring all Aias' Isle: 
 Since, if the Greeks should yet escape fell doom. 
 And find their ships some privy path of flight, 
 Doomed to the headsman all these captains were. 
 Thus spake he, in spirit over-confident, 
 Knowing not what the Gods would bring to pass. 
 With hearts obedient, in no disarray, 
 Then supped our crews, and every mariner 
 To the well-rounded rowlock lashed his oar. 
 But when the splendor faded of the sun, 
 And night came on, each master of the oar 
 A-shipboard went, and every man-at-arms. 
 Then rank to rank of long ships passed the word: 
 And, as was each appointed, so they sailed. 
 So all night long the captains of the ships 
 Kept all the sea-host sailing to and fro. 
 And night passed by, yet did the Hellene host 
 Essay in no wise any secret flight. 
 But when the day by white steeds chariot-borne, 
 Radiant to see, flooded all earth with light. 
 First from the Hellenes did a clamorous shout 
 Ring for a triumphant chant; and wild and high 
 Pealed from the island rock the answering cheer 
 
The Battle of Salamis i73 
 
 Of Echo. Thrilled through all our folks dismay 
 
 Of baffled expectation; for the Greeks 
 
 Not as for flight that holy psean sang, 
 
 But straining battleward with heroic hearts. 
 
 The trumpet's blare set all their hnes aflame. 
 
 Straightway with chiming dip of dashing oars 
 
 They smote the loud brine to the timing cry, 
 
 And suddenly flashed they all full into view. 
 
 Foremost their right wing seemly-ordered led 
 
 In fair array; next, all their armament 
 
 Battleward swept on. Therewithal was heard 
 
 A great shout— 'On ye sons of Hellas, on! 
 
 Win for the home-land freedom [—freedom win 
 
 For sons, wives, temples of ancestral Gods, 
 
 And old sires' graves! This day are all at stake!' 
 
 Yea, and from us low thunder of Persian cheers 
 
 Answered — no time it was for dall>dng ! 
 
 Then straightway galley dashed her beak of bronze 
 
 On galley. 'Twas a Hellene ship began 
 
 The onset, and shore all the figure-head 
 
 From a Phoenician: captain charged on captain. 
 
 At first the Persian navy's torrent-flood 
 
 Withstood them; but when our vast fleet was cramped 
 
 In strait-space — friend could lend no aid to friend,— 
 
 Then ours by fangs of allies' beaks of bronze 
 
 Were struck, and shattered all their oar-array; 
 
 While with shrewd strategy the Hellene ships 
 
 Swept around, and rammed us, and upturned were hulls 
 
 Of ships; — no more could one discern the sea. 
 
 Clogged all with wrecks and limbs of slaughtered men: 
 
 The shores, the rock-reefs, were with corpses strewn. 
 
 Then rowed each bark in fleeing disarray, 
 
 Yea, every keel of our barbarian host. 
 
 They with oar-fragments and with shards of wrecks 
 
 Smote, hacked, as men smite tunnies, or a draught 
 
 Of fishes; and a moaning, all confused 
 
 With shrieking, hovered wide o'er that sea-brine 
 
 Till night's dark presence blotted out the horror. 
 
 That swarm of woes, yea, though for ten days' space 
 
174 The War Between Greece and Persia 
 
 I should rehearse could I not tell in full. 
 Yet know this well, that never in one day 
 Died such a host, such tale untold, of men. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1 . Who were the sons of Peisistratus, and what was their motive in 
 urging Darius to war against Greece? What illustrations of the 
 religious beliefs of Athenians and Lacedaemonians do we find in this 
 passage? Why did Athens appeal to Sparta for aid? Explain the 
 official position of the polemarch and his relation to the ten generals? 
 Who were Harmodius and Aristogeiton? By what arguments did 
 Miltiades persuade Callimachus to vote for battle? What contrib- 
 uted most to Athenian victory at Marathon? What were the re- 
 spective losses, and how can the difference be accounted for? 
 
 2. Write out definitely the acts of the council of the Hellenic 
 League (481-0 B.C.)- How did Xerxes treat the Greek spies, and 
 why? In what ways did he show confidence in his superiority to the 
 Greeks? 
 
 3. Write in your own language ^schylus' description of the Persian 
 armament. What peoples were represented in it? What is said of 
 its power? What information does the chorus give Atossa as to 
 Hellenic warfare and government? How did the Greeks deceive 
 Xerxes as to their own intentions? What plan did Xerxes adopt? 
 Write in your own language ^schylus' account of the battle. What 
 is your impression of his poetry? Is there any reason for believing 
 the selections given in this chapter more reliable than those of the 
 preceding chapter? 
 
CHAPTER XVII 
 
 THE DELIAN CONFEDERACY AND THE ATHENIAN 
 
 EMPIRE 
 
 I. The Walls of Athens are Rebuilt 
 
 Immediately after the great war, he (Themistocles) be- 
 gan to rebuild and fortify the city. In order to succeed in 
 this, Theopompus says that he bribed the Spartan ephors 
 into laying aside opposition, but most writers say that he 
 outwitted them by proceeding to Sparta nominally on an 
 embassy. Then when the Spartans complained to him that 
 Athens was being fortified and when Poliarchus came ex- 
 pressly from ^gina to charge him with it, he denied it, and 
 bade them send commissioners to Athens to see whether it 
 was true, wishing both to obtain time for the fortifications 
 to be built, and also to place these commissioners in the 
 hands of the Athenians, as hostages for his own safety. 
 His expectations were realised; for the Lacedaemonians, 
 on discovering the truth, did him no harm, but dissembled 
 anger and sent him away. After this he built Peirasus 
 as he perceived the excellence of its harbors, and was 
 desirous to turn the whole attention of the Athenians to 
 naval pursuits. . . . Themistocles did not " stick Peiraeus 
 on to Athens" as Aristophanes the comic poet said, 
 so much as he made the city dependent upon Peiraeus, 
 and the land dependent upon the sea. By this means he 
 transferred power from the nobles to the people, because 
 sailors and pilots became the real strength of the state. 
 
 175 
 
 Themis- 
 tocles out- 
 wits the 
 Spartans. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 
 Themistocles, 
 
 ig. 
 
 Greece, 143-5; 
 Ancient 
 World, 182 f. 
 
 Theopompus 
 was a his- 
 torian who 
 lived in the 
 fourth cen- 
 tury B.C. 
 
 He builds 
 Peiraeus. 
 
176 
 
 The Delian Confederacy 
 
 Aristeides. 
 
 Aristotle, 
 
 Constitution 
 of the Athe- 
 nians, 23. 
 
 Objects of 
 the con- 
 federacy. 
 
 Thucydides, 
 i. 96. 
 
 The main 
 object, how- 
 ever, was 
 defence 
 against 
 Persia. 
 
 The assess- 
 ment by 
 Aristeides. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Aristeides, 23. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 184 f. 
 
 II. The Delian Confederacy is Formed 
 
 It was Aristeides who brought about the defection of 
 the lonians from the Lacedaemonian alliance, finding his 
 opportunity in the circumstance that the people of Laconia 
 were in ill repute because of Pausanias. 
 
 Thus the Athenians by the good-will of the allies, who 
 detested Pausanias, obtained the leadership. They im- 
 mediately fixed which of the cities should supply money 
 and which of them ships for the war against the barba- 
 rians, the avowed object being to compensate themselves 
 and the allies for their losses by devastating the king's 
 country. Then was first instituted at Athens the ofiice 
 of Hellenic treasurers, who received the tribute, for so the 
 impost was termed. . . . 
 
 As they wished each city to be assessed to pay a reason- 
 able sum, they asked the Athenians to appoint Aristeides 
 to visit each city, learn the extent of its territory and reve- 
 nues, and fix upon the amount which each was capable 
 of contributing according to its means. Although he was 
 in possession of such a power as this — the whole of Greece 
 having as it were given itself up to be dealt with at his 
 discretion — yet he laid down his office a poorer man than 
 when he accepted it, but having completed his assessment 
 to the satisfaction of all. As the ancients used to tell of the 
 blessedness of the golden age, even so did the states of 
 Greece honor the assessment made by Aristeides, calling 
 the time when it was made, fortunate and blessed for 
 Greece, especially when no long time afterward it was 
 doubled, and subsequently trebled. The money which 
 Aristeides proposed to raise amounted to four hundred and 
 sixty talents; to which Pericles added nearly a third part, 
 for Thucydides tells us that, at the commencement of the 
 
From Confederacy to Empire 177 
 
 Peloponnesian war, the Athenians received six hundred 
 talents a year from their allies. After the death of Pericles, 
 the popular orators gradually raised the sum total to thir- 
 teen hundred talents. It was not so much that the money 
 was required for the expenses of a long and costly war, 
 as that these men had accustomed the people to largesses 
 of money, dramatic representations, and the erection of 
 statues and temples. 
 
 III. Change in the Constitution of the 
 Confederacy 
 
 At first the allies were independent and deliberated The confed- 
 
 cr3,cy trflnS" 
 
 in a common assembly under the leadership of Athens, formed into 
 
 But in the interval between the Persian and Peloponnesian ^° empire. 
 
 wars, by their military success and by policy in dealing '^^"''- '• ^7- 
 
 with the barbarian, with their own rebellious allies and 
 
 with the Peloponnesians who came across their path from 
 
 time to time, the Athenians made immense strides in power. 
 
 I have gone out of my way to speak of this period because Greece, 152 f.; 
 
 the writers who have preceded me treat either of Hellenic worid, 186 f. 
 
 affairs pre\dous to the Persian invasion or of that invasion 
 
 itself; the intervening portion of history has been omitted 
 
 by all of them, with the exception of Hellanicus; and he, J Ws^todan 
 
 where he has touched upon it in his Attic history, is very shortly be- 
 
 brief, and inaccurate in his chronology. The narrative ^es. 
 
 will also serve to explain how the Athenian empire grew up. 
 
 The causes which led to the defections of the allies were gf^^^^^^^^! 
 of different kinds, the principal one being their neglect to formation, 
 pay the tribute or to furnish ships, and, in some cases, Thuc. i. gg. 
 failure of military service. For the Athenians were ex- 
 acting and oppressive, using coercive measures toward 
 men who were neither willing nor accustomed to work 
 hard. And for various reasons they soon began to prove 
 
178 
 
 The Delian Confederacy 
 
 Imperialism 
 and democ- 
 racy go hand 
 in hand. 
 
 Arist. Const. 
 Aih. 24. 
 
 less agreeable leaders than at first. They no longer fought 
 upon an equality with the rest of the confederates, and 
 they had no difiiculty in reducing them when they re- 
 volted. Now the allies brought all this upon themselves; 
 for the majority of them disliked military service and ab- 
 sence from home, and so they agreed to contribute a 
 regular sum of money instead of ships. Whereby the 
 Athenian navy was proportionately increased, while they 
 themselves were always untrained and unprepared for 
 war when they revolted. 
 
 Afterwards as the citizens of the (Athenian) state had 
 acquired confidence and a great quantity of money had 
 accumulated, he (Aristeides) advised them to lay hold on 
 the leadership, and to come in from the country and live in 
 the city, assuring them that there would be a livelihood 
 for all, — some serving in the army, others in garrisons, 
 others attending to administrative work, — and that thus 
 they would secure the leadership. Adopting this policy 
 and usurping the imperial power, they began to treat their 
 allies more despotically, with the exception of the Chians, 
 Lesbians, and Samians, whom they retained as guards of 
 their empire, leaving them their own constitutions and the 
 dependencies which they severally chanced to rule. Thus 
 they established for the multitude an abundant supply 
 of provisions, as Aristeides had pointed out; for it resulted 
 that from the tributes and the taxes more than twenty 
 thousand men derived their support. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. How did Themistocles contrive to have the walls of Athens 
 rebuilt? How did the growth of Peiraeus affect Athenian politics? 
 
 2. What had Pausanias done to bring ill repute upon the Spartans 
 {Greece, 146; Ancte?it World, 184)? What object of the Confederacy 
 
Studies 179 
 
 is mentioned? Give an account of the first assessment. What 
 changes were afterward made? 
 
 3. What change gradually took place in the constitution of the 
 confederacy? What causes brought it about? Who were more to 
 blame for it, the Athenians or the allies? What criticism does Thu- 
 cydides make upon Hellanicus? Why did the growth of imperialism 
 and democracy go hand in hand at Athens? Who are the authors of 
 the several selections of this chapter, and what is their relative worth 
 as historians of this period? 
 
CHAPTER XVIII 
 
 THE AGE OF PERICLES 
 
 I. Pericles: Family and Education 
 
 Family and Pericles was descended from the noblest families in 
 
 pearance. Athens, on both his father's and mother's side. His 
 
 father, Xanthippus, defeated the Persian generals at 
 
 Mycale, while his mother, Agariste, was a descendant 
 
 Plutarch, of Cleisthenes, who drove the sons of Peisistratus out of 
 
 ' ' Athens, put an end to their despotic rule, and established 
 
 \Vorid!iii- 3- nsw constitution admirably calculated to reconcile all 
 
 41- parties and save the country. . . . His body was sym- 
 
 The true metrical, but his head was long out of all proportion ; 
 
 reason is that , . i ,, i • i • . i 
 
 he was a hcnce m nearly all his statues he is represented wearing 
 generaL ^ helmet, as the sculptors did not wish, I suppose, to re- 
 
 proach him with this blemish. The Attic poets called him 
 squill-head, and the comic poet, Cratinus, in his play 
 "Cheirones'^ says. 
 
 From Cronos old and faction, 
 Is sprung a tyrant dread, 
 And all Olympus calls him, 
 The man-compelling head. 
 
 Telecleides, too, speaks of him as sitting, 
 
 Bowed down, 
 With a dreadful frown, 
 Because matters of state have gone wrong, 
 Until at last, 
 From his head so vast, 
 His ideas burst forth in a throng. . . . 
 i8o 
 
Education of Pericles i8r 
 
 It was Anaxagoras of Clazomenae who had most to do His 
 vv'ith forming Pericles' style, teaching him an elevation 
 and sublimity of expression beyond that of ordinary popu- ^^' ^"' ""' 
 lar speakers, and altogether purifying and ennobling his 
 mind. This Anaxagoras was called Intelligence, by the 
 men of that time, either because they admired his own in- 
 tellect, or because he taught that an abstract intelligence 
 is to be traced in all the concrete forms of matter, and that 
 to this, and not to chance, the universe owes its origin. 
 
 Pericles greatly admired Anaxagoras, and became His dignified 
 deeply interested in these grand speculations, which gave tory! ° 
 him a haughty spirit and a lofty style of oratory far re- /j. 5 
 moved from vulgarity and low buffoonery, and also an 
 imperturbable gra\aty of countenance, and a calmness of 
 demeanor and appearance which no incident could disturb 
 as he was speaking, while the tone of his voice never showed 
 that he heeded any interruption. These advantages 
 greatly impressed the people. Once he sat quietly all 
 day in the market-place despatching some pressing busi- 
 ness, reviled in the foulest terms all the while by some 
 low worthless fellow. Towards evening he walked home, 
 the man following him and heaping abuses upon him. 
 When about to enter his own door, as it was dark, he 
 ordered one of his servants to take a torch and light the 
 man home. . . . 
 
 II. His Statesmanship 
 Pericles when young greatly feared the people. He had Reluctant to 
 
 6I1C&£6 ill 
 
 a certain personal Hkeness to the despot Peisistratus; and politics, 
 as his own voice was sweet, and he was ready and fluent /^ ^ 
 m speech, old men who had known Peisistratus were struck 
 by his resemblance to him. He was also rich, of noble 
 birth, and had powerful friends, so that he feared he 
 
l82 
 
 The Age of Pericles 
 
 On ostracism; 
 Ancient 
 World, 140 f. 
 
 He takes the 
 side of the 
 people. 
 
 The Sala- 
 minian tri- 
 reme was 
 reserved for 
 carrying 
 official mes- 
 sages and 
 important 
 officers and 
 embassies. 
 
 might be banished by ostracism, and consequently held 
 aloof from politics, but proved himself a brave and daring 
 soldier in the wars. But when Aristeides was dead, The- 
 mistocles banished, and Cimon generally absent on distant 
 campaigns, Pericles engaged in public affairs, taking the 
 popular side, that of the poor and many against that of 
 the rich and few, quite contrary to his own feelings, which 
 were entirely aristocratic. 
 
 He feared, it seemed, that he might be suspected of a 
 design to make himself tyrant, and seeing that Cimon took 
 the side of the nobility, and was much beloved by them, 
 he betook himself to the people, as a means of obtaining 
 safety for himself, and a strong party to combat that of 
 Cimon, He immediately altered his mode of life; was 
 never seen in any street except that which led to the 
 market-place and the national assembly, and declined all 
 invitations to dinner and such social gatherings, so ut- 
 terly that during the whole of his long political life he 
 never dined with one of his friends except when his first 
 cousin, Euryptolemus, was married. On this occasion he 
 sat at table till the libations were poured, upon which he 
 at once got up and went away. For solemnity is wont 
 to unbend at festive gatherings, and a majestic demeanor 
 is hard to keep up when one is in familiar intercourse with 
 others. True virtue, indeed, appears more glorious the 
 more it is seen, and a really good man's Hfe is never so 
 much admired by the outside world as by his own intimate 
 friends. But Pericles feared to make himself too common 
 even with the people, and only addressed them after long 
 intervals — not speaking upon every subject, and not 
 constantly addressing them, but as Critolaus says, keep- 
 ing himself like the Salaminian trireme for great crises, and 
 allowing his friends and the other orators to manage mat- 
 
Oratory of Pericles 183 
 
 ters of less moment. One of these friends is said to have On the fall 
 
 of the Loun- 
 
 been Ephialtes, who destroyed the power of the Council of cii of the 
 the Areopagus, "pouring out" as Plato the comic poet Ancklf^^' 
 said, "a full and unmixed draught of liberty for the citi- ^^"['.'^q^^^^'^ 
 zens," under the influence of which the poets of the 15s f- 
 time said that the Athenian people 
 
 "Nibbled at Euboea, like a horse that spurns the rein, 
 And wantonly would leap upon the islands in the main." 
 
 Wishing to adopt a style of speaking consonant with ^Jj^^^j^^*^ 
 
 his haughty manner and lofty spirit, Pericles made free "oiym- 
 
 use of the instrument which Anaxagoras as it were put ^^^°" 
 
 into his hand, and often tinged his oratory with natural ^^^^- ^^'^ ^• 
 philosophy. He far surpassed all others by using this 
 "lofty intelligence and power of universal consummation," 
 
 as the divine Plato calls it; in addition to his natural On Plato; 
 
 . Anaent 
 
 advantages, adorning his oratory with apt illustrations World, 2S8 f. 
 drawn from physical science. 
 
 For this reason some think that he was nicknamed the 
 Olympian; yet some refer this to his improvement of the 
 city by new and beautiful buildings, and others to his 
 power as a politician and a general. It is not by any means 
 unlikely that these causes all combined to produce the 
 name. Yet the comedies of the time, when they allude 
 to him, either in jest or earnest, always appear to think 
 that this name was given him because of his manner of 
 speaking, for they represent him as "thundering and 
 lightning" and "roUing fateful thunders from his 
 tongue." 
 
 A saying of Thucydides, the son of Melesias, has been ^f^^^/y^^^Jg'^ 
 preserved, which jestingly testifies to the power of Pericles' 
 eloquence. Thucydides was the leader of the conservative 
 party, and for a long time struggled to hold his own against 
 
1 84 
 
 The Age of Pericles 
 
 On this 
 Thucydides 
 (not the 
 historian); 
 Greece, 170 f. 
 
 Stesim- 
 brotus, a 
 contemporary 
 writer. 
 
 The Peri- 
 clean gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 Plut. Per. 9. 
 
 Greece, 172- 
 8; Ancietil 
 World, 195-i 
 
 Pericles in debate. One day Archidamus, the King of 
 Sparta, asked him whether he or Pericles was the best 
 wrestler. "When I throw him in wrestling," Thucydides 
 answered, "he beats me by proving that he never was 
 down, and by making the spectators believe him." For all 
 this Pericles was very cautious about his words, and when- 
 ever he ascended the tribune to speak, used first to pray to 
 the gods that nothing inappropriate to the present occa- 
 sion might fall from his lips. He left no writings, except 
 the measures which he brought forward, and very few of 
 his sayings are recorded. One of these was, that he called 
 ^gina "the eyesore of the Peirseus" and that "he saw 
 war coming upon Athens from Peloponnesus." Stesim- 
 brotus tells us that when he was pronouncing a public 
 funeral oration over those who fell in Samos, he said that 
 they had become immortal, even as the gods: for we do not 
 see the gods, but we conceive them to be immortal by the 
 respect which we pay them, and the blessings which we 
 receive from them; and the same is the case with those 
 who die for their country. 
 
 Thucydides represents the constitution under Pericles 
 as a democracy in name, but really an aristocracy, be- 
 cause the government was all in the hands of one leading 
 citizen. But as many other writers tell us that during his 
 administration the people received grants of land abroad, 
 and were indulged with dramatic entertainments, and 
 payments for their services, in consequence of which they 
 fell into bad habits, and became extravagant and licentious, 
 instead of sober, hard-working people as they had been 
 before, let us consider the history of this change, viewing 
 it by the light of the facts themselves. First of all, as we 
 have already said, Pericles had to measure himself with 
 Cimon, and to transfer the affections of the people from 
 
World, 126. 
 
 Pericles Wins the People 185 
 
 Cimon to himself. As he was not so rich a man as Cimon, 
 who used from his own ample means to give a dinner daily 
 to any poor Athenian who required it, clothe aged persons, 
 and take away the fences around his property, so that any- 
 one might gather the fruit, Pericles, unable to vie with him 
 in this, turned his attention to a distribution of the public 
 funds among the people, at the suggestion, we are told 
 by Aristotle, of Damonides of Oia. By the money paid 
 for pubhc spectacles, for citizens acting as jurymen and 
 other paid offices, and largesses, he soon won over the 
 people to his side, so that he was able to use them in his 
 attack upon the Council of the Areopagus, of which he ^^t^dmt 
 himself was not a member, never having been chosen 
 archon, or thesmothete, or king archon, or polemarch. 
 These offices had from ancient times been obtained by lot. The lot was 
 and it was only through them that those who had approved jn 487"rc.; 
 themselves in the discharge of them were advanced to fyg"[J'^ -^ 
 the Areopagus. For this reason it was that Pericles, when 
 he gained strength with the populace, destroyed this 
 Senate, making Ephialtes bring forward a bill which re- 
 stricted its judicial powers, while he himself succeeded 
 in getting Cimon banished by ostracism, as a friend of 
 Sparta and a hater of the people, although he was second 
 to no Athenian in birth or fortune, had won most brilliant 
 victories over the Persians, and had filled Athens with 
 plunder and spoils of war, as will be found related in his 
 life. So great was the power of Pericles with the common 
 people. . . . 
 
 III. The Public Works 
 
 The building of the temples, by which Athens was 
 adorned, the people were delighted, and the rest of the 
 world astonished, and which now alone prove that the 
 
i86 
 
 The Age of Pericles 
 
 The money 
 for the 
 buildings. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Pericles, 12. 
 
 They furnish 
 the people 
 with work. 
 
 tales of the ancient power and glory of Greece are no fables, 
 was what particularly excited the spleen of the opposite 
 faction, who inveighed against him in the public assembly, 
 declaring that the Athenians had disgraced themselves 
 by transferring the common treasury of the Greeks from 
 the island of Delos to their own custody. "Pericles him- 
 self," they urged, "has taken away the only possible 
 excuse for such an act — the fear that it might be exposed to 
 the attacks of the Persians when at Delos, whereas it 
 would be safe at Athens. Greece has been outraged, and 
 feels itself openly tyrannised over, when it sees us using 
 the funds which we extorted from it for the war against 
 the Persians, for gilding and beautifying our city, as if it 
 were a vain woman, and adorning it with precious marbles, 
 and statues, and temples, worth a thousand talents." 
 To this Pericles replied, that the allies had no right to 
 consider how their money was spent, so long as Athens 
 defended them from the Persians; while they supplied 
 neither horses, ships, nor men, but merely money, which 
 the Athenians had a right to spend as they pleased, pro- 
 vided they afiforded them that security which it purchased. 
 It was right, he argued, that after the city had provided 
 all that was necessary for war, it should devote its surplus 
 money to the erection of buildings which would be a glory 
 to it for all ages. 
 
 At the same time these works would create plenty by 
 leaving no man unemployed, and encouraging all sorts 
 of handicraft, so that nearly the whole city would earn 
 wages, and thus derive both its beauty and its profit 
 from itself. For those who were in the flower of their 
 age, miHtary service offered a means of earning money 
 from the common stock; while as he did not wish 
 the mechanics and the lower classes to be without their 
 
Industrial Aspect 187 
 
 share, nor yet to see them receive it without doing work 
 for it, he had laid the foundations of great edifices which 
 would require industries of every kind to complete them; 
 and he had done this in the interests of the lower classes, 
 who thus although they remained at home, would have 
 just as good a claim to their share of the public funds as 
 those who were serving at sea, in garrison, or in the field. 
 The different materials used, such as stone, brass, ivory, 
 gold, ebony, cypress-wood, and so forth, would require 
 special artisans for each, such as carpenters, modellers, 
 smiths, stone masons, embroiderers, workers in rehef; 
 and also men to bring them to the city, such as sailors 
 and captains of ships and pilots for such as came from 
 sea; and for those which came by land, carriage-builders, 
 horse-breeders, drivers, rope-makers, Hnen manufacturers, 
 shoemakers, road-menders, and miners. Each trade, 
 moreover, employed a number of unskilled laborers, so 
 that in a word, there would be work for persons of every 
 age and every class, and general prosperity would be the 
 result. 
 
 These buildings were of immense size, and unequalled Artistic ap- 
 ° preciation. 
 
 in beauty and grace, as the workmen endeavored to make 
 
 the execution surpass the design in beauty; but what was 
 most remarkable was the speed with which they were 
 built. All these edifices, each of which, one would have 
 thought, it would have taken many generations to com- 
 plete, were all finished during the most brilliant period 
 of one man's administration. We are told that Zeuxis, 
 hearing Agatharchus the painter boasting how easily 
 and rapidly he could produce a picture, said, "I paint 
 very slowly." Ease and speed of execution seldom pro- 
 duce work of any permanent value or dehcacy. It is the 
 time which is spent in laborious production for which we 
 
i88 
 
 The Age of Pericles 
 
 Pheidiasand 
 other artists. 
 
 are repaid by the durable character of the result. And 
 this makes Pericles' work all the more wonderful, because 
 it was built in a short time, and yet has lasted for ages. 
 In beauty each building at once appeared venerable as 
 soon as it was finished; but even at the present day the 
 work looks as fresh as ever, for it blooms with an eternal 
 freshness which defies time, and seems instinct with an 
 unfading spirit of youth. 
 
 The overseer and manager of the whole was Pheidias, 
 although there were other excellent architects and work- 
 men, such as Callicrates and Ictinus, who built the Parthe- 
 non on the site of the old Hecatompedon, which had been 
 destroyed by the Persians, and Coroebus, who began to 
 build the temple of initiation at Eleusis, but who lived 
 only to see the columns erected and the architraves placed 
 upon them. On his death, Metagenes, of Xypete, added 
 the frieze and the upper row of columns, and Xenocles, 
 of Cholargus, crowned it with the domed roof over the 
 shrine. As to the Long Wall, about which Socrates says 
 that he heard Pericles bring forward a motion, Callicrates 
 undertook to build it. Cratinus satirizes the work for 
 being slowly accomplished, saying: 
 
 "He builds in speeches, but he does no work." 
 
 The Odeum. The Odeum, which internally consisted of many rows of 
 seats and many columns, and externally of a roof sloping 
 on all sides from a central point, is said to have been an 
 imitation of the king of Persia's tent, and was built under 
 Pericles' direction. For this reason Cratinus alludes to 
 him in his play of the Thracian Women — 
 
 "Our Zeus with lofty skull appears; 
 The Odeum on his head he wears, 
 Because he fears the ostrakon no more." 
 
Odeum and Propylsa 
 
 189 
 
 Pericles at that period used his influence to pass a decree 
 for establishing a musical competition at the Panathenaic 
 festival ; and being himself chosen judge, he laid down rules 
 as to how the candidates were to sing, and play the flute 
 or the harp. At that period and ever afterward all musical 
 contests took place in the Odeum. 
 
 The Propylaea, before the Acropolis, was finished in Th^e Propy- 
 five years, by Mnesicles the architect; and a miraculous 
 incident during the work seemed to show that the goddess 
 did not disapprove, but rather encouraged and assisted 
 the building. The most energetic and active of the work- 
 men fell from a great height, and lay in a dangerous con- 
 dition, given over by his doctors. Pericles grieved much 
 for him; but the goddess appeared to him in a dream, and 
 suggested a course of treatment by which Pericles quickly 
 healed the workman. In consequence of this, he set up 
 the brazen statue of Athena the healer, near the old altar 
 in the Acropolis. The golden statue of the goddess was 
 made by Pheidias, and his name appears on the base in 
 an inscription. Almost everything was in his hands, and 
 he gave his orders to all the workmen — as we have said 
 before — because of his friendship with Pericles. 
 
 IV. Selections from Sophocles 
 
 When a god sends harm, not even the strong man can Orestes in 
 ^ 11 1 1 • i i. i the Delphic 
 
 escape. For on another day, when chariots were to try chariot-race. 
 
 their speed at sunrise, he (Orestes) entered, with many 
 
 charioteers. One was an Achaean, one from Sparta, two Sophocles, 
 
 T •! r-\ 1 • • Eleclra, 
 
 masters of yoked cars were Libyans; Orestes, driving 696 fi. 
 Thessalian mares, came fifth among them; the sixth from 
 iEtoha, with chestnut colts; a Magnesian was the seventh; 
 the eighth, with white horses, was of /Enian stock; the 
 
190 
 
 The Age of Pericles 
 
 On the 
 national 
 games; 
 A ncient 
 World, 8g f.; 
 Greece, 10 1-3. 
 
 A runaway. 
 
 The Bar- 
 
 caean was 
 from Barca, 
 Libya. 
 
 Two teams 
 remain in 
 the race. 
 
 ninth, from Athens, built of Gods; there was a Boeotian 
 too, making the tenth chariot. 
 
 They took their stations where the appointed umpires 
 placed them by lot and ranged the cars; then, at the sound 
 of the brazen trump, they started. All shouted to their 
 horses, and shook the reins in their hands; the whole course 
 was filled with the noise of rattling chariots; the dust flew 
 upward; and all, in a confused throng, plied their goads 
 unsparingly, each of them striving to pass the wheels 
 and the snorting steeds of his rivals; for alike at their backs 
 and at their rolling wheels the breath of the horses foamed 
 and smote. 
 
 Orestes, driving close to the pillar at either end of the 
 course, almost grazed it with his wheel each time, and 
 giving rein to the trace-horse on the right, checked the 
 horse on the inner side. Hitherto, all the chariots had 
 escaped overthrow; but presently the ^Enian's hard- 
 mouthed colts ran away, and swerving, as they passed from 
 the sixth to the seventh round, dashed their foreheads 
 against the team of the Barcsean. Other mishaps followed 
 the first, shock on shock and crash on crash, till the whole 
 race-ground of Crisa was strewn with the wreck of the 
 chariots. 
 
 Seeing this, the wary charioteer from Athens drew aside 
 and paused, allowing the billow of chariots, surging in 
 midcourse, to go by. Orestes was driving last, keeping 
 his horses behind, — for his trust was in the end; but when 
 he saw that the Athenian was alone left in, he sent a shrill 
 cry ringing through the ears of his swift colts, and gave 
 chase. Team was brought level with team, and so they 
 raced, — first one man, then the other, showing his head 
 in front of the chariots. 
 
 Hitherto the ill-fated Orestes had passed safely through 
 
A Chariot-Race 191 
 
 every round, steadfast in his steadfast car; at last slacken- Orestes 
 ing his left rein while the horse was turning, unawares 
 he struck the edge of the pillar; he broke the axle-box in 
 twain; he was thrown over the chariot-rail; he was caught 
 in the shapely reins; and as he fell on the ground, his colts 
 were scattered into the middle of the course. 
 
 But when the people saw him fallen from the car, a 
 cry of pity went up for the youth, who had now done such 
 deeds and was meeting such a doom, — now dashed to This false _ 
 earth, now tossed feet uppermost to the sky, — till the death was 
 charioteers, with difficulty checking the career of his ceive^the^" 
 horses, loosed him, so covered with blood that no friend hearer. 
 
 1 • 1111 1 , , Such fatal- 
 
 who saw it would have known the hapless corpse. Straight- ities, how- 
 way they burned it on a pyre; and chosen men of Phocis doubtlesr 
 are bringing in a small urn of bronze the sad dust of that "°'- "i^com- 
 mighty form, to find due burial in his fatherland. 
 
 mon. 
 
 The human 
 
 Antigone. Ismene, sister, mine own dear sister, knowest Jf.^ ''^•'^u^C 
 
 thou what ill there is, of all bequeathed by CEdipus, that divine. 
 
 Zeus fulfils not for us twain while we live? Nothing pain- Sophocles, 
 
 o r- Anligofie 
 
 ful is there, nothing fraught with ruin, no shame, no dis- (opening). 
 
 honor, that I have not seen in thy woes and mine. ^vcknt^^^' 
 
 And now what new edict is this of which they tell, World, 93. 
 
 that our Captain hath just published to all Thebes? Sf attacked 
 
 Knowest thou aught? Hast thou heard? Or is it hidden their city, 
 
 ° Thebes, and 
 
 from thee that our friends are threatened with the doom had been 
 
 e r -> driven off. 
 
 of our foes? Their brother 
 
 Ismene. No word of friends, Antigone, gladsome or hrd^^eenwith 
 
 painful, hath come to me, since we two sisters were bereft the enemy. 
 
 of brothers twain, killed in one day by a twofold blow; and Eteocles, 
 
 since in this last night the Argive host hath fled, I know no brother had 
 
 more, whether my fortune be brighter, or more grievous, killed each 
 
 ' -^ if., other in 
 
 Ant. I knew it well, and therefore sought to brmg thee battle. 
 
Their father 
 CEdipub had 
 been king, 
 but was 
 dethroned, 
 and Creon, 
 their uncle, 
 was reign- 
 ing. 
 
 As a traitor, 
 Polyneices 
 was to re- 
 main un- 
 buried. 
 
 Antigone has 
 resolved to 
 obey the 
 religious 
 law, which 
 commands 
 one to bury 
 a relative. 
 
 192 The Age of Pericles 
 
 beyond the gates of the court, that thou mightest hear 
 alone. 
 
 Is. What is it? 'Tis plain that thou art brooding on 
 some dark tidings. 
 
 Ant. What, hath not Creon destined our brothers, the 
 one to honored burial, the other to unburied shame? 
 Eteocles, they say, with due observance of right and cus- 
 tom, he hath laid in the earth, for his honor among the 
 dead below. But the hapless corpse of Polyneices— as 
 rumor saith, it hath been published to the town that none 
 shall entomb him or mourn, but leave unwept, unsep- 
 ulchred, a welcome store for the birds, as they espy him, 
 to feast on at will. 
 
 Such, 'tis said, is the edict that the good Creon hath 
 set forth for thee and for me— yes, for me,— and is coming 
 hither to proclaim it clearly to those who know it not; 
 nor counts the matter light, but whoso disobeys in aught, 
 his doom is death by stoning before all the folk. Thou 
 knowest it now; and thou wilt soon show whether thou art 
 nobly bred, or the base daughter of a noble line. 
 
 Is. Poor sister, — and if things stand thus, what could I 
 help to do or undo? 
 
 Ant. Consider if thou wilt share the toil and the deed. 
 
 Is. In what venture? What can be thy meaning? 
 
 Ant. Wilt thou aid this hand to lift the dead? 
 
 Is. Thou wouldst bury him,— when 'tis forbidden to 
 Thebes? 
 
 Ant. I will do my part,- and thine, if thou wilt not, 
 — to a brother. False to him will I never be found. 
 
 Is. Ah, over-bold! when Creon hath forbidden? 
 
 Ant. Nay, he hath no right to keep me from mine own. 
 
 Is. Ah, me! think, sister, how our father perished, amid 
 hate and scorn ! . . . Nay, we must remember, first that 
 
Antigone 193 
 
 we were born women, who should not strive with men; 
 
 next, that we are ruled of the stronger, so that we must 
 
 obey in these things, and in things yet sorer. I, therefore, 
 
 asking the Spirits Infernal to pardon, seeing that force 
 
 is put on me herein, will hearken to our rulers; for 'tis 
 
 witless to be over-busy. 
 
 Ant. I will not urge thee,— no, nor, if thou yet shouldst 
 
 have the mind, wouldst thou be welcome as a worker 
 
 with me. Nay, be what thou wilt; but I will bury him: 
 
 well for me to die in doing that. I shall rest, a loved one 
 
 with him whom I have loved, sinless in my crime; for I 
 
 owe a longer allegiance to the dead than to the living: in 
 
 that world I shall abide forever. But if thou wilt, be guilty 
 
 of dishonoring laws which the gods have stablished in 
 
 honor. 
 
 Is. I do them no dishonor; but to defy the state,— I in punish- 
 ment she was 
 have no strength for that. buried alive. 
 
 Ant. Such be thy plea:— I, then, will go to heap the 
 
 earth above the brother whom I love. 
 
 First I call on thee, daughter of Zeus, divine Athena, Prayer for 
 
 . • Q6liv6r&nc6 
 
 and on thy sister, guardian of our land, Artemis, who sits from a 
 
 on her throne of fame, above the circle of our Agora, and pestilence, 
 on Phoebus the far-darter; O shine forth on me, my three- Sophocles, 
 
 . . J. (Edipus 
 
 fold help against death! If ever aforetime, in arrest of Tyrannus, 
 ruin hurrying on the city, ye drove a fiery pest beyond '^^ 
 our borders, come now also! 
 
 Woe is me, countless are the sorrows that I bear; a 
 plague is on all our host, and thought can find no weapon 
 for defence. . . . 
 
 By such deaths, past numbering, the city perishes: 
 unpitied, her children lie on the ground, spreading pesti- 
 lence, with none to mourn: and meanwhile young wives. 
 
194 
 
 The Age of Pericles 
 
 ApoUo. 
 
 The "deep of 
 Amphitrite" 
 is the ocean. 
 
 and gray-haired mothers with them, uphft a wail at the 
 steps of the altars, some here, some there, entreating for 
 their weary woes. The prayer to the Healer rings clear, 
 and blent therewith, the voice of lamentation; for these 
 things, golden daughter of Zeus, send us the bright face of 
 comfort. 
 
 And grant that the fierce god of death, who now with 
 no brazen shields, yet amid cries as of battle, wraps me 
 in the flame of his onset, may turn his back in speedy flight 
 from our land, borne by a fair wind to the great deep of 
 Amphitrite, or to those waters in which none find haven, 
 even to the Thracian wave; for if night leave aught un- 
 done, day follows to accomplish this. O thou who wield- 
 est the powers of the fire-fraught lightning, O Zeus, our 
 father, slay him beneath thy thunderbolt! 
 Apollo again. Lycean King, fain were I that thy shafts also, from thy 
 bent bow's string of woven gold, should go abroad in their 
 might, our champions in the face of the foe; yea, and the 
 flashing fires of Artemis wherewith she glances through 
 the Lycian hills. And I call him whose locks are bound 
 with gold, who is named with the name of this land, ruddy 
 Bacchus to whom Bacchants cry, the comrade of the 
 Maenads, to draw near with the blaze of his blithe torch, 
 our ally against the god unhonored among gods. . . . 
 
 Charter of 
 Chalcis. 
 
 Granted by 
 decree of the 
 council and 
 assembly 
 (demus) of 
 Athens. 
 The original 
 text may be 
 found in 
 
 V. Condition of a Subject State of the Empire 
 
 It has pleased the council and the demus. Antiochis 
 held the prytany; Dracontides w^as chairman; Diognetus 
 made the motion; that the council and the jurors of the 
 Athenians shall take oath as follows: — 
 
 I shall not banish Chalcidians from Chalcis or destroy 
 their city; nor will I disfranchise any private citizen 
 nor punish him with exile nor arrest him nor put him to 
 
Charter of Chalcis 
 
 195 
 
 death untried, except with the sanction of the Athenian 
 people; nor will I put a resolution to vote against the com- 
 munity or any private citizen when neither has been sum- 
 moned to trial. Moreover if an embassy comes, I will in- 
 troduce it to the council and assembly within ten days 
 to the best of my ability whensoever I am serving as pry- 
 tanis. These things I will maintain for the Chalcidians 
 as long as they are obedient to the Athenian people. 
 
 An embassy coming from Chalcis shall administer the 
 oath to the Athenians and shall register the names of 
 those who have taken it. It shaU be the function of the 
 generals to see that all take the oath. 
 
 The Chalcidians on their part shall swear as follows: 
 I will not revolt against the Athenian people by any 
 plan or contrivance, by word or deed, nor will I obey any 
 one who does revolt ; and if anyone revolts, I will denounce 
 him to the Athenians. Furthermore I will pay to the 
 Athenians whatever contribution I shall persuade the 
 Athenians to accept, and shall be as faithful and just an 
 ally as I am able; and I shall bring succor and aid to the 
 Athenian people if anyone attempts to harm the Athenian 
 
 people. 
 
 All the adult Chalcidians shall take the oath. Who- 
 ever shall refuse to swear shall be disenfranchised and his 
 property shall be confiscated, and a tenth of his goods shall 
 be sacred to the Olympian Zeus. An embassy of Athe- 
 nians coming to Chalcis shall, in cooperation with the com- 
 missioners of oaths in Chalcis, impose the oath and register 
 the names of the Chalcidians who have taken it. . . . 
 
 This decree and oath the secretary of the council at 
 Athens shall engrave on a stone pillar and set it up on the 
 Acropolis at the expense of the Chalcidians. The council 
 of the Chalcidians shall also engrave it and set it up in the 
 
 Hicks and 
 Hill, Manual 
 of Greek In- 
 scriptions, 
 no. 40. 
 The opening 
 gives the 
 usual formu- 
 la of a de- 
 cree. Antio- 
 chis was the 
 tribe whose 
 delegation 
 chanced to 
 be on duty 
 as pr>'tanes; 
 Ancient 
 World, 140. 
 
 The oath 
 of the 
 Chalcidians. 
 
 Preserva- 
 tion of the 
 decree. 
 
 This and the 
 following 
 paragraphs 
 form part of 
 an amend- 
 ment by 
 Anticles. 
 
196 
 
 The Age of Pericles 
 
 Hierocles, a 
 soothsayer 
 who had 
 been with the 
 army in 
 Eubcea. 
 
 Jurisdiction. 
 
 Amendment 
 by Arches- 
 tratus. 
 
 Aristophanes, 
 Acharnians 
 (opening). 
 This play was 
 presented in 
 42s B.C. 
 Justown, an 
 upright 
 citizen 
 from the 
 country, 
 comes early 
 to the place 
 of assembly, 
 on Pnyx Hill, 
 but finds 
 no one there. 
 He is vexed 
 that the 
 citizens are 
 so neglectful 
 of duty. He 
 is anxious 
 to deliberate 
 on peace 
 with Sparta. 
 The Presi- 
 dents are the 
 prytenes; 
 Ancient 
 World, 140. 
 
 The "painted 
 twine" is to 
 mark those 
 who neg- 
 lected the 
 call to the 
 assembly. 
 
 temple of the Olympian Zeus in Chalcis. These things 
 they shall vote concerning the Chalcidians. 
 
 With respect however to the sacrifices required by 
 the oracles concerning Eubcea, let the council elect three 
 of their own number, who shall join with Hierocles in 
 offering them as speedily as possible. 
 
 Archestratus moved: other matters shall stand as 
 Anticles has proposed; but the Chalcidians shall have 
 jurisdiction over their own citizens at Chalcis, just as the 
 Athenians have over theirs at Athens, except in cases of 
 exile, death, and disfranchisement. In these cases let 
 there be an appeal to Athens, to the Helisea of the Thes- 
 mothetae in accordance with the decree of the assembly. 
 Touching the garrison in Eubcea, let the generals take 
 care to the best of their ability that it be of the greatest 
 possible advantage to the Athenians. 
 
 VI. Some Diplomatic Business before the Assembly 
 
 Justown. But never in my lifetime, man nor boy, 
 Was I so vexed as at this present moment; 
 ' To see the Pnyx, at this time of the morning. 
 Quite empty, when the Assembly should be full. 
 There are our citizens in the market-place, 
 Lounging and talking, shifting up and down 
 To escape the painted twine that ought to sweep 
 The shoal of them this way; not even the Presidents 
 Arrived — they're always last, crowding and jostling 
 To get the foremost seat; but as for peace 
 They never think about it — Oh, poor country! 
 As for myself, I'm always the first man. 
 Alone in the morning, here I take my place. 
 Here I contemplate, here I stretch my legs; 
 I think and think — I don't know what to think. 
 I draw conclusions and comparisons. . . . 
 I fidget about and yawn and scratch myself; 
 Looking in vain to the prospect of the fields, 
 
Embassy from Sparta 
 
 197 
 
 Loathing the city, longing for a peace, 
 
 To return to my poor village and my farm. 
 
 That never used to cry "Come buy my charcoal!" 
 
 Nor "Buy my oil" nor "Buy my anything!" 
 
 But gave me what I wanted, freely and fairly, 
 
 Clear of all cost, with never a word of buying, 
 
 Or such buy-words. So here I'm come, resolved 
 
 To bawl, to abuse, to interrupt the speakers, 
 
 Whenever I hear a word of any kind 
 
 Except for an immediate peace. Ah there! 
 
 The Presidents at last; see, there they come! 
 
 All scrambling for their seats — I told you so! 
 
 Herald. Move forward there! ISIove forward all of ye 
 
 Further! within the consecrated ground. 
 
 Half god. Has anybody spoke? 
 
 Her. Is anybody 
 
 Prepared to speak? 
 
 Half. Yes, I. 
 
 Her. WTio are you and what? 
 
 Half. Half god, the demigod. 
 
 Her. Not a man? 
 
 Half. No I'm immortal; for the first Halfgod 
 
 Was born of Ceres and Triptolemus, 
 
 His only son was Celeus, Celeus married 
 
 Phsenarete my grandmother; Lycinus 
 
 My father, was their son; that's proof enough 
 
 Of the immortality in our family. 
 
 The gods moreover have despatched me here 
 
 Commissioned specially to arrange a peace 
 
 Betwixt this city and Sparta — notwithstanding 
 
 I find myself rather in want at present 
 
 Of a little ready money for my journey. 
 
 The magistrates won't assist me. 
 
 Her. Constables! 
 
 Half. O Celeus and Triptolemus, don't forsake me! 
 
 Ji{si. You Presidents, I say! you exceed your powers; 
 
 You insult the Assembly, dragging off a man 
 
 That offered to make terms and give us peace. 
 
 Her. Keep silence there. 
 
 The war 
 keeps him in 
 the city 
 against his 
 wiU. 
 
 The Presi- 
 dents enter 
 and take their 
 seats. 
 
 Religious 
 ceremony of 
 consecra- 
 tion. 
 
 The proceed- 
 ings begin. 
 
 The haughty 
 pride of 
 ancestry. 
 
 Halfgod has 
 come on a 
 peace mis- 
 sion. 
 
 The herald 
 calls the con- 
 stables to 
 drag Halfgod 
 out; there is 
 to be no talk 
 of peace with 
 Sparta. 
 
1 98 
 
 The Age of Pericles 
 
 The authori- 
 ties want an 
 alliance with 
 Persia, but 
 Justown will 
 not hear of it. 
 
 The dress is 
 
 wonderfully 
 
 gay. 
 
 A High In- 
 spector of the 
 Persian king 
 was called 
 the "King's 
 Eye." 
 
 His huge eye 
 looks like the 
 eye painted 
 on a ship's 
 prow. 
 
 Just. By Zeus, but I won't be silent, 
 
 Except I hear a motion about peace. 
 
 Her. Ho, there! the Ambassadors from the King of Persia. 
 
 Just. What King of Persia? what Ambassadors? 
 
 I'm sick of foreigners and foreign animals. 
 
 Peacocks and coxcombs and Ambassadors. 
 
 Her. Keep silence there. 
 
 Just. What's here? What dress is that? 
 
 In the name of Ecbatana! What does it mean? 
 
 Ambassadors. You sent us when Euthymenes was Archon, 
 
 Some few years back, Ambassadors to Persia, 
 
 With an appointment of two drachmas each 
 
 For daily maintenance. 
 
 Just. Alas, poor drachmas! . . . 
 
 Amb. Finally, ' 
 
 We've brought you here a nobleman, Shamartabas 
 
 By name, by rank and office the King's Eye. 
 
 Just. God send a crow to pick it out I say, 
 
 And yours the Ambassadors' into the bargain! 
 
 Her. Let the King's Eye come forward. 
 
 Just. Hercules! 
 
 What's here? an eye for the head of a ship? What point, 
 
 What headland is he weathering? what's your course? 
 
 What makes you steer so slowly and so steadily? 
 
 Amb. Come now, Shamartabas, stand forth; declare 
 
 The King's intentions to the Athenian people. 
 
 (Shamartabas here utters some words, which Orientalists have sup- 
 posed to be the common formula prefixed to the edicts of the 
 Persian monarch — lartaman exarksan apissonai satra) 
 
 Amh. You understand it? 
 
 Just. No, by Zeus, not I. 
 
 Amb. (to Just.) He says the King intends to send us gold, (to 
 
 Shamartabas) Explain about the gold; speak more distinctly. 
 Shamartabas. Sen gooly Jaonau aphooly chest. 
 Just. Well, that's distinct enough! 
 
 Her. What does he say? 
 
 Just. That it's a foolish jest for the lonians 
 To imagine their King would send them gold. 
 Amb. No, no'. — He's teUing ye of chests full of gold. 
 
Embassies from Persia and Thrace 199 
 
 Just. WTiat chests? you're an impostor. — Stand away, 
 
 Keep off; and let me alone to question him. 
 
 (to Shamartabas) You Sir, you Persian! answer me distinctly 
 
 And plainly in the presence of this fist of mine; 
 
 On pain of a royal purple bloody nose. 
 
 Will the King send us gold, or will he not? 
 
 (Shamartabas shakes his head) 
 Have our Ambassadors bamboozled us? 
 
 (Shamartabas nods) 
 
 These fellows nod to us in the Grecian fashion; 
 
 They're some of our own people, I'll be bound. . . . 
 
 Her. Theorus, our ambassador into Thrace, 
 
 Returned from King Sitalces! 
 
 Theorus. Here am I. 
 
 Just. More co.^combs called for! Here's another coming. 
 
 Theo. We should not have remained so long in Thrace . . . 
 
 Just. If you hadn't been overpaid I know you wouldn't. 
 
 Theo. But for the snow which covered all the country, 
 
 And buried up the roads, and froze the rivers. 
 
 'Twas singular this change of weather happened 
 
 Just when Theognis here, our frostj' poet. 
 
 Brought out his tragedJ^ We passed our time 
 
 In drinking with Sitalces. He's your friend, 
 
 Your friend and lover, if there ever was one, 
 
 And writes the name of Athens on his walls. . . . 
 
 And now he has sent some warriors from a tribe 
 
 The fiercest in all Thrace. 
 
 Just. Well, come — That's fair. 
 
 Her. The Thracians that came hither with Theorus! 
 
 Let them come forward! 
 
 Just. What the plague are these? 
 
 Theo. The Odomantian army. 
 
 Just. The Odomantians? 
 
 Thracians? and what has brought them here from Thrace 
 
 So strangely equipped, disguised, and circumcised? 
 
 Theo. These are a race of fellows, if you'd hire them, 
 
 Only a couple of drachmas daily pay; 
 
 With their light javelins, and their little bucklers, 
 
 They'd worry and skirmish all over Boeotia. 
 
 Theorus, am- 
 bassador to 
 *rhrace, has 
 returned, and 
 wishes to re- 
 port. 
 
 The tragedy 
 of Theognis 
 has caused a 
 snow storm. 
 
200 
 
 The Age of Pericles 
 
 Rain was an 
 unpropitious 
 sign, dissolv- 
 ing the as- 
 sembly. 
 
 The old 
 juror. 
 
 Aristophanes, 
 Wasps, 88 ff. 
 
 The speaker 
 is his son, 
 who has 
 found it nec- 
 essary to 
 keep the old 
 man confined 
 at home, to 
 curb his pas- 
 sion for jury 
 service. 
 
 Greect, 175; 
 A ncient 
 World, 195 f. 
 
 Chorus of 
 jurors. 
 
 Aristophanes, 
 Wasps, 549 f[. 
 
 Jusl. Two drachmas for those scarecrows! and our seamen 
 
 What would they say to it? — left in arrears, 
 
 Poor fellows, that are our support and safeguard. 
 
 Out, out upon it! I'm a plundered man. 
 
 I'm robbed and ruined here with the Odomantians. 
 
 They're seizing upon my garlic. 
 
 Theo. (to the Thracians) Oh for shame, 
 
 Let the man's garlic alone. You shabby fellow, 
 
 You countryman, take care what you're about; 
 
 Don't venture near them when they're primed with garlic. 
 
 Just. You magistrates, have you the face to see it, 
 
 With your own eyes — your fellow-citizen 
 
 Here, in the city itself, robbed by barbarians? 
 
 But I forbid the Assembly. There's a change 
 
 In the heaven! I felt a drop of rain! I'm witness! 
 
 Her. The Thracians must withdraw, to attend again 
 
 The first of next month. The Assembly is closed. 
 
 VII. The Jurors 
 
 "He is a law-court lover, no man like him. 
 Judging is what he dotes on, and he weeps 
 Unless he sits on the front bench of all. 
 At night he gets no sleep, no, not one grain, 
 Or if he doze the tiniest speck, his soul 
 Flutters in dreams about the water-clock. . . . 
 The cock which crew at morningtide, he said. 
 Was tampered with, he knew, to call him late. 
 Bribed by ofBcials whose accounts were due. 
 Breakfast scarce done, he clamors for his shoes, 
 Hurries ere daybreak to the Court, and sleeps 
 Stuck like a limpit to the doorpost there. . . . 
 Such is his frenzy, and the more you chide him 
 The more he judges: so with bolts and bars 
 We guard him straitly that he stir not out." 
 
 No kingher power than ours in any part of the world exists. 
 
 Is there any creature on earth more blest, more feared, and petted 
 
 from day to day. 
 Or that leads a happier, pleasanter life, than a justice of Athens, 
 
 though old and gray? 
 
The Jurors 201 
 
 For first when rising from bed in the morn, to the criminal court be- 
 times I trudge, 
 
 Great six-foot fellows are there at the rails, in anxious haste to salute 
 
 their judge. 
 
 And the delicate hand, which has dipt so deep in the public purse, he Various 
 1 ■ ^ classes o* 
 
 claps mtomme, _ offenders. 
 
 And he bows before me and makes his prayer, and softens his voice 
 
 to a pitiful whine. . . . 
 So when they have begged and implored me enough, and my angry 
 
 temper is wiped away, 
 I enter in and take my seat; and then I do none of the things I say. . . 
 Some vow they are needy and friendless men, and over their poverty 
 
 wail and whine. 
 And reckon up hardships false and true, till they make them out to be 
 
 equal to mine. 
 Some tell a legend of days gone by, or a joke from ^sop witty and 
 
 sage, 
 Or jest and banter, to make me laugh, that so I may forget my 
 
 terrible rage. 
 And if all this fails, and I stand unmoved, he leads by the hands his 
 
 little ones near. 
 He brings his girls and he brings his boys; and I the judge am com- A common 
 
 posed to hear. ^"^to™ '^ 
 
 They huddle together with piteous bleats: while trembling above 
 
 them he prays to me. 
 Prays as to God his accounts to pass, to give him acquittance, and 
 
 leave him free. 
 But the nicest and pleasantest part of it all is this, which I had His salary 
 
 wholly forgotten to say, _ FaMly^affec^ 
 
 'Tis when with my fee in my wallet I come, returning home at the tion. 
 
 close of the day, 
 Oh then what a welcome I get for its sake; my daughter, the darhng, 
 
 is foremost of all, 
 And she washes my feet and anoints them with care and above them 
 
 she stoops and a kiss lets fall. 
 Till at last by the pretty Papas of her tongue, she angles withal my 
 
 three obols away. 
 Then my dear little wife, she sets on the board nice manchets of 
 
 bread in a tempting array, 
 
202 
 
 The Age of Pericles 
 
 And cosily taking a seat by my side, with loving entreaty constrains 
 
 me to feed; 
 *'I beseech you taste this, I implore you try that." 
 
 VIII. Two Interesting Documents 
 
 Mannes, whose epitaph is given below, was a Phrygian by birth, 
 doubtless brought as a slave to Attica and afterward liberated. He 
 was one of a community of woodcutters in central Attica, when he 
 was killed by the invading Peloponnesians in the first year of the war 
 (431 B.C.). The second document is the earliest extant Greek letter, 
 written on a leaden tablet now in the British Museum. The writer 
 is an Athenian of the later fifth century B.C. The translations are 
 by Zimmern, Greek Commonwealth, 272, 278 f. 
 
 Epitaph of A. Mannes, son of Orymas, who was the best of the 
 
 woodman. ^ Phrygians in the broad lands of Athens, Ues in this fine 
 
 tomb ; and by Zeus, I never saw a better woodman than 
 
 myself. He died in the war. 
 
 Letter of 
 Mnesiergus 
 to those at 
 home. 
 
 B. Carry to the Potters' Market, and deliver to Nausias 
 or Thrasycles or my son. 
 
 Mnesiergus sends his love to all at home and hopes this 
 may find them well as it leaves him. 
 
 Please send me a rug, either a sheepskin or a goatskin, 
 as cheap as you can get it, and not with the hairs on, and 
 some strong shoe-soles: I will pay some time. 
 
 IX. Criticism on the Athenian Democracy 
 
 This Constitution of the Athenians is wrongly ascribed to Xenophon. 
 It was written by an oligarch (" Old Oligarch ") early in the Pelo- 
 ponnesian war, and is the oldest extant political pamphlet in any 
 language. 
 
 Introduction. Now, as concerning the Polity of the Athenians, and 
 the type or manner of constitution which they have 
 chosen, I praise it not, in so far as the very choice involves 
 
the naval 
 power. 
 
 Poor Citizens, Aliens, and Slaves 203 
 
 the welfare of the baser folk as opposed to that of the The author 
 
 better class. I repeat, I withhold my praise so far; but, racy, but 
 
 given the fact that this is the type agreed upon, I propose f/such a^^' 
 
 to show that they set about its preservation in the right thing is to 
 
 way. . . . Athenians 
 
 In the first place, I maintain, it is only just that the their^method 
 poorer classes and the People of Athens should be better °^ upholding 
 off than the men of birth and wealth, seeing that it is the ^, 
 
 T 1 • 1 The poor are 
 
 people who man the fleet, and put round the city her better pro- 
 girdle of power. The steersman, the boatswain, the hav^e more" 
 lieutenant, the look-out-man at the prow, the shipwright — lh^"Th^ 
 these are the people who engird the city with power far rich, because 
 rather than her hea\y infantr^^ and men of birth and constitute 
 quality. This being the case, it seems only just that 
 offices of state should be throwm open to every one both 
 in the ballot and the show of hands, and that the right 
 of speech should belong to anyone who likes, without 
 restriction. . . . 
 
 Another point is the extraordinary amount of license Excellent 
 
 1 1 1 -1 1 • r » 1 1 condition of 
 
 granted to slaves and resident aliens of Athens, where a slaves and 
 
 blow is illegal, and a slave will not step aside to let you aifens. 
 
 pass him in the street. I will explain the reason of this 
 
 peculiar custom. Supposing it were legal for a slave to be Unintention- 
 
 r , r . . r ■ 1 ,• r , ^lly the au- 
 
 beaten by a free citizen, or for a resident alien or freed- thor pays a 
 man to be beaten by a citizen, it would frequently happen p[fmentTo 
 that an Athenian might be mistaken for a slave or an democracy, 
 alien and receive a beating; since the Athenian people are 
 not better clothed than the slave or alien, nor in personal 
 appearance is there any superiority. Or if the fact itself 
 that slaves in Athens are allowed to indulge in luxury, and 
 indeed in some cases to live magnificently, be found 
 astonishing, this too, it can be shown, is done of set pur- 
 pose. Where we have a naval power dependent upon 
 
204 
 
 The Age of Pericles 
 
 Naval su- 
 premacy 
 brings re- 
 finements 
 and breadth 
 of life. 
 
 The plain 
 citizens have 
 a full share 
 in the festi- 
 vals. 
 
 wealth we must perforce be slaves to our slaves, in order 
 that we may get in our slave-rents, and let the real slave 
 go free. . . . 
 
 And if one may descend to more trifling particulars, it 
 is to the same lordship of the sea that the Athenians owe 
 the discovery, in the first place, of many of the luxuries of 
 life through intercourse with other countries. So that the 
 choice things of Sicily and Italy, of Cyprus and Egypt and 
 Lydia, of Pontus or Peloponnese, or wheresoever it be, are 
 all swept, as it were, into one centre, and all owing, as I 
 say, to their maritime empire. And again, in process of 
 listening to every form of speech, they have selected this 
 from one place and that from another — for themselves. 
 So much so that while the rest of the Hellenes employ 
 each pretty much their own peculiar mode of speech, 
 habit of life, and style of dress, the Athenians have 
 adopted a composite type, to which all sections of Hellas, 
 and the foreigner alike, have contributed. 
 
 As regards sacrifices and temples and festivals and 
 sacred enclosures, the People see that it is not possible 
 for every poor citizen to do sacrifice and hold festival, or 
 to set up temples and to inhabit a large and beautiful city. 
 But they have hit upon a means of meeting the diflS- 
 culty. They sacrifice — that is, the whole state sacrifices — 
 at the public cost, a large number of victims; but it is the 
 People that keep holiday and distribute the victims by 
 lot among its members. Rich men have in some cases 
 private gymnasia and baths with dressing-rooms, but the 
 People take care to have built at the public cost a number 
 of palaestras, dressing-rooms, and bathing establishments 
 for their own special use, and the mob gets the benefit of 
 the majority of these, rather than the select few or the 
 well-to-do. 
 
Naval Supremacy 
 
 205 
 
 As to wealth, the Athenians are exceptionally placed 
 with regard to Hellenic and foreign communities alike, in 
 their ability to hold it. For, given that some state or other 
 is rich in timber for shipbuilding, where is it to find a 
 market for the product except by persuading the ruler of 
 the sea? Or suppose the wealth of some state or other to 
 consist of iron, or may be of bronze, or of linen yarn, 
 where will it find a market except by permission of the 
 supreme maritime power? Yet these are the very things, 
 you see, which I need for my ships. Timber I must have 
 from one, and from another iron, from a third bronze, 
 from a fourth linen yarn, from a fifth wax, etc. Besides 
 which they will not suffer their antagonists in those 
 parts to carry their products elsewhither, or they will 
 cease to use the sea. Accordingly I, without one stroke 
 of labor, extract from the land and possess all these good 
 things, thanks to my supremacy on the sea; whilst not a 
 single other state possesses the two of them. Not timber, 
 for instance, and yarn together, can be found in the same 
 city. But where yarn is abundant, the soil will be light and 
 devoid of timber. And in the same way bronze and iron 
 will not be products of the same city. And so for the rest, 
 never two or at best three, in one state, but one thing here 
 and another thing there. Moreover, above and beyond 
 what has been said, the coast-line of every mainland pre- 
 sents, either some jutting promontory or adjacent island or 
 narrow strait of some sort, so that those who are masters 
 of the sea can come to moorings at one of these points 
 and wreak vengeance on the inhabitants of the main- 
 land. 
 
 Naval su- 
 premacy 
 tends to a 
 monopoly of 
 the world's 
 products. 
 
 The com- 
 merce of 
 other states 
 is at the 
 mercy of the 
 supreme 
 maritime 
 power. 
 
^" 
 
 206 
 
 The Age of Pericles 
 
 \ 
 
 X. Character of 
 
 THE Athenians 
 Pericles 
 
 Interpreted by 
 
 /i 
 
 Equality be- 
 fore the law 
 and offices 
 to the quali- 
 fied. 
 
 Funeral 
 Oration of 
 Pericles, 
 quoted by 
 Thucydides 
 ii- 37- 
 
 The ideas 
 are those of 
 Pericles; the 
 words are 
 mainly the 
 lustorian's. 
 
 Refinements 
 of Athenian 
 life. 
 
 lb. 38. 
 
 Our form of government does not enter into rivalry 
 with the institutions of others. We do not copy our 
 neighbors, but are an example to them. It is true that 
 we are called a democracy, for the administration is in the 
 hands of the many and not of the few. But while the law 
 secures equal justice to all alike in their private disputes, 
 the claim of excellence is also recognized; and when a 
 citizen is in any way distinguished, he is preferred for the 
 public service, not as a matter of privilege, but as a re- 
 ward of merit. Neither is poverty a bar, but a man may 
 benefit his country whatever be the obscurity of his con- 
 dition. There is no exclusiveness in our public life, and 
 in our private intercourse we are not suspicious of one 
 another, nor angry with our neighbor if he does what he 
 likes; we do not put on sour looks at him which, though 
 harmless, are not pleasant. While we are thus uncon- 
 strained in our private intercourse, a spirit of reverence 
 pervades our public acts; we are prevented from, doing 
 wrong by respect for authority and for the laws, having a 
 special regard to those which are ordained for the protec- 
 tion of the injured as well as to those unwritten laws which 
 bring upon the transgressor of them the reprobation of the 
 general sentiment. 
 
 "And we have not forgotten to provide for our weary 
 spirits many relaxations from toil; we have regular games 
 and sacrifices throughout the year; at home the style of 
 our life is refined; and the delight which we daily feel in 
 all these things helps to banish melancholy. Because of 
 the greatness of our city the fruits of the whole earth 
 
Athenian Character 
 
 207 
 
 flow in upon us; so that we enjoy the goods of other 
 countries as freely as of our own. 
 
 Then, again, our military training is in many respects Generosity 
 superior to that of our adversaries. Our city is thrown 
 open to the world, and we never expel a foreigner or pre- ' ^^' 
 vent him from seeing or learning anything of which the 
 secret, if revealed to an enemy, might profit him. We rely 
 not upon management and trickery, but upon our own 
 hearts and hands. And in the matter of education, 
 whereas they from early youth are undergoing laborious 
 exercises which are to make them brave, we live at ease, 
 and yet are equally ready to face the perils which they 
 face. . . . 
 
 ''If then we prefer to meet danger with a light heart 
 but without laborious training, and with a courage which 
 is gained by habit and not enforced by law, are we not 
 greatly the gainers? since we do not anticipate the pain, 
 although when the hour comes, we can be as brave as 
 those who never allow themselves to rest; and thus too 
 our city is equally admirable in peace and in war. For we 
 are lovers of the beautiful, yet simple in our tastes, and Lovers of_ 
 we cultivate the mind without loss of manhness. Wealth fui. 
 we employ, not for talk and ostentation, but when there 
 is a real use for it. To avow poverty with us is no dis- 
 grace: the true disgrace is in doing nothing to avoid it. 
 An Athenian citizen does not neglect the state because he 
 takes care of his own household; and even those of us who 
 are engaged in business have a very fair idea of politics. 
 We alone regard a man who takes no interest in public 
 affairs, not as a harmless, but as a useless character; and 
 if few of us are originators, we are all sound judges of a 
 policy. The great impediment to action is, in our opin- 
 ion, not discussion, but the want of that knowledge which 
 
^ 
 
 208 
 
 The Age of Pericles 
 
 •J^a{ 
 
 Liberal for- 
 eign policy. 
 
 The "School 
 of Hellas." 
 
 76. 41- 
 
 i 
 
 is gained by discussion preparatory to action. For we 
 have a peculiar power of thinking before we act and of 
 acting too, whereas other men are courageous from igno- 
 rance but hesitate upon reflection. And they are surely 
 to be esteemed the bravest spirits who, having the clear- 
 est sense both of the pains and pleasures of life, do not on 
 that account shrink from danger. In doing good, again, 
 we are unlike others; we make our friends by conferring, 
 not by receiving favors. Now he who confers a favor is 
 the firmer friend, because he would fain by kindness keep 
 alive the memory of an obligation; but the recipient is 
 colder in his feelings, because he knows that in requiting 
 another's generosity he will not be winning gratitude, but 
 only paying a debt. We alone do good to our neighbors 
 not upon a calculation of interest but in the confidence 
 of freedom and in a frank and fearless spirit. 
 /' " To sum up, I say that Athens is the school of Hellas, 
 and that the individual Athenian in his own person seems 
 to have the power of adapting himself to the most varied 
 forms of action with the utmost versatility and grace. 
 This is no passing and idle word, but truth and fact; and 
 the assertion is verified by the position to which these 
 qualities have raised the state. For in the hour of trial 
 Athens alone among her contemporaries is superior to the 
 report of her. No enemy who comes against her is in- 
 dignant at the reverses which he sustains at the hand of 
 such a city; no subject complains that his masters are 
 unworthy of him. And we shall assuredly not be without 
 witnesses; there are mighty monuments of our power 
 which will make us the wonder of this and of succeeding 
 ages; we shall not need the praises of Homer or of any 
 other panegyrist whose poetry may please for the moment, 
 although his representation of the facts will not bear the 
 
Studies 209 
 
 light of day. For we have compelled every land and every 
 sea to open a path for our valor, and have everywhere planted 
 eternal memorials of our friendship and of our enmity." 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Give an account of the family of Pericles. Describe his personal 
 appearance. Who was his principal teacher, and for what was the 
 latter noted? 
 
 2. Why did Pericles hesitate to engage in politics? Why did he 
 take the popular side? Describe his oratory. Was he unsocial by 
 nature or on principle? Describe the government of Pericles. Give 
 a reason why it should not be called a democracy. 
 
 3. What money was used for building temples and other public 
 works? What objection was brought against this pohcy? How did 
 Pericles defend his policy? What evidence does Plutarch find of the 
 former greatness of Athens? How does his remark illustrate the 
 fact that "archaeology confirms history"? What economic object 
 had Pericles in mind? What industries contributed to these works? 
 What is Plutarch's estimate of their artistic worth? Who were the 
 artists? Describe the Odeum. What was the Propylaea, and where 
 was it situated? 
 
 4. Find on the map the places from which all the charioteers here 
 mentioned came. Where did this race take place? Describe it in 
 your own language. Where was Crisa? What was done with the 
 dead body? What does Antigone talk with her sister about? What 
 stand does Antigone take? Contrast the sisters in character. What 
 gods are invoked as a help against the pestilence? What seems to be 
 the spirit of the prayer? 
 
 5. State definitely how the Athenians promised to treat the Chal- 
 cidians. What are to be the duties of Chalcis to Athens? What 
 cases were to be tried in Chalcis, and what cases appealed to Athens? 
 
 6. From this passage write out all you can concerning the opening 
 and procedure of the popular assembly. What was Justown aiming 
 at? Why did he dislike the negotiations with Persia? Explain the 
 negotiations with the Thracians. Why did Justown object to the 
 bargain? How did he force the adjournment of the assembly? What 
 is the historical value of this passage? 
 
 7. Why should the old man so love jury service? Do all the jurors 
 
2IO The Age of Pericles 
 
 seem to be old men? What do the jurors say of their power? How 
 are they treated by litigants and offenders? What becomes of the 
 daily fee? 
 
 8. Describe these two documents. What interest attaches to each? 
 
 9. What objections has the "Old Ohgarch" to the Athenian form of 
 government? What was the condition of slaves and of alien residents 
 in Athens? Why should the "Old Oligarch" find fault with this 
 condition? What advantages does her naval supremacy bring to 
 Athens? What disadvantages to others? 
 
 10. What does Pericles consider the leading principles of democ- 
 racy? Who were the authors of the selections in this chapter? 
 What did they severally write, and what is the historical value of 
 each? 
 
CHAPTER XIX 
 
 THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR TO THE SICILIAN 
 
 EXPEDITION 
 
 I. The Resources of the Contending Powers 
 
 The Athenians now made preparations for war. The Prepara- 
 Lacedasmonians and their allies made similar preparations. 
 Both they and the Athenians meditated sending em- Thucydides 
 
 11 7 
 
 bassies to the king, and to the other barbarian potentates 
 from whom either party might hope to obtain aid; they Greece, igoS.; 
 likewise sought the alliance of independent cities outside World, ngS. 
 their own dominion. The Lacedaemonians ordered their 
 friends in Italy and Sicily, in addition to the ships which 
 they had on the spot, to build others in number propor- 
 tioned to the size of their cities; for they intended to raise 
 the Peloponnesian na\y to a total of five hundred. The 
 cities were also required to furnish a fixed sum of money; 
 they were not to receive more than a single Athenian 
 ship, but were to take no further measures until these 
 preparations had been completed. The Athenians re- 
 viewed their confederacy, and sent ambassadors to the 
 places immediately adjacent to Peloponnesus — Corcyra, 
 Cephallenia, Acarnania, and Zacynthus. They perceived 
 that if they could only rely upon the friendship of these 
 states, they might completely surround Peloponnesus 
 with war. 
 
 On neither side were there any mean thoughts; they Both sides 
 
 •^ ft ' .7 enthusiastic, 
 
 were both full of enthusiasm; and no wonder, for all men 
 
 are energetic when they are making a beginning. At that Thuc. ii. 8. 
 
 211 
 
212 The Peloponnesian War 
 
 time the youth of Peloponnesus and the youth of Athens 
 were numerous; they had never seen war, and were there- 
 fore very wiUing to take up arms. All Hellas was excited 
 by the coming conflict between her two chief cities. Many 
 were the prophecies circulated and many the oracles 
 chanted by diviners, not only in the cities about to engage 
 in the struggle, but throughout Hellas. Quite lately the 
 island of Delos had been shaken by an earthquake for the 
 first time within the memory of the Hellenes; this was 
 interpreted and generally believed to be a sign of coming 
 events. And everything of the sort which occurred was 
 curiously noted. 
 
 The Hel- The feeling of mankind was strongly on the side of the 
 
 lenes favor . i i i • 
 
 Lacedaemon. Lacedaemonians ; for they professed to be the liberators of 
 
 Hellas. Cities and individuals were eager to assist them 
 
 to the utmost, both by word and deed; and where a man 
 
 could not hope to be present, there it seemed to him that 
 
 all things were at a stand. For the general indignation 
 
 against the Athenians was intense; some were longing to 
 
 be delivered from them, others fearful of falling under 
 
 their sway. 
 
 The allies on Such was the temper which animated the Hellenes, and 
 both sides. 
 
 lb. g. 
 
 such were the preparations made by the two powers for 
 the war. Their respective allies were as follows:— The 
 Lacedaemonian confederacy included all the Peloponnesians 
 with the exception of the Argives and the Achaeans — they 
 were both neutral; only the Achaeans of Pellene took part 
 with the Lacedaemonians at first ; afterward all the Achaeans 
 joined them. Beyond the borders of the Peloponnese, the 
 Megarians, Phocians, Locrians, Boeotians, Ambraciots, 
 Leucadians, and Anactorians were their allies. Of these 
 states the Corinthians, Megarians, Sicyonians, Pellenians, 
 Eleans, Ambraciots, and Leucadians provided a navy, the 
 
The Allies; Cleon's Policy 213 
 
 Boeotians, Phocians and Locrians furnished cavalry, the 
 other states only infantry. The allies of the Athenians 
 were Chios, Lesbos, Plataa, the Messenians of Naupactus, 
 the greater part of Acarnania, Corcyra, Zacynthus, and 
 in many other countries cities which were their tribu- | 
 
 taries. There were the maritime region of Caria, the ad- ' 
 
 jacent Dorian people, Ionia, the Hellespont, the Thracian 
 coast, the islands that lie to the east within the line of 
 Peloponnesus and Crete, including all the Cyclades with 
 the exception of Melos and Thera. Chios, Lesbos, and 
 Corcyra furnished a navy; the rest, land forces and money. 
 Thus much concerning the two confederacies, and the 
 character of their respective forces. 
 
 II. Cleon's Policy of Terrorism 
 
 In the former assembly, Cleon, the son of Cleaenetus, ^°^ij^v®'^ 
 
 had carried the decree condemning the Mytilenaeans to punished, 
 
 death. He was the most violent of the citizens, and at Thucydides 
 that time exercised by far the greatest influence over the . "^. 
 
 •^ ^ , Anaent 
 
 people. And now he came forward a second time and World, 222. 
 
 spoke as follows: — The revolt of 
 
 • 1 Mytilene had 
 
 I have remarked agam and agam that a democracy been led by 
 
 cannot manage an empire, but never more than now, There'was^no 
 
 when I see you regretting your condemnation of the fu"'^\^^^^ 
 
 Mytilenaeans. Having no fear or suspicion of one an- be put to 
 
 other in daily life, you deal with your allies upon the same question was 
 
 principle, and you do not consider that whenever you yield be^^one ^"^'^ 
 
 to them out of pity or are misled by their specious tales, the commons, 
 
 • , r , , 1 who had 
 
 you are guilty of a weakness dangerous to yourselves, and taken little 
 
 receive no thanks from them. You should remember that reTOl^and 
 
 your empire is a despotism exercised over unwilling sub- were in fact 
 
 jects, who are always conspiring against yoii; they do not Athens. 
 
214 
 
 The Peloponnesian War 
 
 The Atheni- 
 ans had 
 condemned 
 all to death, 
 but the ques- 
 tion was now 
 reopened. 
 
 The offence 
 of Mytilene 
 is especially 
 heinous. 
 
 Thucydides 
 ii. 39. 
 
 obey in return for any kindness which you do them to 
 your own injury, but in so far as you are their masters; 
 they have no love of you, but they are held down by 
 force. Besides, what can be more detestable than to be 
 perpetually changing our minds? We forget that a state 
 in which the laws though imperfect are unalterable, is 
 better off than one in which the laws are good but power- 
 less. Dulness and modesty are a more useful combination 
 than cleverness and licence; and the more simple sort 
 generally make better citizens than the more astute. 
 For the latter desire to be thought wiser than the laws; 
 they want always to be taking a lead in the discussions 
 of the assembly; they think that they can nowhere have a 
 finer opportunity of speaking their mind, and their folly 
 generally ends in the ruin of their country; whereas the 
 others, mistrusting their own capacity, admit that the 
 laws are wiser than themselves; they do not pretend to 
 criticise the arguments of a great speaker; and being im- 
 partial judges, not ambitious rivals, they are generally in 
 the right. That is the spirit in which we should act; not 
 suffering ourselves to be so excited by our own cleverness 
 in a war of wits as to advise the Athenian people contrary 
 to our own better judgment. . . . 
 
 "I want you to put aside this trifling, and therefore I 
 say to you that no single city has ever injured us so deeply 
 as Mytilene. I can excuse those who find our rules too 
 heavy to bear, or who have revolted because the enemy 
 have compelled them. But islanders who had walls, and 
 were unassailable by our enemies except at sea, and on 
 that element were sufficiently protected by a fleet of their 
 own, who were independent and treated by us with the 
 highest regard, when they act thus they have not re- 
 volted, (that word would imply that they were oppressed), 
 
All Mytilensans Guilty 215 
 
 but they have rebelled, and entering the ranks of our 
 bitterest enemies, have conspired with them to seek our 
 ruin. And surely this is far more atrocious than if they 
 had been led by motives of ambition to take up arms 
 against us on their own account. They learned nothing 
 from the misfortunes of their neighbors who had already 
 revolted and had been subdued by us, nor did the happi- 
 ness of which they were in the enjoyment make them 
 hesitate to court destruction. They trusted reckessly to 
 the future, and cherishing hopes which, if less than their 
 wishes, were greater than their powers, they went to war, 
 preferring might to right. No sooner did they seem likely 
 to win than they set upon us, although we were doing 
 them no wrong. Too swift and sudden a rise is apt to 
 make cities insolent, and in general, ordinar}^ good-fortune 
 is safer than extraordinary. Mankind apparently find it 
 easier to drive away adversity than to retain prosperity. 
 We should from the first have made no difference between 
 the Mytilenaeans and the rest of our allies, and then their 
 insolence would never have risen to such a height; for men 
 naturally despise those who court them, but respect those 
 who do not give way to them. Yet it is not too late to 
 punish them as their crimes deserve. 
 
 "And do not absolve the people while you throw the JJ^^P^^^^P^g^' 
 blame upon the nobles. For they were all of one mind are as guilty 
 when we were to be attacked. Had the people deserted feaders^. 
 the nobles and come over to us, they might at this moment 
 have been reinstated in their city; but they considered 
 that their safety lay in sharing the dangers of the oligarchy, 
 and therefore they joined in the revolt. Reflect: if you 
 impose the same penalty upon those of your allies who 
 wilfully rebel and upon those who are constrained by the 
 enemy, which of them will not revolt upon any pretext 
 
2i6 The Peloponnesian War 
 
 however trivial, seeing that if he succeed, he will be free, 
 and if he fail, no irreparable evil will follow? We in the 
 meantime shall have to risk our lives and our fortunes 
 against every one in turn. When conquerors we shall 
 recover only a ruined city, and for the future, the revenues 
 which are our strength will be lost to us. But if we fail, 
 the number of our adversaries will be increased. And 
 when we ought to be employed in repelling our regular 
 enemies, we shall be wasting time in fighting against our 
 own allies. 
 Make an ex- "jn one word, if you do as I say, you will do what is 
 them. just to the Mytilenasans, and also what is expedient for 
 
 lb. 40. yourselves; but if you do take the opposite course, they will 
 
 not be grateful to you, and you will be self-condemned. 
 For if they were right in revolting, you must be wrong in 
 maintaining your empire. But if right or wrong you are 
 resolved to rule, then rightly or wrongly they must be 
 chastised for your good. Otherwise you must give up 
 your empire, and when virtue is no longer dangerous, you 
 may be as virtuous as you please. Punish them as they 
 would have punished you ; let not those who have escaped 
 appear to have less feeling than those who conspired 
 against them. Consider: what might not they have been 
 expected to do if they had conquered? — especially since 
 they were the aggressors. For those who wantonly attack 
 others always rush into extremes, and sometimes, like 
 these Mytilenaeans, to their own destruction. They know 
 the fate which is reserved for them if their enemy is 
 spared; when a man is injured without a cause he is more 
 dangerous if he escape than the enemy who has only 
 suffered what he has inflicted. Be true then to your- 
 selves, and recall as vividly as you can what you felt at 
 the time; think how you would have given the world to 
 
Studies 217 
 
 crush your enemies, and now take your revenge. Do not 
 be soft-hearted at the sight of their distress, but remember 
 the danger which was once hanging over your heads. 
 Chastise them as they deserve, and prove by an example 
 to your other aUies that rebelUon will be punished with 
 death. If this is made quite clear to them, your atten- 
 tion will no longer be diverted from your enemies by wars 
 against your own allies." 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. To what king did Athens and Sparta send embassies? What 
 alliances did the Lacedaemonians and the Athenians respectively / 
 make, and what advantage did they expect therefrom? To what 
 causes was due the high spirit of both sides? What was the religious 
 feeling? Do people of to-day have similar feelings on such occasions? 
 
 2. What was the relation of Athens toward her alHes, according to 
 Cleon? How much truth is there in his view? Who did he think 
 were the best citizens? What was the object of Cleon's speech? Why 
 does he wish the commons of Mytilene punished? What policy was 
 he trying to persuade Athens to adopt? What impression of his 
 character does this speech make? 
 
i6. 
 
 CHAPTER XX 
 
 FROM THE SICILIAN EXPEDITION TO THE END 
 
 OF THE WAR 
 
 I. The Departure of the Expedition 
 
 The arma- About the middle of summer the expedition started for 
 
 for Corcyra. Sicily. Orders had been previously given to most of the 
 
 Thucydides allies, to the corn-ships, the smaller craft, and generally 
 
 ■^i- 3o- to the vessels in attendance on the armament, that they 
 
 Aticient should muster at Corcyra, whence the whole fleet was to 
 
 World, 226-g; , ^ . ^ ,^ , , r -f 
 
 Greece, 208- strike across the Ionian Gulf to the promontory of lapygia. 
 Early in the morning of the day appointed for their de- 
 parture, the Athenians and such of their allies as had 
 already joined them went down to the Piraeus and began 
 to man the ships. The entire population of Athens ac- 
 companied them, citizens and strangers alike. The citi- 
 zens came to take farewell, one of an acquaintance, an- 
 other of a kinsman, another of a son; the crowd as they 
 passed along were full of hope and full of tears; hope of 
 conquering Sicily, tears because they doubted whether 
 they would ever see their friends again, when they thought 
 of the long voyage on which they were sending them. At 
 the moment of parting the danger was nearer; and terrors 
 which had never occurred to them when they were voting 
 the expedition now entered into their souls. Neverthe- 
 less their spirits revived at the sight of the armament in 
 all its strength and of the abundant provision which they 
 had made. The strangers and the rest of the multitude 
 
 218 
 
Condition of the Fleet 219 
 
 came out of curiosity, desiring to witness an enterprise of 
 
 which the greatness exceeded belief. 
 
 No armament so magnificent or costly had ever been Excellent 
 
 1 • 1 TT 11 • rr^i • ,• condition of 
 
 sent out by any smgle Hellenic power. . . . This expedi- the fleet. 
 
 tion was intended to be long absent, and was thoroughly Thucydides 
 
 provided both for sea and land service, wherever its ' ^^' 
 
 presence might be required. On the fleet the greatest 
 
 pains and expense had been lavished by the trierarchs 
 
 and the state. The public treasury gave a drachma a 
 
 day to each sailor, and furnished empty hulls for sixty 
 
 swift sailing vessels, and for forty transports carrying 
 
 hoplites. All these were manned with the best crews 
 
 which could be obtained. The trierarchs, besides the pay 
 
 given by the state, added somewhat more out of their 
 
 own means to the wages of the upper ranks of rowers and 
 
 of the petty officers. The figure-heads and other fittings 
 
 provided by them were of the most costly description. 
 
 Everyone strove to the utmost that his own ship might 
 
 excel both in beauty and swiftness. The infantry had 
 
 been well selected and the lists carefully made up. There 
 
 was the keenest rivalry among the soldiers in the matter 
 
 of arms and personal equipment. 
 
 And while at home the Athenians were thus competing The cost. 
 
 with one another in the performance of their several 
 
 duties, to the rest of Hellas the expedition seemed to be a 
 
 grand display of their power and greatness, rather than a 
 
 preparation for war. If any one had reckoned up the 
 
 whole expenditure (i) of the state, (2) of individual 
 
 soldiers and others, including in the first not only what 
 
 the city had already laid out, but what was intrusted to 
 
 the generals, and in the second what either at the time or 
 
 afterward private persons spent upon their outfit, or the 
 
 trierarchs upon their ships, the provisions for the long 
 
2 20 Sicilian Expedition to End of War 
 
 A talent was 
 
 about $1,200. 
 
 The depart- 
 ure. 
 
 A paean of 
 this kind 
 was a battle 
 song, gener- 
 ally sung at 
 the opening 
 of the en- 
 gagement. 
 
 voyage which every one may be supposed to have carried 
 over with him over and above his pubHc pay, and what 
 soldiers or traders may have taken for purposes of ex- 
 change, he would have found that altogether an immense 
 sum amounting to many talents was withdrawn from the 
 city. Men were quite amazed at the boldness of the 
 scheme and the magnificence of the spectacle, which 
 were everywhere spoken of, no less than at the great dis- 
 proportion of the force when compared with that of the 
 enemy against whom it was intended. Never had a 
 greater expedition been sent to a foreign land; never was 
 there an enterprise in which the hope of future success 
 seemed to be better justified by actual power. 
 
 When the ships were manned and everything required 
 for the voyage had been placed on board, silence was 
 proclaimed by the sound of the trumpet, and all with 
 one voice before setting sail offered up the customary 
 prayers; these were recited not in each ship, but by a 
 single herald, the whole fleet accompanying him. On 
 every deck both officers and men, mingling wine in bowls, 
 made libations from vessels of gold and silver. The 
 multitude of citizens and other well-wishers who were 
 looking on from the land joined in the prayer. The crews 
 raised the Paean, and when the libations were completed 
 put to sea. After sailing out for some distance in single 
 file, the ships raced with one another as far as .^gina; 
 thence they hastened onward to Corcyra, where the allies 
 who formed the rest of the army were assembling. 
 
 Athenian 
 defeat. 
 
 Thucydides 
 vii. 72. 
 
 II. The Ruin of the Expedition 
 
 Thus, after a fierce battle and a great destruction of 
 ships and men on both sides, the Syracusans and their 
 allies gained the victory. They gathered up the wrecks 
 
Disaster 221 
 
 and bodies of the dead, and sailing back to the city, :^««e«/ 
 
 ,,,,,. Iv orld, 230- 
 
 erected a trophy. The Athenians, overwhelmed by their 232; Greece, 
 miser}', never so much as thought of recovering their ^^^ 
 wrecks or of asking leave to collect their dead. Their in- 
 tention was to retreat that ver}' night. Demosthenes 
 came to Nicias and proposed that they should once more 
 man their remaining vessels and endeavor to force the 
 passage at daybreak, saying that they had more ships fit 
 for service than the enemy. For the Athenian fleet still 
 numbered sixty but the enemy had less than fift)-. Nicias 
 approved of his proposal, and they would have manned 
 the ships, but the sailors refused to embark; for they were 
 paralyzed by their defeat, and had no longer any hope of 
 succeeding. So the Athenians all made up their minds to 
 escape by land. . . . 
 
 Meanwhile the Svracusans and Gylippus, going forth The Athe- 
 before them with their land forces, blocked the roads m treat is 
 the country by which the Athenians were likely to pass, 
 guarded the fords of the rivers and streams, and posted Thucydides 
 themselves at the best points for receiving and stopping 
 them. Their sailors rowed up to the beach and dragged J^spP^t^n'^Tn 
 away the Athenian ships. The Athenians themselves command of 
 burnt a few of them, as they had intended, but the rest ^'■^'^"^^• 
 the Syracusans towed away, unmolested and at their 
 leisure, from the places where they had severally run 
 aground, and conveyed them to the city. . . . 
 
 The Syracusans and their allies collected their forces The retreat- 
 •^ . iDg army is 
 
 and returned with the spoil, and as many prisoners as taken cap- 
 they could take with them into the city. The captive 
 
 Athenians and allies they deposited in the quarries, which vii.^86. 
 
 they thought would be the safest place of confinement. ^^.^ J^^"? 
 
 Nicias and Demosthenes they put to the sword against count of the 
 
 ,. disastrous 
 
 the will of Gyhppus. For Gylippus thought that to carry retreat of the 
 
222 Sicilian Expedition to End of War 
 
 Athenians, 
 involving 
 much fight- 
 ing and suf- 
 fering. 
 
 Imprison- 
 ment in the 
 stone quar- 
 ries. 
 
 Thucydides 
 vii. 87. 
 
 home with him to Lacedemon the generals of the enemy, 
 over and above all his other successes, would be a brilliant 
 triumph. One of them, Demosthenes, happened to be 
 the greatest foe, and the other, the greatest friend of the 
 Lacedemonians, both in the same matter of Pylos and 
 Sphacteria. For Nicias had taken up their cause, and had 
 persuaded the Athenians to make the peace which had 
 set at liberty the prisoners taken in the island. The 
 Lacedemonians were grateful to him for the service, and 
 this was the main reason why he trusted Gylippus and 
 surrendered himself to him. But certain Syracusans, 
 who had been in communication with him, were afraid 
 (such was the report) that on some suspicion of their 
 guilt he might be put to the torture and bring trou- 
 ble on them in the hour of their prosperity. Others, 
 and especially the Corinthians, feared that, being rich, 
 he might by bribery escape and do them further mis- 
 chief. So the Syracusans gained the consent of the 
 allies and had him executed. For those or the like rea- 
 sons he suffered death. No one of the Hellenes in my 
 time was less deserving of so miserable an end ; for he lived 
 in the practice of every virtue. 
 
 Those who were imprisoned in the quarries were at the 
 beginning of their captivity harshly treated by the Syra- 
 cusans. There were great numbers of them, and they 
 were crowded in a deep and narrow place. At first the sun 
 by day was still scorching and suffocating, for they had no 
 roof over their heads, while the autumn nights were cold, 
 and the extremes of temperature engendered violent dis- 
 orders. Being cramped for room they had to do every- 
 thing on the same spot. The corpses of those who died 
 from their wounds or exposure to the weather, and the 
 like, lay heaped one upon another. The smells were in- 
 
Ruin 223 
 
 tolerable; and they were at the same time afflicted by 
 hunger and thirst. During eight months they were al- 
 lowed only about half a pint of water and a pint of food a 
 day. Every kind of misery which could befall man in 
 such a place befell them. This was the condition of all 
 the captives for about ten weeks. At length the Syra- 
 cusans sold them, with the exception of the Athenians and 
 of any Sicilians or Italian Greeks who had sided with them 
 in the war. The whole number of the public prisoners is 
 not accurately known, but they were not less than seven 
 thousand. 
 
 Of all the Hellenic actions which took place in this war, 
 or indeed of all the Hellenic actions which are on record 
 this was the greatest — the most glorious to the victors, 
 the most ruinous to the vanquished; for they were utterly 
 and at all points defeated, and their sufferings were pro- 
 digious. Fleet and army perished from the face of the 
 earth; nothing was saved and of the many who went 
 forth, few returned. 
 
 Thus ended the Sicilian expedition. 
 
 III. Alcibiades 
 The pedigree of Alcibiades is said to begin with Eury- Family and 
 saces the son of Ajax, while on the mother's side he de- 
 scended from Alcmeon, being the son of Deinomache, the JJ^J^^i 
 daughter of Megacles. His father Cleinias fought bravely 
 at Artemisium in a trireme fitted out at his own expense. Ancient 
 
 . . , , , World, 224. 
 
 and subsequently fell fighting the Boeotians, m the battle 
 
 of Coronea. Alcibiades was afterward intrusted to Pericles On Artemi- 
 
 J Slum; Ancient 
 
 and Ariphron, the two sons of Xanthippus, who acted as Worid, 173 f- 
 
 ,. , 1 ^1- 4. ri- Ao The battle oi 
 
 his guardians because they were the next ot kin. . . . As coronea was 
 to the beauty of Alcibiades it is not necessary to say ^^^^^^^"^ 
 anything except that it was equally fascinating when he 
 
224 Sicilian Expedition to End of War 
 
 Character. 
 
 Plut., Ale. 2. 
 
 Musical edu- 
 cation. 
 
 was a boy, a youth, and a man. The saying of Euripides, 
 that all beauties have a beautiful autumn of their charms, 
 is not universally true, but it was so in the case of Alci- 
 biades and of a few other persons because of the symmetry 
 and vigor of their frames. Even his lisp is said to have 
 added a charm to his speech, and to have made his talk 
 more persuasive. . . . 
 
 His character, in the course of his varied and brilliant 
 career, developed many strange inconsistencies and con- 
 tradictions. Emulation and love of distinction were the 
 most prominent of his many violent passions, as is clear 
 from the anecdotes of his childhood. Once when hard- 
 pressed in wrestHng, rather than fall, he began to bite his 
 opponent's hands. The other let go his hold, and said, 
 ''You bite, Alcibiades, like a woman." "No," said he, 
 "like a lion." While yet a child, he was playing with 
 other boys at knucklebones in a narrow street, and when 
 his turn came to throw, a loaded wagon was passing. He 
 at first ordered the driver to stop his team because his 
 throw was to take place directly in the path of the wagon. 
 Then as the boor who was driving would not stop, the 
 other children made way; but Alcibiades flung himself 
 down on his face directly in front of the horses, and bade 
 him drive on at his peril. The man, in alarm, now stopped 
 his horses, and the others were terrified and ran up to him. 
 
 In learning he was fairly obedient to all his teachers, 
 except in playing the flute, which he refused to do, de- 
 claring that it was unfit for a gentleman. He said that 
 playing on the harp or lyre did not disfigure the face, but 
 that when a man was blowing at a flute, his own friends 
 could scarcely recognize him. Furthermore the lyre ac- 
 companies the voice of the performer while the flute takes 
 all the breath of the player and prevents him from even 
 
Education of Alcibiades 225 
 
 speaking. "Let the children of the Thebans," he used to 
 say, "learn to play the flute, for they know not how to 
 speak; but we Athenians according to tradition have the 
 goddess Athena for our patroness, and Apollo for our 
 tutelary divinity; and of these the first threw away her 
 flute in disgust, and the other actually flayed the flute- 
 player Marsyas." With such talk as this, between jest 
 and earnest, Alcibiades gave up flute-playing himself, and 
 induced his friends to do so, for all the youth of Athens 
 soon heard and approved of Alcibiades' derision of the 
 flute and of those who learned it. . . . 
 
 For no one was ever so enclosed and enveloped in the A pupil of 
 good things of this life as Alcibiades, so that no breath of 
 criticism or free speech could ever reach him. Yet with lb. 4- 
 all these flatterers about him, trying to prevent his ever 
 hearing a word of wholesome advice or reproof, he was led 
 by his own goodness of heart to pay especial attention to 
 Socrates, to whom he attached himself in preference to all 
 his rich and fashionable admirers. 
 
 He soon became intimate with Socrates, and when he 
 discovered that this man did not wish to caress and admire 
 him, but to expose his ignorance, search out his faults, 
 and bring down his vain unreasoning conceit, he then 
 
 "Let fall his feathers like a craven cock." 
 
 He considered that the conversation of Socrates was 
 really a divine instrument for the discipline and educa- 
 tion of youth; and thus learning to despise himself, and 
 to admire his friend, charmed with his good nature, and 
 full of reverence for his virtues, he became insensibly in 
 love with him, though not as the world loveth; so that all 
 men were astonished to see him dining with Socrates, 
 wrestling with him, and sharing his tent, while he treated 
 
His mar- 
 riage. 
 
 Plut., Ale. 8. 
 
 His dog. 
 
 lb. g. 
 
 A mina was 
 about $20. 
 
 Other pe- 
 culiarities. 
 
 lb. 16. 
 
 226 Sicilian Expedition to End of War 
 
 all his other admirers with harshness and some even with 
 insolence. . . . 
 
 He once struck Hipponicus, the father of Callias, a man 
 of great wealth and noble birth, a blow with his fist, not 
 being moved to it by anger or any dispute, but having 
 agreed previously with his friends to do so for a joke. 
 When every one in the city cried out at his indecent and 
 arrogant conduct, Alcibiades next morning at daybreak 
 came to the house of Hipponicus, knocked and entered. 
 Here he threw off his cloak, and offered him his body, bid- 
 ding him flog him and punish him for what he had done. 
 Hipponicus, however, pardoned him, and they became 
 friends, so much so that Hipponicus chose him for the 
 husband of his daughter Hipparete. Some writers say 
 that not Hipponicus but Callias, his son, gave Hipparete 
 to Alcibiades to wife, with a dowry of ten talents, and that 
 when her first child was born, Alcibiades demanded and 
 received ten more talents, as if he had made a previous 
 agreement to that effect. Thereupon Callias, fearing that 
 Alcibiades might plot against his life, gave public notice 
 in the assembly that if he died childless, he would leave 
 his house and all his property to the state. . . . 
 
 He had a dog of remarkable size and beauty, for which 
 he paid seventy minae. It had a very fine tail, which he 
 cut off. When his friends blamed him, and said that 
 every one was sorry for the dog and angry with him for 
 what he had done, he laughed and said, "Then I have 
 succeeded; for I wish the Athenians to gossip about this, 
 for fear they should say something worse about me. . . ." 
 
 In the midst of all this display of political ability, elo- 
 quence, and statesmanlike prudence, he lived a life of 
 great luxury, debauchery, and profuse expenditure, swag- 
 gering through the market-place with his long effeminate 
 
Character of Alcibiades 227 
 
 mantle trailing on the ground. He had the deck of his 
 trireme cut away, that he might sleep more comfortably, 
 with his bed slung on girths instead of resting on the 
 planks; and he carried a shield not emblazoned with the 
 ancestral bearings of his family, but with a Cupid wield- 
 ing a thunderbolt. The leading men of Athens viewed 
 his conduct with disgust and apprehension, fearing his 
 scornful and overbearing manner, as being nearly allied 
 to the demeanor of a despot, while Aristophanes has ex- 
 pressed the feeling of the people towards him in the line: 
 
 "They love, they hate, they cannot live without him." 
 
 And again he alludes to him in a bitterer spirit in the 
 
 verse: 
 
 "A lion's cub 'tis best you should not rear, 
 "For if you do, your master he'll appear." . . . 
 
 Alcibiades, among his extraordinary qualities, had this AdaptabUity 
 especial art of captivating men by assimilating his own lb. 23. 
 manners and habits to theirs, being able to change, more 
 quickly than the chameleon, from one mode of life to an- 
 other. The chameleon, indeed, cannot turn itself white; 
 but Alcibiades never found anything, good or bad, which 
 he could not imitate to the life. Thus at Sparta, he was 
 fond of exercise, frugal and severe; in Ionia he was luxuri- 
 ous, frivolous, and lazy; in Thrace he drank deep; in 
 Thessaly he proved himself a good horseman; while when 
 he was consorting with the satrap Tissaphernes, he outdid 
 even the Persian splendor and pomp. It was not his real 
 character that he so often and so easily changed, but as 
 he knew that if he appeared in his true colors, he would be 
 universally disliked, he concealed his real self under an 
 apparent adoption of the ways and fashions of whatever 
 place he was in. . . . 
 
228 Sicilian Expedition to End of War 
 
 Assembly of 
 Peloponne- 
 sian allies. 
 
 Xenophon, 
 Bellenica, 
 ii. 2. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 237 {. 
 
 The Athe- 
 nian fleet had 
 been de- 
 stroyed at 
 ^gospotami, 
 and Athens 
 had been re- 
 duced to 
 starvation 
 by a long 
 siege. 
 
 Theramenes 
 and others 
 were ambas- 
 sadors from 
 Athens, who 
 were treating 
 for peace. 
 
 IV. Terms of Peace 
 
 A general assembly was convened, in which the Corin- 
 thians and Thebans more particularly, though their views 
 were shared by many other Hellenes also, urged the meet- 
 ing not to come to terms with the Athenians, but to 
 destroy them. The Lacedaemonians replied that they 
 would never reduce to slavery a city which was itself an 
 integral portion of Hellas, and had performed a great and 
 noble service to Hellas in the most perilous of emergencies. 
 On the contrary, they were willing to offer peace on the 
 terms now specified — namely, "That the long walls and 
 the fortifications of Piraeus should be destroyed; that the 
 Athenian fleet, with the exception of twelve vessels, 
 should be surrendered; that the exiles should be restored; 
 and lastly, that the Athenians should acknowledge the 
 headship of Sparta in peace and war, leaving to her the 
 choice of friends and foes, and following her lead by land 
 and sea." Such were the terms which Theramenes and 
 the rest who acted with him were able to report on their 
 return to Athens. 
 
 As they entered the city, a vast crowd met them, 
 trembling lest their mission should have proved fruitless. 
 For indeed delay was no longer possible, so long already 
 was the list of victims daily perishing from starvation. 
 On the day following, the ambassadors delivered their 
 report, stating the terms upon which the Lacedaemonians 
 were willing to make peace. Theramenes acted as spokes- 
 man, insisting that they ought to obey the Lacedaemonians 
 and pull down the walls. A small minority raised their 
 voice in opposition but the majority were strongly in 
 favor of the proposition, and the resolution was passed to 
 accept the peace. Afterward Lysander sailed into the 
 
Cloudcuckooland 
 
 229 
 
 Piraeus, and the exiles were readmitted. And so they fell The exiles 
 to levelling the fortifications and walls with much en- garchs who 
 thusiasm, to the accompaniment of female flute-players, banished for 
 
 political 
 reasons. 
 
 deeming that day the beginning of liberty to Greece. 
 
 V. Choral Songs from Tee Birds 
 
 In this brilliant comedy Aristophanes pictures an ideal community 
 founded by the birds in Cloudcuckooland. It presents the earliest 
 known ideal state (414 B.C.), which in this case is a comic conceit, 
 but which was to take a serious turn in Plato's Republic and JMoore's 
 Utopia. 
 
 Awake! awake! 
 Sleep no more, my gentle mate! 
 With 3-our tiny tawny bill, 
 Wake the tuneful echo shrill 
 
 On vale or hill; 
 Or in her airy, rocky seat. 
 Let her listen and repeat 
 
 The tender ditty that you tell. 
 The sad lament. 
 The dire event. 
 To luckless Itys that befell. 
 Thence the strain 
 Shall arise again. 
 And soar amain, 
 Up to the lofty palace gate. 
 Where mighty Apollo sits in state; 
 In Zeus' abode, with his ivory lyre. 
 Hymning aloud to the heavenly choir. 
 While all the gods shall join with thee 
 In a celestial symphony. 
 
 Ye gentle feathered tribes. 
 
 Of every plume and hue, 
 That, in uninhabited air, 
 ^le. hurrying here and there; 
 
 Oh! that I, like you, 
 
 The Hoopoo 
 to his Mate. 
 
 The hoopoo 
 and his mate 
 (the nightin- 
 gale) had 
 once been 
 human be- 
 ings, man 
 and wife. 
 The wife 
 had killed 
 her son Itys 
 and had 
 served him 
 as food to her 
 husband be- 
 cause the 
 latter had 
 wronged her. 
 
 On Aristo- 
 phanes; An- 
 cient World, 
 241; Greece, 
 222 f. 
 
 O to be a 
 birdl 
 
230 Sicilian Expedition to End of War 
 
 Could leave this earthly level, 
 For a wild aerial revel: 
 
 O'er the waste of ocean, 
 To wander and to dally 
 
 With the billow's motion; 
 Or in an eager sally. 
 
 Soaring to the sky, 
 
 To range and rove on high 
 With my plumy sails, 
 Buffeted and baffled, with the gusty gales. 
 
 The advan- 
 tage of hav- 
 ing wings. 
 
 Here the 
 chorus ques- 
 tions the 
 audience at 
 the play. 
 
 The poet 
 gibes at the 
 foreign-born 
 among the 
 citizens. 
 
 Is there any person present sitting a spectator here, 
 Who desires to pass his time freely without restraint or fear? 
 Should he wish to colonize, he never need be checked or chid, 
 For the trifling indiscretions, which the testy laws forbid. 
 Parricides are in esteem; among the birds we deem it fair, 
 A combat honorably fought betwixt a game-cock and his heir! 
 There the branded runagate, branded and mottled in the face, 
 Will be deemed a motley bird; a motley mark is no disgrace. 
 
 Spintharus, the Phrygian born, will pass a muster there with 
 ease, 
 Counted as a Phrygian fowl; and even Execestides, 
 Once a Carian and a slave, may there be nobly born and free; 
 Plume himself on his descent and hatch a proper pedigree. 
 
 Thus the swans in chorus follow. 
 On the mighty Thracian stream, 
 Hymning their eternal theme. 
 
 Praise to Bacchus and Apollo: 
 
 The welkin rings, with sounding wings, 
 
 With songs and cries and melodies; 
 
 Up to the thunderous ^ther ascending: 
 
 Whilst all that breathe, on earth beneath, 
 
 The beasts of the wood, the plain and the flood, 
 
 In panic amazement are crouching and bending; 
 With the awful qualm, of a sudden calm. 
 
 Ocean and air in silence blending. 
 
The Good Old Education 
 
 231 
 
 The ridge of Olympus is sounding on high, 
 Appalling with wonder the lords of the sky, 
 
 And the Muses and Graces 
 
 Enthroned in their places, 
 Join in the solemn symphony. 
 
 Nothing can be more delightful than the having wings to wear! 
 A spectator sitting here, accommodated with a pair, 
 Might for instance (if he found a tragic chorus dull and heavy) 
 Take his flight, and dine at home; and if he did not choose to leave ye, 
 Might return in better humor, when the weary drawl was ended. . . . 
 Trust me, wings are all in all! Diitrcphes has mounted quicker 
 Than the rest of our aspirants, soaring on his wings of wicker: 
 Basket work and crates, and hampers, first enabled him to fly; 
 First a captain, then promoted to command the cavalry; 
 With his fortunes daily rising, office and preferment new. 
 An illustrious, enterprising, airy, gallant cockatoo. 
 
 Just as we 
 might wish 
 for airships. 
 
 He made his 
 fortune as 
 a basket- 
 weaver. 
 The aristo- 
 cratic poet 
 jeers at the 
 industrial 
 class. 
 
 VI. The Good Old Education 
 
 Just Cause. I will, therefore, describe the ancient sys- 
 tem of education, how it was ordered, when I flourished 
 in the advocacy of justice, and temperance was the fashion. 
 In the first place, it was incumbent that no one should 
 hear the voice of a boy uttering a syllable; and next, that 
 those from the same quarter of the town should march in 
 good order through the streets to the school of the Harp- 
 master, lightly clad and in a body, even if it were to snow 
 as thick as meal. Then again their master would teach 
 them, not sitting cross-legged, to learn by rote a song, 
 either ^'Pallas Athena, Dread Sacker of Towns," or " Some 
 Farborne Battle-Cry," raising to a higher pitch the harmony 
 which our fathers transmitted to us. But if any of them 
 were to play the buffoon, or turn any quavers, like these 
 difficult turns the present artists make after the manner 
 of Phrynis, he used to be thrashed, beaten with many 
 
 The good- 
 mannered 
 boys of old! 
 
 Aristophanes, 
 Clouds, 961 £f. 
 
 The Just 
 Cause and 
 the Unjust 
 Cause are 
 here plead- 
 ing for 
 
 the privilege 
 of instructing 
 the boy. 
 
232 Sicilian Expedition to End of War 
 
 What to 
 avoid. 
 
 lapetus, as 
 we might 
 call one an 
 antediluvian. 
 
 The Academy- 
 was a beauti- 
 ful public 
 garden a 
 short dis- 
 tance north- 
 west of 
 Athens; 
 Greece, 157. 
 
 blows, for banishing the Muses. . . . Nor used it to be 
 allowed, when one was dining, to take the head of a 
 radish, or to snatch from their seniors dill or parsley, or 
 to eat fish, or to giggle, or to keep the legs crossed. . . . 
 
 Yet certainly these are the principles by which my sys- 
 tem of education nurtured the men who fought at Mara- 
 thon. But you teach the men of the present day, from 
 their earliest years, to be wrapped up in himatia. . . . 
 Wherefore, O youth, choose, with confidence, me, the 
 better cause, and you will learn to hate the market-place, 
 and to refrain from baths, and to be ashamed of what is 
 disgraceful, and to be enraged if anyone jeer you, and to 
 rise up from seats before your seniors when they approach, 
 and not to behave ill toward your parents, and to do 
 nothing else that is base, because you are to form in your 
 mind an image of Modesty; .... and not to contradict 
 your father in anything; nor by calling him lapetus, to 
 reproach him with the ills of age, by which you were 
 reared in your infancy. 
 
 Unjust Cause. If you shall believe him in this, 
 youth, by Bacchus, you will be like the sons of Hippo- 
 crates, and they will call you a booby. 
 
 Just. Yet certainly shall you spend your time in the 
 gymnastic schools, sleek, and blooming; not chattering 
 in the market-place rude jests, like the youths of the 
 present day; nor dragged into court for a petty suit, 
 greedy, petty-fogging, knavish; but you shall descend to 
 the Academy and run races beneath the sacred olives 
 along with some modest compeer, crowned with white 
 reeds, redolent of yew and careless ease and of leaf 
 shedding white poplar, rejoicing in the season of spring, 
 when the plane-tree whispers to the elm. If you do these 
 things which I say, and apply your mind to these, you will 
 
Alcestis 233 
 
 ever have a stout chest, a clear complexion, broad shoul- 
 ders, a little tongue. . . . But if you practice what the 
 youths of the present day do, you will have, in the first 
 place, a pallid complexion, small shoulders, a narrow chest, 
 a large tongue, little hips. . . . And this deceiver will 
 persuade you to consider everything that is base to be 
 honorable, and what is honorable to be base. 
 
 VII. Selections from Euripides 
 
 . Chorus. Let Hades know, that swarthy god, and that Alcestis dies 
 
 . . in place of 
 
 old man who sits to row and steer alike at his death-ferry, her hus- 
 
 that he hath carried o'er the lake of Acheron in his two- ^° * 
 
 oared skiff a woman peerless amidst her sex. Oft of thee aIcIsHs^^' 
 
 the Muses' votaries shall sing on the seven-stringed moun- Ancient 
 
 tain shell and in hymns that need no harp, glorifying thee, G^^ece' 210- 
 
 oft as the season in his cycle cometh around at Sparta in 222. 
 
 that Carnean month when all night long the moon sails The Camea 
 
 high o'erhead, yea, and in splendid Athens, happy town, festival at 
 
 So glorious a theme has thy death bequeathed to tuneful p^"^' 
 
 bards. Would it were in my power and range to bring Cocytus, a 
 
 thee to the light from the chambers of Hades and the Epirus, here 
 
 streams of Cocytus with the oar that sweeps yon nether as°a^rive°/ of 
 
 flood! For thou, and thou alone, most dear of women, the lower 
 
 . world. 
 
 hadst the courage to redeem thy husband from Hades in 
 
 exchange for thy own life. Light lie the earth above thee. Her husband 
 
 ° •' '^ ., ^ \i Admetus. 
 
 lady ! And if ever thy lord take to him a new wife, I vow 
 
 he will earn my hatred and thy children's too. . . . 
 
 Admetus. O the weary sorrow! the grief for dear Admetus 
 
 , . 1 • , r ^^^ regrets 
 
 ones dead and gone ! Why didst thou hinder me from that he let 
 
 plunging into the gaping grave, there to lay me down and ^^^ 
 
 die with her, my peerless bride? Then would Hades for 
 
 that one have gotten these two faithful souls at once, 
 
 crossing the nether lake together. 
 
234 Sicilian Expedition to End of War 
 
 Cho. I had a kinsman once, within whose home died 
 his only son, worthy of a father's tears; yet in spite of that 
 he bore his grief resignedly, childless though he was, his 
 hair already turning grey, himself far on in years, upon 
 life's downward track. 
 
 Adm. O house of mine, how can I enter thee? How 
 can I live here, now that fortune turns against me? Ah 
 me! How wide the gulf 'twixt then and now! Then with 
 Pelion, a torches cut from Pelion's pines, with marriage hymns I 
 Thessaly. entered in, holding my dear wife's hand; and at our back 
 a crowd of friends with cheerful cries, singing the happy 
 lot of my wife and me, calling us a noble pair made one, 
 children both of highborn lineage; but now the voice of 
 woe instead of wedding hymns, and robes of black in- 
 stead of snowy white, usher me into my house to my 
 deserted couch. 
 
 Chor. Hard upon prosperous fortune came this sorrow 
 
 to thee, a stranger to adversity; yet hast thou saved thy 
 
 soul alive. Thy wife is dead and gone; her love she leaves 
 
 with thee. What new thing is here? Death ere now from 
 
 many a man hath torn a wife. 
 
 He prefers Adm. My friends, I count my dead wife's lot more 
 
 to die. 
 
 blest than mine, for all it seems not so; for nevermore can 
 
 sorrow touch her forever; all her toil is over, and glorious 
 
 is her fame. While I, who had no right to live, have 
 
 passed the bounds of fate only to live a life of misery; I 
 
 know it now. For how shall I endure to enter this my 
 
 house? Whom shall I address, by whom be answered 
 
 back, to find aught joyful in my entering in? Whither 
 
 shall I turn? Within, the desolation will drive me forth, 
 
 whensoever I see my widowed couch, the seat whereon 
 
 she sat, the floor all dusty in the house, and my babes 
 
 falling at my knees with piteous tears for their mother, 
 
Ion 
 
 235 
 
 while my servants mourn the good mistress their house 
 hath lost. These are the sorrows in my home, while 
 abroad the marriages among Thessalians and the throng- 
 ing crowds of women will drive me mad, for I can never 
 bear to gaze upon the compeers of my wife. And whoso 
 is my foe will taunt me thus, ''Behold him living in his 
 shame, a wretch who quailed at death himself, but of his 
 coward heart gave up his wedded wife instead, and es- 
 caped from Hades; doth he deem himself a man after 
 that? And he loathes his parents, though himself refused 
 to die." Such ill reports shall I to my evils add. What 
 profit then, my friends, for me to live, in fame and fortune 
 ruined. 
 
 That princely state we fondly praise is pleasant to the ^J^"™^'^ 
 
 eye; but yet in its mansions sorrow lurks; for who is happy, ter than a 
 
 or by fortune blest, that has to live his life in fear of vio- "°'^'^' 
 
 lence with many a sidelong glance? Rather would I live J'j^"^'^^^' 
 
 among the common folk, and taste their bliss, than be a 
 
 tyrant who delights in making evil men his friends, and He is a priest 
 1 1 1 . r 1 . IT -r^ 1 ' ., of his father 
 
 hates the good, m terror of his life. Perchance thou wilt Apollo at 
 
 tell me, "Gold outweighs all these evils and wealth is ha^s^been^ 
 sweet." I have no wish to be abused for holding tightly f^'^'^']^-*" ^^^ 
 to my pelf, nor yet to have the trouble of it. Be mine a at Athens, 
 moderate fortune free from annoyance! Now hear the 
 blessings, father, that here were mine; first, leisure, man's 
 chiefest joy, with but moderate trouble; no villain ever 
 drove me from my path, and that is a grievance hard to 
 bear, to make room and give way to sorry knaves. My 
 duty was to pray unto the gods, or with mortal men con- 
 verse, a minister to their joys, not to their sorrows. And 
 I was ever dismissing one group of guests, while another 
 took their place, so that I was always welcome from the 
 
236 Sicilian Expedition to End of War 
 
 charm of novelty. That honesty which men must pray 
 for, even against their will, custom and nature did con- 
 spire to plant in me in the sight of Phoebus. Now when 
 I think on this, I deem that I am better here than there, 
 father. So let me live on here, for 'tis an equal charm to 
 joy in high estate, or in a humble fortune find a pleasure. 
 
 Socrates is 
 addressing 
 the jury. 
 
 Plato, Apolo- 
 gy of Socrates. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 243-s; 
 Greece, 223-6. 
 
 Any^us is one 
 of his accus- 
 ers. 
 
 Socrates' 
 method of 
 seeking the 
 truth. 
 
 The true 
 object of 
 Ufe. 
 
 VIII. Defence of Socrates 
 
 Some one will say: And are you not ashamed, Socrates, 
 of a course of life which is likely to bring you to an un- 
 timely end? To him I may fairly answer: There you are 
 mistaken: a man who is good for anything ought not to 
 calculate the chance of living or dying; he ought only to 
 consider whether he in doing anything is doing right or 
 wrong — acting the part of a good man or of a bad. . . . 
 
 And therefore if you let me go now, and are not con- 
 vinced by Anytus, who said that since I had been prose- 
 cuted I must be put to death; or if not that, I ought never 
 to have been prosecuted at all; and that if I escape now, 
 your sons will all be utterly ruined by listening to my 
 words — if you say to me, Socrates, this time we will not 
 mind Anytus, and you shall be let off, but upon one con- 
 dition, that you are not to inquire and speculate in this 
 way any more, and that if you are caught doing so again 
 you shall die; — if this were the condition on which you 
 let me go, I should reply: Men of Athens, I honor and 
 love you ; but I shall obey God rather than you, and while 
 I have life and strength I shall never cease from the 
 practice and teaching of philosophy, exhorting every one 
 whom I meet and saying to him after my manner: You 
 my friend, — a citizen of the great and mighty and wise 
 city of Athens, — are you not ashamed of heaping up the 
 greatest amount of money and honor and reputation, and 
 
The Worth of the Soul 237 
 
 caring so little about wisdom and truth and the greatest 
 improvement of the soul, which you never regard or heed 
 at all? And if the person with whom I am arguing says: 
 Yes, but I do care; then I do not leave him or let him go 
 at once; but I proceed to interrogate and examine and 
 cross-examine him, and if I think that he has no virtue 
 in him, but only says that he has, I reproach him with 
 undervaluing the greater, and overvaluing the less. And 
 I shall repeat the same words to everyone I meet, young 
 and old, citizen and alien, but especially to the citizens, 
 inasmuch as they are my brethren. For know that this 
 is the command of God; and I beheve that no greater 
 good has ever happened in the state than my service to 
 God. For I do nothing but go about persuading you all, 
 old and young alike, not to take thought for your persons 
 or your properties, but first and chiefly to care about the 
 greatest improvement of the soul. I tell you that virtue 
 is not given by money, but that from virtue comes money 
 and every other good of man, public as well as private. 
 This is my teaching, and if this is the doctrine which cor- 
 rupts the youth, I am a mischievous person. But if any 
 one says that this is not my teaching, he is speaking an 
 untruth. Wherefore, O men of Athens, I say to you, do 
 as Anytus bids or not as Anytus bids, and either acquit 
 me or not; but whichever you do, understand that I never 
 shall alter my ways, not even if I have to die many 
 times. . . . 
 
 Let us reflect in another way, and we shall see that there Death is not 
 
 flu evil, 
 is great reason to hope that death is a good; for one of 
 
 two things— either death is a state of nothingness and 
 
 utter unconsciousness, or as men say, there is a change and 
 
 migration of the soul from this world to another. Now if 
 
 you suppose that there is no consciousness, but a sleep 
 
238 Sicilian Expedition to End of War 
 
 The judges 
 of the other 
 world are 
 just. 
 
 There we 
 shall meet 
 the famous 
 men of old. 
 
 like the sleep of him who is even undisturbed by dreams, 
 death will be an unspeakable gain. For if a person were 
 to select the night in which his sleep was undisturbed even 
 by dreams, and were to compare with this the other days 
 and nights of his life, and then were to tell us how many 
 days and nights he had passed in the course of his life 
 better and more pleasantly than this one, I think that any 
 man, I will not say a private man, but even the great 
 king, will not find many such days or nights, when com- 
 pared with the others. Now if death be of such a nature, 
 I say that to die is gain; for eternity is then only a single 
 night. 
 
 But if death is the journey to another place, and there, 
 as men say, all the dead abide, what good, O my friends 
 and judges, can be greater than this? If indeed when the 
 pilgrim arrives in the world below, he is delivered from 
 the professors of justice in this world, and finds the true 
 judges who are said to give judgment there, Minos and 
 Rhadamanthus and ^acus and Triptolemus, and other 
 sons of God who were righteous in their own life, that 
 pilgrimage will be worth making. What would not a man 
 give if he might converse with Orpheus and Musaeus and 
 Hesiod and Homer? Nay, if this be true, let me die again 
 and again. I myself, too, shall have a wonderful interest 
 in there meeting and conversing with Palamedes, and 
 Ajax the son of Telamon, and any other ancient hero who 
 has suffered death through an unjust judgment; and there 
 will be no small pleasure, as I think, in comparing my 
 own sufferings with theirs. Above all, I shall then be 
 able to continue my search into true and false knowledge, 
 as in this world so also in the next; and I shall find out 
 who is wise, and who pretends to be wise, and is not. 
 What would not a man give, O judges, to be able to ex- 
 
Future Life; the Erechtheum 239 
 
 amine the leader of the great Trojan expedition; or 
 Odysseus, or Sisyphus, or numberless others, men and 
 women, too! What infinite delight would there be in 
 conversing with them and asking them questions! In 
 another world they do not put a man to death for asking 
 questions: assuredly not. For besides being happier than 
 we are, they will be immortal, if what is said is true. . . . 
 The hour of departure has arrived, and we go our ways — 
 I to die, and 3'ou to live. Which is better God only knows. 
 
 IX. The Erechtheum and the Worship of Athena 
 
 There is also a building called the Erechtheum. Before 
 the entrance is an altar of Supreme Zeus, where they sacri- 
 fice no living thing; but they lay cakes on it, and having 
 done so they are forbidden by custom to make use of wine. 
 Inside of the building are altars: one of Poseidon, on which 
 they sacrifice also to Erechtheus in obedience to an oracle ; 
 one of the hero Butes; and one of Hephaestus. On the 
 walls are paintings of the family of the Butads. Within, 
 for the building is double, there is sea-water in a well. 
 This is not surprising, for the same thing may be seen in 
 inland places, as at Aphrodisias in Caria. But what is 
 remarkable about this well is that, when the south wind 
 has been blowing, the well gives forth a sound of waves; 
 and there is the shape of a trident in the rock. These 
 things are said to have been the evidence produced by 
 Poseidon in support of his claim to the country. 
 
 The rest of the city and the whole land are equally 
 sacred to Athena; for although the worship of other gods 
 is established in the townships, the inhabitants none the 
 less hold Athena in honor. But the object which was 
 universally deemed the holy of holies many years before 
 the union of the townships, is an image of Athena in what 
 
 Interior of 
 the temple. 
 
 Pausanias, i. 
 26. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 239. 
 
 The Butads 
 were the 
 priestly gens 
 which at- 
 tended to the 
 worship of 
 Poseidon. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 93. 
 
240 Sicilian Expedition to End of War 
 
 is now called the Acropolis, but what was then called the 
 city. The legend is that the image fell from heaven, but 
 whether this was so or not I will not inquire. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. With what feelings did the Athenians despatch the expedition 
 to Sicily? Describe the condition of the armament. What cere- 
 monies attended the departure? What was to be the course of the 
 fleet? Why was this route taken? 
 
 2. Who were Demosthenes and Nicias (Ancient World, 229, 231)? 
 Why did not the defeated Athenians sail away from Syracuse? De- 
 scribe the fate of the Athenians? 
 
 3. Describe the appearance of Alcibiades; his character. What 
 characteristics are illustrated by the two anecdotes of his childhood? 
 What was his musical education? What objections had he to the 
 flute? What influence had Socrates over him? What light do the 
 circumstances of his marriage throw upon his character? What 
 general impression of him do you gain from this entire passage from 
 Plutarch? 
 
 4. What were the terms of peace at the close of the Peloponnesian 
 war? Were they warranted by the circumstances? Who was Ly- 
 sander? 
 
 5. On what subjects did Aristophanes write? What does he think 
 of his fellow-citizens of alien birth? Were there many such at Athens? 
 What opinion had he of manufacturers? 
 
 6. What quahties of the old kind of education does the "Just 
 Cause" think admirable? What advantages accrue from the good 
 old kind of education? 
 
 7. Describe the character of Alcestis. What was the sentiment as 
 to second marriages? What was the feeling of Admetus toward his 
 deceased wife? What is his view of death? What is the leading idea 
 in the selection from the loti? 
 
 8. What had been Socrates' daily occupation? What had he been 
 trying to teach his fellow-citizens? On what charge was he tried? 
 What did he think of death? What did he hope to do in the next 
 world? Who is the author of this passage, and what connection had 
 he with Socrates? 
 
 9. What objects of interest did Pausanias find in the Erechtheum? 
 Why was the building double? 
 
CHAPTER XXI 
 
 SICILY: THE TYRANT AND THE LIBERATOR 
 
 I. Preparation for War with Carthage 
 
 Having now a good opportunity to wage war against 
 them, (the Carthaginians), as he thought, he resolved first 
 to make the necessary preparation; for he understood that 
 the contest would be great and of long duration, as he was 
 about to engage with the most powerful nation that had a 
 footing in Europe. He accordingly collected artisans, by 
 a levy, from all the cities under his rule, and others from 
 Italy and Greece and from the Carthaginian dominion, 
 attracting them by the offer of high wages. 
 
 And he aimed also to provide a vast number of arms 
 and missiles of every description, and in addition quadri- 
 remes and quinqueremes, none of the latter ever having 
 been built up to that time. After a great number of ar- 
 tisans had been collected he organized them in companies 
 according to their several trades, and placed them under 
 the superintendence of the most respectable citizens, of- 
 fering great rewards to the makers of arms. Inasmuch as 
 mercenaries had been brought together from various na- 
 tions, he himself assigned the arms according to their 
 several forms and fashions; for he encouraged each soldier 
 to equip himself with his own weapons; as he reasoned 
 that thus the army would strike great terror in the enemy, 
 and that in battle the contestants would best know how 
 to use their customary equipments. 
 
 241 
 
 Dionysius 
 
 collects 
 
 workmen. 
 
 Diodorus 
 xiv. 41. 
 
 This war be- 
 gan in 397 
 B.C.; Ancient 
 World, 247 f.; 
 Greece, 242 f. 
 
 He provides 
 arms and 
 warships. 
 
 His ship- 
 wrights in- 
 vent quin- 
 queremes. 
 
242 Sicily: the Tyrant and the Liberator 
 
 Enthusiasm 
 of the Syra- 
 cusans. 
 
 The tyrant 
 
 becomes 
 
 popular. 
 
 DIodorus 
 xiv. 42. 
 
 Catapult, a 
 huge cross- 
 bow for 
 hurling 
 heavy bolts; 
 afterward so 
 modified as 
 to throw 
 stones and 
 lumps of 
 lead. Here- 
 tofore the 
 only siege 
 engine was 
 the battering 
 ram. 
 
 The wood 
 was needed 
 for the ships. 
 
 As the Syracusans did all in their power to forward his 
 design, the greatest emulation was shown in the prepara- 
 tion. Not only were the front and back porches of the 
 temples, the gymnasia, and the porticoes of the market- 
 place filled with workmen, but also apart from public 
 places, in the most illustrious private houses arms of all 
 kinds were being manufactured. 
 
 At this time the catapult was invented in Syracuse, for 
 the most excellent artisans were gathered here from all 
 sides. Zeal was inflamed by the high wages, and the great- 
 ness of the rewards that awaited those who were judged 
 superior. In addition to these inducements Dionysius 
 himself went daily among the workmen, talked courte- 
 ously with them, honored the most diligent with gifts, or 
 invited them to dine with him. The mechanics, there- 
 fore, vying with each other in the utmost rivalry, devised 
 new and strange missiles and engines which proved ex- 
 ceedingly serviceable. He began, too, to build quadri- 
 remes and quinqueremes, being the first to invent this 
 kind of ship. For hearing that the first triremes were 
 built in Corinth, Dionysius was anxious that a colony of 
 hers should have credit for extending the plan of the war 
 ship. After arranging to obtain a supply of wood from 
 Italy, he sent half of his woodcutters to Mount Etna, 
 which then abounded with pine and fir, and the other half 
 to Italy; and provided teams for hauling the wood to the 
 sea, and boats and oarsmen to bring the rafts as speedily 
 as possible to Syracuse, 
 
 When Dionysius had thus collected a sufl&cient supply 
 of wood, he forthwith began to build more than two 
 hundred war ships and to refit the hundred and ten old 
 ones. Furthermore he erected expensive holds round the 
 harbor, for receiving the ships, to the number of one hun- 
 
Dionysius I 243 
 
 dred and sixty, many of which would receive two ships 
 apiece. He likewise repaired and covered over with new- 
 planks one hundred and fifty old and useless vessels. 
 
 The preparation of so many arms and ships in one J^e amaz- 
 locahty struck the beholder with admiration. If in fact a of Syracuse. 
 man only noticed the attention bestowed on the ships, he ^j ^^_ 
 would presently conclude that all the Sicilians were en- 
 gaged in building them; and then to turn and look upon 
 the army and engines, he would judge that there the 
 height of skill was expended on them. The zeal devoted 
 to them could not be surpassed, yet there were prepared 
 in addition 140,000 bucklers, and as many swords and 
 helmets. There were forged, too, 14,000 corselets of all The impor- 
 
 ^^ , L3.ncc 01 tncsc 
 
 sorts of excellent workmanship. These equipments he preparations 
 
 assigned to the horse and to the colonels and captains of fa^That^ 
 
 the foot, and to the mercenaries who formed his lifeguard. ^Jf^^^n^^^^'to 
 
 He prepared likewise catapults of all kinds and a vast stem the tide 
 
 . . ., r^-, • r r. -J J of Cartha- 
 
 number of missiles. The city of Syracuse provided one ginian inva- 
 half of the galleys with captains, pilots, and oarsmen cf ^°n^ced,^not 
 their own citizens. For the rest Dionysius hired foreigners, only Sicily, 
 
 •^ 111 "^^ Europe; 
 
 After all the ships and arms were ready and complete, he Atident 
 began to call his soldiers together; for he thought it ad- '"' ' '^^' 
 visable not to hire them long in advance, that he might 
 avoid expense. 
 
 II. The Old Age of Timoleon 
 
 In this fashion the tyrannies were put down by Timo- The libera- 
 leon, and the wars finished. The whole island, which had pieted. 
 become a mere wilderness through the constant wars and piutarch, 
 was gro^\•n hateful to the very natives, under his adminis- Timoleon, 35. 
 tration became so civilized and desirable a country that Greece, 246- 
 
 . . 8; Ancient 
 
 colonists sailed to it from those very places to which its World, 249 f, 
 own citizens had formerly betaken themselves to escape 
 
244 Sicily : the Tyrant and the Liberator 
 
 Bespect for 
 the Libera- 
 tor. 
 
 His private 
 life. 
 
 Plut., Tim., 
 36. 
 
 A passage 
 here omitted 
 speaks of his 
 becoming 
 bUnd. 
 
 His popular- 
 ity and in- 
 fluence. 
 
 Plut., Tim., 
 38. 
 
 from it. For Acragas and Gela, large cities, which after 
 the war with Athens had been destroyed by the Cartha- 
 ginians, were now repeopled. . . . 
 
 While these cities were being reorganized, Timoleon 
 not only afforded them peace and safety, but also gave 
 them great assistance, and showed so keen an interest in 
 them that he was loved and respected by them as their 
 real Founder. All the other cities also looked upon him 
 with the same feelings, so that no peace could be made by 
 them, no laws established, no country divided among 
 settlers, no constitutional changes made that seemed 
 satisfactory, unless he had a hand in them, and arranged 
 them just as an architect, when a building is finished, 
 gives some graceful touches which adorn the whole. . . . 
 
 He lived in a house which the Syracusans had bestowed 
 upon him as a special prize for his successes as general, 
 and also the most beautiful and pleasant country seat, 
 where indeed he spent most of his leisure with his wife and 
 children, whom he had sent for from Corinth. For he 
 never returned to Corinth, nor mixed himself in the 
 troubles of Greece, nor did he expose himself to the hatred 
 of political faction, which is the rock upon which great 
 generals commonly split in their insatiate thirst for honor 
 and power; but he remained in Sicily, enjoying the bless- 
 ings of which he was the author; the greatest of which 
 was to see so many cities, and so many tens of thousands, 
 all made happy and prosperous by his means. . . . 
 
 That he endured his misfortune without repining is not 
 to be wondered at; but one must admire the respect and 
 love shown him when blind by the people of Syracuse. 
 They constantly visited him, and brought with them any 
 strangers that might be staying with them, both to his 
 town and country house, to show them their benefactor, 
 
Timoleon 245 
 
 glorying in the fact that he had chosen to spend his life 
 amongst them, and had scorned the magnificent recep- 
 tion which his exploits would have ensured him had he re- 
 turned to Greece. Of the many important tributes to his 
 worth none was greater than the decree of the Syracusans, 
 that whenever they should be engaged in war with foreign 
 tribes they would have a Corinthian for their general. 
 Great honor was also reflected upon him by their conduct 
 in the public assembly; for though they managed ordinary 
 business by themselves, on the occasion of any important 
 debate they used to call him in. Then he would drive 
 through the market-place into the theatre; and when the 
 carriage in which he sat was brought in, the people would 
 rise and salute him with one voice. Having returned their 
 greeting, and allowed a short time for their cheers and 
 blessings, he would hear the disputed point debated, and 
 then give his opinion. When this had been voted upon, 
 his servants would lead his carriage out of the theatre, 
 while the citizens, cheering and applauding him as he 
 went, proceeded to despatch their other business without 
 him. 
 
 Cherished in his old age with such respect and honor, His death 
 as the common father of his country, Timoleon at length ^^ne?^. ^^ 
 after a slight illness died. Some time was given for the ^^ 
 Syracusans to prepare his funeral, and for neighbors and 
 foreigners to assemble, so that the ceremony was per- 
 formed with great splendor. The bier, magnificently 
 adorned, and carried by young men chosen by lot, passed 
 over the place where the Castle of Dionysius had once 
 been pulled down. The procession was joined by tens of 
 thousands of men and women, whose appearance was 
 gay enough for a festival, for they all wore garlands and 
 white robes. Their lamentations and tears, mingled with 
 
246 Sicily : the Tyrant and the Liberator 
 
 fle is to be 
 worshipped 
 as a hero. 
 
 It was cus- 
 tomary thus 
 to worship 
 the founder 
 of a city. 
 
 their praises of the deceased, showed that they were not 
 performing this ceremony as a matter of mere outward 
 respect and compKance with a decree, but that they ex- 
 pressed real sorrow and loving gratitude. At last, when 
 the body was placed upon the pyre, Demetrius, the loudest- 
 voiced of the heralds at that time, read aloud the follow- 
 ing decree: 
 
 "The Syracusan people solemnise, at the cost of two 
 hundred minae, the funeral of this man, the Corinthian 
 Timoleon, son of Timodemus. They have passed a vote 
 to honor him for all future time with festival matches in 
 music, horse and chariot races, and gymnastics, because 
 after having put down the despots, subdued the foreign 
 enemy, and recolonized the greatest among the ruined 
 cities, he restored to the Sicilian Greeks their constitution 
 and laws." 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. From this selection what preparations seem to have been 
 necessary for any great war? What did Dionysius have that had 
 never been used before? How could old ships be refitted? How did 
 the Syracusans show their zeal for the war? How can you account 
 for this feeling and for the popularity of Dionysius? What was at 
 stake in the war? When did the writer of this selection live and from 
 what source did he draw his information? 
 
 2. Why was Timoleon so highly honored? Enumerate the kinds of 
 work in which he had a hand after the establishment of peace. How 
 did they repay him for his services? What do you infer as to his 
 character? 
 
CHAPTER XXII 
 
 THE SUPREMACY OF SPARTA 
 
 I. The Fall of the Thirty 
 
 Presently Thrasybulus with about seventy followers The patriots 
 
 at Phvle 
 sallied out from Thebes, and made himself master of the 
 
 fortress of Phyle. The weather was brilliant, and the Xenophon, 
 
 Thirty marched out of the city to repel the invader; with ii/4!"''^''' 
 
 them were the Three Thousand and the Knights. When 
 
 they reached the place, some of the young men, in the Greece, 251- 
 
 r 11 ,• r 1 1 , , , r , 6; Ancient 
 
 looihardmess of youth, made a dash at the fortress, but World, 253. 
 
 without effect; all they got was wounds and so retired. 
 
 The intention of the Thirty now was to blockade the These pa- 
 
 , rr II 1 triots had 
 
 place; by shuttmg off all the avenues of supply they been exiled 
 thought to force the garrison to capitulate. But this Thirty, and 
 project was interrupted by a steady downfall of snow that ^y^ ^°^, 
 
 '^ •> . returning by 
 
 night and the following day. Baffled by this all-pervading force. 
 
 enemy, they beat a retreat to the city but not without the 
 
 sacrifice of many of their camp followers, who fell a prey 
 
 to the men in Phyle. The next anxiety of the government 
 
 in Athens was to secure the farms and country houses 
 
 against the plunderings and forays to which they would 
 
 be exposed, if there were no armed force to protect them. 
 
 With this object a protecting force was despatched to the 
 
 "boundary estates" about two miles this side of Phyle, 
 
 This corps consisted of the Lacedemonian guards, or The Thirty 
 
 ... had received 
 
 nearly all of them, and two divisions of horse. They en- from Sparta 
 
 camped in a wild and broken district, and the round of guardlfor 
 
 their duties commenced. protection. 
 
 247 
 
248 
 
 The Supremacy of Sparta 
 
 The patriots 
 attack the 
 camp of the 
 enemy. 
 
 Hoplites are 
 heavy-armed 
 'infantry. 
 
 The patriots 
 occupy Pei- 
 raeus. 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 193. 
 
 But by this time the small garrison above them had 
 increased tenfold, until there were now about seven 
 hundred men collected in Phyle; and with this force 
 Thrasybulus one night descended. When he was not quite 
 half a mile from the enemy's encampment he grounded 
 arms, and a deep silence was maintained until it drew 
 toward day. In a little while the men opposite, one by 
 one, were getting to their legs or leaving the camp for 
 necessary purposes, while a suppressed din and murmur 
 arose, caused by the grooms currying and combing their 
 horses. This was the moment for Thrasybulus and his 
 men to snatch up their arms and make a dash at the 
 enemy's position. Some they felled on the spot; and 
 routing the whole body, pursued them six or seven stadia, 
 killing one hundred and twenty hoplites and more. Of 
 the cavalry, Nicostratus, "the beautiful," as men called 
 him, and two others besides were slain; they were caught 
 while still in their beds. Returning from the pursuit, the 
 victors set up a trophy, got together all the arms they had 
 taken, besides baggage, and retired again to Phyle. A 
 reinforcement of horse sent from the city could not dis- 
 cover the vestige of a foe, but waited on the scene of 
 battle until the bodies of the slain had been picked up by 
 their relatives, whereupon they withdrew again to the 
 city. . . . 
 
 But now Thrasybulus at the head of his followers, by 
 this time about one thousand strong, descended from 
 Phyle and reached Peirasus in the night. The Thirty, on 
 their side, informed of this new move, were not slow to 
 come to the rescue with the Laconian guards, supported 
 by their own cavalry and hoplites. And so they ad- 
 vanced, marching down along the broad carriage road 
 which leads into Peiraeus. The men from Phyle seemed 
 
The Battle in Peir^us 
 
 249 
 
 at first inclined to dispute their passage, but as the wide 
 circuit of the walls needed a defence beyond the reach of 
 their still scanty numbers, they fell back in a compact 
 body upon Munychia. Then the troops from the city 
 poured into the market-place of Hippodamus. Here they 
 formed in line, stretching along and filling the street 
 which leads to the temple of Artemis and the Bendideum. 
 This line must have been at least fifty shields deep; and 
 in this formation they at once began to march up. As to 
 the men of Phyle, they too blocked the street at the op- 
 posite end, and faced the foe. They presented only a 
 thin line not more than ten deep, though behind them 
 were ranged a body of targeteers and light-armed, javelin 
 throwers, who were again supported by an artillery of 
 stone-slingers — a tolerably numerous division drawn from 
 the population of the port and district itself. While his 
 antagonists were still advancing, Thrasybulus gave the 
 order to ground their heavy shields; and having done so 
 himself, whilst retaining the rest of his arms, he stood in 
 the midst, and thus addressed them: 
 
 "Men and fellow-citizens, I wish to inform some of you, 
 and to remind others that of the force you see advancing 
 beneath us there, the right division are the very men we 
 routed and pursued only five days ago; while on the ex- 
 treme left there you see the Thirty. These are the men 
 who have not spared to rob us of our city, though we did 
 no wrong; who have hounded us from our homes; who 
 have set the seal of proscription on our dearest friends. 
 But to-day the wheel of fortune has revolved; that has 
 come about which least of all they looked for, which most 
 of all we prayed for. Here we stand with our good swords 
 in our hands, face to face with our foes; and the gods 
 themselves are with us, seeing that we are arrested in the 
 
 Munychia, a 
 hill, the cita- 
 del of 
 Peirasus; 
 Hippodamus, 
 the civil en- 
 gineer, who 
 had planned 
 the city; Ben- 
 dideum, a 
 shrine to a 
 Thracian 
 goddess. 
 
 The battle in 
 Peirseus. 
 
 Address of 
 Thrasyb- 
 ulus. 
 
250 The Supremacy of Sparta 
 
 midst of our peaceful pursuits; at any moment, whilst we 
 supped or slept or marketed, sentence of banishment was 
 passed upon us. We had done no wrong, — nay, many of 
 us were not even resident in the country. To-day there- 
 fore, I repeat, the gods do visibly fight upon our side; the 
 great gods, who raise a tempest even in the midst of calm, 
 for our benefit, and when we lay our hand to fight, enable 
 our little company to set up the trophy of victory over 
 the multitude of our foes. On this day they have brought 
 us hither to a place where the steep ascent must needs 
 hinder our foes from reaching with lance or arrow further 
 than our foremost ranks; but we with our volley of spears 
 and arrows and stones cannot fail to reach them with 
 terrible effect. Had we been forced to meet them van- 
 guard to vanguard on an equal footing, who could have 
 been surprised? But as it is, all I say to you is, let fly 
 your missiles with a will in right brave style. No one can 
 miss his mark when the road is full of them. To avoid our 
 darts they must forever be ducking and skulking beneath 
 their shields; but we will rain blows upon them in their 
 blindness; we will leap upon them and lay them low. 
 But, O sirs! let me call upon you so to bear yourselves 
 that each shall be conscious to himself that the victory 
 
 What victory was won by him and by him alone. Victory which, God 
 will bring us. -n- i n i • i 
 
 willing, shall this day restore to us the land of our fathers, 
 
 our homes, our freedom, and the rewards of civic life, our 
 
 children, if children we have, our darlings, our wives! 
 
 Thrice happy those among us who as conquerors shall 
 
 look upon this gladdest of all days. Nor less fortunate 
 
 the man who falls to-day. Not all the wealth in the 
 
 world shall purchase him a monument so glorious. At the 
 
 right instant I will strike the keynote of the paean; then 
 
 with an invocation to the God of battle, and in return for 
 
Results of the Battle 
 
 251 
 
 the wanton insults they put upon us, let us with one 
 accord wreak vengeance on yonder men." 
 
 Having so spoken, he turned round, facing the foemen, The battle, 
 and kept quiet; for the order passed by the soothsayer 
 enjoined on them not to charge before one of their side 
 was slain or wounded. "As soon as that happens," said 
 the seer, "we will lead you onwards, and the victory shall 
 be yours; but for myself, if I err not, death is waiting." 
 And herein he spoke truly, for they had barely resumed 
 their arms when he himself, as though he were driven by 
 some fatal hand, leapt out in front of the ranks, and so 
 springing into the midst of the foe, was slain, and lies now 
 buried at the passage of the Cephissus. But the rest were 
 victorious, and pursued the routed enemy down to the 
 level ground. There fell in this engagement, from the 
 number of the Thirty, Critias himself and Hippomachus, 
 and with them Charmides, the son of Glaucon, one of the 
 ten archons in Peirasus, and of the rest about seventy men. 
 The arms of the slain were taken; but as fellow-citizens, 
 the conquerors forebore to despoil them of their coats. 
 
 II. Retreat of the Ten Thousand Through the 
 Snows of Armenia 
 
 From this point they marched three desert stages — 
 fifteen parasangs — to the river Euphrates, and crossed it 
 in water up to the waist. The sources of the river were 
 reported to be at no great distance. From this place the}' 
 marched through deep snow over a fiat country three 
 stages — fifteen parasangs. The last of these marches was 
 trying, with the north wind blowing in their teeth, drying 
 up everything and benumbing the men. Here one of the 
 seers suggested to them to do sacrifice to Boreas, and 
 sacrifice was done. The effect was obvious to all in the 
 
 A march in 
 the storm. 
 
 Xenophon, 
 Anabasis, 
 iv. 5. 
 
 Ancient 
 World. 253 
 ff.; Greece, 
 261 f. 
 
 A parasang, 
 Persian 
 measure of 
 distance, 
 was a little 
 
252 
 
 The Supremacy of Sparta 
 
 more than 
 three miles; 
 Boreas, god 
 of the north 
 wind. 
 
 They camp 
 in the snow. 
 
 Hunger- 
 faintness. 
 
 Freezing to 
 death. 
 
 diminished fierceness of the blast. But there were six 
 feet of snow, so that many of the baggage animals and 
 slaves were lost, and about thirty of the men themselves. 
 
 They spent the whole night in kindling fire; for there 
 was fortunately no dearth of wood at the halting-place; 
 only those who came late into camp had no wood. Ac- 
 cordingly those who had arrived a good while and had 
 kindled fires were not for allowing these late-comers near 
 their fires, unless they would in return give a share of their 
 corn or of any other victuals they might have. Here then 
 a general exchange of goods was set up. Where the fire 
 was kindled the snow melted, and great trenches formed 
 themselves down to the bare earth, and here it was possi- 
 ble to measure the depth of the snow. 
 
 Leaving these quarters, they marched the whole of the 
 next day over snow, and many of the men were afflicted 
 with hunger-faintness. Xenophon, who was guarding the 
 rear, came upon some men who had dropt down, and he 
 did not know what ailed them; but some one who was 
 experienced in such matters suggested to him that they 
 were evidently faint; and if they got something to eat, 
 they would revive. Then he went the round of the bag- 
 gage train, and laying an embargo on any eatables he 
 could see, doled it out with his own hands, or sent off 
 other able-bodied agents to distribute it to the sufferers, 
 who as soon as they had taken a mouthful got on their 
 legs again and continued the march. . . . 
 
 On the heels of the army hung perpetually bands of the 
 enemy, snatching away disabled baggage animals and fight- 
 ing with each other over the carcases. And in its track 
 not seldom were left tb their fate disabled soldiers, struck 
 down with snow-blindness or with toes mortified by frost- 
 bite. As to the eyes, it was some alleviation against the 
 
A Discouraging Situation 253 
 
 snow to march with something black before them; for the 
 feet, the only remedy was to keep in motion without 
 stopping for an instant, and to loose the sandal at night. 
 If they went to sleep with the sandals on, the thong 
 worked into the feet and the sandals were frozen fast to 
 them. This was partly due to the fact that, since their 
 old sandals had failed, they wore untanned brogues made 
 of newly flayed ox-hides. It was owing to some such dire 
 necessity that a party of men fell out and were left behind, 
 and seeing a black-looking patch of ground where the 
 snow had evidently disappeared, they conjectured it 
 must have been melted; and this was actually so, owing 
 to a spring of some sort which was to be seen steaming up 
 in a dell close by. To this they had turned aside and sat Some give 
 down and were loth to go a step further. But Xenophon spair. 
 with his rearguard perceived them, and begged and im- 
 plored them by all manner of means not to remain behind, 
 telling them that the enemy were after them in large 
 packs pursuing; and he ended by growing angry. They 
 merely bade him put a knife to their throats; not one step 
 further would they stir. Then it seemed best to frighten 
 the pursuing enemy if possible, and to prevent their falling 
 upon the invalids. It was already dusk, and the pursuers 
 were advancing with much noise and hubbub, wrangling 
 and disputing over their spoils. Then all of a sudden the 
 rearguard, in the plenitude of health and strength, sprang 
 up out of their lair and ran upon the enemy, whilst those 
 weary wights bawled out as loud as their sick throats could 
 sound, and dashed their spears against their shields ; and the 
 enemy in terror hurled themselves through the snow into 
 the dell, and not one of them ever uttered a sound again. 
 Xenophon and his party, telling the sick folk that next 
 day people would come for them, set oflf and before they 
 
254 
 
 The Supremacy of Sparta 
 
 Unable to 
 
 march 
 
 farther. 
 
 They reach 
 some vil- 
 lages. 
 
 Cheirisophus, 
 one of the 
 commanders, 
 a Spartan. 
 
 The villagers 
 and their 
 dwellings. 
 
 had gone half a mile, they fell in with some soldiers who 
 had laid down to rest on the snow with their cloaks 
 wrapped round them; but never a guard was established, 
 and they made them get up. Their explanation was that 
 those in front would not move on. Passing by this group, 
 he sent forward the strongest of his light infantry in ad- 
 vance with orders to find out what the stoppage was. 
 They reported that the whole army lay reposing in the 
 same fashion. That being so, Xenophon's men had noth- 
 ing for it but to bivouac in the open air also, without fire 
 and supperless, merely posting what pickets they could 
 under the circumstances. But as soon as it drew toward 
 day, Xenophon despatched the youngest of his men to the 
 sick folk behind, with orders to make them get up and 
 to force them to proceed. Meanwhile Cheirisophus had 
 sent some of his men quartered in the village to inquire 
 how they fared in the rear; they were overjoyed to see 
 them, and handed over the sick folk to them to carry into 
 camp, while they themselves continued their march for- 
 ward, and ere twenty stadia were past, reached the vil- 
 lage in which Cheirisophus was quartered. As soon as 
 the two divisions were met, the resolution was come to 
 that it would be safe to billet the regiments throughout 
 the villages; Cheirisophus remained where he was, while 
 the rest drew lots for the villages in sight, and then, with 
 their several detachments, marched off to their respective 
 destinations. 
 
 It was here that Polycrates, an Athenian and captain 
 of a company, asked for leave of absence. He wished to 
 be off on a quest of his own; and putting himself at the 
 head of the active men of the division, he ran to the vil- 
 lage which had been allotted to Xenophon. He surprised 
 within it the villagers with their headman, and seventeen 
 
A Strange Village 255 
 
 young horses which were being reared as a tribute for the 
 king, and last of all the headman's own daughter, a young 
 bride only eight days wed. Her husband had gone off to 
 chase hares, and so he escaped being taken with the other 
 villagers. The houses were underground structures with 
 an aperture like the mouth of a well by which to enter; 
 but they were broad and spacious below. The entrance 
 for the beasts of burden was dug out, but the human 
 occupants descended by a ladder. In these dwellings 
 were to be found goats and sheep and cattle, and cocks 
 and hens, with their various progeny. The flocks and herds 
 were all reared under cover upon green food. There were 
 stores within of wheat and barley and vegetables, and 
 wine made from barley in great bowls; the grains of barley 
 malt lay floating in the beverage up to the lip of the v-essel, 
 and reeds lay in them, some longer some shorter without 
 joints; when you were thirsty you had to take one of these 
 into your mouth and suck. The beverage without ad- 
 mixture of water was very strong, and of a delicious flavor 
 to certain palates, but the taste must be acquired. 
 
 Xenophon made the headman of the village his guest 
 at supper, and bade him keep a good heart; so far from 
 robbing him of his children, they would fill his house full 
 of good things in return for what they took before they 
 went away; only he must set them an example, and dis- 
 cover some blessing or other for the army, until they found 
 themselves with another tribe. To this he readily as- 
 sented, and with the utmost cordiality showed them the 
 cellar where the wine was buried. For this night then, 
 having taken up their several quarters as described, they 
 slumbered in the midst of plenty, one and all, with the 
 headman under watch and ward, and his children with 
 him safe in sight. 
 
256 
 
 The Supremacy of Sparta 
 
 The climax 
 of Sparta's 
 power, 379 
 B.C. 
 
 Xenophon, 
 
 Hellenica, 
 V. 3. 
 
 The guilty 
 cannot es- 
 cape punish- 
 ment. 
 
 76. 4- 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 257; 
 Greece, 268 f. 
 
 III. The Violence of Sparta 
 
 On every side the affairs of Lacedemon had signally 
 prospered: Thebes and the rest of the Boeotian states lay 
 absolutely at her feet; Corinth had become her most 
 faithful ally; Argos . . . was humbled to the dust; 
 Athens was isolated; and lastly, those of her own allies 
 who displayed a hostile feeling toward her had been 
 punished; so that, to all outward appearance, the founda- 
 tions of her empire were at length absolutely well and 
 firmly laid. 
 
 Abundant examples might be found alike in Hellenic 
 and in foreign history, to prove that the Divine powers 
 mark what is done amiss, winking neither at impiety nor 
 at the commission of unhallowed acts; but at present I 
 confine myself to the facts before me. The Lacedemonians, 
 who had pledged themselves by oath to leave the states 
 independent, had laid violent hands on the acropolis of 
 Thebes, and were eventually punished by the victims of 
 that iniquity single-handed, — the Lacedemonians, be it 
 noted, who had never before been mastered by living man. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 I. Where was Phyle and who was Thrasybulus {Ancient World, 
 253)? Who were the Thirty, and why did they attack the patriots at 
 Phyle? What may we learn of camp life from this passage? Where 
 was Peiraeus? How was it connected with Athens? How did Thrasyb- 
 ulus arrange his forces for battle? What was the advantage of their 
 position? From his speech what may we learn as to the ruling party 
 at Athens and the exiles respectively? What part did he think the 
 gods had taken in the conflict thus far? What motives to bravery 
 had his men? What part had the soothsayer in the proceedings? 
 How were the military movements influenced by religion? Who was 
 the author of this selection, and when did he live relatively to the 
 events narrated? What is the rehability of the story? 
 
Studies 257 
 
 2. Who were the Ten Thousand? How did they mitigate the north 
 wind? What were their other difficulties? Who tells this story? 
 What part had he in the retreat? What had he to do to keep the 
 army moving? Describe the villages and their inhabitants. Why 
 did they hve underground? What was their favorite beverage? How 
 were they treated by the Greeks? From this selection what do you 
 infer as to the character of these Greek mercenaries? 
 
 3. What was the condition of Greece and of Sparta in 379? What 
 was Xenophon's idea of Providence in human affairs? From all these 
 selections from Xenophon what may we infer as his religious beliefs? 
 
CHAPTER XXIII 
 
 THEBES ATTEMPTS TO GAIN THE SUPREMACY 
 
 Family and 
 education. 
 
 Nepos, 
 Epaminon- 
 das, I f. 
 
 Greece, 275- 
 8;; Ancient 
 World, 260- 
 67. 
 
 On Pythag- 
 oras; An- 
 cient World, 
 155- 
 
 I. Epaminondas 
 
 Epaminondas was the son of Polumnis, and was born 
 at Thebes. . . . He was of an honorable family, though 
 left poor by his ancestors; but he was so well-educated 
 that no Theban was more so; for he was taught to play 
 upon the harp, and to sing to the sound of its strings, by 
 Dionysius, who was held in no less honor among musicians 
 than Damon or Lamprus, whose names are well known; 
 to play on the flutes by Olympiodorus; and to dance by 
 Calliphron. For his instructor in philosophy he had Lysis 
 of Tarentum, a Pythagorean, to whom he was so devoted 
 that, young as he was, he preferred the society of a grave 
 and austere old man before that of all those of his own 
 age; nor did he part with him until he so far excelled his 
 fellow students in learning, that it might easily be per- 
 ceived he would in like manner excel them all in other 
 pursuits. These acquirements according to our habits are 
 trifling, and rather to be despised; but in Greece, at least 
 in former times, they were a great subject for praise. 
 After he grew up, and began to apply himself to gym- 
 nastic exercises, he studied not so much to increase his 
 strength as the agility of his body; for he thought that 
 strength suited the purpose of wrestlers, but that agility 
 conduced to excellence in war. He used to exercise him- 
 self very much, therefore, in running and wrestling, as 
 
 9S^ 
 
Character of Epaminondas 259 
 
 long as he could grapple with his adversary and contend 
 standing. But he spent most of his labor on martial 
 exercises. 
 
 To the strength of body thus acquired, were added many His moral 
 
 clifl.rs.ct6r 
 
 good qualities of the mind; for he was modest, prudent, 
 grave, wisely availing himself of opportunities, skilled in ^^' ^' ^' 
 war, brave in action, and possessed of remarkable courage. 
 He was so great a lover of truth that he would not tell a 
 falsehood even in jest; he was also master of his passions, 
 gentle in disposition, and patient to a wonderful degree, 
 submitting to wrong not only from the people, but from 
 his own friends; he was a remarkable keeper of secrets, a 
 quality which is sometimes not less serviceable than elo- 
 quence; and he was an attentive listener to others, be- 
 cause he thought that by this means knowledge was most 
 easily acquired. Whenever he came into a company, 
 therefore, in which a discussion was going on concerning 
 government, or a conversation was being held on any 
 point in philosophy, he never went away till the discourse 
 was brought to its conclusion. He bore poverty so easily 
 that he received nothing from the state but glory. He 
 did not avail himself of the means of his friends to main- 
 tain himself; but he often used his credit to relieve others, 
 to such a degree that it might be thought all things were 
 in common between him and his friends; .... 
 
 He was of a patient disposition, and ready to endure His patience 
 wrongs from his countrymen, because he thought it a miiity. 
 species of impiety to show resentment towards his coun- jj ^ 
 try. There are the following proofs. When the Thebans 
 from some feeling of displeasure towards him refused to 
 place him at the head of the army, a leader was chosen 
 who was ignorant of war, by whose mismanagement a 
 great multitude of soldiers was brought to such a condi- 
 
26o Thebes Attempts to Gain Supremacy 
 
 He violates 
 the law to 
 win a vic- 
 tory. 
 
 He defends 
 his conduct. 
 
 Nep. Ep. 8. 
 
 tion that all were alarmed for their safety. They were con- 
 fined within a narrow space and blocked up by the enemy, 
 whereupon the energy of Epaminondas began to be in re- 
 quest, for he was there as a private among the soldiers. 
 When they desired aid from him, he showed no recollec- 
 tion of the affront that had been put upon him, but 
 brought the army safely home after releasing it from the 
 blockade. Nor did he act in this manner once only but 
 often. 
 
 The most remarkable instance was when he had led an 
 army into the Peloponnesus against the Lacedemonians, 
 and had two joined in command with him, of whom one 
 was Pelopidas, a man of valor and activity. On this oc- 
 casion, when through the accusations of their enemies 
 they had all fallen under the displeasure of their country- 
 men, and their commission was in consequence taken from 
 them and other commanders came to take their places, 
 Epaminondas did not obey the order of the people, and 
 persuaded his colleagues to follow his example, continuing 
 to prosecute the war which he had undertaken; for he saw 
 that unless he did so, the whole army would be lost 
 through the incautiousness and ignorance of its leaders. 
 But there was a law at Thebes, which punished anyone 
 with death who retained his command longer than he was 
 legally appointed. Epaminondas, however, as he saw that 
 this law had been made for the purpose of preserving the 
 state, was unwilling to make it contribute to its ruin, and 
 continued to exercise his command four months longer 
 than the people had prescribed. 
 
 When they returned home, his colleagues were im- 
 peached for this offence, and he gave them leave to lay all 
 the blame upon him, and to maintain that it was through 
 his means that they did not obey the law. As they were 
 
On Trial for Life 261 
 
 freed from danger by this defence, nobody thought Epa- 
 minondas would make any reply, because it was supposed 
 he would have nothing to say. But he stood forth on the 
 trial, denied nothing of what his adversaries laid to his 
 charge, and admitted the truth of all that his colleagues 
 had stated; nor did he refuse to submit to the penalty of 
 the law; but he requested of his countrymen one favor, 
 namely, that they would write the following in their ju- 
 dicial record of the sentence passed upon him: "Epaminon- 
 das was punished by the Thebans with death, because he 
 obliged them to overthrow the Lacedemonians at Leuctra, Ancient 
 
 r 1 -n • 1 World, 260 {. 
 
 whom, before he was general, none of the Boeotians durst 
 look upon in the field, and because he not only by one 
 battle rescued Thebes from destruction, but also secured 
 liberty for all Greece, and brought the power of both 
 people to such a condition that the Thebans attacked 
 Sparta, and the Lacedemonians were content if they could 
 save their lives; nor did he cease to prosecute the war till 
 after settling Messene, he shut up Sparta with a close 
 siege." When he had said this, there burst forth a laugh 
 from all present, with much merriment, and no one of the 
 judges ventured to pass sentence upon him. Thus he 
 came off from this trial for life with the greatest glory. 
 
 II. The Battle of Mantinea 
 
 Far more wonderful to my mind was the pitch of per- High spirit 
 
 fection to which he had brought his army. There was no soldiers of 
 
 labor which his troops would shrink from, either by night das.™^°°°' 
 or by day; there was no danger they would flinch from; 
 
 and with the scantiest provisions, their discipline never Xenophon, 
 
 Eellenica, 
 
 failed them. vii. 5. 
 
 And so, when he gave his last orders to them to prepare 
 for impending battle, they obeyed with alacrity. He gave 
 
262 Thebes Attempts to Gain Supremacy 
 
 The club of 
 
 Heracles was 
 the Theban 
 coat of arms. 
 
 the enemy. 
 
 the word; the cavalry fell to whitening their helmets, the 
 heavy infantry of the Arcadians began inscribing clubs as 
 the crest on their shields, as though they were Thebans, 
 and all were engaged in sharpening their lances and swords 
 and polishing their heavy shields. When the preparations 
 were complete and he had led them out, his next move- 
 ment is worthy of attention. First, as was natural, he 
 paid heed to their formation, and in so doing seemed to 
 give clear evidence that he intended battle; but no sooner 
 was the army drawn up in the formation which he pre- 
 ferred than he advanced, not by the shortest route to meet 
 the enemy, but toward the westward-lying mountains 
 which face Tegea, and by this movement created in the 
 enemy an expectation that he would not do battle on that 
 He deceives day. In keeping with this expectation, as soon as he 
 arrived at the mountain-region, he extended his phalanx 
 in long line and piled arms under the high cliffs; and to all 
 appearance he was there encamping. The effect of this 
 manoeuvre on the enemy in general was to relax the pre- 
 pared bent of their souls for battle, and to weaken their 
 tactical arrangements. Presently, however, wheeling his 
 regiments, which were marching in column, to the front, 
 with the effect of strengthening the beak-like attack 
 which he proposed to lead himself, at the same instant he 
 gave the order, "Shoulder arms, forward," and led the 
 way, the troops following. 
 
 When the enemy saw them so unexpectedly approach- 
 ing, not one of them was able to maintain tranquillity. 
 Some began running to their divisions, some fell into line, 
 some might be seen bitting and bridUng their horses, some 
 donning their cuirasses, and one and all were hke men 
 about to receive rather than to inflict a blow. Meanwhile 
 he with steady impetus pushed forward his armament, 
 
 His tactics. 
 
Victory and Death 263 
 
 like a ship-of-war prow forward. Wherever he brought 
 his solid wedge to bear, he meant to cleave through the 
 opposing mass and crumble his adversary's host to pieces. 
 With this design he prepared to throw the brunt of the 
 fighting on the strongest half of his army, while he kept 
 the weaker portion of it in the background, knowing cer- 
 tainly that if worsted it would only cause discouragement 
 to his own division and add force to the foe. The cavalry 
 on the side of his opponents were disposed like an ordinary 
 phalanx of heavy infantry, regular in depth and unsup- 
 ported by foot-soldiers interspersed among the horses. 
 Epaminondas again differed in strengthening the attack- 
 ing point of his cavalry, besides which he interspersed 
 footmen between their lines in the belief that, when he had 
 once cut through the cavalry, he would have wrested 
 victory from the antagonist along his whole line; so hard 
 is it to find troops who will care to keep their ground when 
 once they see any of their own side flying. Lastly, to 
 prevent any attempt on the part of the Athenians, who 
 were on the enemy's left wng, to bring up their reliefs in 
 support of the portion next them, he posted bodies of 
 cavalry and heavy infantry on certain hillocks in front of 
 them, intending to create in their minds an apprehension 
 that, in case they offered such assistance, they would be 
 attacked on their own rear by these detachments. Such 
 was the plan of encounter which he formed and executed; 
 nor was he cheated in his hopes. He had so much the At this point 
 
 he was mor- 
 
 mastery at his point of attack that he caused the whole of tally 
 the enemy's troops to take to flight. 
 
 But after he himself had fallen, the rest of the Thebans Effect of his 
 
 death, 
 were not able any longer to turn their victory rightly to 
 
 account. Though the main battle Hne of their opponents 
 
 had given way, not a single man afterward did the victori- 
 
264 Thebes Attempts to Gain Supremacy 
 
 Results of 
 the battle. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 266 f. 
 
 i 
 
 ous hoplites slay, not an inch forward did they advance 
 from the ground on which the collision took place. Al- 
 though the cavalry had fled before them, there was no 
 pursuit; not a man, horseman or hoplite, did the conquer- 
 ing cavalry cut down; but like men who have suffered a 
 defeat, as if panic-stricken they slipped back through the 
 ranks of the fleeing foemen. Only the footmen fighting 
 amongst the cavalry and the light infantry, who had 
 together shared the victory of the cavalry, found their 
 way round to the left wing as masters of the field, but it 
 cost them dear; here they encountered the Athenians, and 
 most of them were cut down. 
 
 The effective result of these achievements was the very 
 opposite of that which the world at large anticipated. 
 Here, where well-nigh the whole of Hellas was met to- 
 gether in one field, and the combatants stood rank against 
 rank confronted, there was no one who doubted that, in 
 the event of battle, the conquerors this day would rule; 
 and that those who lost would be their subjects. But 
 God so ordered it that both belligerents alike set up 
 trophies as claiming victory, and neither interfered with 
 the other in the act. Both parties alike gave back their 
 enemy's dead under a truce, and in right of victory; both 
 alike, in symbol of defeat, under a truce took back their 
 dead. And though both claimed to have won the day, 
 neither could show that thereby he had gained any ac- 
 cession of territory, or state, or empire, or was better 
 situated than before the battle. Uncertainty and confu- 
 sion, indeed, had gained ground, being tenfold greater 
 throughout the length and breath of Hellas after the battle 
 than before. 
 
Review 265 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Describe the education of Epaminondas in music and philos- 
 ophy. When Nepos speaks of "our habits," to whom does he refer? 
 Who was he, and when did he Uve? How did Epaminondas prepare 
 himself for miUtaryhfe? Describe his character. How did he justify 
 his violation of law? Was he right or wrong? 
 
 2. How may we account for the enthusiasm of his troops on the 
 eve of battle? What preparations did they make for battle? How 
 did he deceive the enemy? Describe his tactics in the battle. In 
 what respects were his arrangements superior to those of the enemy? 
 What was the effect of his death? What were the effects of this 
 battle on Hellas? With what feeling for the future does Xenophon 
 close this narrative? 
 
^ 
 
 !ii'l 
 
 n ' \ 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV 
 
 RISE OF MACEDON 
 
 I. Philip threatens Greece 
 
 The Greeks That Philip from a mean and humble origin has grown 
 are respon- • i i i /-, , o o 
 
 sible for mighty, that the Greeks are jealous and quarrelling among 
 
 cesV.^ ^ ^^^' themselves, that it was far more wonderful for him to rise 
 
 from that insignificance than it would be now, after so 
 
 many acquisitions, to conquer what is left; these and 
 
 similar matters, which I might dwell upon, I pass over. 
 
 'ru^Tph'^^^' -^"^^ -^ observe that all people, beginning with you, have 
 
 lippk. conceded to him a right, which in former times has been 
 
 Greece, 2^-]^.; the subject of contcst in every Grecian war. And what 
 
 Ancient . , . r i • 
 
 World, 271 f. IS this? ihe right of doing as he pleases, openly fleecing 
 and pillaging the Greeks, one after another, attacking and 
 enslaving their cities. You were at the head of the Greeks 
 for seventy-three years, the Lacedaemonians for twenty- 
 nine; and the Thebans had some power in these latter 
 times after the battle of Leuctra. Yet neither you, my 
 countrymen, nor Thebans nor Lacedaemonians, were ever 
 licensed by the Greeks to act as you pleased; far other- 
 wise. When you or rather the Athenians of that time 
 appeared to be dealing harshly with certain people, all 
 the rest even such as had no complaint against Athens, 
 thought proper to side with the injured parties in a war 
 against her. So, when the Lacedaemonians became mas- 
 ters and succeeded to your empire, on their attempting to 
 encroach and make oppressive innovations, a general war 
 
 266 
 
Philip's Aggressions 
 
 267 
 
 was declared against them, even by such as had no cause 
 of complaint. . . . 
 
 Yet all the faults committed by the Spartans in those 
 thirty years, and by our ancestors in the seventy, are less, 
 men of Athens, than the wrongs, which in the thirteen in- 
 complete years that PhiUp has been uppermost, he has 
 inflicted on the Greeks; nay they are scarcely a fraction of 
 these, as may easily be shown in a few words. Olynthus 
 and Methone and ApoUonia, and thirty-two cities on the 
 borders of Thrace, I pass over; all which he has so cruelly 
 destroyed, that a visitor could hardly tell if they were ever 
 inhabited; and of the Phocians, so considerable a people 
 exterminated, I say nothing. But what is the condition of 
 Thessaly? Has he not taken away her constitutions, and 
 her cities, and established tetrarchies, to parcel her out, 
 not only by cities, but also by provinces, for subjection? 
 Are not the Euboean states governed now by despots, and 
 that, too, in an island near to Thebes and Athens? Does he 
 not expressly write in his epistles, " I am at peace with those 
 who are willing to obey me"? Nor does he write so and 
 not act accordingly. He has gone to the Hellespont; he 
 marched formerly against Ambracia; Elis, such an im- 
 portant city in Peloponnesus, he possesses; he plotted 
 lately to get Megara; neither Hellenic nor Barbaric land 
 contains the man's ambition. 
 
 And we the Greek community, seeing and hearing this, 
 instead of sending embassies to one another about it and 
 expressing indignation, are in such a miserable state, so 
 intrenched in our separate towns, that to this day we can 
 attempt nothing that interest or necessity requires; we 
 cannot combine, or form any association for succor and 
 alHance; we look unconcernedly on the man's growing 
 power, each resolving, methinks, to enjoy the interval that 
 
 Philip has 
 wronged 
 Greece more 
 than have 
 all her other 
 leaders and 
 rulers to- 
 gether. 
 
 The Greeks 
 ought to 
 combine 
 against him. 
 
268 Rise of Macedon 
 
 another is destroyed in, not caring or striving for the 
 salvation of Greece; for none can be ignorant that Philip, 
 like some course or attack of fever or other disease, is com- 
 ing even on those that yet seem very far removed. And 
 you must be sensible, that whatever wrongs the Greeks 
 sustained from Lacedaemonians or from us, were at least in- 
 flicted by genuine people of Greece; and it might be felt in 
 the same manner as if a lawful son, born to a large fortune, 
 committed some fault or error in the management of it; on 
 that ground one would consider him open to censure and 
 reproach, yet it could not be said that he was an alien, 
 and not heir to the property which he so dealt with. But 
 if a slave or spurious child wasted and spoiled what he 
 had no interest in — Heavens ! how much more heinous and 
 hateful would all have pronounced it! And yet in regard 
 to Philip and his conduct thty feel not this, although he is 
 not only no Greek and noway akin to Greeks, but not even 
 a barbarian of a place honorable to mention; in fact a vile 
 fellow of Macedon, from which a respectable slave could 
 not formerly be purchased. . . . 
 
 The heritage First let US prepare for our own defence; provide our- 
 
 of Athens is , ^ .... , r 
 
 to lead in selves, 1 mean, with ships, money, and troops — for surely, 
 
 though all other people consented to be slaves, we at least 
 ought to struggle for freedom. When we have completed 
 our own preparations and made them apparent to the 
 Greeks, then let us invite the rest, and send our ambassa- 
 dors everywhere with the intelligence, to Peloponnesus, 
 to Rhodes, to Chios, to the king I say; for it concerns 
 his interests, not to let Philip make universal conquest. 
 Thus if you prevail, you will have partners of your 
 dangers and expenses, in case of necessity, or at all 
 events you will delay the operations. For since the war is 
 against an individual, not against the collected power of a 
 
 freedom's 
 cause. 
 
The Advice of Demosthenes 269 
 
 state, even this may be useful; as were the embassies last 
 year to Peloponnesus, and the remonstrances with which 
 I and Polyeuctus, that excellent man, and Hegesippus 
 and Clitomachus and Lycurgus and the other envoys went 
 around, and arrested Philip's progress; so that he neither 
 attacked Ambracia nor started for Peloponnesus. I say 
 not however that you should invite the rest without 
 adopting measures to protect yourselves; it would be folly, 
 while you sacrifice your own interest, to profess a regard 
 for that of strangers, or to alarm others about the future, 
 whilst for the present you are unconcerned. I advise not 
 this: I bid you send supplies to the troops in Chersonesus, 
 and do what else they require; prepare yourselves and 
 make every effort first, then summon, gather, instruct the 
 rest of the Greeks. 
 
 That is the duty of a state possessing a dignity such f^l^f^^^ 
 
 as yours. If you imagine that Chalcidians or Megarians stir a finger 
 
 , ., J- iV. + ■!■ unless you 
 
 will save Greece, while you run away from the contest, ^^y.^ ^^^ 
 
 you imagine wrong. Well for any of those people, if lead, 
 they are safe themselves. This work belongs to you: 
 this privilege your ancestors bequeathed to you, the 
 prize of many perilous exertions. But if every one 
 will sit seeking his pleasure, and studying to be idle 
 himself, never will he find others to do his work, and 
 more than this, I fear we shall be under the necessity of 
 doing at one time all that we like not. Were proxies to 
 be had, our inactivity would have found them long ago; 
 but they are not. 
 
 Such are the measures which I advise, which I propose: JJerej^s^s^tm 
 adopt them, and even yet, I believe, our prosperity may cess, 
 be reestabUshed. If any man has better advice to offer, 
 let him communicate it openly. Whatever you deter- 
 mine, I pray to all the gods for a happy result. 
 
270 
 
 Rise of Macedon 
 
 Hellenic 
 
 league 
 
 formed 
 
 against 
 
 Philip. 
 
 Justin ix. 3. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 274. 
 
 Battle of 
 Chaeronea, 
 338 B.C. 
 
 Moderate 
 use of the 
 victory. 
 
 Justin ix. 4. 
 
 II. He Gains Control of Greece 
 
 But as soon as he recovered from his wound, he made 
 war upon the Athenians, of which he had long dissembled 
 his intention. The Thebans espoused their cause, fear- 
 ing that if the Athenians were conquered, the war, like a 
 fire in the neighborhood, would spread to them. An 
 alliance being made accordingly between the two cities, 
 which were just before at violent enmity with each other, 
 they wearied Greece with embassies, stating that they 
 thought the common enemy ought to be repelled by their 
 common strength, for Philip would not rest, if his first 
 attempts succeeded, until he had subjugated all Greece. 
 Some of the cities were moved by these arguments, and 
 joined themselves to the Athenians; but the dread of a 
 war induced some to go over to Philip. A battle being 
 brought on, though the Athenians were far superior in 
 number of soldiers, they were conquered by the valor of 
 the Macedonians, which was invigorated by constant 
 service in the field. In defeat, however, they were not 
 unmindful of their ancient valor; for falling with wounds 
 in front, they all with their dead bodies covered the places 
 which they had been charged by their leaders to defend. 
 This day put an end to the glorious sovereignty and 
 ancient liberty of all Greece. 
 
 HI. Organization of His Supremacy 
 
 Philip's joy for this victory was artfully concealed. He 
 abstained from offering the usual sacrifices on that day; 
 he did not smile at table, or mingle any diversions with the 
 entertainment; he had no chaplets or perfumes; and as far 
 as was in his power, he so managed his conquest that none 
 might think of him as a conqueror. He desired that he 
 
Philip's Treatment of the Conquered 271 
 
 Harsh treat- 
 ment of the 
 Thebans. 
 
 should not be called king, but general of Greece; and con- 
 ducted himself with such prudence between his own secret 
 joy on the one hand and the grief of the enemy on the 
 other, that he neither appeared to his own subjects to re- 
 joice, nor to the vanquished to insult them. To the 
 Athenians, whom he had found to be his bitterest enemies, 
 he sent back their prisoners without ransom, and gave up 
 the bodies of the slain for burial, bidding them convey the 
 relics of their dead to the sepulchres of their ancestors. 
 He also sent Alexander, his son, with his friend Antipater 
 to Athens, to establish peace and friendship with them. 
 
 The Thebans, however, he compelled to purchase their 
 prisoners as well as the liberty of burying their dead. 
 Some of the chief men of the city, too, he put to death; 
 others he banished, seizing upon the property of them all. 
 Afterward he reinstated in their country those that had 
 been unjustly banished, of whom he made three hundred 
 judges and governors of the city, before whom when the 
 most eminent citizens were arraigned on this very charge, 
 that of having banished them unjustly, they had such 
 spirit that they all acknowledged their participation in the 
 fact, and proved that it was better with the state when 
 they were condemned than when they were restored. A 
 wonderful instance of courage! They passed sentence, as 
 far as they could, on those who had the disposal of them 
 for life or death, and set at naught the pardon which their 
 enemies could give them; and as they could not avenge 
 themselves by deeds, they manifested their boldness by 
 spirit of words. 
 
 War being at an end in Greece, PhiUp directed deputies 
 from all the states to be summoned to Corinth, to settle 
 the condition of affairs. Here he fixed terms of peace for Justin ix. 5. 
 the whole of Greece, according to the merits of each city; 
 
 The council 
 at Corinth. 
 
272 
 
 Rise of Macedon 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 27s f. 
 
 Philip's 
 character. 
 
 Justin ix. 8. 
 
 and chose from them all a council, to form a senate as it 
 were for the country. But the Lacedaemonians, standing 
 alone, showed contempt alike for the terms and the king. 
 They regarded the state of things, which had not been 
 agreed upon by the cities themselves, but had been forced 
 upon them by a conqueror, as a state, not of peace, but of 
 slavery. The number of troops to be furnished by each 
 city was then determined, whether the king in case of 
 being attacked was to be supported by their united force, 
 or whether war was to be made on any other power under 
 him as their general. In all these preparations for war it 
 was not to be doubted that the kingdom of Persia was the 
 object in view. The sum of the force was two hundred 
 thousand infantry and fifteen thousand cavalry. Ex- 
 clusive of this number there were also the army of Mace- 
 donia and the barbarians of the adjacent conquered na- 
 tions. . . . 
 
 As a king he was more inclined to display in war than 
 in entertainments; and his greatest riches were means for 
 military operations. He was better at getting wealth than 
 keeping it, and in consequence was always poor amidst his 
 daily spoliations. Clemency and perfidy were equally 
 valued by him; and no road to victory was, in his opinion, 
 dishonorable. He was equally pleasing and treacherous 
 in his address, promising more than he could perform. 
 He was well qualified either for serious conversation or for 
 jesting. He maintained friendship more with a view to 
 interest than good faith. It was a common practice with 
 him to pretend kindness where he hated, and to counter- 
 feit dislike where he loved; to sow dissensions among 
 friends, and try to gain favor from both sides. With such a 
 disposition, his eloquence was very great, his language full 
 of point and studied effect; so that neither did his facility 
 
Philip and Alexander Contrasted 273 
 
 fall short of his art, nor his invention of his facility, nor 
 his art of his invention. 
 
 To Philip succeeded his son Alexander, a prince greater Contrasted 
 than his father in both his virtues and his vices. Each of ander. 
 the two had a different mode of conquering; the one prose- 
 cuted his wars with open force, the other with subtlety; Justin, 1. c. 
 the one delighted in deceiving his enemies, the other in 
 boldly repulsing them. The one was more prudent in 
 council, the other more noble in feeling. The father 
 would dissemble his resentment, and often subdue it; 
 when the son was provoked, there was neither delay nor 
 bounds to his vengeance. They were both too fond of 
 wine, but the ill effects of their intoxication were totally 
 different; the father would rush from a banquet to face 
 the enemy, cope with him, and rashly expose himself to 
 dangers; the son vented his rage not upon his enemies but 
 on his friends. A battle often sent Philip away wounded; 
 Alexander often left a banquet stained with the blood of 
 his companions. The one wished to reign with his friends, 
 the other to reign over them. The one preferred to be 
 loved, the other to be feared. To literature both gave 
 equal attention. The father had more cunning, the son 
 more honor. Philip was more staid in his words, Alexan- 
 der in his actions. The son felt readier and nobler im- 
 pulses to spare the conquered ; the father showed no mercy 
 even to his allies. The father was more inclined to fru- 
 gality, the son to luxury. By the same course by which the 
 father laid the foundations of the empire of the world, the 
 son consummated the glory of conquering the whole world. 
 
 IV. Summary of his Achievements 
 
 He (Philip) found you (the Macedonians) vagabonds and ^^'^'^ ^Q 
 destitute of means, most of you clad in skins, feeding a Macedon. 
 
274 
 
 Rise of Macedon 
 
 Alleged 
 speech of 
 Alexander to 
 his discon- 
 tented Mace- 
 donian sol- 
 diers, in 
 Arrian, yl«a&- 
 asis oj Al- 
 exander vii. g. 
 
 few sheep up the mountain sides, for the protection of 
 which you had to fight with small success against the II- 
 lyrians, Triballians, and the border Thracians. Instead of 
 skins he gave you cloaks to wear, and from the mountains 
 he led you down into the plains, and made you capable of 
 fighting the neighboring barbarians, so that you were no 
 longer compelled to preserve yourselves by trusting rather 
 to the inaccessible strongholds than to your own valor. 
 He made you colonists of cities, which he provided with 
 useful laws and customs; and from being slaves and sub- 
 jects, he made you rulers over those very barbarians by 
 whom you yourselves, as well as your property, were 
 previously liable to be carried off or ravaged. He added, 
 too, the greater part of Thrace to Macedon, and by seizing 
 the most conveniently situated places on the sea-coast, he 
 spread abundance over the land by commerce, and made 
 the working of the mines a secure employment. He made 
 you rulers over the Thessalians, of whom you had formerly 
 been in mortal fear; and by humbling the nation of the 
 Phocians he rendered the avenue into Greece broad and 
 easy for you, instead of being narrow and difficult. The 
 Athenians and Thebans, who were always lying in wait 
 to attack the Macedonians, he humbled to such a degree, 
 with my personal aid in the campaign, that instead of 
 paying tribute to Athens and being in vassalage to Thebes, 
 those states now obtain security for themselves by our 
 assistance. He penetrated into Peloponnese; and after reg- 
 ulating its affairs, he was publicly declared commander 
 in chief of all the rest of Greece in the expedition against 
 the Persians, adding this glory not more to himself than to 
 the commonwealth of the Macedonians. 
 
Review 275 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. How, according to Demosthenes, had Philip injured the Greeks? 
 How had he grown great? What had the Greeks been doing mean- 
 while? Was Philip a Greek or a foreigner? What policy does the 
 orator advise? Why does he think Athens should take the lead? 
 
 2. How did Philip finally gain control of Greece? 
 
 3. What use did he make of his victory? How did he treat the 
 Athenians and the Thebans respectively? Why did he make this 
 difference? Describe in detail his organization of Greece. What was 
 the ultimate object? Describe Philip's character. What contrast is 
 drawn between him and his son? Which seems the better? Who 
 wrote this extract, from what sources did he probably draw, and 
 what seems to be his reliability? 
 
 4. What was the condition of the Macedonians on the accession of 
 Philip? What benefits, according to Alexander, did Philip confer on 
 them? 
 
CHAPTER XXV 
 
 ALEXANDER'S EMPIRE 
 
 The reasons 
 for his suc- 
 cess. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Alexander, 
 20 i. 
 
 A ncient 
 World, jSo: 
 Greece, 312 f. 
 
 The spoil 
 and the 
 captives. 
 
 I. The Battle of Issus 
 
 Fortune, no doubt, greatly favored Alexander, but yet 
 he owed much of his success to his excellent generalship; 
 for although enormously outnumbered by the enemy, he 
 not only avoided being surrounded by them, but was able 
 to outflank their left with his own right wing, and by this 
 manoeuvre completely defeated the Persians. He himself 
 fought among the foremost, and according to Chares was 
 wounded in the thigh by Darius himself. In the account 
 of the battle which he despatched to Antipater. Alexander 
 does not mention the name of the man who wounded him, 
 but states that he received a stab in the thigh with a 
 dagger, and that the wound was not dangerous. 
 
 He won a most decisive victor)-, and slew more than a 
 hundred thousand of the enemy, but could not come up 
 with Darius himself, as he gained a start of nearly a mile. 
 He captured his chariot, however, and his bow and arrows, 
 and on his return found the Macedonians revelling in the 
 rich plunder which they had won, although the Persians 
 had been in light marching order, and had left most of 
 their heavy baggage at Damascus. The royal pavilion of 
 Darius himself, full of beautiful slaves and rich furniture 
 of every description, had been left unplundered, and was 
 reserved for Alexander himself, who as soon as he had 
 taken off his armor, proceeded to the bath, saying "Let 
 me wash off the sweat of the battle in the bath of Darius." 
 
 276 
 
Royal Captives 277 
 
 "Nay," answered one of his companions, "in that of 
 Alexander; for the goods of the vanquished become the 
 property of the victor." When he entered the bath and 
 saw that all the vessels for water, the bath itself, and the 
 boxes of unguents were of pure gold, and smelt the de- 
 licious scent of the rich perfumes with which the whole 
 pavilion was filled; and when he passed from the bath 
 mto a magnificent salon where a splendid banquet was 
 prepared, he looked at his friends and said "This, then, it 
 is to be a king indeed." 
 
 While he was dining it was told him that the mother and The family 
 wife of Darius and his two daughters, who were among 
 the captives, had seen the chariot and bow of Darius, and 
 were mourning for him, imagining him to be dead. Alex- 
 ander when he heard this, paused for a long time, being 
 more affected by the grief of these ladies, than by the 
 victory he had won. He sent Leonnatus to inform them, 
 that they need never mourn for Darius nor fear Alexan- 
 der; for he was fighting for the empire of Asia, not as a per- 
 sonal enemy of Darius, and would take care that they were 
 treated with the same honor and respect as before. This 
 generous message to the captive princesses was followed 
 by acts of still greater kindness; for he permitted them to 
 bury whomsoever of the slain persons they wished, and 
 to use all their own apparel and furniture, which had been 
 seized by the soldiers as plunder. He also allowed them 
 to retain the regal title and state, and even increased their 
 revenues. 
 
 II. The Sack of Persepolis 
 
 The Macedonians therefore, forcing their way into the The spoil, 
 city, put all the men to the sword, and rifled and carried Diodoms 
 away every man's goods and estate, amongst which was ^^' ^°' 
 
278 Alexander's Empire 
 
 abundance of rich and costly furniture and ornaments of 
 all sorts. In this place were looted here and there vast 
 quantities of silver, and no less of gold, great numbers of 
 rich garments, some of finest purple, others embroidered 
 with gold, all which became the prizes of the victors: and 
 thus the great seat-royal of the Persians, once famous all 
 the world over, was now exposed to scorn and contempt, 
 and rifled from top to bottom. For though the Mace- 
 donians spent days and days in the looting, yet their 
 covetousness was insatiable, still thirsting after more. 
 And they were so eager in plundering that they fought one 
 with another with drawn swords, and many who were 
 conceived to have got a greater share than the rest, were 
 killed in the quarrel. Some things that were of extraor- 
 dinary value they divided with their swords, and each 
 took a share; others in rage cut off the hands of such as 
 laid hold of a thing that was in dispute. ... So that in 
 proportion as Persepolis excelled all the other cities in 
 glory and worldly felicity, such was the measure of her 
 misery and calamity. 
 The Then Alexander seized upon all the treasures in the 
 
 citadel, a vast quantity of gold and silver of the public 
 revenues that had been there collected and laid up from 
 the time of Cyrus, the first king of Persia, to that day. 
 For there was found a hundred and twenty thousand 
 talents, reckoning the gold after the rate of the silver. 
 
 Part of this treasure he took for the use of the war, and 
 ordered another part of it to be treasured up at Susa. To 
 this end he ordered that a multitude of mules both for 
 draught and carriage, and three thousand camels with 
 pack-saddles, should be brought out of Babylon, Mesopo- 
 tamia, and Susa; and with these he conveyed all the treas- 
 ure to the several places he had appointed. For because 
 
 treasures 
 
 I Diod. xvii.71. 
 
Destruction of Persepolis 279 
 
 he extremely hated the inhabitants, he was resolved not 
 to trust them with any thing, but utterly to ruin and 
 destroy Persepolis. As to the stately structure of the The palace, 
 palace we conceive it will not be out of place if we say 
 something. This grand fabric was surrounded with a 
 treble wall; the first was sixteen cubits high, adorned with 
 pinnacles. The second was like to the first, but as high 
 again as the other. The third was drawn like a quadrant, 
 sixty cubits high, all of hard stone and of a nature which 
 warranted imperishable duration. On the four sides are 
 brazen gates, near to w^hich are gallowses of bronze twenty 
 cubits high. These were raised to terrify the beholders, 
 and the other for the better strengthening and fortifying 
 of the place. On the east side of the citadel, about four 
 hundred feet distant, stood a mount called the Royal 
 mount, for here are all the sepulchres of the kings, many 
 apartments and Uttle cells cut into the midst of the rock; 
 into these cells there is made no direct passage, but the 
 coffins with the dead bodies are by instruments hoisted // 
 
 up, and so let down into these vaults. In this citadel were 
 many stately lodgings, of excellent workmanship, both 
 for the king and his commanders, and treasury cham- 
 bers most commodiously contrived for the laying up of 
 money. 
 
 Here Alexander made a sumptuous feast for the enter- Alexander's 
 tainment of his friends in commemoration of his victory, 
 and offered magnificent sacrifices to the gods. And indeed piod. xvii 
 at one time when the "companions" of the king were 
 feasting and carousing, madness seized upon the souls of 
 the men flushed with wine. When also one of the women 
 present— Thais of Athens — said, "Alexander will per- 
 form the most glorious act of his fife, if while he is feasting 
 with us he will burn the palace;" and so the glory and 
 
 72. 
 
28o Alexander's Empire 
 
 renown of Persia might be said to have come to naught in 
 a moment by the hands of women. This spread abroad, 
 and came to the ears of the men who were young and made 
 little use of reason when drink was in their heads. Pres- 
 The burning ently one cries out, "Come on, bring us firebrands," and 
 ep ace. ^^ incited the rest to fire the citadel, to revenge the im- 
 piety the Persians had committed in destroying the 
 temples of the Grecians. Thereupon others with joy set 
 up a shout, and said, " So brave an exploit belongs only to 
 Alexander to perform!" 
 
 Stirred by these words, the king embraced the motion; 
 whereupon as many as were present left their cups and 
 leaped upon the table, and said, "We will now celebrate 
 a victorious festival to Bacchus." Then multitudes of 
 firebrands were presently got together, and all the women 
 that played on musical instruments at the feast were 
 called for, and then the king with songs, pipes and flutes 
 bravely led the procession of revelry conducted by Thais, 
 who next after the king threw the firebrand into the 
 palace. This precedent was presently followed by the rest, 
 so that in a very short time, the whole fabric, by the vio- 
 lence of the fire, was consumed to ashes. 
 
 III. Character of Alexander 
 
 His good Alexander died in the hundred and fourteenth Olym- 
 
 quauties. ^j^^^ ^^ ^^^ archonship of Hegesias of Athens. According 
 tbSis'of^' ^° ^^^ statement of Aristobulus he lived thirty-two years 
 Ahxander, and had reached the eighth month of his thirty-third year. 
 He had reigned twelve years and these eight months. He 
 B.C. ^^^ was very handsome in person, and unusually fond of exer- 
 tion, very active in mind, heroic in courage, tenacious of 
 honor, exceedingly fond of incurring danger, and strictly 
 
Character of Alexander 281 
 
 observant of his duty to the deity. Over bodily pleasures 
 he maintained perfect self-control; in mental pleasures he 
 was insatiable in none but praise. He was exceedingly 
 clever in discovering what was to be done, while others 
 were still uncertain. From the observation of facts he 
 could with rare success conjecture what was likely to 
 happen. His fame was enhanced by his ability to rouse 
 courage in his soldiers, to fill them with hopes of success, 
 and to dispel their fear in the midst of danger by his own 
 freedom from alarm. Therefore what he had to do while 
 still uncertain of the result he performed with the utmost 
 boldness. He was clever, too, in getting the start of his 
 enemies, and in snatching from them their advantage by 
 secretly forestalling them, before anyone even feared for 
 the result. Remarkably steadfast in keeping the agree- 
 ments and settlements he had made, he was equally se- 
 cure from being entrapped by deceivers. Lastly he spent 
 little on his own pleasures but was very bountiful in ex- 
 pense for the benefit of others. 
 
 Eratosthenes blames the system of those who would Breadth of 
 divide all mankind into Greeks and Barbarians, and like- ^^^^^ ^' 
 wise those who recommended Alexander to treat the Greeks strabo i. 4. 9. 
 as friends, but the Barbarians as enemies. He suggests, as 
 a better course, to distinguish them according to their 
 virtues and their vices, "since amongst the Greeks there 
 are many worthless characters, and many highly civilized 
 are to be found amongst the Barbarians; witness the 
 Indians and Ariani, or still better the Romans and Cartha- 
 ginians, whose political system is so beautifully perfect. 
 Alexander, considering this, disregarded the advice which 
 had been offered him, and patronized without distinction 
 any man he considered to be deserving. 
 
282 Alexander's Empire 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. What contributed to Alexander's victory at Issus? What spoil 
 came to the victors? How did Alexander treat the family of Darius? 
 
 2. Describe the looting of Persepolis. What treasures did Alex- 
 ander find there? What uses did he make of them? Describe the 
 palace. What led to its destruction? 
 
 3. Summarize the character of Alexander. What were his strong 
 and what his weak points? Did he injure as well as benefit the 
 coimtries he conquered? 
 
CHAPTER XXVI 
 
 GREEK LIFE AND THOUGHT 
 
 I. Training the Wife 
 
 Did you yourself educate your wife to be all that a wife 
 should be, or when you received her from her father and 
 mother was she already proficient, well skilled to dis- 
 charge the duties appropriate to a wife? 
 
 Well skilled! (he replied). What proficiency was she 
 likely to bring with her, when she was not quite fifteen at 
 the time she wedded me, and during the whole period of 
 her life had been most carefully brought up to see and 
 hear as little as possible, and to ask the fewest questions? 
 or do you not think one should be satisfied, if at marriage 
 her whole experience consisted in knowing how to take the 
 wool and make a dress, and seeing how her mother's hand- 
 maidens had their daily spinning-tasks assigned them? 
 For (he added), as regards control of appetite and self- 
 indulgence, she had received the soundest education, and 
 that I take to be the most important matter in the bringing 
 up of man or woman. 
 
 Then all else (said I) you taught your wife yourself, 
 Ischomachus, until you had made her capable of attend- 
 ing carefully to her appointed duties? 
 
 That did I not (replied he) until I had offered sacrifice, 
 and prayed that I might teach and she might learn all that 
 could conduce to the happiness of us twain. 
 
 Soc. And did your wife join in sacrifice and prayer to 
 that effect? 
 
 283 
 
 Socrates 
 asks this 
 question of 
 Ischom- 
 achus. 
 
 Xenophon, 
 Economist, 7. 
 
 The wife's 
 training be- 
 fore mar- 
 riage. 
 
 Ischom- 
 achus 
 resolves to 
 teach his 
 wife. 
 
284 
 
 Greek Life and Thought 
 
 She is ready 
 to learn. 
 
 Woman's 
 nature dif- 
 ferent from 
 man's. 
 
 Woman cre- 
 ated for in- 
 \ooT work. 
 
 Isch. Most certainly, with many a vow registered to 
 heaven to become all she ought to be; and her whole man- 
 ner showed that she would not be neglectful of what was 
 taught her, 
 
 Soc. Pray narrate to me, Ischomachus, I beg you, what 
 you first essayed to teach her. To hear that story would 
 please me more than any description of the most splendid 
 gymnastic contest or horse-race you could give me, . . . 
 
 (In instructing his wife Ischomachus explains:) 
 
 "But whereas both of these, the indoor and the outdoor 
 occupations alike, demand new toil and new attention, to 
 meet the case," I added, "God made provision from the 
 first by shaping as it seems to me, the woman's nature for 
 indoor and the man's for outdoor occupations. Man's 
 body and soul He furnished with a greater capacity for 
 enduring heat and cold, wayfaring and military marches, 
 or to repeat, He laid upon his shoulders the outdoor works. 
 
 " While in creating the body of woman with less capacity 
 for these things," I continued, "God would seem to have 
 imposed upon her the indoor works; and knowing that He 
 had implanted in the woman and imposed upon her the 
 nurture of new-born babes. He endowed her with a larger 
 share of affections for the new-born child than He be- 
 stowed upon man. And since He had imposed upon 
 woman the guardianship of the things imported from 
 without, God, in His wisdom, perceiving that a fearful 
 spirit was no detriment to guardianship, endowed the 
 woman with a larger measure of timidity than He be- 
 stowed upon man. Knowing further that he to whom the 
 outdoor works belonged would need to defend them 
 against malign attack, He endowed the man in turn with 
 a larger share of courage. 
 
 "And seeing that both alike feel the need of giving and 
 
Mutual Helpfulness 
 
 285 
 
 receiving, He set down memory and carefulness between 
 them for their common use, so that you would find it hard 
 to determine which of the two, the male or the female, 
 has the larger share of these. So, too, God set down be- 
 tween them for their common use the gift of self-control, 
 where needed, adding only to that one of the twain, 
 whether man or woman, which should prove the better, 
 the power to be rewarded with a larger share of this per- 
 fection. And for the very reason that their natures are 
 not alike adapted to like ends, they stand in greater need 
 of one another; and the married couple is made more use- 
 ful to itself, the one fulfilHng what the other lacks. 
 
 "Now, being well aware of this, my wife," I added, 
 "and knowing well what things are laid upon us twain by 
 God Himself, must we not strive to perform, each in the 
 best way possible, our respective duties? Law, too, gives 
 her consent — law and the usage of mankind, by sanction- 
 ing the wedlock of man and wife; and just as God or- 
 dained them to be partners in their children, so the law 
 establishes their common ownership of house and estate. 
 Custom, moreover, proclaims as beautiful those excel- 
 lencies of man and woman with which God gifted them at 
 birth. Thus for a woman to bide trancjuilly at home 
 rather than roam abroad is no dishonor; but for a man to 
 remain indoors, instead of devoting himself to outdoor 
 pursuits, is a thing discreditable. But if a man does 
 things contrary to the nature given him by God, the 
 chances are, such insubordination escapes not the eye of 
 Heaven; he pays the penalty, whether of neglecting his 
 own works, or of performing those appropriate to woman." 
 
 I added: "Just such works, if I mistake not, that same 
 queen-bee we spoke of labors hard to perform, like yours, 
 my wife, enjoined upon her by God Himself." 
 
 Woman en- 
 dowed with 
 memory and 
 carefulness. 
 
 Husband 
 and wife are 
 partners and 
 joint owners 
 of the estate. 
 
 The wife ia 
 like aqueeu- 
 bee. 
 
286 Greek Life and Thought 
 
 "And what sort of works are these?" she asked; "what 
 has the queen-bee to do that she seems so like myself, or 
 I like her in what I have to do?" 
 
 "Why," I answered, "she too stays in the hive and 
 suffers not the other bees to idle. Those whose duty it is 
 to work outside she sends forth to their labors; and all 
 that each of them brings in, she notes and receives and 
 stores against the day of need; but when the season for use 
 has come, she distributes a just share to each. Again, it is 
 she who presides over the fabric of choicely-woven cells 
 . within. She looks to it that warp and woof are wrought 
 with speed and beauty. Under her guardian eye the brood 
 of young is nursed and reared; but when the days of rear- 
 ing are past and the young bees are ripe for work, she 
 sends them out as colonists with one of the seed royal to 
 be their leader." 
 
 "Shall I then have to do these things?" asked my 
 
 wife. 
 
 The wife's "Yes," I answered, "you will need in the same way to 
 
 management •' •' 
 
 of the house, stay mdoors, despatcmng to their toils without those of 
 
 your domestics whose work lies there. Over those whose 
 appointed tasks are wrought indoors, it will be your duty 
 to preside; yours to receive the stuffs brought in; yours to 
 apportion part for daily use, and yours to make provision 
 for the rest, to guard and garner it so that the outgoings 
 destined for a year may not be expended in a month. It 
 will be your duty, when the wools are introduced, to see 
 that clothing is made for those who need; your duty also 
 to see that the dried corn is rendered fit and serviceable 
 for food. 
 The care of "There is Just one of all these occupations which de- 
 volve upon you," I added, "that you may not find so alto- 
 gether pleasing. Should any of our household fall sick, it 
 
Mutual Dependence 287 
 
 wall be your care to see and tend them to the recovery of 
 their health." 
 
 "Nay," she answered, "that will be my pleasantest of 
 tasks, if careful nursing may touch the springs of gratitude 
 and leave them friendlier than heretofore." 
 
 And I (continued Ischomachus) was struck with admira- 
 tion at her answer, and replied: "Thank you, my wife, it 
 is through some such traits of forethought seen in their 
 mistress-leader that the hearts of bees are won, and they 
 are so loyally affectioned toward her that, if ever she 
 abandon her hive, not one of them will dream of being 
 left behind; but one and all must follow her.' 
 
 And my wife made answer to me: "It would much 
 astonish me (said she) did not these leader's works, you 
 speak of, point to you rather than to myself. Methinks 
 mine would be a pretty guardianship and distribution of 
 things indoors without your provident care to see that the 
 importations from without were duly made." 
 
 "Just so," I answered, "and mine would be a pretty 
 importation if there were none to guard what I imported. 
 Do you not see," I added, "how pitiful is the case of those 
 unfortunates who pour water into their sieves forever, as 
 the story goes, and labor but in vain? " 
 
 "Pitiful enough, poor souls," she answered, "if that is 
 what they do." 
 
 " But there are other cares, you know, and occupations," Jj^^°f_^" 
 I answered, "which are yours by right, and these you will 
 find agreeable. This, for instance: to take some maiden 
 who knows naught of carding wool and to make her pro- 
 ficient in the art, doubling her usefulness; or to receive 
 another quite ignorant of housekeeping or of service, and 
 to render her skilful, loyal, serviceable, till she is worth 
 her weight in gold; or again, when occasion serves, you 
 
288 Greek Life and Thought 
 
 have it in your power to requite by kindness the well- 
 behaved whose presence is a blessing to your house; oi 
 maybe to chasten the bad character, should such an one 
 The reward, appear. But the greatest joy of all will be to prove your- 
 self my better; to make me your faithful follower; knowing 
 no dread lest as the years advance you should decline in 
 honor in your household, but rather trusting that, though 
 your hair turn gray, yet in proportion as you come to be a 
 better helpmate to myself and to the children, a better 
 guardian of our home, so will your honor increase through- 
 out the household as mistress, wife, and mother, daily 
 more dearly prized. Since," I added, "it is not through 
 excellence of outward form, but by reason of the lustre 
 of virtues shed forth upon the life of man, that increase 
 is given to things beautiful and good." 
 
 II. The Decline in Music and its Demoralizing 
 
 Effects 
 
 Formerly law Athenian. Under the ancient laws, my friends, the 
 people was not as now the master, but rather the wiUing 
 Plato,^Laz.., servant of the laws. 
 
 Megillus. What laws do you mean? 
 
 Ath. In the first place let us speak of the laws about 
 music, — that is to say, such music as then existed, — in 
 order that we may trace the growth of the excess of free- 
 dom from the beginning. Now music was early divided 
 among us into certain kinds and manners. One sort con- 
 sisted of prayers to the Gods, which were called hymns; 
 and there was another and opposite sort called lamenta- 
 tions, and another termed pseans, and another celebrating 
 the birth of Dionysus, called, I believe, "dithyrambs." 
 And they used the actual word "laws" (i^o/xot) for an- 
 other kind of song; and to this they added the term 
 
 HI. 700. 
 
The Beginning of Lawlessness 289 
 
 "citharoedic." All these and dthers were duly distin- 
 guished, nor were the performers allowed to confuse one 
 style of music with another. And the authority which The audience 
 
 -' • 1 1 T ^'- ^ musical 
 
 determined and gave judgment, and punished the dis- performance 
 obedient, was not expressed in a hiss, nor in the most m\in quiet, 
 unmusical shouts of the multitude, as in our days, nor in 
 applause and clapping of hands. But the directors of 
 public instruction insisted that the spectators should 
 Hsten in silence to the end; and boys and their tutors, and 
 the multitude in general, were kept quiet by a hint from a 
 stick. Such was the good order which the multitude were 
 willing to observe; they would never have dared to give 
 judgment by noisy cries. 
 
 And then, as time went on, the poets themselves intro- The decline, 
 duced the reign of vulgar and lawless innovation. They 
 were men of genius, but they had no perception of what is 
 just and lawful in music; raging like Bacchanals and ^j^^^^^e^ ^rom 
 possessed with inordinate delights— mingling lamenta- music to 
 tions with hymns, and paeans with dithyrambs; imitatmg 
 the sounds of the flute on the lyre, and making one general 
 confusion; ignorantly affirming that music has no truth, 
 and whether good or bad, can only be judged of rightly by 
 the pleasure of the hearer. 
 
 And by composing such licentious works, and adding to 
 them words as licentious, they have inspired the multitude 
 with lawlessness and boldness, and made them fancy that j^he JP^^j^*^ °^ 
 they can judge for themselves about melody and song, begins in the 
 And in this way the theatres from being mute have be- 
 come vocal, as though they had understanding of good and 
 bad in music and poetry; and instead of an aristocracy, an 
 evil sort of theatrocracy has grown up. For if the democ- 
 racy which judged had only consisted of educated persons, 
 no fatal harm would have been done; but in music there 
 
290 
 
 Greek Life and Thought 
 
 [t spreads 
 through the 
 whole com- 
 munity. 
 
 first arose the universal conceit of omniscience and general 
 lawlessness ; — freedom came following afterward, and m_en, 
 fancying that they knew what they did not know, had no 
 longer any fear, and the absence of fear begets shameless- 
 ness. For what is this shamelessness, which is so evil a 
 thing, but the insolent refusal to regard the opinion of the 
 better by reason of an over-daring sort of liberty? 
 
 Meg. Very true. 
 
 Ath. Consequent upon this freedom comes the other 
 freedom, of disobedience to rulers; and then the attempt 
 to escape the control and exhortation of father, mother, 
 elders, and when near the end, the control of the laws also; 
 and at the very end there is the contempt of oaths and 
 pledges, and no regard at all for the Gods, — herein they 
 exhibit and imitate the old so-called Titanic nature, and 
 come to the same point as the Titans when they rebelled 
 against God, leading a life of endless evils. 
 
 S Derates 
 goes to 
 Peiraeus. 
 
 Plato, Re- 
 public (open- 
 ing). 
 
 Cephalus is 
 father of 
 Lysias the 
 orator; An- 
 cient World, 
 287. They 
 were a fam- 
 ily of resident 
 aliens 
 (me tics). 
 
 III. Socrates Visits Cephalus 
 
 I went down yesterday to the Peirjeus with Glaucon the 
 son of Ariston, that I might offer up my prayers to the 
 goddess; and also because I wanted to see in what manner 
 they would celebrate the festival, which was a new thing. 
 I was delighted with the procession of the inhabitants; 
 but that of the Thracians was equally, if not more, beauti- 
 ful. When we had finished our prayers and viewed the 
 spectacle, we turned in the direction of the city; and at 
 that instant Polemarchus the son of Cephalus chanced to 
 catch sight of us from a distance as we were starting on 
 our way home, and told his servant to run and bid us wait 
 for him. The servant took hold of me by the cloak be- 
 hind, and said: Polemarchus desires you to wait. 
 
 I turned round, and asked him where his master was. 
 
A Conversation in the Street 291 
 
 There he is, saith the youth, coming after you, if you 
 will only wait. 
 
 Certainly we will, said Glaucon; and in a few minutes 
 Polemarchus appeared, and with him Adeimantus, Glau- 
 con's brother, Niceratus, the son of Nicias, and several Nidas is the 
 
 ' ' , well-known 
 
 others who had been at the procession. general; 
 
 Polemarchus said to me: I perceive, Socrates, that you world, 223 f., 
 and your companion are already on your way to the city. 227-232. 
 
 You are not far wrong, I said. 
 
 But do you see, he rejoined, how many we are? 
 
 Of course. 
 
 And are you stronger than all these? for if not, you will 
 have to remain where you are. 
 
 May there not be the alternative, I said, that we may 
 persuade you to let us go? 
 
 But can you persuade us, if we refuse to listen to you? 
 he said. 
 
 Certainly not, replied Glaucon. 
 
 Then we are not going to hsten; of that you may be 
 assured. 
 
 Adeimantus added: Has no one told you of the torch A torch race, 
 race on horseback in honor of the goddess which will take 
 place in the evening? 
 
 With horses! I replied: That is a novelty. Will horse- 
 men carry torches and pass them to one another during 
 the races? ^ 
 
 Yes, said Polemarchus, and not only so, but a festival 
 will be celebrated at night, which you certainly ought to 
 see. Let us rise soon after supper and see this festival; 
 there will be a gathering of young men, and we will have 
 a good talk. Stay then, and do not be perverse. 
 
 Glaucon said: I suppose since you insist, that we musto 
 
 Very good, I replied. 
 
292 
 
 Greek Life and Thought 
 
 Old age 
 takes in- 
 creased 
 pleasure in 
 conversa- 
 tion. 
 
 The com- 
 plaints of 
 the old. 
 
 Accordingly we went with Polemarchus to his house; 
 and there we found his brothers Lysias and Euthydemus, 
 and with them Thrasymachus the Chalcedonian, Char- 
 man tides the Paeanian, and Cleitophon the son of Aristony- 
 mus. There too was Cephalus the father of Polemarchus, 
 whom I had not seen for a long time, and I thought him 
 very much aged. He was seated on a cushioned chair, 
 and had a garland on his head, for he had been sacrificing 
 in the court; and there were some other chairs in the room 
 arranged in a semicircle, upon which we sat down by him. 
 He saluted me eagerly, and then he said: 
 
 You don't come to see me, Socrates, as often as you 
 ought: if I were still able to go and see you I would not ask 
 you to come to me. But at my age I can hardly get to the 
 city, and therefore you should come oftener to the Peiraeus. 
 For let me tell you, that the more the pleasures of the 
 body fade away, the greater to me is the pleasure and 
 charm of conversation.' Do not then deny my request, 
 but make our house your resort and keep company with 
 these young men; we are old friends, and you will be quite 
 at home with us. 
 
 I replied: There is nothing which for my part I like 
 better, Cephalus, than conversing with aged men; for I 
 regard them as travellers who have gone a journey which 
 I too may have to go, and of whom I ought to enquire, 
 whether the way is smooth and easy, or rugged and diffi- 
 cult. And this is a question which I should like to ask of 
 you who have arrived at that time which the poets call the 
 "threshold of old age." — Is life harder towards the end, 
 or what report do you give of it? 
 
 I will tell you, Socrates, he said, what my own feeling is. 
 Men of my age flock together; we are birds of a feather, 
 as the old proverb says; and at our meetings the tale of 
 
May the Aged be Happy? 
 
 293 
 
 my acquaintance commonly is — I cannot eat, I cannot 
 
 drink; the pleasures of youth and love are fled away; 
 
 there was a good time once, but now that is gone, and life 
 
 is no longer life. Some complain of the slights which are 
 
 put upon them by relations, and they will tell you sadly of 
 
 how many evils their old age is the cause. But to me, 
 
 Socrates, these complainers seem to blame that which is 
 
 not really in fault. . . . Certainly old age has a great The advan- 
 
 1 1 ■ 1 1 • tages of old 
 
 sense of calm and freedom, when the passions relax their age. 
 
 hold, then, as Sophocles says, we are freed from the grasp 
 
 not of one mad master only, but of many. The truth is, 
 
 Socrates, that these regrets, and also the complaints about 
 
 relations, are to be attributed to the same cause, which is 
 
 not old age, but men's characters and tempers; for he who 
 
 is of a calm and happy nature will hardly feel the pressure 
 
 of age, but to him who is of an opposite disposition youth 
 
 and age are equally a burden. 
 
 I listened in admiration, and wanting to draw him out, ^o °.°u^i'"i 
 
 ' ° , the rich find 
 
 that he might go on — Yes, Cephalus, I said; but I rather enjoyment 
 suspect that people in general are not convinced by you 
 when you speak thus; they think that old age sits lightly 
 upon you, not because of your happy disposition, but be- 
 cause you are rich, and wealth is well known to be a great 
 comforter. 
 
 You are right, he replied, they are not convinced; and 
 there is something in what they say; not however, so 
 much as they imagine. I might answer them as Themis- 
 tocles answered the Seriphian who was abusing him and 
 saying that he was famous not for his own merits but be- 
 cause he was an Athenian: "If you had been a native of 
 my country or I of yours, neither of us would have been 
 famous." And to those who are not rich and are im- 
 patient of old age, the same reply may be made; for to the 
 
 when old? 
 
294 
 
 Greek Life and Thought 
 
 The Greek 
 attitude to- 
 ward money- 
 making. 
 
 Cephalus 
 belonged to 
 the industrial 
 class, and yet 
 the chief ob- 
 ject of his 
 life was not 
 money- 
 making. We 
 do not know 
 any single 
 Greek whose 
 sole aim was 
 acquisition. 
 
 Education 
 should be 
 public, and 
 the same for 
 all. 
 
 Aristotle, 
 Politics, v'm. i. 
 
 good poor man old age cannot be a light burden nor can a 
 bad rich man ever have peace with himself. 
 
 May I ask, Cephalus, whether your fortune was for the 
 most part inherited or acquired by you? 
 
 Acquired ! Socrates, do you want to know how much I 
 acquired? In the art of making money I have been mid- 
 way between my father and grandfather; for my grand- 
 father, whose name I bear, doubled and trebled the value 
 of his patrimony, that which he inherited being much what 
 I possess now; but my father Lysanias reduced the prop- 
 erty below what it is at present; and I shall be satisfied if 
 I leave to these my sons not less but a little more than 
 I received. 
 
 That was why I asked you the question, I replied, be- 
 cause I see that you are indifferent about money, which is 
 a characteristic rather of those who have inherited their 
 fortunes than of those who have acquired them; the makers 
 of fortunes have a second love of money as a creation of 
 their own, resembling the affection of authors for their 
 own poems, or of parents for their children, besides that 
 natural love of it for the sake of use and profit which is 
 common to them and all men. And hence they are very 
 bad company, for they can talk about nothing but the 
 praises of wealth. 
 
 IV. Education 
 
 Since the whole city has one end, it is manifest that 
 education should be one and the same for all, and that it 
 should be public, and not private, — not as at present, 
 when every one looks after his own children separately, 
 and gives them separate instruction of the sort which he 
 thinks best; the training in things which are of common 
 interest should be the same for all. Neither must we 
 
Liberal Education 
 
 295 
 
 suppose that any one of the citizens belongs to himself, 
 for they all belong to the state, and are each of them a 
 part of the state, and the care of each part is inseparable 
 from the care of the whole. In this particular the Lace- 
 daemonians are to be praised, for they take the greatest 
 pains about their children, and make education the busi- 
 ness of the state. . . . 
 
 There can be no doubt that children should be taught 
 those useful things which are really necessary, but not all 
 things; for occupations are divided into liberal and il- 
 liberal; and to young children should be imparted only 
 such kinds of knowledge as will be useful to them without 
 vulgarizing them. And any occupation, art, or science, 
 which makes the body or soul or mind of the freeman less 
 fit for the practice or exercise of virtue, is vulgar; where- 
 fore we call those arts vulgar which tend to deform the 
 body, and likewise all paid employments, for they absorb 
 and degrade the mind. There are also some liberal arts 
 quite proper for a freeman to acquire, but only in a certain 
 degree, and if he attend to them too closely, in order to 
 attain perfection in them, the same evil effects will fol- 
 low. . . . 
 
 The customary branches of education are in number 
 four: they are — (i) reading and writing, (2) gymnastic 
 exercises, (3) music, to which is sometimes added (4) draw- 
 ing. Of these, reading and writing and drawing are re- 
 garded ?s useful for the purposes of life in a variety of 
 ways, and gymnastic exercises are thought to infuse 
 courage. Concerning music a doubt may be raised — in 
 our own day most men cultivate it for the sake of pleasure, 
 but originally it was included in education, because nature 
 herself, as has been often said, requires that we should be 
 able, not only to work well, but to use leisure well. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 202-4. 
 
 What kind 
 of knowl- 
 edge is use- 
 ful. 
 
 Aristotle, 
 Politics, 
 viii. 2. 
 
 Branches of 
 education. 
 
 /6.3- 
 
296 Greek Life and Thought 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. What does Ischomachus consider the chief thing in education? 
 What training had his wife prior to marriage? What did he aim to 
 teach her? What in detail was the wife's work? What was to be her 
 reward? 
 
 2. What was the importance of music in Greece? Under what 
 discipline was the theatre kept? What change of music took place 
 and with what effect on character? 
 
 3. From this passage what may we learn of home life and social 
 life? What did Cephalus think of old age? How did this manu- 
 facturer regard money-making? What was the social standing of 
 this family of resident aliens? 
 
 4. What does Aristotle say was the actual education of the time, 
 and what improvement does he suggest? What in his opinion should 
 children be taught? What were the customary branches? What 
 was his idea of a liberal education? Why should we attach any 
 importance to his opinion? 
 
CHAPTER XXVII 
 
 THE HELLENISTIC AGE 
 
 I. The Ach^an League 
 
 The Achaeans, as I have stated before, have in our time The league 
 
 . , unites Pelo- 
 
 made extraordinary progress m material prosperity and ponnesus. 
 
 internal unity. For though many statesmen had tried in poiybius ii. 
 
 past times to induce the Peloponnesians to join in a ■37- 
 
 league for the common interests of all, and had always Ancient 
 
 ° . , . W orld, 300-3. 
 
 failed, because every one was working to secure his own 
 power rather than the freedom of the whole; yet in our 
 day this policy has made such progress, and been carried 
 out with such completeness, that not only is there in the 
 Peloponnese a community of interests such as exists be- 
 tween allies or friends, but an absolute identity of laws, 
 weights, measures, and currency. All the states have the 
 same magistrates, senate, and judges. Nor is there any 
 difference between the entire Peloponnese and a single 
 city, except in the fact that its inhabitants are not in- 
 cluded within the same wall; in other respects, both as a 
 whole and in their individual cities, there is a nearly abso- 
 lute assimilation of institutions. 
 
 It will be useful to ascertain, to begin with, how it came Rise of the 
 to pass that the name of the Achaeans became the uni- 
 versal one for all the inhabitants of the Peloponnese. For o y • "• 3 • 
 the original bearers of this ancestral name have no su- 
 periority over others, either in the size of their territory 
 and cities, or in wealth, or in the prowess of their men. 
 For they are a long way from being superior to the Arca- 
 
 297 
 
298 The Hellenistic Age 
 
 dians and Lacedaemonians in number of inhabitants and 
 extent of territory; nor can these latter nations be said to 
 yield the first place in warlike courage to any Greek 
 people whatever. Whence then comes it that these na- 
 tions, with the rest of the inhabitants of the Peloponnese, 
 have been content to adopt the constitution and name of 
 the Achaeans? To speak of chance in such a matter would 
 not be to offer any adequate solution of the question, and 
 would be a mere idle evasion. A cause must be sought; 
 for without a cause nothing, expected or unexpected, can 
 be accomplished. The cause, then, in my opinion, was 
 this. Nowhere could be found a more unalloyed and de- 
 liberately established system of equality and absolute 
 , freedom, — in a word, of democracy, — than among the 
 Achaeans. This constitution found many of the Pelopon- 
 nesians ready enough to adopt it of their own accord: 
 many were brought to share it by persuasion and argu- 
 ment: some though acting upon compulsion at first, were 
 quickly brought to acquiesce in its benefits; for none of 
 the original members had any special privilege reserved 
 for them, but equal rights were given to all comers: the 
 object aimed at was therefore quickly attained by the 
 two most unfailing expedients of equality and fraternity. 
 This then must be looked upon as the source and original 
 cause of Peloponnesian unity and consequent prosperity. 
 
 Its officers. For the first twenty-five years of the league between the 
 Polyb. ii. 43. cities I have mentioned, a secretary and two generals for 
 the whole union were elected by each city in turn. But 
 after this period they determined to appoint one general 
 only, and put the entire management of the affairs of the 
 union in his hands. The first to obtain this honor was 
 Margus of Caryneia. In the fourth year after this man's 
 
Aratus; a Federal Assembly 299 
 
 Aratus. 
 
 Acrocorin- 
 thus was the 
 citadel of 
 Corinth; 
 Antigonus 
 was ruler of 
 Macedon. 
 
 tenure of the office, Aratus of Sicyon caused his city to 
 join the league, which, by his energy and courage, he had, 
 when only twenty years of age, delivered from the yoke 
 of its tyrant. In the eighth year again after this, Aratus, 
 being elected general for the second time, laid a plot to 
 seize the Acrocorinthus, then held by Antigonus; and by 
 success freed the inhabitants of the Peloponnese from a 
 source of serious alarm: and having thus liberated Corinth 
 he caused it to join the league. In his same term of office 
 he got Megara into his hands, and caused it to join also. 
 These events occurred in the year before the decisive de- 242 B.C 
 feat of the Carthaginians, in consequence of which they 
 evacuated Sicily and consented for the first time to pay 
 tribute to Rome. 
 
 Having made this remarkable progress in his design in 
 so short a time, Aratus continued thenceforth in the posi- 
 tion of leader of the Achaean league, and in the consistent 
 direction of his whole policy to one single end; which was 
 to expel Macedonians from the Peloponnese, to depose the 
 despots, and to establish in each state the common free- 
 dom which their ancestors had enjoyed before them. 
 
 Immediately after Phillopoemen had been succeeded by 
 Aristaenus as general, the ambassadors of king Ptolemy 
 arrived, while the league meeting was assembled at 
 Megalopolis. King Eumenes also had despatched an 
 embassy offering to give the Achasans one hundred and 
 twenty talents, on condition that it was invested and the 
 interest used to pay the council of the. league at the time 
 of the federal assemblies. Ambassadors came also from 
 king Seleucus, to renew his friendship with them and 
 offering a present of a fleet of ten ships of war. . . . 
 
 Next came the ambassadors from Eumenes, who re- 
 
 A session of 
 the federal 
 assembly. 
 
 Polybius 
 xxii. 10. 
 
 Offer of king 
 Eumenes of 
 Pergamum. 
 
 Various 
 kings seek 
 the friend- 
 ship of the 
 league. 
 
300 
 
 The Hellenistic Age 
 
 The offer re- 
 jected. 
 
 lb. II. 
 
 The moral 
 standard of 
 the league 
 was high. 
 
 newed the ancestral friendship of the king with the 
 Achaeans, and stated to the assembly the offer made by 
 him. They spoke at great length on these subjects, and 
 retired after setting forth the greatness of the king's kind- 
 ness and affection to the nation. 
 
 After they had finished their speech, Apollonidas of 
 Sicyon rose and said that, "As far as the amount of the 
 money was concerned, it was a present worthy of the 
 Achasans. But if they looked to the intention of the 
 donor, or to the purpose to which the gift was to 
 be applied, none could well be more insulting and 
 more unconstitutional. The laws prohibited any one, 
 whether a private individual or magistrate, from accept- 
 ing presents from a king on any pretence whatever; but if 
 they took this money they would every one of them be 
 plainly accepting a present, which was at once the gravest 
 possible breach of the law, and confessedly the deepest 
 personal disgrace. For that the council should take a 
 great wage from Eumenes, and meet to deliberate on the 
 interests of the league after swallowing such a bait, was 
 manifestly disgraceful and injurious. It was Eumenes 
 that offered money now; presently it would be Prusias; 
 and then Seleucus. But as the interests of democracies 
 and of kings are quite opposite to each other, and as our 
 most frequent and most important deliberations concern 
 the points of controversy arising between us and the 
 kings, one of two things must necessarily happen; either 
 the interests of the king will have precedence over our 
 own, or we must incur the reproach of ingratitude for 
 opposing our paymasters." He therefore urged the 
 Achaeans not only to decline the offer, but to hold Eumenes 
 in detestation for thinking of making it. . . . 
 
 After these speeches had been delivered, the people 
 
The Federal Assembly 301 
 
 showed such signs of enthusiastic approval that no one 
 ventured to speak on the side of the king; but the whole 
 assembly rejected the offer by acclamation, though its 
 amount certainly made it exceedingly tempting. 
 
 The next subject introduced for debate was that of King 
 king Ptolemy. The ambassadors who had been on the Egypt seeks 
 mission to Ptolemy were called forward, and Lycortas, atrea^ty. °^ 
 acting as spokesman, began by stating how they had j^ 
 interchanged oaths of aUiance with the king; and next 
 announced that they brought a present from the king to 
 the Achaean league of six thousand stands of arms for 
 peltasts, and two thousand talents in bronze coinage. 
 He added a panegyric on the king, and finished his speech 
 by a brief reference to the goodwill and active benevolence 
 of the king towards the Achaeans. Upon this the general There were 
 of the Achaeans, Aristaenus, stood up and asked Lycortas ties between 
 and his colleagues in the embassy to Ptolemy "which ^ ^^'^^^5. 
 alliance it was that he had thus renewed? . . . . " 
 
 And when no one was able to explain, not even Philip- 
 oemen himself, who had been in office when the renewal 
 was made, nor Lycortas and his colleagues who had been 
 on the mission to Alexandria, these men all began to be 
 regarded as careless in conducting the business of the 
 league; while Aristaenus acquired great reputation as be- 
 ing the only man who knew what he was talking about; 
 and finally, the assembly refused to allow the ratification, 
 voting on account of this blunder that the business should 
 be postponed. 
 
 Then the ambassadors from Seleucus entered with their 
 proposal. The Achaeans, however, voted to renew the 
 friendship with Seleucus, but to decline for the present 
 the gift of the ships. 
 
302 
 
 The Hellenistic Age 
 
 A slight 
 lapse of the 
 Rhodians. 
 
 Polybius 
 xxxi. 25. 
 
 These words 
 are a high 
 compliment 
 to the Greek 
 state in gen- 
 eral, and 
 particularly 
 to Rhodes. 
 
 Eumenes was 
 king of Per- 
 gamum. The 
 gift was made 
 162 B.C. 
 
 II. High Sense of Honor of the Greek States 
 
 Though in other respects maintaining the dignity of 
 their states, the Rhodians made, in my opinion, a sHght 
 lapse in this period. They had received 280,000 medimni 
 of grain from Eumenes, that its value might be invested 
 and the interest devoted to pay the fees of the tutors and 
 schoolmasters of their sons. One might accept this from 
 friends in a case of financial embarrassment, as one might 
 in private life, rather than allow children to remain un- 
 educated for want of means. But where means are abund- 
 ant, a man would rather do anything than allow the 
 schoolmaster's fee to be supplied by a joint contribution 
 from his friends. And in proportion as a state should 
 hold higher notions than an individual, so ought govern- 
 ments to be more jealous of their dignity than private 
 men, and above all a Rhodian government, considering 
 the wealth of the country and its high pretensions. 
 
 Priene suf- 
 fers rather 
 than betray 
 a trust. 
 
 Polybius 
 xxxiii. 6. 
 
 Orophernes 
 had become 
 king of Cap- 
 padocia in 
 place of 
 Ariarathes; 
 but the lat- 
 ter eventually 
 recovered 
 his kingdom. 
 
 About this time an unexpected misfortune befell the 
 people of Priene. They had received a deposit of four 
 hundred talents from Orophernes when he got possession 
 of the kingdom; and subsequently when Ariarathes re- 
 covered his dominion he demanded the money of them. 
 But they acted like honest men, in my opinion, in de- 
 claring that they would deliver it to no one as long as 
 Orophernes was alive, except to the person who deposited 
 it with them; while Ariarathes was thought by many to be 
 committing a breach of equity in demanding a deposit 
 made by another. Up to this point, however, one might 
 perhaps pardon his making the attempt, because he looked 
 upon the money as belonging to his own kingdom; but to 
 push his anger and imperious determination as much 
 
Priene; Alexandria 303 
 
 farther as he did seems utterly unjustifiable. At the ^j^^*^'^^ ^^^ 
 period I refer to, then, he sent troops to pillage the terri- Pergamum, 
 
 '^ ,. ., .. ,.,. r and friendly 
 
 tory of Priene, Attalus assisting and urging him on trom a toAriarathes 
 
 private grudge which he entertained tov;ard the Prienians. 
 
 After losing many slaves and cattle, some of them being 
 
 slaughtered close to the city itself, the Prienians, unable 
 
 to defend themselves, first sent an embassy to the Rho- J)fJ'^^ "^^^^^^f^ 
 
 dians and eventually appealed for protection to Rome. . . . wanting. 
 
 But he would not listen to the proposal. Hence it came 
 about that the Prienians, who had great hopes from hold- J^^^J^^^^^'J 
 ing so large a sum of money, found themselves entirely care of the 
 disappointed. For they repaid Orophernes his deposit, „.mdd bring 
 and thanks to this same deposit, were unjustly exposed to ^^';!^^f^Jg^_ 
 severe damage at the hands of Ariarathes. 
 
 III. Alexandria 
 
 The former kings of Egypt, satisfied with what they Exclusive-^ 
 possessed, and not desirous of foreign commerce, enter- early Egyp- 
 tained a dislike to all mariners, especially the Greeks, ^^° "^^^' 
 who on account of the poverty of their own country, Strabo xvii. 
 ravaged and coveted the property of other nations. They 
 stationed a guard, who had orders to keep off all persons 
 who approached. To the guard was assigned as a place of 
 residence the spot called Rhacotis, which is now a part of 
 the city of Alexandria, situated above the arsenal. At 
 that time, however, it was a village. The country about 
 the village was given up to herdsmen, who were also able 
 by their numbers to prevent strangers, from entering the 
 country. 
 
 When Alexander arrived, and perceived the advantages ^^"^^'JJ^fj^"* 
 of the situation, he determined to build the city on the 
 harbor. The resulting prosperity of the place was in- ■'j«^^g*'^gj 
 timated, it is said, by a presage which occurred while the 
 
304 
 
 The Hellenistic Age 
 
 Advantages 
 of the city. 
 
 Strabo xvii. 
 I. 7. 
 
 Its whole- 
 some cli- 
 mate. 
 
 plan of the city was tracing. The architects were en- 
 gaged in marking out the Hne of the wall with chalk, and 
 had consumed it all, when the king arrived, whereupon 
 the dispensers of flour supplied the workmen with a part 
 of the flour which was provided for their own use ; and this 
 substance was used in tracing the greater part of the di- 
 visions of the streets. This, they said, was a good omen 
 for the city. 
 
 The advantages of the city are of various kinds. The 
 site is washed by two seas; on the north by what is called 
 the Egyptian Sea, and on the south by the sea of the lake 
 Mareia, which is also called Mareotis. This lake is filled 
 by many canals from the Nile, both by those above and 
 those at the sides, through which a greater quantity of 
 merchandise is imported than through those communicat- 
 ing with the sea. Hence the harbor on the lake is richer 
 than the maritime harbor. The exports by sea from 
 Alexandria exceed the imports. This any person may as- 
 certain, at either Alexandria or Dicaearchia, by watching 
 the arrival and departure of the merchant vessels, and 
 observing how much heavier or lighter their cargoes are 
 when they depart or when they return. 
 
 In addition to the wealth derived from merchandise 
 landed at the harbors on each side, on the sea and on the 
 lake, the fine air is worthy of remark : this results from the 
 city's being on two sides surrounded by water, and from 
 the favorable effects of the rise of the Nile. For other 
 cities, situated near lakes, have during the heats of sum- 
 mer a heavy and suffocating atmosphere, and lakes at 
 their margins become swampy by the evaporation oc- 
 casioned by the sun's heat. When a large quantity of 
 moisture is exhaled from swamps, a noxious vapor rises, 
 and is the cause of pestilential disorders. But at Alex- 
 
Public Buildings of Alexandria 305 
 
 andria, at the beginning of summer, the Nile, being full, 
 fills the lake also, and leaves no marshy matter which is 
 likely to occasion deadly vapors. At the same period the 
 Etesian winds blow from the north over a large expanse of 
 sea, and the Alexandrines in consequence pass their sum- 
 mer very pleasantly. 
 
 The shape of the site of the city is that of a chlamys or The plan of 
 military cloak. The sides, which determine the length, 
 are surrounded by water, and are about thirty stadia in 
 extent; but the isthmuses, which determine the breadth 
 of the sides, are each of seven or eight stadia, bounded on 
 one side by the sea, and on the other by the lake. The 
 whole city is intersected by streets for the passage of 
 horsemen and chariots. Two of these are very broad, 
 exceeding a plethrum in breadth, and cut one another A plethrum 
 
 . , , ^ . , , ..,,,. is about 100 
 
 at right angles. It contams also very beautiful pubhc feet. 
 grounds, and royal palaces, which occupy a fourth or even 
 a third part of its whole extent. For as each of the kings 
 was desirous of adding some embellishment to the places 
 dedicated to the public use, each added to the works al- 
 ready existing a building at his own expense; hence the 
 expression of the poet may be here applied, "One after 
 the other springs." All the buildings are connected with 
 one another and with the harbor, and those also which 
 are beyond it. 
 
 The Museum is a part of the palaces. It has a public The Mu- 
 walk and a place furnished with seats and a large hall, in 
 which the men of learning, who belong to the Museum, 
 take their common meal. This community possesses also 
 property in common; and a priest, formerly appointed by 
 the kings but at present by Caesar, presides over the 
 Museum. 
 
 A part belonging to the palaces consists of the so-called 
 
3o6 
 
 The Hellenistic Age 
 
 Other build- 
 ings. 
 
 lb. lo. 
 
 The form of 
 the earth. 
 
 Straboi. i. 
 20. 
 
 Sema, an enclosure which contained the tombs of the 
 kings and that of Alexander (the Great). . . . Ptolemy 
 carried away the body of Alexander, and deposited it at 
 Alexandria in the place where it now Hes; not indeed in 
 the same coffin, for the present one is of alabaster, whereas 
 Ptolemy had deposited it in one of gold. . . . 
 
 In short, the city of Alexandria abounds in public and 
 sacred buildings. The most beautiful of the former is the 
 Gymnasium with porticos exceeding a stadium in extent. 
 In the middle of it are a court of justice and groves. Here 
 also is a Paneium, an artificial mound of the shape of a 
 fir-cone, resembling a pile of rock, to the top of which 
 there is an ascent by a spiral path. From the summit 
 may be seen the whole city lying all around and beneath it. 
 
 IV. Science 
 
 Geometry and astronomy, as we before remarked, seem 
 absolutely indispensable in this science (geography). This 
 in fact is evident, that without some such assistance, it 
 would be impossible to be accurately acquainted with the 
 configuration of the earth; its zones, dimensions, and the 
 like information. 
 
 As the size of the earth has been demonstrated by other 
 wTiters, we shall here take for granted and receive as ac- 
 curate what they have advanced. We shall also assume 
 that the earth is spheroidal, that its surface is likewise 
 spheroidal, and above all, that bodies have a tendency 
 towards its centre, which latter point is clear to the per- 
 ception of the most average understanding. However, we 
 may show summarily that the earth is spheroidal, from 
 the consideration that all things however distant tend to 
 its centre, and that every body is attracted toward its 
 centre of gravity; this is more distinctly proved from ob- 
 
The Shape and the Size of the Earth 307 
 
 servations of the sea and sky, for here the evidence of the 
 senses, and common observation, is alone requisite. The 
 convexity of the sea is a further proof of this to those who 
 have sailed; for they cannot perceive lights at a distance 
 when placed at the same level as their eyes, but if raised 
 on high, they at once become perceptible to vision, though . 
 at the same time further removed. So, when the eye is 
 raised, it sees what before was utterly imperceptible. 
 Homer speaks of this when he says. 
 
 Lifted up on the vast wave he quickly beheld afar. Odyssey v. 
 
 393- 
 
 Sailors, as they approach their destination, behold the 
 shore continually raising itself to their view; and objects 
 which had at first seemed low, begin to elevate them- 
 selves. Our gnomons also are, among other things, evi- 
 dence of the revolution of the heavenly bodies; and com- 
 mon sense at once shows us, that if the depth of the earth 
 were infinite, such a revolution could not take place. 
 
 Further, endeavoring to support the opinion that it is ^/™^"^g°^h 
 in accordance with natural philosophy to reckon the and the 
 greatest dimension of the habitable earth from east to us^ircuin- 
 west, he (Eratosthenes) says that, according to the laws of navigation, 
 natural philosophy, the habitable earth ought to occupy a Eratosthe- 
 
 ^ i ./ ' 1 • 1 1 1 r '^^S' Quoted 
 
 greater length from east to west, than its breadth from by Strabo i. 
 north to south. The temperate zone, which we have 4- ^■ 
 already designated as the longest zone, is that which the 
 mathematicians denominate a continuous circle returning 
 upon itself. So that if the extent of the Atlantic Ocean 
 were not an obstacle, we might easily pass by sea from 
 Iberia to India, still keeping in the same parallel; the re- 
 maining portion of which parallel, measured as above in 
 stadia, occupies more than a third of the whole circle: 
 since the parallel drawn through Athens, on which we 
 
3o8 
 
 The Hellenistic Age 
 
 A stadium is have taken the distances from India to Iberia, does not 
 contain altogether 200,000 stadia.^ 
 
 Physiology. 
 
 Pliny, Natu- 
 ral History, 
 xi. 69, citing 
 in part, 
 Herophilus 
 (3d century 
 B.C.). 
 
 But Heroph- 
 ilus taught 
 that the 
 brain was 
 the seat o£ 
 the mind. 
 
 Herophilus 
 taught the 
 circulation 
 of the blood. 
 
 Herophilus 
 distin- 
 guished the 
 arteries from 
 the veins 
 (and we may 
 add, the 
 sensory from 
 the motor 
 nerves). 
 
 'i. 88. 
 
 The heart is the principal seat of the heat of the body; 
 it is constantly beating, and moves as though it were one 
 animal enclosed within another. It is enveloped in a 
 membrane equally supple and strong, and is protected by 
 the bulwarks formed by the ribs and the bone of the 
 breast, as the primary source and origin of life. It con- 
 tains within itself the primary receptacles for the spirit 
 and the blood, in its sinuous cavity, which in the larger 
 animals is threefold and in all at least twofold. Here the 
 mind has its abode. From this source proceed two large 
 veins, which branch into the front part and the back 
 part of the body, and which, spreading out in a series of 
 branches, convey the vital blood by other smaller veins 
 over the whole body. . . . 
 
 The pulsation of the arteries is more perceptible on the 
 surface of the limbs, and affords indications of nearly 
 every disease, being either stationary, quickened or re- 
 tarded, conformably to certain measures and metrical 
 laws, which depend on the age of the patient, and which 
 have been described with remarkable skill by Herophilus, 
 who has been regarded as a prophet in the wondrous art 
 of medicine. 
 
 V. Social Life 
 
 I have accepted thee for wife, I have given thee one 
 argenteus, in shekels 5, one argenteus in all for thy woman's 
 
 Contract of 
 marriage in 
 Egypt. 
 
 Shortly be- mft. I must give thee 6 obols, their half is 3, to-day 6, 
 
 fore Alexan- . 
 
 der's con- by the month 3, by the double month 6, 36 for a year: 
 ^^^^ ' , equal to one argenteus and a fifth in shekels 6; one ar- 
 
 I argenteus= ^ ° 
 
 5 ^v.^u^]I_/; 'This would give a circumference of about 22,700 miles for the 
 
 obols. thirty-sixth parallel, or about 28,500 miles for the equator. 
 
one tenth 
 means one 
 
 A Marriage Contract; Two Letters 309 
 
 genteus and one fifth in all for thy toilet for a year. '^^^J-^^^J^^^ 
 
 Lastly a tenth of an argenteus, in shekels one half, one ment lies in 
 
 argenteus one tenth of thy pin money by the month, provTsions^ 
 
 which makes one argenteus and one fifth, in shekels 6, one ™.^^e prom^ 
 
 argenteus and one fifth for thy pin money during the year, the extract 
 
 . r • e T J. n J. here given 
 
 Thy pm money for one year is apart from thy toilet are omitted 
 
 money. I must give it to thee each year, and it is thy n^mefofper- 
 
 right to exact the payment of thy toilet money, and thy sons con- 
 
 pin money, which are to be placed to my account. I must other techni- 
 
 give it to thee. Thy eldest son, my eldest son, shall be the begimiing 
 
 heir of all my property, present and future. I will estab- ^'^J^^3^^' 
 
 lish thee as wife. the Past, x. 
 
 In case I should despise thee, in case I should take an- ''^ 
 
 other wife than thee, I will give thee 20 argenteus, in argenteus 
 
 shekels 100, 20 argenteus in all. The entire property 
 
 which is mine, and which I shall possess, is security of all tenth 
 
 • 1 -r 1 !• 1 1 1 J argenteus. 
 
 the above words, until I have accomplished them accord- 
 ing to their tenor. 
 
 We have arrived in health at Lampsacus, myself and Letter of 
 
 . Epicurus to 
 
 Pythocles and Hermarchus and Ctesippus, and there we a child. 
 
 have found Themistas and the rest of the friends in health. Milligan, 
 
 It is good if you also are in health and your grandmother, p^^^^^- ^ ^ f 
 
 and obey your grandfather and matron in all things, as ^.^^ ^^^ 
 
 you have done before. For be sure, the reason why both tury B.C. 
 
 I and all the rest love you so much is that you obey these curus is^'the 
 
 in all things. . . . {-^-.p^" 
 
 The child 
 
 Isias to Hephasstion her brother greeting. If you are was probably 
 
 well, and things in general are going right, it would be as I und°e7hL" 
 
 am continually praying to the gods. I myself am in good '^''^• 
 
 health, and the child and all at home, making mention of Letter of 
 ' . Isias to 
 
 you continually. When I got yovir letter from Horus, in Hephaestion, 
 
 which you explained that you were in retreat in the 
 
3IO 
 
 The Hellenistic Age 
 
 Milligan, 
 p. gf. 
 i68 B.C. 
 
 In Egypt 
 husband and 
 wife often 
 called each 
 other sister 
 and brother; 
 sometimes 
 they were so 
 related. 
 
 The wife 
 complains 
 that her hus- 
 band, when 
 freed from 
 his vow to 
 the god, does 
 not return 
 to her. 
 
 It is thought 
 that those 
 under a vow 
 at this tem- 
 ple had some- 
 thing of the 
 character of 
 monks. 
 
 A letter of 
 introduc- 
 tion. 
 
 Milligan, 
 p. 24 f. 
 
 Second cen- 
 tury B.C. 
 
 Serapeum at Memphis, I immediately gave thanks to the 
 gods that you were well; but that you did not return when 
 all those who were shut up with you arrived distresses me; 
 for having piloted myself and your child out of such a 
 crisis, and having come to the last extremity because of 
 the high price of grain, and thinking that now at last on 
 your return I should obtain some relief, you have never 
 even thought of returning, nor spared a look for our help- 
 less state. While you were still at home, I went short 
 altogether, not to mention how long a time has passed 
 since, and such disasters; and you having sent nothing. 
 And now that Horus who brought the letter has told 
 about your having been released from your retreat, I am 
 utterly distressed. Nor is this all, but since your mother 
 is in great trouble about it, I entreat you for her sake and 
 for ours to return to the city, unless indeed something 
 most pressing occupies you. Pray take care of yourself 
 that you may be in health. Good-bye. 
 (Addressed) To Hephaestion. 
 
 Polycrates to Philoxenus greeting. If you are well and 
 things in general are going right, it will be as we desire. 
 We ourselves are in health. As regards those things we 
 wished, we have sent you Glaucias who is personally at- 
 tached to us to consult you. Please therefore give him a 
 hearing, and instruct him concerning those things he has 
 come about. But above all take care of yourself that you 
 may be in health. Good-bye. 
 
 (Addressed) To Philoxenus. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 I. Why had not Peloponnesus united under one government? 
 What advantages came to this region from the Achaean league? 
 What causes contributed to the rise of this league? What elements 
 
Studies 311 
 
 of democracy had it? What were its officers? What part had Aratus 
 in the building of the union? What kind of business came before the 
 federal assembly described by Polybius? Why did various kings 
 seek the friendship of the league? What stand did the league take 
 toward the offer of gifts? 
 
 2. How did the Rhodians fall somewhat below the Achseans in 
 honor? Would a modern state or educational institution accept such 
 a gift? What did Polybius consider wrong in such acceptance? Why 
 do we say his opinion of the Rhodians is complimentary to them and 
 to the Greeks in general? Describe the conduct of Priene in defend- 
 ing a trust committed to her. From these passages what do you 
 conclude as to Greek character at this time? 
 
 3. Describe the situation of Alexandria; its climate. Describe its 
 extent and plan. What was the Museum? What was its purpose? 
 What were the other public works? 
 
 4. Enumerate the sciences mentioned in this selection. What did 
 the ancients know of the form and dimensions of the earth? How did 
 they prove the earth to be round? What knowledge had Herophilu? 
 of physiology? 
 
 5. What are the terms of the marriage contract here mentioned? 
 
BOOK III 
 
 Rome 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII] 
 
 A. INTRODUCTION TO THE SOURCES 
 
 The Romans derived all the elements of their higher The begin- 
 culture from the Greeks. The most valuable of these writing, 
 acquisitions was the alphabet. At an unknown time in the 
 period of the kings some of the Romans learned from the 
 Greeks to read and write. Priests wrote prayers and Ancient 
 
 •,,,.,, World, 326S. 
 
 rituals; and the pontiffs composed the fasti, or calendar — 
 a list of days of each month setting forth the festivals, the 
 market-days, and the days which were lucky or unlucky 
 for doing business. Little however was written that 
 could be of service to the historians, who lived hundreds 
 of years afterward. Because of the lack of such service- 
 able material we call the regal period prehistoric. 
 
 About the beginning of the Republic the Romans com- The fasti, 
 menced to keep a list — also called fasti — of their annual treaties, 
 magistrates, and to record their laws and treaties. Gradu- 
 ally was formed a considerable body of written material, 
 consisting of the documents above mentioned and of 
 funeral orations, family chronicles, and poetry. The 
 earliest historian was Fabius Pictor, a Roman senator 
 during the war with Hannibal. He wrote in Greek a Latter part 
 history of his country from the earliest times to his own tury B.C. 
 day. As he grouped events by years, his work is called 
 
 313 
 
314 
 
 Introduction to the Sources 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 405 f. 
 
 P. 73. 
 
 Historians. 
 
 Caesar, 
 100-44 B.C. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 445- 
 
 Sallust. 
 
 Annals. After him followed a long succession of annalists, 
 who wrote either in Greek or in Latin. The first Roman 
 to adopt the native tongue for historical use was Cato the 
 Censor; it is chiefly for this reason that he is considered 
 the founder of Latin prose hterature. "He tells us that 
 he himself wrote books on history with his own hand in 
 large letters that his boy might start in life with a useful 
 knowledge of what his forefathers had done." Cato and 
 other public men of his time wrote their political and 
 judicial speeches, thus creating in literature the depart- 
 ment of oratory. Not long after Cato lived Polybius, the 
 ablest writer of Roman history. His work has been men- 
 tioned in an earlier chapter. 
 
 The period of the annalists, closing about 80 B.C., was 
 followed by that of the historians. 
 
 First in order let us consider Gains Julius Caesar. While 
 in war and in statesmanship his achievements place him 
 among the foremost men of the world, his literary genius 
 is scarcely less remarkable. In his writings he shows a 
 faultless taste and a clear, direct, masterful style. His 
 Commentaries on the Gallic War and On the Civil War are 
 a plain but forceful narrative of his wonderful campaigns. 
 The primary object of these works was to justify his wars 
 and his political policy. 
 
 Somewhat later Sallust wrote a monograph On the Con- 
 spiracy of Catiline and another On the Jugurthlne War. 
 Along with his narrative of events, he tried impartially to 
 analyze the character of society and the motives of con- 
 duct. These works we still have, but most of his History, 
 in which he described the events following Sulla's death, 
 has been lost. Cassar and Sallust were the chief historians 
 of their age. Though each noble family recorded the deeds 
 of illustrious ancestors, no national interest in biography 
 
The Ao-e of Cicero 315 
 
 arose till the closing years of the republic, when the great 
 men of Rome began to attract all eyes. At this time lived Nepos. 
 Cornelius Nepos, mentioned above among the sources for 
 Greek history. The same chapter speaks of his Greek P. 73 f- 
 contemporary, Diodorus, whose Historical Library treats 
 of both Greek and Roman affairs. 
 
 In this age Roman oratory reached the height of its J^g'"c^ce?o^' 
 development in Marcus Tullius Cicero. As Caesar em- 106-43 B.C. 
 bodied imperialism, Cicero represented the better spirit 
 of the republic. As a statesman he cherished high ideals 
 of republican freedom; as a citizen he was intensely patri- Rome, 182; 
 
 ^ 1 J • 1,1 Ancient 
 
 otic; and his private character was worthy and amiable. WoHd, 44s f- 
 His achievement was to bring the prose of his country to 
 formal perfection, — to make Latin a great classical lan- 
 guage. This result he accomplished by developing, refin- 
 ing, and enriching his mother tongue not only in oratory 
 but in nearly every style of prose from philosophy to fa- 
 miliar correspondence. It is chiefly owing to his creative 
 genius that Latin has been the universal language of learn- 
 ing and culture from his time almost to the present day. 
 If in reading his Orations we make allowance for their 
 rhetorical coloring and their political bias, we shall find 
 them valuable for the study of the age. More trustworthy 
 are his Letters to friends, in which he speaks candidly of 
 passing events. 
 
 As the temperament of the Romans was realistic and Lucretius, 
 practical, they met with little success in imaginative liter- 
 ature. Lucretius, a poet of the Ciceronian age, composed 
 in verse a work On the Nature of the World, in which he 
 tried by means of science to dispel from the mind all 
 fear of death and of the gods,— to free men from super- 
 stition. Notwithstanding the scientific details in which 
 the poem abounds, it is a work of genius. Catullus, a CatuUus. 
 
3i6 
 
 Introduction to the Sources 
 
 The Au- 
 gustan Age, 
 31 B.C.-14 
 A.D. 
 
 Livy. 
 
 Books i-x 
 and xxi-xlv, 
 with mere 
 summaries 
 of the re- 
 maining 
 books, have 
 alone come 
 down to us, 
 and are our 
 chief source 
 for the earlier 
 periods. 
 
 Dionysius of 
 
 Halicarnas- 
 
 sus. 
 
 brilliant poet of the same age, wrote beautiful lyrics on 
 subjects of love and life, and some bitter lampoons. 
 
 The principate of Augustus is considered the golden 
 age of Roman literature. A most interesting and valu- 
 able document from this period is Augustus' own account 
 of his administration preserved in an inscription. Scholars 
 term it the Monumentum Ancyranum because it was 
 found on a temple in Ancyra, Asia Minor, though we may 
 designate it simply as his Deeds. The most eminent 
 author of prose in this age was Livy, who wrote a History 
 of Rome in a hundred and forty-two books. The military 
 and personal details in the early books are largely mythi- 
 cal; yet even in this part the author expresses vividly and 
 accurately the character of Rome and of her citizens and 
 institutions. From the time of the Punic Wars, the details 
 of every kind are in a high degree trustworthy. 
 
 Though in his conception of the aim and method of his- 
 tory he was far inferior to Polybius, whom he had read, he 
 loved what he supposed to be the truth and the right. 
 His sympathies were intensely republican; but he con- 
 sented to work for Augustus. His love of law and order, 
 his hatred of violence and vulgarity, served the interests 
 of his patron, while the vast compass and the stately 
 style of his history, like the splendid public works of 
 the age, helped make the imperial government mag- 
 nificent. 
 
 While Livy was writing his great work, Dionysius of 
 Halicarnassus was compiling a detailed history of Rome 
 from the earliest times to the beginning of the Punic Wars. 
 As an historian he is on the whole inferior to Livy; and 
 yet his work is a valuable source for the life and institu- 
 tions of early Rome. 
 
 Strabo the geographer, who wrote under Augustus and 
 
The Augustan Age 
 
 317 
 
 Tiberius, has been mentioned in the chapter which treats P. 74- 
 of the sources for Greek history. 
 
 In the same age Vergil, Rome's most splendid poet, Vergil, 
 wrote an epic poem, the ^Eneid. In this story of the 
 wanderings of ^^neas he glorifies the beginnings of Rome Rome, 17, 
 and, at the same time, the imperial family, which claimed Wokd, 461. 
 descent from the hero of his poem. 
 
 Horace, author of Odes and Satires and Epistles in Horace, 
 verse, was the poet of contentment and common sense, Ancient 
 who bade his friends — 
 
 World, 461. 
 
 Snatch gayly the joys which the moment shall bring, 
 And away every care and perplexity fling. 
 
 Leave the future to the gods, he taught. A comfortable 
 villa, some shady nook in summer, and in winter a roar- 
 ing fireplace, good wine, pleasant friends, and a mind 
 free from care make an ideal life. After the stormy end 
 of the republic, the world needed such a lesson; and 
 though he remained independent in spirit, Horace quietly 
 served his prince. His work abounds in references to 
 manners, customs, and events, and hence is valuable for 
 an understanding of the age. 
 
 In the same age lived Ovid, the polished poet of the Ovid. 
 gay, immoral circle which surrounded Julia, granddaughter 
 of Augustus. To the student of history his most valuable 
 work is the Fasti, a metrical calendar containing much 
 curious information regarding Roman religion. 
 
 Under Tiberius the republican reaction against the Velleius Pa- 
 principate was at its height; the time was therefore so 
 unfavorable to literary work, that this administration 
 produced no writers of talent or especial merit. Velleius 
 Paterculus, who had served Tiberius as a military officer, 
 wrote a short History of Rome to the year 30 A.D. The 
 earher period he treats briefly, his own age with greater 
 
3i8 
 
 Introduction to the Sources 
 
 Seneca. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 467. 
 
 Petronius. 
 
 Pliny the 
 Elder. 
 
 Josephus. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 46. 
 
 The Age of 
 the Goodj 
 Emperors, 
 
 96-180 A. D. 
 
 Tacitus, 
 
 about 55-120 
 A.D. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 493. 
 
 fulness. Wordy and pompous, he is nevertheless fairly 
 accurate in his statement of facts; and for the principate 
 of Tiberius he enjoys the advantage of being our only 
 contemporary source. Undoubtedly sincere in his ad- 
 miration of the emperor, he overflows with eulogy, like a 
 partisan rather than a calm-tempered historian. 
 
 The progress of the Romans in morality and kindliness 
 under the early princes is well represented by Seneca. A 
 Spaniard by birth, a Stoic, and a rhetorician, he became 
 the tutor and afterward the prime minister of Nero. His 
 essays on moral and philosophic subjects are mostly 
 presented in the form of Letters and Dialogues. With 
 Seneca we may contrast Petronius, "Master of Pleas- 
 ures," at the court of Nero. He wrote a character novel 
 in perhaps twenty books, of which we have mere frag- 
 ments. The most important is the Dinner of Trinialchio, 
 a satire on a coarse, uneducated freedman who had sud- 
 denly grown rich. It is of great value for social life. 
 Under Vespasian Pliny the Elder wrote a Natural History 
 in thirty-seven books. In addition to the natural sciences, 
 it includes geography, medicine, and art. An encyclo- 
 pasdia compiled from two thousand different works, it is 
 a g'-eat storehouse of knowledge. Not long afterward 
 Josephus, a Hebrew writer, composed two important 
 historical works, Jewish Antiquities and The Jewish War. 
 
 The sufferings of republicanism under Domitian, fol- 
 lowed by the happy reigns of Nerva and Trajan, produced 
 the last great writers of classic Latin, Tacitus and Juvenal. 
 One wrote history, the other satire, yet with a kindred 
 spirit. The Annals and the Histories ^ of Tacitus covered 
 
 * Of the Annals we have bks. i-iv, parts of v and vi, and xi-xvi, with 
 gaps at the beginning and end of the last group of books; of the 
 Histories there remain bks. i-iv and the first half of v. 
 
Tacitus and Juvenal 319 
 
 the period from the death of Augustus to the death of 
 Domitian. Besides these larger works he wrote a mono- 
 graph on the Life and Character of A gr kola, the conqueror 
 of Britain, and another, the Gerniania, on the character 
 and institutions of the Germans of his time. His experi- 
 ence as an army officer and a statesman gave him a clear 
 understanding of military and political events. He was 
 conscientious, too, and though he made little use of docu- 
 ments as sources, we may trust his statement of all facts 
 which could be known to the public. His style is ex- 
 ceedingly rapid, vivid, and energetic. His excellencies 
 as an historian, however, are balanced by serious defects. 
 Though he owed his seat in the senate to Domitian, he 
 belonged to the strictest circle of aristocrats, who were 
 dissatisfied with the principate though they had nothing 
 better to propose. Hatred of the " tyrants " from Tiberius 
 to Domitian, and the bitterness he felt because of his 
 party's failure, supplied him with inspiration for his 
 gloomy narrative. To most critics his chief merit lies in 
 his dramatic portrayal of character; but his prejudice led 
 him unconsciously to invent bad motives even for the best 
 acts of the emperors, especially of Tiberius. His charac- 
 ters, however vivid and self-consistent, are the product of 
 his gloomy, bitter imagination. Valuable as his work is to 
 one who can distinguish between fact and fancy, it is as 
 much satire as history. 
 
 Like the historian, Juvenal, author of Satires, was power- Juvenal, 
 ful and dramatic. With the inspiration of wrath and in ^^o A.d!" 
 the spirit of Tacitus, he looked back to the society of Rome 
 under Nero and Domitian to find in it nothing but hideous ^y^^i^'^ ^^^ 
 vice. The pictures drawn by the historian are grand and 
 fascinating; those of the satirist repel us by their ugliness; 
 the works of both masters are unreal. 
 
320 
 
 Introduction to the Sources 
 
 Pliny the 
 Younger. 
 
 Suetonius, 
 
 about 75- 
 160 A.D. 
 
 Aulus 
 Gellius, 
 
 born about 
 130 A.D. 
 
 Revival of 
 
 Hellenic 
 
 literature. 
 
 Dio Chrysos- 
 tom, about 
 40 to after 
 1X2 A.D. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 p. 74. 
 
 Kpictetus, 
 about 50-120. 
 
 When Rome renounced the repubHc, so far as to con- 
 sider her emperors good, she lost her motive for literary 
 art. Her writers became shallow and insipid, without 
 thought or imagination, who could only repeat what they 
 had read. The best of this class was Pliny the Younger, 
 an orator, and for a time governor of Bithynia. One of 
 his speeches, a eulogy on Trajan, which has come down 
 to us, is an example of the tiresome, feeble style of the 
 day. His Letters, polished yet trivial, are valuable for the 
 study of the social life and literary activities of his time. 
 The principate of Hadrian is represented in literature by 
 Suetonius, for a time the emperor's secretary. In his 
 Lives of the Ccesars he arranges his material topically, with 
 little reference to chronological order. Though accurate 
 in his presentation of political matters, generally too of 
 personal details, he has marred his writings by the in- 
 troduction of a great amount of unfounded gossip and 
 calumny against the princes and their families. He was a 
 compiler without literary talent. The same is true of a 
 younger contemporary, Aulus Gellius, whose Attic Nights 
 is a storehouse of literary, religious, political and legal 
 antiquities. The title is due to the circumstance that 
 the compilation of the work occupied the author's even- 
 ings during a winter spent in Athens. 
 
 A revival of Hellenic literature in the second century 
 A.D. produced some authors of unusual merit. The 
 literary activity of Dio Chrysostom, a rhetorician and 
 moralist, extends from Vespasian to Trajan. Among his 
 Orations are some which treat interestingly of morals and 
 of political and social conditions in Greece. About the 
 same time Plutarch wrote his Lives, referred to in the 
 chapter on Greek sources. In the same generation with 
 Plutarch lived Epictetus, a Stoic philosopher, who taught 
 
Second and Third Centuries A.D. 321 
 
 the brotherhood of man and the loving goodness of God 
 the all-wise Father. His Discourses were written down 
 by a pupil, Arrian, whose Anabasis of Alexander has al- P- 75- 
 ready been mentioned. In Arrian's generation Appian of 
 Alexandria wrote a narrative History of Rome. It is true Appian, 
 that he was uncritical, yet we find much valuable in- 175. 
 formation in the parts of his work which are still extant. 
 Somewhat later Marcus Aurelius composed in Greek his Marcus 
 Meditations, philosophic thoughts written down by the 121-180.' 
 Stoic emperor without order, just as they occurred to him. 
 To the period following his reign belongs the active life of 
 Dio Cassius of Bithynia. Although a Greek, he became Dio Cassius, 
 a Roman senator and held various important administra- 240. 
 tive offices. This experience in practical affairs was of the 
 greatest value to him as a historian. He composed in 
 Greek a History of Rome in eighty books, extending from 
 the earliest times to 229 A.D. The work shows remark- 
 able insight and judgment. We have books xxxvi-lx en- 
 tire, with fragments and an abridgment of the rest. The 
 period following Marcus Aurelius, iSo-228 A.D., repre- 
 sented by fragments of Dio Cassius, is covered in the 
 History of the Empire Since Marcus A urelius by Herodian, Herodian, 
 a Greek who lived somewhat later. 255. 
 
 Several minor sources deserve briefer mention. Florus, Minor 
 whose time and country are unknown, composed in a 
 highly rhetorical style an Epitome of Roman History from 
 the founding of the city to the beginning of the empire. 
 At the request of Valens, Eutropius wrote a dry Com- 
 pendium of Roman History to the accession of his patron — 
 364 A.D. Aurelius Victor, who lived in the fourth cen- 
 tury A.D., is said to have composed the Origin of the 
 Roman Nation; On the Illustrious Men of the City of Rome; 
 The CcBsars, brief biographies of the emperors from 
 
 sources. 
 
322 
 
 Introduction to the Sources 
 
 III 
 
 h 
 
 Ammianus 
 Marcellinus, 
 
 about 330- 
 401 A.D. 
 
 Res Gestce. 
 
 Macrobius. 
 
 Christian 
 Writers. 
 
 I' 
 
 Lactantius, 
 about 260- 
 330 A.D. 
 
 Augustus to Cons tan tius; Life and Character of the Roman 
 Emperors, from Augustus to Theodosius. It is probable, 
 however, that all these works are not by the same hand. 
 The six authors of the Augustan History — the lives of the 
 emperors from Hadrian to Numerianus, 117-284 A.D. — 
 wrote under Diocletian and Constantine, and dedicated 
 their biographies to the one or the other of these em- 
 perors. Spartianus was the author of the life of Hadrian; 
 and Capitolinus of the lives of Antoninus Pius and Marcus 
 Aurelius. This work, however devoid of literary merit, is 
 a highly important source. 
 
 An author of incomparably greater historical insight 
 and judgment was Ammianus Marcellinus, a Greek of 
 Antioch, Syria. Born in the reign of Constantine, he en- 
 tered the army at an early age and attained to high com- 
 mands in a long and honorable career. Late in life he 
 wrote in Latin a history of the emperors' Achievements 
 from Nerva to Valens in thirty-one books. There remain 
 only books XIV-XXXI. His attention to personal and 
 racial character, customs and social conditions makes his 
 work unusually interesting and instructive. He was the 
 last distinguished historian of Rome. Approximately to 
 the date of his death belongs the Saturnalia of Macrobius, 
 a dialogue of learned men on literary questions, religion, 
 and various customs of earlier Rome. This work should 
 be classed with the Attic Nights of Gellius. 
 
 Among the Christian writers of ancient times the first 
 in order are the authors of the books of the New Testa- 
 ment. Then follow a succession of "Christian Fathers," 
 who interpreted and expanded the doctrines of the Church. 
 Of this class the earliest author represented in the present 
 volume is Lactantius, a contemporary of Diocletian and 
 Constantine. A rhetorician of fine literary taste, he was 
 
 ll 
 
Fourth and Fifth Centuries A.D. 323 
 
 converted to Christianity probably in the last persecu- 
 tion. Among his numerous writings the sketch entitled 
 On the Manner in which the Persecutors died is of chief 
 interest to students of history. A doubt once raised as to 
 its authenticity seems to be groundless. To the same 
 generation belongs Eusebius, bishop of Cesarea, an inti- Eusebius. 
 mate friend and ardent admirer of Constantine. He 
 was a zealous Christian and a learned, prolific writer. 
 His Ecclesiastical History in ten books narrates in detail 
 the rise of Christianity and its relation to the empire. 
 
 A later age is represented by St. Jerome. He was a St. Jerome, 
 man of native abihty and broad deep learning, whose a.D. 
 ascetic temperament led him to pass five years in solitary 
 life among the hermits of the Syrian desert. He is es- 
 pecially celebrated for his translation of the Scriptures 
 into Latin. This version is known as the Vulgate. He 
 was chiefly instrumental, too, in introducing monastic life 
 into the West. His Letters are a storehouse of informa- 
 tion on all aspects of social life of his age. Even more 
 distinguished is his younger contemporary, St. Augustine, St. Augus- 
 whose Confessions gives an account of his own life, and 430 'k.jy. 
 incidentally throws light on the times in which he lived. 
 A philosopher and teacher of rhetoric, he was converted 
 to Christianity, and baptized in his thirty-third year. 
 Thenceforth he was a most zealous supporter of the faith. 
 His various writings, filUng sixteen large volumes, have 
 contributed more than the works of any other man to the 
 final shaping of Catholic Christianity. Along with his 
 Confessions the work of greatest interest to the general 
 student of history is his City of God. A leading object of 
 this book is to refute the charge of the pagans that the 
 misfortunes of Rome were due to Christianity. He 
 demonstrates accordingly the infinite superiority of his 
 
Salvianus. 
 
 De guberna- 
 tione Dei. 
 
 Eginhard. 
 
 Inscriptions 
 and build- 
 ings. 
 
 324 
 
 Introduction to the Sources 
 
 God in goodness and protecting power to the countless 
 deities of pagan Rome. A still later author is Salvianus, 
 presbyter of Marseilles, who lived nearly through the 
 fifth century — through the confusion and violence of the 
 barbarian invasions. In his Providence of God he explains 
 the misfortunes of the times as divine punishments of the 
 wealthy, governing class for their immorality, greed, and 
 oppression. His fiery zeal leads him to exaggerate the 
 miseries and the vices of his age. These defenders of the 
 faith are merely representative of a host of- Christian 
 Fathers. 
 
 Quite distinct is the last author of this volume, Egin- 
 hard, secretary and private chaplain of Charlemagne. 
 His Life of the Emperor Karl the Great, a simple trust- 
 worthy Latin narrative, is the only piece of historical 
 writing of the period in which it falls. 
 
 Inscriptions, too, form an exceedingly valuable source. 
 Almost wholly wanting in the regal period and early 
 republic, they grow abundant toward the end of the re- 
 publican period; and for the administration of the empire 
 they furnish the most precious information. For a full 
 and accurate appreciation of Roman history, the public 
 works should also be studied. 
 
 AUTHORS AND DOCUMENTS 
 
 Ammianus Marcellinus, translated by C. D. Yonge. Macmillan. 
 
 Appian, Roman History, translated by White. 2 vols. Macmillan. 
 
 Augustan History, by Capitolinus, Spartianus, etc. Selections trans- 
 lated by the editors. 
 
 Augustine, St., Confessions, translated by W. Montgomery. Cam- 
 bridge: University Press. City of God, translated by J. Healey. 
 3 vols. London: Dent. 
 
 Augustus, Deeds ("Monumentum Ancyranum"), translated by 
 Fairley, in "Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources 
 of European History," V. University of Pennsylvania. 
 
Authors and Documents 325 
 
 Aurelius Antoninus, ilarcus, Meditations, translated by Long. New 
 
 York: A. L. Burt Company. 
 Aurelius Victor, The Casars. Selection translated by Miss Rachel 
 
 R. HiUer. 
 Caesar, Commentaries, translated by W. A. McDevitte. Macmillan. 
 
 Revised by the editors. 
 Cato, On Agriculture, translated by Dr. E. H. OHver. 
 Catullus, Poems, translated (Bohn). Macmillan. 
 Cicero, Orations, translated by C. D. Yonge. INIacmillan. Republic, 
 
 edited and translated by Hardingham. London: Quaritch. 
 Dio Cassius, Roman History, translated by H. B. Foster. 6 vols. 
 
 Troy, N. Y.: Pafraets. 
 Dio Chrysostom, Orations. Selections translated by the editors. 
 Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, translated by Booth. London. 
 
 1814. (Out of print.) Revised by the editors. 
 Dionysius of Hahcamassus, Roman Antiquities, translated by Spel- 
 
 man. London. 1758. (Out of print.) Revised by the editors. 
 Eginhard, Life of the Emperor Karl the Great, translated by W. Glais- 
 
 ter. London: Bell. 
 Epictetus, Discourses, translated by George Long. Macmillan. 
 Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, in "Nicene and Post-Nicene Fath- 
 ers," I. 
 Gellius, Aulus, Attic Nights, translated by Beloe. (Out of print.) 
 
 Revised by Dr. E. G. Sihler. 
 Herodian, History. Selection translated by the editors. 
 Horace, Works, translated by jSIartin. 2 vols. Scribners. 
 Inscriptions, Latin, translated by the editors, unless otherwise stated. 
 Jerome, St., Letters, in "Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers," VI. 
 Josephus, Works, translated by W. Whiston, revised by Shilleto. 
 
 5 vols. INIacmillan. 
 Justin, Nepos, and Eutropius, translated (Bohn). Macmillan. 
 Juvenal, Satires (D. lunii luvenaUs Satires) with a Literal English 
 
 Prose Translation and Notes by Lewis. Macmillan. 
 Koran. Selections from the Kur-an, edited by Stanley Lane-Poole. 
 
 London, 1879. 
 Lactantius, On the Manner in which the Persecutors died, in "Ante- 
 
 Nicene Fathers," VII. 
 Livy, History of Rome, translated by Spillan. 4 vols. Macmillan. 
 
 Revised by the editors. 
 
326 Italy and her People 
 
 Lucretius, On the Nature of the World (T. Lucreti Cari, de Rerum 
 Natiira libri sex) translated by Munro. London: Bell. 
 
 New Testament, The. 
 
 Ovid, Fasti, translated (Bohn). Macmillan. 
 
 Papyri. See p. 76. 
 
 Petronius, Banquet of Trimalchio, translated by H. T. Peck. Dodd, 
 Mead and Co. 
 
 Pliny the Elder, Natural History, translated. 6 vols. (Bohn) Mac- 
 millan. 
 
 Pliny, Letters, translated by Church and Brodribb. Philadelphia: 
 Lippincott. 
 
 Plutarch, Lives, translated by Stewart and Long. 4 vols. Mac- 
 millan. 
 
 Polybius, Histories, translated by Shuckburgh. 2 vols. Macmillan. 
 
 Sallust, Florus, and Velleius Paterculus, translated (Bohn). Mac- 
 millan. 
 
 Salvianus, Providence of God. Selection translated by the editors. 
 
 Strabo, Geography, translated by Hamilton and Falconer. Revised 
 by the editors. 
 
 Suetonius, Lives of the CcBsars, translated by Thomas, revised by 
 Forester. Macmillan. 
 
 Tacitus, Annals, translated by Church and Brodribb. Macmillan. 
 Germania, translated by W. H. Fyfe. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 
 
 Theodosian Code. Selection translated by Dr. E. G. Sihler. 
 
 Vergil, jEneid, translated by Crane (verse) . New York : Baker, Taylor. 
 
 B. ITALY AND HER PEOPLE 
 I. The Po Valley 
 
 The form of Italy as a whole is a triangle, of which the eastern side 
 ^* is bounded by the Ionian Sea and the Adriatic Gulf, the 
 
 Po ybius 11. southern and western sides by the Sicilian and Tyrrhenian 
 (or Tuscan) seas. These two sides converge to form the 
 apex of the triangle. . . . The third side, or base, of this 
 triangle is on the north, and is formed by the chain of the 
 Alps, which stretches across the country from Marseilles 
 and the Sardinian Sea, with no break, nearly to the head 
 of the Adriatic Sea. 
 
 14. 
 
Northern Italy 327 
 
 To the south of this range, which I said we must re- Jhe^^^Jl^y 
 gard as the base of the triangle, are the most northerly 
 plains of Italy, the largest and most fertile, so far as I 
 know, in all Europe. This is the district with which we 
 are at present concerned. 
 
 It is a superb plain variegated with fruitful hills. The Strabo v. i. 
 Po divides it almost through the midst; one side is called 
 Cispadana, and the other Transpadana. Cispadana in- 
 cludes the part next to the Apennines, together with Li- 
 guria; and Transpadana includes the remainder. The 
 Ligurians of the mountains and the Celts of the plain (Or Gauls.) 
 occupy Cispadana; the Celts and the Venetians inhabit 
 the other division. 
 
 The fertihty of the Po valley is proved by its population. The prod- 
 the size of the cities, and its wealth; in all these respects 
 the Romans of this country surpass the rest of Italy. The Strabo v. i. 
 cultivated land produces fruits in abundance and of every 
 kind, and the woods contain so great a quantity of mast 
 that Rome is supplied chiefly from the swine fed there. 
 As it is well watered, it produces millet to perfection. This 
 condition affords the greatest security against famine, as 
 millet resists every severity of climate, and never fails 
 even when other grains are scarce. The pitch works are 
 amazing, and the casks prove the abundance of wine; for 
 the casks, formed of wood, are larger than houses, and 
 the great supply of pitch makes them inexpensive. 
 
 The soft wood, which is by far the best, is produced in 
 the country round Mutina (modern Modena) and the 
 Scultanna River. The coarse wool, on the other hand, 
 which forms the main article of clothing among the Italian 
 slaves, is grown in Liguria and the country of the Symbri. 
 A medium kind, grown about Patavium (modern Padua), 
 is used for the finer carpets, cassocks, and everything else 
 
328 
 
 Italy and her People 
 
 The people. 
 
 Polybius ii. 
 
 17- 
 
 (Phlegraean, 
 
 "Volcanic," 
 
 from the fact 
 
 that the soil 
 
 contained 
 
 much 
 
 volcanic 
 
 matter.) 
 
 Their power. 
 
 Diodorus v. 
 40. 
 
 Their learn- 
 ing. 
 
 (To the time 
 of Diodorus; 
 P- 73 ) 
 
 of the same sort with the wool on one or both sides. The 
 mines are not now worked so diligently, because they are not 
 equally profitable with those of Transalpine Gaul and Iberia. 
 
 II. The Etruscans 
 
 These plains (of the Po) were anciently inhabited by the 
 Etruscans, who at the same time occupied the Phlegraean 
 plains round Capua and Nola; the two places last men- 
 tioned have been most celebrated, because they were 
 visited by many people, and so became known. In speak- 
 ing then of the Etruscan empire, we should not refer to the 
 district occupied by the Etruscans, at the present time, 
 but to these northern plains, and to what they did when 
 they lived there. 
 
 In ancient times they were valiant, and enjoyed a large 
 country, and built many famous cities. With their great 
 navy they were masters of the sea which washes the west 
 coast of Italy, and which they called Tyrrhenian (or 
 Tuscan), after their own name. As one of their military 
 equipments they had invented a most useful instrument 
 of war, — the trumpet, which from them is called Tyrrhena . 
 To the generals of their army they gave as badges of honor 
 an ivory throne and a purple robe. They invented porti- 
 coes for their houses, to avoid the trouble and noise of a 
 crowd of servants, and other hangers-on. Introducing 
 these customs into their commonwealth, the Romans 
 greatly improved them. 
 
 The Etruscans gave themselves up to learning, especially 
 to the study of nature. In these researches they were 
 especially anxious to discover the meaning of thunder and 
 lightning. To this day, therefore, they are admired by 
 princes the world over, who employ their soothsayers in 
 interpreting the supernatural effects of thunder. 
 
Central and Southern Italy 329 
 
 They enjoy a very rich country, well tilled and im- Their lux- 
 proved; and so reap abundance of all sorts of fruits, not 
 only for necessary food but for pleasure and delight. 
 
 They have their tables spread twice a day, furnished 
 with every variety of food, even to luxury and excess. 
 
 Their carpets are interwoven with flower designs, and 
 they use a great many silver cups of many forms. Of 
 household servants they have a large number, some very 
 beautiful, others rich in apparel, above the condition of 
 servants. Slaves and freedmen alike have several apart- 
 ments allowed them, completely furnished and adorned. 
 
 Finally the Etruscans threw off their primitive sobriety, 
 and now live an idle, profligate life in riot and drunken- 
 ness. There is no wonder then that they have lost the 
 honor and reputation their fathers gained through warlike 
 achievemen. 
 
 III. Latium and Campania 
 
 The whole of Latium is fertile, and abounds in every Latium. 
 product; we should except a few districts along the coast, strabov.3.s 
 which are marshy and unhealthful. . . . Some parts 
 also may be too mountainous; yet even these regions are 
 not absolutely idle and useless, for they furnish abundant 
 pasturage, wood, and the peculiar products of marsh and 
 rock. For instance, C^cubum, wholly a marsh, nourishes 
 a vine, which produces excellent wine. 
 
 One of tlie maritime cities of Latium is Ostia. It has Ostia. 
 no port because of the accumulation of silt brought down 
 by the Tiber, which is swelled by many rivers. Vessels 
 therefore come to anchor further out, and yet with some 
 danger. Gain, however, overcomes ever^'thing; for there 
 are many lighters in readiness to freight and unfreight the 
 larger ships before they approach the mouth of the river, 
 
330 
 
 Italy and her People 
 
 (A stadium 
 is about 600 
 
 feet.) 
 
 Campania. 
 
 Strabo V. 4. 3. 
 
 Polybius iii. 
 91. 
 
 to enable them to finish their voyage speedily. Lightened 
 of a part of their cargo, they enter the river and sail up to 
 Rome, a distance of a hundred and ninety stadia. Such 
 is the city of Ostia founded by Ancus Marcius. 
 
 Next in order after Latium is Campania, which extends 
 along the Tuscan Sea. . . . This plain is fertile above 
 all others, and is entirely surrounded by fruitful hills and 
 the Samnite and Oscan mountains. 
 
 The plains about Capua are the best in Italy for fertility 
 and beauty and nearness to the sea, and for the harbors, 
 into which run the merchants who are sailing to Italy from 
 all parts of the world. They contain, too, the most famous 
 and beautiful cities of Italy. ... In the centre of these 
 plains lies the richest of all the cities, — Capua. No tale 
 in all mythology wears a greater appearance of probability 
 than that which is told of these lowlands, which like others 
 of remarkable beauty are called the Phlegraean plains; for 
 surely none are more likely for beauty and fertility to have 
 been contended for by the gods. 
 
 In addition to these advantages, they are strongly 
 sheltered by nature and difficult of approach; for one 
 side is protected by the sea, and the rest by a long high 
 chain of mountains, through which lead but three passes 
 from the interior, all narrow and difficult, — one from 
 Samnium (a second from Latium), and a third from Hir- 
 pini. 
 
 Strabo V. 4. 3. One proof of the fertiUty of this country is that it pro- 
 duces the finest corn. I refer to the grain from which a 
 groat is made superior to all kinds of rice, and to almost 
 all other farinaceous food. They say that some of the 
 plains are bearing crops all the year round, — two crops 
 of rye, a third of panic, and sometimes a fourth of vege- 
 tables. From there, too, the Romans procure their finest 
 
 The text is 
 uncertain. 
 
The City of Rome 331 
 
 ■wines. . . . Furthermore, the whole country round Vena- 
 f rum, and bordering the plains, is rich in olives. 
 
 IV. Rome 
 
 In the interior the first city above Ostia is Rome — the Situation, 
 only city built on the Tiber. Its position was fixed by Strabov. 3.7. 
 necessity rather than choice. We may add that those who 
 afterward enlarged it were not at liberty to select a better 
 site, as they were prevented by what was already built. . . . 
 It seems to me that the first founders were of the opinion, 
 in regard to themselves and their successors, that the 
 Romarhs had to depend not on fortifications but on arms 
 and valor, for safety and wealth, and that walls were not a 
 defence to men, but men were a defence to walls. At the 
 time of its founding, when the large and fertile districts 
 about the city belonged to others, and while it lay easily 
 open to assault, there was nothing in its position which 
 could be looked upon as favorable; but when by valor and 
 labor these districts became its own, there succeeded a 
 tide of prosperity which surpassed the advantages of every 
 other place. 
 
 Notwithstanding the prodigious increase of the city, Buildings, 
 there has been plenty of food, and of wood and stone for 
 ceaseless building, made necessary by the falling down of 
 houses, by fires, and by sales, which seem never to cease. 
 These sales are a kind of voluntary destruction of houses; 
 each owner tears down and rebuilds one part or another 
 according to his own taste. For these purposes the many 
 quarries, the forests, and the rivers which convey the 
 materials, offer wonderful facilities. . . . 
 
 To avert from the city damages of the kind referred to, 
 Augustus Cassar instituted a company of freedmen to lend 
 assistance at fires; and to prevent the falling of houses, 
 
332 Italy and her People 
 
 he decreed that new buildings should not be carried so 
 high as formerly, and that those erected along the public 
 streets should not exceed seventy feet in height. These 
 improvements must have ceased, had it not been for the 
 facilities afforded by the quarries, the forests, and the ease 
 of transportation. 
 
 Greatness. Rome is now mistress of every accessible country; 
 
 every sea owns her power. She is the first and only state 
 recorded in history which ever made the East and West the 
 boundaries of her empire. And her dominion has not been 
 
 Dionysiusi.3. of short duration, but more lasting than that of any other 
 commonwealth or kingdom. For after the city had been 
 founded, she conquered many warlike nations, her neigh- 
 bors, and still advanced, overcoming all opposition. . . . 
 By the conquest of all Italy, she was emboldened to pro- 
 ceed even to universal empire; and having driven the 
 Carthaginians from off the sea, whose maritime strength 
 was superior to all others, she subdued Macedon, the most 
 powerful nation by land till that time; and as no enemy 
 was left either among the Greeks or the barbarians, she is 
 mistress of the whole world. . . . There is no nation that 
 claims a share in her universal power, or refuses obedience 
 to it. But I need say no more to prove that I have not 
 made choice of a petty subject, or proposed to relate triv- 
 ial or obscure actions, but have undertaken the history of 
 the most illustrious state and of the most brilliant achieve- 
 ments that can possibly be treated. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Describe the products of the Po Valley. What was its value to 
 Rome? 
 
 2. Who were the Etruscans? Give an account of their civiliza- 
 tion. 
 
Studies 333 
 
 3. How does Latium compare with Etruria? Is it more or less 
 fertile than Campania? 
 
 4. Describe the situation of Rome. WTiat is said of her build- 
 ings? What came to be her political position? Name the authors 
 of the selections I-IV and state when each lived and what he 
 wrote. 
 
CHAPTER XXIX 
 
 ROME UNDER THE KINGS 
 
 The found-" 
 ing of Rome. 
 
 Dionysius i. 
 88. 
 
 The Romans 
 founded 
 their colonies 
 in this way, 
 and there- 
 fore believed 
 their own 
 city to have 
 been thus 
 founded. In 
 fact all their 
 fundamental 
 institutions, 
 religious, 
 social, and 
 political, 
 they uncriti- 
 cally assigned 
 to their 
 kings as 
 founders. 
 
 The tribes 
 and the 
 curiae. 
 
 I. Romulus 
 
 When everything was performed which he conceived to 
 be acceptable to the gods, he called all the people to a place 
 appointed, and described a quadrangular figure about 
 the hill, tracing with a plow drawn by a bull and a 
 cow yoked together, one continuous furrow, designed to 
 receive the foundation of the wall; hence this custom re- 
 mains among the Romans of tracing a furrow with a plow 
 round the place where they design to build the city. After 
 he had finished these things and sacrificed the bull and the 
 cow, and also having performed the initial gift of many 
 other sacrifices, he set the people to work. This day the 
 Romans even at present celebrate every year as one of 
 their greatest festivals, and call it Parilia (April 21). On 
 that day, which falls in the beginning of the spring, the 
 husbandmen and shepherds offer up a sacrifice of thanks- 
 giving for the increase of their cattle. But I cannot cer- 
 tainly say whether they anciently chose this day as one of 
 public rejoicing; and for that reason looked upon it as the 
 most fitting for the building of the city; or, whether the 
 building of it having been begun on that day, they con- 
 secrated it, and dedicated it to the worship of those gods 
 who are propitious to shepherds. 
 
 Appointed king, Romulus proved himself brave and 
 skilful in war and wise in the adoption of a most excellent 
 
 334 
 
Patricians, Plebeians and Clients 335 
 
 form of government. He divided the whole population 
 into three parts, each of which he placed under the com- 
 mand of a distinguished person. Then dividing these parts 
 into ten companies, he appointed the bravest men to be 
 their leaders. The larger divisions he called tribes, and the 
 smaller curicB. The leaders of the tribes were tribunes; 
 those of the curias were curiones. „^ 
 
 Another division of the population he made on the prin- 
 ciple of honor and worth. Those who, illustrious by birth 
 and commended for their virtue, were well-to-do and had 
 children, he separated from the ignoble and base and needy. 
 Those of inferior fortune he called plebeians; the better 
 class he named patres (fathers) because they were older 
 than the rest, or because they had children, or on account 
 of their illustrious birth, or for all these reasons. Their 
 descendants were called patricians. Whenever the king 
 \\'ished to bring the patricians together, his heralds used 
 to summon them by their own name and that of the father; 
 but the common people were called to the assembly by 
 servants, who went about trumpeting on ox-horns. /^ 
 
 After Romulus had distinguished the nobles from the 
 commons, he passed laws to regulate the duties of each 
 rank. The nobles were to be priests, magistrates, and 
 judges, and were to help him manage the affairs of the 
 city. The commons he excused from this business, for 
 they had neither experience in such matters nor leisure to 
 attend to them. They were to farm, to rear cattle, and to 
 carry on the money-making industries, that they might 
 have no time for party strife, such as we find in other 
 cities, where those in office abuse the lower classes, and the 
 base and needy envy the richer citizens. 
 
 Placing the plebeians as a trust in the hands of the 
 patricians, he permitted each conmioner to choose as 
 
 Dionysius 
 ii. 7-14 
 (abridged). 
 
 The social 
 classes. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 330 f. 
 
 / 
 
 The patrons 
 and the 
 clients. 
 
2>i^ 
 
 Rome Under the Kings 
 
 (Dionysius 
 is probably 
 wrong in as- 
 suming that 
 all plebeians 
 became 
 clients.) 
 
 (We infer 
 that the 
 clients had 
 a right to 
 vote.) 
 
 The senate 
 and the 
 assembly 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 332. 
 
 (The comitia 
 curiata.) 
 
 The liber- 
 ality of Rome 
 toward 
 strangers. 
 
 Dionysius ii. 
 16. 
 
 patron the noble whom he wished. The patrons were to 
 explain the laws to their cHents, who were ignorant of such 
 matters, and to watch over their business affairs as a father 
 does for his children, to sue for them when they were un- 
 justly treated, and to defend them when sued. The clients 
 were to contribute to the dowry of their patron's daughters, 
 to furnish the ransom in case the patron or his son should 
 be taken captive, to pay their lord's fines, and to bear 
 part of the expenses of the offices he held, that he might 
 perform his public duties with becoming dignity. It was 
 impious for patron and chent to accuse each other or to 
 testify or vote against each other. 
 
 After making these arrangements, Romulus resolved to 
 appoint councillors who were to help him manage the gov- 
 ernment. For this purpose he selected a hundred men from 
 the patricians, and called this council the senate. He 
 made also an assembly of commons, to which he granted 
 three powers, — the election of magistrates, the ratification 
 of laws, and the decision of questions of war and peace. 
 The resolutions of the assembly, however, had no force 
 unless the senate approved them. 
 
 The most effective of all the arrangements of Romulus — 
 the one which did most not only to maintain the freedom 
 of Rome, but also to win for her the supremacy over other 
 states — was the law which bade the Romans not to mas- 
 sacre or enslave conquered peoples or to lay waste their 
 land, but to settle part of the conquered territory with 
 Roman citizens, to found colonies in some conquered 
 towns, and to give others the Roman citizenship. The 
 kings who followed him, and still later the annual magis- 
 trates (consuls), carried out his Hberal policy to such an 
 extent that in time the Roman nation came to excel all 
 others in population. 
 
Institutions of Romulus 337 
 
 Romulus sent a colony of three hundred men into each Roman colo- 
 
 , . , r 1 • I 1 nies ; admis- 
 
 eity, to whom these gave a third part of their lands to be sion of 
 
 divided among them by lot; and these Casninenses and citizenship. 
 
 Anteranates, who desired to remove to Rome, he conveyed Dionysius ii. 
 
 thither together with their wives and children, they re- ^^■ 
 
 taining the possession of their lands, and bringing with 
 
 them all their effects. These, who were not less than three 
 
 thousand, the king immediately incorporated with the 
 
 tribes and the curiae: so that the Romans had then for 
 
 the first time six thousand foot in all upon the register. 
 
 Thus Ctenina and Antemna, no inconsiderable cities . , . 
 
 after this war became Roman colonies. 
 
 The care of religion he intrusted to many persons. In Religion. 
 
 no other newly built city could be found so many priests Dionysius ii. 
 
 21, 
 
 and attendants of the gods. . . . Each curia elected two 
 men above fifty years of age, of noble birth, of good char- 
 acter and sufficient wealth, and of sound body, to act as 
 priests for the remainder of their hves, exempt from mili- 
 tary and political duties. And as it was necessary that 
 the women and the children should have some part in per- 
 forming religious rites, Romulus enacted that the wives of 
 priests should assist their husbands in religious ser\'ices, 
 and that the women and children should attend to those 
 ceremonies which could not lawfully be performed by men. 
 
 Romulus gave the father absolute, lifelong power over The power 
 the son, including the right to scourge him, to bind him and father, 
 compel him thus to toil in the fields, or to put him to death, Dionysius ii. 
 even if the son chanced to be engaged in public affairs, ^6. 
 even if he were occupying high offices or were being com- 
 mended for his public liberality. According to this law, 
 illustrious men, while delivering from the rostra harangues 
 against the senate but in favor of the people, men who for 
 this reason were highly popular, have been dragged from 
 
338 
 
 Rome Under the Kings 
 
 Rome, p. 73. 
 
 (The consul 
 who put his 
 Sun to death 
 for disobedi- 
 ence.) 
 
 Dionysius ii. 
 27. 
 
 the rostra by their fathers to suffer whatever punishment 
 the latter should think right. And while these sons were 
 led away through the market-place, no one was able to res- 
 cue them — neither the consul, nor tribune of the plebs, nor 
 the mob whom they were flattering, and who considered its 
 own power superior to all authority. I will not mention 
 those whom fathers have slain, good men moved by virtue 
 and zeal to achieve some noble deed forbidden by their 
 parent. Such was the case with ManHus Torquatus and 
 many others, in regard to whom I shall speak at the proper 
 time. 
 
 The Roman legislator did not limit the father's au- 
 thority at this point, but gave him permission to sell the 
 son . . . granting to the father more power over the son 
 than to the master over his slaves; for if a slave is sold and 
 afterward given his liberty, henceforth he remains free, 
 whereas if the son is sold by the father and then liberated, 
 he falls again under the paternal power, and a second time 
 in like manner; not till after the third sale does he become 
 free from his father. 
 
 His religious 
 institutions. 
 
 Livy i. 19. 
 
 (Argiletum, 
 a piece of 
 ground be- 
 tween the 
 Quirinal and 
 the Forum.) 
 
 II. NUMA POMPILIUS 
 
 After Numa had been made king in this way, he set 
 about founding anew, on the principles of law and morals, 
 the city recently established by force of arms. When he 
 saw that the spirit of the citizens, rendered savage by 
 military life, could not be reconciled to those principles 
 during the continuance of wars, he concluded that his 
 fierce nation should be softened by the disuse of arms. 
 At the foot of Argiletum, therefore, he erected a temple of 
 Janus as an index of peace and war; when open, it should 
 show that the state was engaged in war, and its closing 
 should signify that all the neighboring nations were at 
 
priests. 
 Livy i. 20. 
 
 Guilds and Priests 339 
 
 peace with Rome. Twice only since the reign of Numa 
 has this temple been closed. 
 
 He organized the people, according to their trades, in ?|g°'"^?j°g 
 guilds of musicians, goldsmiths, builders, dyers, shoe- 
 makers, curriers, coppersmiths, and potters. All the other Numa, 17. 
 trades he united in one guild. He assigned to every guild 
 its especial privileges, common to all the members, and 
 ordained that each should have its own times of meeting 
 and should worship its special patron god. 
 
 Next he turned his attention to the appointment of He appoints 
 priests, though he himself performed many sacred rites, 
 especially those which now belong to the flame n (priest) of 
 Jupiter. 
 
 It is a crime for the flamen of Jupiter to ride horseback The priest 
 or to see the centuries under arms; for this reason he has 
 rarely been elected consul. He is not permitted to take Aulus Gellius 
 
 , , ,, , ^ X. 15 (quoted 
 
 an oath; the ring he wears must be hollow and of open from Fabius 
 work. No fire may be carried from his house but the ^^^^°'^^- 
 sacred fire. If a man enters that house bound, he must Rome 22, 
 
 . , , 28; Ancient 
 
 be unbound, and the bonds must be carried through the worid, szi f- 
 
 inner court up the roof and thrown into the street. The 
 
 flamen has no knot about him, either on his cap, his girdle, 
 
 or any other part. If a man who is about to be beaten 
 
 with rods falls at his feet as a suppliant, the guilty one 
 
 cannot be beaten that day without sacrilege. None but 
 
 a freeman may cut a flamen 's hair. He never touches or 
 
 names a she-goat, raw flesh, hair, or beans. He must not 
 
 clip the tendrils of the vine that climbs too high. The 
 
 feet of the bed he sleeps in must be plastered with mud. 
 
 He never quits it three consecutive nights, and no one 
 
 else has the right to sleep therein. There must not be 
 
 near the woodwork of his bed a box with sacred cakes in 
 
 it. The parings of his nails and the cuttings of his hair 
 
340 
 
 Rome Under the Kings 
 
 The Vestal 
 virgins. 
 
 Livy i. 20. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Numa, 10. 
 
 The worship 
 of the dead. 
 
 Ovid, Fasti, 
 ii- 533 ff- 
 
 (The festival 
 to the dead 
 was cele- 
 brated on 
 February 
 19. Styx, the 
 river which 
 bounds the 
 world of the 
 dead.) 
 
 are covered with earth at the foot of a fruit tree. For him 
 all days are holy days. He is not allowed to go into the 
 open air without the apex (conical cap); and even as to 
 remaining bareheaded under his own roof, the pontiffs 
 have only quite recently decided that he may do so. 
 
 Numa also selected maidens for Vesta, to fill a priest- 
 hood derived from Alba and closely connected with the 
 family of the founder of Rome. That they might be con- 
 stant attendants in the temple, he appointed them salaries 
 from the public treasury; and by requiring them to re- 
 main unmarried and to perform various religious rites, he 
 made them sacred and venerable. 
 
 He ordained that the Vestal virgins should continue 
 unmarried thirty years; during the first ten years they 
 were to learn their duties, during the next ten they were 
 to perform them, and during the last they were to teach 
 others. After this period any of them who wished might 
 marry and cease to be priestesses; but it is said that very 
 few took advantage of this privilege and that those few 
 were not happy. By their regrets and sorrow for the life 
 they had left, they made the others scruple to leave it 
 and prefer to remain maidens till their death. 
 
 Honor is paid also to the graves of the dead. Appease 
 the spirits of your forefathers, and offer small presents to 
 the pyres that have long been cold. The shades of the 
 dead ask but humble offerings: affection rather than 
 costly gifts pleases them; Styx below has no greedy divin- 
 ities. Enough for them is the covering of their tomb 
 overshadowed with the chaplets laid there, and the scat- 
 tered fruits and the little grain of salt, and corn soaked 
 in wine, and violets loosened from the stem; let these 
 gifts be placed in a jar in the middle of the way. I do 
 not forbid more costly offerings, but by these mentioned 
 
Religious Festivals 341 
 
 the shade may be appeased. After erecting the altars, 
 add prayers and suitable words. 
 
 But while they are celebrating these rites, remain un- "Let none 
 
 wedded, ye maidens; let the torch of pine wood await marry." 
 
 auspicious days. And let not the curved spear part thy (j^ie pine 
 
 virgin ringlets, thou maiden who appearest to thy impa- torch was 
 
 • , , , r . 1 , ^ , , earned in the 
 
 tient mother already of marriageable years. Conceal thy marriage 
 torches, Hymenaeus, and remove them afar from these The'^^partirig 
 dismal fires, — the gloomy tombs have other torches than °^. ^j^^ ^^•'' 
 
 ''='■' with a spear 
 
 these. Let the gods, too, be concealed, with the doors was a mar- 
 of their temples closed; be the fires without incense, and mony- Hy- 
 let the hearths stand without fire. Abroad now wander ^g"^"^ ^^^ 
 phantom spirits, and bodies that have been committed to marriage.) 
 the tombs. Now the ghost feeds on the food left for 
 it. . . . 
 
 The kinsfolk, full of affection, have named the next day The 
 the Caristia, and the company of relatives assemble at the 
 family feast. In good truth it is a pleasant thing to turn 
 our attention from the tombs and from our relatives who 
 are dead, to those who survive; and after so many are 
 lost, to see all that remains of our family, and to reckon 
 the degrees of relationship. . . . 
 
 ■ When the night has passed away, then let the god who The festival 
 by his landmark divides the fields be worshipped with the corner- 
 accustomed honors. Terminus, whether thou art a stone, stones, 
 or whether a stock sunk deep in the earth by the ancients, 
 yet even in this form dost thou possess divinity. Thee 
 the two owners of adjoining fields crown with chaplets 
 from their opposite sides, and present with two garlands 
 and two cakes. They build an altar; the peasant's wife 
 brings in a broken pan the fire taken from the burning 
 hearth. 
 
 An old man cuts up the firewood, and piles it high when 
 
342 
 
 Rome Under the Kings 
 
 The census. 
 
 This complex 
 form of the 
 census did 
 not arise till 
 after the in- 
 stitution of 
 the censors 
 in the early 
 Republic; 
 see p. 355. 
 below. 
 
 The census 
 classes. 
 
 chopped, and strives hard to drive the branches into the 
 resisting ground. While he is exciting the kindUng blaze 
 with dried bark, a boy stands by and holds in his hands a 
 broad basket. Out of this, when the father has thrice 
 thrown the produce of the earth into the midst of the 
 flames, his little daughter offers the sliced honeycombs. 
 Others have wine; a portion of each thing is thrown into 
 the lire; the crowd, all arrayed in white, look on and keep 
 a religious silence. Terminus is sprinkled, too, with the 
 blood of a slain lamb; he makes no complaint when a 
 young pig is offered him. The neighbors meet in suppli- 
 cation, and they celebrate the feast and sing thy praise, 
 holy Terminus. It is thou that dost set the limits to na- 
 tions, and cities, and mighty kingdoms; without thee the 
 whole country would be steeped in litigation. 
 
 III. Servius Tullius 
 
 He then set about a peaceful work of the utmost impor- 
 tance, that as Numa had been the author of religious insti- 
 tutions, posterity might celebrate Servius as the founder of 
 all distinctions among the members of the state, and of 
 those classes which are based on dignity and fortune. For 
 he instituted the census, — a most salutary measure for an 
 empire destined to become so great. According to the cen- 
 sus the services of war and peace were to be performed not 
 by every person without distinction, but in proportion to 
 his amount of property. By means of the census he formed 
 the classes and the centuries, — an arrangement which still 
 exists and which is eminently suited both to peace and to 
 war. 
 
 Of those who had an estate worth a hundred thousand 
 asses or more he made eighty centuries, forty of seniors and 
 forty of juniors. All these centuries constituted the first 
 
The Census Classes 
 
 343 
 
 class. The seniors were to guard the city, the juniors to 
 carry on war in the field. Their arms were a helmet, a 
 round shield, greaves, and a corselet — all of bronze. This 
 armor was for defence. Their ofifensive weapons were a 
 spear and a sword. To the first class were added two cen- 
 turies of mechanics, who were to serve without arms. 
 Their duty was to convey the military engines. 
 
 The second class included all whose estates were worth 
 from seventy-five to a hundred thousand asses. From the 
 seniors and juniors of this class twenty centuries in all were 
 enrolled. Their shields were oblong instead of round, and 
 they had no corselet. With these exceptions their arms were 
 the same as those of the first class. The property of the 
 third class amounted to fifty thousand asses (at the low- 
 est); the number of the centuries was the same as of the 
 second class with the same distinction of age. Their arms, 
 too, were the same excepting that they wore no greaves. 
 The fourth class, including all whose property was rated 
 at twenty-five thousand asses (at the lowest), furnished 
 the same number of centuries; but they had no arms ex- 
 cepting a spear and a long javelin. The fifth class included 
 thirty centuries, who carried slings and stones for throwing. 
 Among them were counted three centuries of horn-blowers 
 and trumpeters. The property of the class was rated at 
 eleven thousand asses (at the lowest). All below this rat- 
 ing formed one century exempt from military service. 
 
 After dividing and arming the infantry in this way, he 
 levied twelve centuries of knights from among the chief 
 men of the state. And of the three centuries instituted by 
 Romulus he made six without changing their names. ^ Ten 
 thousand asses from the public revenue were given the 
 
 1 The three original centuries were distinguished from the three 
 afterward added by the terms 'earlier" and "later." 
 
 Livy i. 43. 
 (In the third 
 century B.C. 
 the as, a cop- 
 per coin, was 
 worth nearly 
 two cents; in 
 earlier times 
 its value was 
 greater. 
 Probably the 
 classification 
 was at first 
 based on 
 land.) 
 
 (Livy is con- 
 fused as to 
 the numbers; 
 cf. Rome, 34. 
 70; Ancient 
 World, 341.) 
 
 The cavalry. 
 
 (In fact the 
 number was 
 doubled, and 
 long after- 
 ward twelve 
 were added; 
 Rome, 34, 
 70.) 
 
344 
 
 Rome Under the Kings 
 
 The as- 
 sembly of the 
 centuries 
 
 {comitia 
 centuriata) . 
 
 The city 
 tribes. 
 
 (At the same 
 time he 
 probably di- 
 vided the 
 country, too, 
 into tribes.) 
 
 The growing 
 population. 
 
 Livy i. 44. 
 
 In fact the 
 number of 
 men of mili- 
 tary age at 
 this time 
 could hardly 
 have exceed- 
 ed nine or 
 ten thou- 
 sand; Ancient 
 World, 337. 
 
 knights for buying horses; and widows were taxed two 
 thousand asses yearly for the support of the horses. All 
 these burdens were taken off the poor and laid on the 
 rich. 
 
 Then an additional honor was added; the right to vote 
 was not given to all alike, according to the custom estab- 
 lished by Romulus, and followed by succeeding kings, of 
 granting to every man the same right ; but degrees of privi- 
 lege were made, so that no one might seem to be excluded 
 from the right of voting, and yet the whole power might 
 reside in the chief men of the state. For the knights were 
 first called, and then the eighty centuries of the first class; 
 and if they happened to differ, which was rarely the case, 
 those of the second were called, and the voting seldom 
 descended to the lowest class. 
 
 Next he divided the city into four parts according to the 
 regions and hills then inhabited, and he called these divi- 
 sions tribes, as I think from the tribute; for he introduced 
 also the method of levying taxes according to the value of 
 estates. 
 
 The taking of the census he hastened by the terror of a 
 law which threatened with imprisonment and death those 
 who did not present themselves to be rated. He then pro- 
 claimed that all the Roman citizens, horse and foot, should 
 attend at the dawn of day in the Campus Martins, each in 
 his century. . . , Eighty thousand citizens are said to 
 have been rated in that survey. Fabius Pictor, the earliest 
 of our historians, adds that such was the number of those 
 who were able to bear arms. This multitude made neces- 
 sary the enlargement of the city. Servius, accordingly, 
 added two hills, the Quirinal and the Viminal. . . . The 
 whole city he surrounded with an earthen rampart, a moat, 
 and a wall. 
 
A Great Temple 
 
 345 
 
 IV. The Temple or the Capitoline Jupiter 
 
 The king undertook to build a temple to Jupiter, Juno, 
 and Minerva in performance of the vow he had made to 
 the gods in the last battle against the Sabines, He 
 therefore surrounded the hill, on which he proposed to 
 place the temple, with high supporting walls in many 
 places; for it was neither easy of access nor even, but 
 craggy and ending in a point; hence there was great diffi- 
 culty in rendering it fit for the purpose. He therefore 
 filled up the interval between the supporting walls and 
 the top of the hill with earth; and by levelling it, made it 
 very fit to receive the sanctuaries. But he was prevented 
 by death from laying the foundations of it: for he lived 
 but four years after the end of the last war. Many years 
 afterward, however, the Tarquin, who v^^as the second 
 king after him, and who was finally dethroned, laid the 
 foundations of this structure, and built a great part of it. 
 But even he did not complete the work, which was finished 
 under those annual magistrates who were consuls the third 
 year after his expulsion. It is proper to relate also the 
 incidents that preceded the building of it, which all the 
 writers of the local history have handed down. When 
 Tarquinius was preparing to build the temple, he called 
 the augurs together and ordered them first to consult the 
 gods as to the most suitable place of all the city to be con- 
 secrated, and the most acceptable to the gods; and on 
 their naming the hill that commands the Forum, and was 
 then called the Tarpeian, now the Capitoline hill, he or- 
 dered them again to declare after they had consulted the 
 gods, in which part of the hill the foundations ought to be 
 laid; in this matter there was no small difficulty; for there 
 were upon the hill many altars, of both gods and geniuses, 
 
 Work of the 
 Tarquins. 
 
 Begun by 
 the first 
 Tarquin. 
 
 Dionysius 
 
 iii. 69. 
 
 This temple 
 was dedi- 
 cated in the 
 first year of 
 the Re- 
 public. 
 
 Dionysius 
 knew it only 
 as it existed 
 in his own 
 time. Origi- 
 nally it was 
 in Etruscan 
 style; cf. 
 Ancient 
 World, 321. 
 
346 
 
 Rome Under the Kings 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 329. 
 
 End of the 
 
 kingship. 
 
 Livy i. 60. 
 (In the 
 absence of 
 the king, the 
 city was 
 ruled by a 
 "prefect.") 
 
 not far distant from one another, which were to be removed 
 to some other place, and the whole area to be set aside for 
 the sacred enclosure, that was proposed to be created 
 there for the gods. The augurs thought proper to consult 
 the gods to whom these altars were consecrated, concerning 
 every one of them; and if they gave their consent, then to 
 remove them ; the rest of the gods, therefore, and geniuses 
 gave them leave to remove their altars; but Terminus and 
 Juventus, although the augurs besought them with great 
 earnestness, and importunity, could not be prevailed on 
 to leave their places; for which reason their altars were in- 
 cluded within the circuit of the temple, and one of them, 
 now, stands in the portico of the chapel of Minerva, and 
 the other, in the chapel itself near to the statue of that 
 goddess; from hence, the augurs concluded that no time 
 would ever remove the boundaries of the Roman empire, 
 or impair its vigor; and both have proved true to this age, 
 which is now the twenty-fourth generation. 
 
 Lucius Tarquinius, the Proud, reigned twenty-five 
 years; the regal form of government extended from the 
 building of the city to its deliverance, two hundred and 
 forty-five years. Two consuls, Lucius Junius Brutus 
 and Lucius Tarquinius CoUatinus, were elected in the 
 comitia centuriata under the prefect of the city, as pre- 
 scribed by the commentaries of Servius TuUius. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 I. How did the Romans found a city (cf. remark in margin)? 
 Describe the division of the population into tribes and curiae; into 
 patricians and plebeians. Who belonged to the curiae? What 
 public rights had the clients? Describe the founding of a Roman 
 colony. What was done with conquered aliens who wished to live at 
 Rome? What , religious regulations are ascribed to Romulus? De- 
 scribe the early family. 
 
Studies 347 
 
 2. What religious institutions are said to have been estabhshed by 
 Numa? What restrictions were placed on the priest of Jupiter? 
 How did the Romans worship the dead? What guilds are ascribed 
 to Numa as founder? 
 
 3. What are the most important institutions assigned to Servius 
 Tullius? Why should the Romans ascribe to him census regulations 
 which were in fact adopted long after his time? 
 
 4. From this passage what ceremonies seem to have Deen neces- 
 sary before building a temple? Eliminating the individual kings, 
 who are largely mythical, write an essay on (i) the government 
 under the kings; (2) the early Roman religion. 
 
CHAPTER XXX 
 
 THE EARLY REPUBLIC: (I) THE PLEBEIANS WIN 
 
 THEIR RIGHTS 
 
 The Repub- 
 lic, 509 B.C. 
 
 Cicero, Re- 
 public, ii. 30. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 339. 
 
 (Law of 
 Valerius 
 Publicola.) 
 
 The consuls. 
 
 Livy ii. I. 
 
 Rome, 27. 
 
 I. The Founding of the Republic 
 
 After the kingship had lasted more than two hundred 
 and fifty years, Tarquin was expelled. At this time the 
 Romans hated the name of king as much as they had once 
 longed for the deceased — or rather the departed — Romu- 
 lus. When Tarquin was banished, therefore, the monarchy 
 came to an end. 
 
 Then Publicola had a law passed by the popular assem- 
 bly that no magistrate should put to death or scourge a 
 Roman citizen without granting him the right of appeal to 
 the people. 
 
 But we date the beginning of liberty from this period be- 
 cause the consuls were annual magistrates, not because they 
 had any less power than that of king. The first consuls had 
 all the privileges and trappings of royal authority. Care 
 was taken, however, that they might not appear doubly 
 terrible by both having the (lictors and) fasces at the same 
 time. With the consent of his colleague Brutus was first 
 attended by the fasces. He had been zealous in establish- 
 ing liberty, and now he was its faithful guardian. First of 
 all he required the people, while still enraptured with their 
 new liberty, to swear that they would never again suffer a 
 king to rule at Rome; for he feared that they might after- 
 ward be won over or bribed by the royal family. Next, 
 that a full list of members might give the senate more 
 
 348 
 
Early Republican Institutions 349 
 
 strength, he chose into it the principal men from the class 
 of knights so as to complete the number three hundred, 
 which the king's murders had diminished. 
 
 Then the Romans attended to religious matters. The ^ng of the 
 kings had performed a part of the public worship ; and in {Rex sacro- 
 order that their service might not be missed, a king of the '""'"■' 
 sacrifices was appointed. This priestly oflSce the Romans ^'^"^ '^- ^• 
 made subject to the chief pontiff, in order that too great -^'"«''. 29; 
 
 1 1111 r 1 • -1 , , . Ancient 
 
 honor, added to the name of kmg, might not endanger their World, 340. 
 liberty, now their chief care. 
 
 In that period the senate maintained the commonwealth The senate 
 in such a condition that, though the people were free, they suls. 
 had little to do with the government; for the senate man- cicero, Re- 
 aged nearly all public business by its own authority and P'^blk, ii, 32. 
 according to its own customs and traditions, while over 
 all, the consuls exercised a power which, though annual, 
 was by nature and law truly royal. They earnestly en- 
 forced that rule which has done so much to maintain the 
 power of the nobles, that the acts of the popular assembly 
 should not be valid unless approved by the senate. 
 
 Scarcely ten years after the first consuls, Titus Lartius The dicta- 
 was appointed first dictator. This new office seemed like °'^' "^^ 
 the royal power restored. ^'""'' ^^• 
 
 Immediately after receiving his authority, he appointed Dionysius v. 
 Spurius Cassius master of horse, for no one to this day ^^' 
 when chosen dictator enters upon his office without a mas- 
 ter of horse. Wishing to make a display of his power for 
 the purpose of striking terror rather than for any real use, 
 he bade his lictors bear through the city their axes bound 
 in rods (fasces). This was a custom of the kings but 
 abandoned by the consuls, for Valerius Publicola made the 
 change in order to render the consular office less hateful to 
 the people- 
 
35° 
 
 The Early Republic 
 
 Livy ii. i8. When the first dictator was appointed at Rome, the 
 
 people, seeing the axes carried before him, were struck with 
 awe, so that they became more submissive and more 
 obedient to orders. Under the consuls a citizen oppressed 
 by one could ask the aid of the other; but under the dic- 
 tator there was no such means of assistance; neither was 
 there a right of appeal or any other resource except in 
 strict obedience. 
 
 The tribunes 
 of the plebs. 
 
 Livy ii. 33. 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 342. 
 
 493 B.C. 
 
 Cicero, Re- 
 public, ii. 34. 
 
 The comitia 
 tiibuta in- 
 stituted, 
 471 B.C. 
 
 Dionysius 
 ix. 41. 
 
 The author 
 of this law 
 was Publil- 
 ius Volero; 
 A ncient 
 World, 343. 
 
 II. The Growth of Plebeian Rights 
 
 Then they began to consider a reconciliation, and among 
 the conditions it was allowed that the plebeians should 
 have their own magistrates, with inviolable privileges, who 
 should have the power of bringing common people aid 
 against the consuls, and that it should not be lawful for 
 any of the patricians to hold this office. In this way two 
 tribunes of the plebs were created. 
 
 By the institution of two tribunes to appease the sedition 
 of the people, the power of the senate was lessened. Still 
 it remained dignified and august, for it was still composed 
 of the wisest and bravest men, who protected their country 
 in peace and in war. Their authority was still strong be- 
 cause in honor they were superior to their fellow-citizens. 
 
 This man, therefore, as soon as he was at liberty to 
 perform the functions of his office, . . . assembled the 
 people, and proposed a law concerning the election of the 
 tribunes, by which that election was to be transferred 
 from the assemblies of the curiae, called by the Romans 
 Comitia Curiata, to the assemblies of the tribes. The dif- 
 ference between them is this: in order to render valid the 
 resolutions taken in the assemblies of the curiae, it was 
 necessary that the senate should issue a decree, and that 
 the people, voting in their curiae, should confirm it, and 
 
Early Roman Laws 351 
 
 that after both these acts the heavenly signs and auspices 
 should not oppose it: whereas in the assemblies of the 
 tribes neither the previoiis decree of the senate was neces- 
 sp/ry, nor the ratification of the holy rites and auspices, 
 but only that the resolutions there taken should be finally 
 determined by the members of the tribes in one day. 
 
 III. Laws of the Twelve Tables 
 
 Let the master of a funeral make use of a public officer Funerals, 
 and Hctors. Let it be lawful for him to use three mantles 
 in a funeral, a purple fillet for the head, and ten flute- Ancient 
 players. Let him do no more than this. ' ^"^ "' 
 
 Let none pour wine mixed with precious ointment into 
 dead bodies. 
 
 Let none make more than one funeral for one person, or 
 carry more than one bier in the funeral procession. 
 
 Let none make use of gold in funerals. But if the teeth 
 of the deceased are fastened with gold, let none be pros- 
 ecuted for burying or burning the deceased with that 
 gold. 
 
 Let not women scratch their faces or tear their cheeks or 
 raise lamentations on account of a funeral. 
 
 Let the praises of honored men be repeated in a gather- 
 ing of the people; and let songs of mourning, accompanied 
 with a flute, attend these praises. 
 
 Let the father have power over the life and death of his The family 
 son. Let it be lawful to sell the son as a slave three times. erty.^'^°^" 
 If the father shall sell the son three times, let the son be 
 free from his father. 
 
 Let there be a space of two and a half feet round the 
 outer wall of every house. 
 
 Let an oath be of the greatest force to insure credit. 
 
 Let no man take more interest for money than one per 
 
352 
 
 The Early Republic 
 
 Crimes. 
 
 Rome, 86. 
 
 Debtors. 
 
 cent a month. If he shall do otherwise, let him be fined 
 four times that sum. 
 
 If a judge or arbitrator appointed by law shall take 
 money for a judgment to be given, let the crime be 
 capital. 
 
 If any one breaks the limb of another and makes no 
 reparation, let retaliation take place. 
 
 Whoever shall maliciously burn another's house, let him 
 be bound and whipped at the discretion of the praetor, and 
 burned. But if the mischief is accidental, let him, at the 
 discretion of the praetor, repair the damage or be punished 
 for it by being whipped. 
 
 If any one shall publish slander or write verses to the 
 defamation of another, let the offence be capital. If any 
 shall assemble in the city privately at night, let the offence 
 be capital. 
 
 Let there be no intermarriage between patricians and 
 plebeians. 
 
 Let thirty days' grace be granted after a debt has been 
 confessed and judgment given. Then let the debtor be 
 seized. Let the creditor bring him before the court. If he 
 does not obey the summons, or is not bailed by any one, 
 let the creditor take him away and bind him with a thong 
 or with fetters weighing no more than fifteen pounds, or if 
 he will, less. If the debtor pleases, let him maintain him- 
 self. If he does not maintain himself, let the one who keeps 
 him in bonds give him a pound of spelt every day; if he 
 thinks fit, more. Meantime let there be an agreement. 
 If the debtor does not agree with his creditor, let the latter 
 keep him in bonds sixty days. In this period let the creditor 
 cite him to court three market-days in succession, and let 
 him proclaim the sum at which the costs are laid. Then 
 let the creditor put him to death: or if he pleases, sell him 
 
The Tribal Assembly 353 
 
 as a slave in a foreign country beyond the Tiber. But if 
 the debtor is assigned to many creditors, let them on the 
 third market-day cut his body into several pieces. If 
 they cut more or less, let it bring no damage to them- 
 selves. 
 
 IV. Further Growth of Plebeian Rights 
 
 a. The Valerian-Horatian Laws 
 
 After the subversion of the decemvirate, the first per- Power of 
 
 sons who were invested with the consular dignity by the assembly 
 
 people in an assembly of the centuries, were, as I said, enlarged, 
 Lucius Valerius Potitus and Marcus Horatius Barbatus. 
 
 Dionysius 
 
 These magistrates, who were themselves of a popular xi. 45. 
 disposition and had inherited these principles from their Ancient 
 ancestors, adhered to the promises they had made to the ^'"'^'^' 34S' 
 plebeians, when they persuaded them to lay down their 
 arms. Avowing that, in their administration, they would 
 consult nothing but the interest of the people, they en- 
 acted several laws in the assembly of centuries, — while the 
 patricians were dissatisfied but ashamed to oppose them, 
 — some laws ■ which I need not record, and particularly 
 that which ordains that the laws passed by the people in 
 their assemblies by tribes should bind all the Romans 
 without distinction, and have the same force with those 
 which should be passed in the assemblies by centuries. 
 The punishments appointed against such as should abro- This state- 
 gate or transgress this law, if convicted thereof, were to correct a 
 death and the confiscation of their fortunes. ... It was ^^t^he^s"*^ 
 stated above that in the assemblies by tribes the plebeians sembly of 
 
 , , • 1 • • 1 . tribes here 
 
 and the poorer sort were superior to the patricians; but mentioned 
 in the assembly by centuries, the patricians, though far ^ain patri-°'^' 
 less numerous, were superior to the plebeians. <^^^^ 
 
354 
 
 The Early Republic 
 
 Proposal of 
 Canuleius, 
 445 B.C. 
 
 Livy iv. i. 
 
 Aristocratic 
 feeling. 
 
 lb. 2. 
 
 These selec- 
 tions up to 
 and includ- 
 ing the 
 Ogulnian law 
 have been 
 translated 
 by Dr. E. G. 
 Sihler. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 346. 
 
 Plebeian 
 
 feeling. 
 
 Livy iv. 4. 6. 
 
 b. The Canuleian Law 
 
 At the beginning of the year the tribune of the people 
 C. Canuleius made public a bill concerning the right of 
 intermarriage [conubium] of the senatorial class (patres) 
 and the plebeians, by which the senatorial class felt that 
 their blood was stained and the rights of the old families 
 were perverted. 
 
 [Appeal of the aristocracy]: They should remember 
 what eminence the senate itself had received from the 
 Fathers, what eminence they intended to hand down to 
 their children, so that they too, like the plebeians, could 
 boast that it was more enlarged and imposing. . . . 
 What and how great things had C. Canuleius undertaken? 
 He was proposing a rude mixture of families, a perversion 
 of public and private auspices, to the end that there be 
 nothing pure and unstained, so that with the removal of 
 all distinction no one could know either himself or his 
 own. For what other force could mixed marriages have, 
 but that almost in the fashion of irrational beasts the mat- 
 ing of plebeians and patricians be indiscriminately brought 
 about? So that the offspring (of such allianjces) shall not 
 know of what blood or of what religion he is. One half 
 would be of senatorial rank, one half of plebeian, not even 
 itself in harmony with itself. . . . 
 
 Or can there be any greater or more marked disgrace, 
 than that a part of the citizen body as though polluted 
 should be held unworthy of the right of intermarriage? . . . 
 
 The plebeians on this issue were particularly enraged, 
 because it was claimed that they could not secure auspices, 
 as though they were hateful to the immortal gods, nor was 
 there an end of the struggles — since the plebeians had got 
 as its leader a most insistent tribune and since the pie- 
 
Consular Tribunes; Censors 355 
 
 beians themselves vied with him in persistence until the 
 Fathers, at last overcome, yielded that a legislative vote 
 should be had concerning the right of intermarriage. . . . 
 
 c. The Military Tribunes with Consular Power 
 
 When Canuleius, through his victory over the Fathers J^^^^j^^^^J^^" 
 
 and through his popularity with the plebeians, became a resulted di- 
 
 man of towering stature, other tribunes in hot enthusiasm the^victoS 
 
 to enter upon a struggle for their own bill made a contest 9^^^^^^^' 
 with all their might, and while the rumor of war was grow- 
 
 Livy IV. 6. 
 
 ing day by day they prevented the enrollment of troops. 
 
 The consuls, since nothing could be done through the worlT, ^^6. 
 
 senate, as the tribunes interfered, held meetings of the 
 
 leading men at home. It was clear that they would either 
 
 have to yield victory to the enemy or to citizens. Of the 
 
 retired consuls, Valerius and Horatius took no share in 
 
 the deliberations. The motion of C. Claudius proposed to ^^j^^f^t^^^*^ °^ 
 
 arm the consuls against the tribunes; the motions of the warfare 
 
 Quinctii, of Cincinnatus, and Capitolinus w^ould have noth- the VebeiLs 
 
 ing to do with slaughter and with violently treating the ^j^'^^^^^t^^f^ 
 
 officers (tribunes) whom, after concluding a treaty with their griev- 
 
 . a.nces were 
 
 the plebeians, they had accepted to be inviolable in person, righted. 
 Through these conferences the issue was brought to that ^^ ^^^^^^ 
 point that they permitted military tribunes with consular ^^'^^^^^[l 
 power to be chosen indiscriminately from patricians and secret cau- 
 plebeians. As to the election of consuls no change was to 
 be made; and therewith both tribunes and plebs were con- 
 tented. 
 
 d. The Censors 
 
 In the year in which Marcus Geganius Macerinus was J^'J'^^®^ 
 consul a second time and Titus Quinctius Capitolinus a 443 B.C. ' 
 fifth time, the censorship was instituted. Though of Livyiv.8. 
 
356 
 
 The Early Republic 
 
 Supervision 
 of the fanners 
 and the 
 knights. 
 
 Aulu§ Gellius 
 
 iv. 12. 
 
 The authors 
 were Li- 
 cinins and 
 Sextius, 
 367 B.C. 
 
 Livy vi. 35. 
 42. 
 
 This para- 
 graph gives 
 the policy of 
 the tribunes. 
 
 humble origin, it grew in importance till it came to regulate 
 the morals and discipline of Rome, to revise the list of the 
 senators and knights, to mark the citizens with honor or 
 disgrace, and to control the revenues of the state. The 
 Romans instituted the office because the census and as- 
 sessment of citizens had not been taken for several years. 
 This work could no longer be deferred, and the consuls 
 had no leisure to attend to it while wars with so many 
 states were impending. 
 
 If any one permitted his land to run to waste, and did 
 not plow or keep it in order, or if any one had neglected 
 his trees or vineyard, it was not with impunity; the matter 
 fell within the censor's authority and the censors degraded 
 him. Also if any Roman knight had a horse in poor con- 
 dition or unseemly to look on, he was fined for lack of 
 proper grooming, which is the same as if you were to say 
 want of care. There are good authorities for both these 
 circumstances, and M. Cato has frequently attested them. 
 
 e. The Licinian Laws 
 
 The outward cause of political innovations, it seems, 
 was the huge amount of debt, for which trouble the ple- 
 beians could hope for no relief unless men of their own class 
 were placed in the highest governmental position. It was 
 necessary earnestly to think about it. By tentative ef- 
 forts and working the plebeians, they said, had reached 
 that point of advancement whence if they strove further, 
 they might be able to reach the highest things and be 
 placed on a level with the senatorial class in honor as well 
 as in merit. For the present it was determined to have 
 tribunes of the people chosen, in which office they might 
 find a way for themselves to the other honors of state. 
 
 And C. Licinius and L. Sextius were elected tribunes 
 
The Licinian Laws 357 
 
 and then published bills, all of which were antagonistic to The pro- 
 
 posals. 
 the power of the patricians and in the interest of the plebs, 
 
 one concerning debt, viz. that, subtracting from the prin- 
 cipal what had been paid by way of interest, what re- 
 mained was to be paid within three years in equal instal- 
 ments; the other concerning the limit of lands, that no 
 one should enter on more than fifty acres of (public) land; 
 the third that no elections be held of military tribune [with 
 consular power] and that under all circumstances one of 
 the two consuls should be chosen from the plebs — all 
 matters of towering importance, — which could not be 
 maintained without the greatest effort. When therefore a 
 critical struggle was impending, involving at one and the 
 same time all things for which an unlimited desire prevails 
 among men, to wit, land, money, and office of state, — the 
 senators thoroughly frightened and in a flutter of irresolu- 
 tion, found in public and private conferences no remedy 
 but intercession, which had been tested in many prior 
 struggles. They set up some of the colleagues (in the 
 tribunate) against the bills of the tribunes. When they 
 saw that the people were being summoned by Licinius and 
 Sextius to begin the voting, they surrounded themselves 
 with a bodyguard of senators and they would not suffer 
 the bills to be read aloud nor any other customary form to 
 be gone through toward having the people pass any reso- 
 lution. And now having often called in vain a meeting, and 
 seeing the bills as good as defeated, Sextius said: "Very well, 
 since it is decided that intercession shall count for so much, 
 we will protect the plebs with that very weapon. Come, ye 
 senators, announce an election for choosing military trib- 
 unes, I will see to it that no help come from that term 
 veto ("I forbid"), which with such satisfaction you now 
 hear our colleagues harmoniously utter." The threats were 
 
358 
 
 The Early Republic 
 
 To admit 
 plebeians 
 to the 
 augural and 
 pontifical 
 colleges, 
 300 B.C. 
 
 Livy X. 6. 
 
 The law in 
 fact in- 
 creased the 
 number of 
 augurs and 
 pontiffs to 
 nine each, 
 and provided 
 that four 
 augurs and 
 five pontiffs 
 should be 
 plebeian; 
 Botsford, 
 Roman As- 
 semblics, 3og. 
 
 The struggle 
 which led to 
 it. 
 
 Dio Cassius, 
 Frag. 37. 
 
 not uttered in vain: no elections were held except those 
 of ffidiles and tribunes of the people. Licinius and Sextius 
 were reelected as tribunes of the people and suflfered no 
 curule magistrate to be chosen: and this desolation — the 
 plebs reelecting the two tribunes and they doing away with 
 elections of military tribunes — prevailed in the city for 
 five years. Finally after great struggles the dictator and 
 the senate were overpowered, so that the measures of the 
 tribunes were admitted. The elections of the consuls were 
 held in spite of the resistance of the nobility, at which 
 Lucius Sextius was made consul, the first of plebeian rank. 
 
 f. The Ogulnian Law 
 
 A struggle arose among the leading men of the state, 
 patricians and plebeians, a struggle stirred up by the 
 tribunes of the people Q. and Cn. Ogulnius, who every- 
 where saw opportunities to make charges against the 
 senatorial class before the plebeians. After trying other 
 things in vain, they undertook to inflame not the lowest 
 plebs, but the very heads of the plebs, retired consuls and 
 triumphatores, to whose honors nothing was lacking but 
 the priestly offices, which were not yet promiscuously be- 
 stowed. Therefore they published a bill to this effect: 
 "Whereas there are four augurs and four pontifices at this 
 time, it is resolved to have the number of priests enlarged, 
 and four pontifices and five augurs shall be chosen in addi- 
 tion from the plebeians." 
 
 g. The Hortensian Law 
 
 When the tribunes moved an annulment of debts, the 
 law was often proposed without avail, since the leaders 
 were by no means willing to accept it and the tribunes 
 granted the nobles the choice of either putting this law to 
 
Hortensian Law 359 
 
 vote or following that of Stolo, by which they were to Licinius 
 
 1 1 • • 1 1 Stolo; 
 
 reckon the previous interest toward the principal and re- p. 356 f. 
 ceive the remainder in triennial payments. For the time 
 being the weaker party, dreading lest it might lose all, paid 
 court to them, and the wealthier class, encouraged to 
 think it would not be compelled to adopt either course, 
 maintained a hostile attitude. But when the revolted 
 party proceeded to press matters somewhat, both sides 
 changed their positions. The debtors were no longer satis- 
 fied with either plan, and the nobles thought themselves 
 lucky if they should not be deprived of their principal. 
 Hence the dispute was not decided immediately, but after- 
 ward they prolonged their rivalry in a spirit of conten- 
 tiousness, and did not act at all in their usual character. 
 Finally the people made peace in spite of the fact that the 
 nobles were unwilling to remit much more than they had 
 originally expected; however, the more they beheld their 
 creditors yielding, the more they were emboldened, as if 
 they were successful by a kind of right; and consequently 
 they regarded the various concessions almost as matters 
 of course and strove for yet more, using as a stepping-stone 
 to that end the fact that they had already obtained some- 
 thing. 
 
 After great and long-continued seditions due to debts Livy, 
 
 , , , , T T • 1 1 .1 Epitome, xi. 
 
 the plebs seceded to the Jamculum, whence they were 
 
 brought back by Quintus Hortensius as dictator. ^j^^ j^^ 
 
 After the secession of the plebs to the Janiculum, Q. 287 B.C. 
 
 Hortensius dictator moved and carried a law in the .^scule- roT History^' 
 
 tum that whatever the plebs ordered should be binding on ^"^'- ^°' 37- 
 
 ,, , . . Gaius i. 3. 
 
 all the citizens. A plebiscite 
 
 Formerly the patricians maintained that they were not pr^o^posecTby 
 
 bound by plebiscites, as the latter were passed without a tribune to 
 
 , cL triDtli cLS~ 
 
 their authorization; but afterward the Hortensian statute sembb 
 
360 The Early Republic 
 
 was enacted, which provided that plebiscites should be 
 binding on the whole people; and in this way they were 
 made equal to statutes. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Describe the government of the early RepubHc. Compare it 
 with the government under the kings. 
 
 2. Show how the comitia tributa differed from the other popular 
 assembHes. 
 
 3. From the laws of the Twelve Tables what may we infer regarding 
 (i) funeral customs, (2) the family, (3) honesty in business, (4) the 
 condition of the poor, (5) the general character of the Romans of the 
 time? 
 
 4. a. How did the laws of Valerius and Horatius affect the tribal 
 assembly? b. What was the feeling of the aristocracy and the plebs 
 respectively as to the question of intermarriage? c. What led to the 
 institution of military tribunes with consular power? d. What were 
 the functions of the censors, and why were they instituted? e. What 
 appeal did Licinius and Sextius make to the people? How did they 
 bring about the enactment of their bill? f. What was the Ogulnian 
 law? g. Describe the conflict which led to the enactment of the 
 Hortensian law. What were its terms? From the entire chapter 
 write an account of the methods of political warfare adopted by the 
 opposing parties. 
 
CHAPTER XXXI 
 
 THE EARLY REPUBLIC: (II) ROME BECOMES 
 SUPREME IN ITALY 
 
 I. Treaty with Carthage and with the Latins 
 
 The first treaty between Rome and Carthage was made First treaty 
 in the year of Lucius Junius Brutus and Marcus Horatius, Rome and 
 the first consuls elected after the expulsion of the kings. Carthage, 
 
 '^^ ° 509 B.C. 
 
 Of this treaty I append a translation as accurate as I could ^ 
 
 Polybius 111. 
 
 make it, for the fact is that the ancient language differs so 22. 
 
 much from that at present in use that the best scholars Rome, 39. 
 among the Romans themselves have great difiiculty in 
 interpreting some points in the document. 
 
 "Between the Romans and their allies, and the Cartha- (The early 
 
 ginians and their allies, there shall be peace and alliance treaty has 
 
 upon the following terms :- doTed "ye"t 
 
 "Neither the Romans nor their allies shall sail beyond without 
 
 . . sufficient 
 
 the Fair Promontory, unless driven by bad weather or by grounds. 
 an enemy. And in case any one of them be driven ashore, ontory is on 
 he shall not buy or take aught for himself save what is the northern 
 
 ■' ^ _ ° _ _ coast of 
 
 needful for the repair of his ship and the service of the Africa, near 
 gods, and he shall depart within five days. 
 
 "Merchants landing for traffic in Sardinia or in Libya 
 shall strike no bargain except in the presence of a herald or 
 a town clerk; and the credit of the state shall be a security 
 to the merchant for whatever he shall sell in the presence of 
 this officer. 
 
 "If any Roman lands in the Carthaginian province in 
 Sicily, he shall enjoy all the rights enjoyed by others. 
 
 361 
 
362 
 
 The Early Republic 
 
 Treaty 
 between 
 Rome and 
 the Latins, 
 493 B.C. 
 
 Dionysius 
 vi. s. 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 352. 
 
 "The Carthaginians, on the other hand, shall do no in- 
 jury to the people of Antium, Laurentum, Circeii, Tar- 
 racina, or any other people of the Latins who are subject to 
 Rome. Nor shall they possess themselves of any town of 
 the Latins which is not subject to Rome. If they take one 
 of these towns, they shall deliver it unharmed to the 
 Romans. 
 
 "The Carthaginians shall build no fort in Latium; and if 
 they land an armed force there, they shall depart before 
 night." 
 
 [A few years afterward the Romans concluded with the 
 Latins the following treaty:] 
 
 "Let there be peace between the Romans and all the 
 Latin cities as long as heaven and earth shall remain in 
 their present position. 
 
 "Let them neither make war upon one another them- 
 selves, nor bring in foreign enemies, nor grant a safe pas- 
 sage to those who shall make war upon either. 
 
 "Let them with all their forces assist one another when 
 attacked by enemies, and let both have equal shares of the 
 spoils and booty taken in their common wars. 
 
 "Let suits relating to private contracts be determined in 
 ten days among that people among whom the contract was 
 made. 
 
 "Let nothing be added to, or taken from, these treaties 
 except by the joint consent of the Romans and all the 
 Latins." 
 
 The battle 
 of the Allia, 
 390 B.C. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Camillus, 13. 
 
 II. Sack of Rome by the Gauls 
 
 Every Roman believes that the prayers of Camillus 
 were quickly heard by Jupiter, and that a terrible retribu- 
 tion was exacted for his wrongs. (For it was while he was 
 in exile that the Gauls came.) 
 
The Gauls at Rome 363 
 
 The Romans marched about eleven miles from the city, 
 and halted for the night on the banks of the AHia, a stream ib. 18. 
 which joins the Tiber not far from where their camp was 
 pitched. Here in an unskilful battle the want of discipline 
 caused the ruin of the Romans. The Gauls drove the left 
 wing into the river and destroyed it, but the right, which 
 took refuge in the hills to avoid the enemy's charge on level 
 ground, suffered less, and most of this division safely 
 reached the city. Of the rest, those who survived after 
 the enemy were weary with slaughter took refuge at Veil, 
 imagining that all was over with Rome. 
 
 On the third day after the battle Brennus (the Gallic The Gauls 
 chief) came at the head of his army to attack the city. 
 Seeing the gates open and no guards on the walls, he at camiihis, 22. 
 first feared some ambuscade, as he could not believe that ^^^-^^i 
 the Romans had so utterly despaired of themselves. When World, 354 f. 
 he discovered the truth, he marched through the Colline 
 Gate, and captured Rome a little more than three hundred 
 and sixty years after its foundation, if we can believe that 
 any accurate record has been kept of those earlier periods. 
 
 (First the barbarians plundered and burned the city, The siege of 
 while the Romans held only the Capitoline Mount.) En- 
 couraged by their chief, the Gauls eagerly volunteered an cam%us', 27. 
 assault on the Capitol. About midnight many of them 
 climbed silently up the rock, which although rough and 
 precipitous was easier of ascent than they had imagined; so 
 that the first of them reached the top, and were on the 
 point of attacking the rampart and its sleeping garrison, 
 for neither men nor dogs noticed them. 
 
 But there were sacred geese kept in the temple of Juno, 
 which in other times were fed without stint, but which then, 
 as there was scarcely food enough for the men, were some- 
 what neglected. These birds are naturally quick of hearing 
 
3^4 
 
 The Early Republic 
 
 " Woe to 
 the van- 
 quished! " 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Camillus, 28. 
 
 Camillus 
 comes to the 
 rescue. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Camillus, 29. 
 
 and timid ; and now rendered wakeful and wild by hunger, 
 they quickly perceived the Gauls climbing up, and rushing 
 noisily to the place, awoke the garrison. 
 
 The Gauls, feeling that they were discovered, no longer 
 preserved silence, but violently assaulted the place. The 
 Romans snatched whatever arms came first to hand and 
 ran to repel them. First of all Manlius, a man of consular 
 rank, strong of body and full of courage, fell in with two of 
 the enemy. As one of them lifted up his battle-axe, Man- 
 lius cut off the right hand with his sword, while he dashed 
 his shield into another's face and threw him backward 
 down the cliff. Then he stood upon the wall, and with the 
 help of those who gathered round him, beat off the rest, for 
 not many had reached the top or effected anything equal 
 to the boldness of the attempt. After thus escaping the 
 danger, the Romans threw their sentinel down the rock, 
 whereas on Manlius they conferred by vote a reward for 
 his bravery. 
 
 (Afterward the Romans on the Capitoline Mount came 
 to terms with the enemy.) Brennus, the Gallic chief, and 
 Sulpicius, a Roman leader of the commons, met, and it was 
 agreed that the Romans should pay a thousand pounds of 
 gold, and that on receiving it, the Gauls should at once 
 leave the country. Both parties swore to observe these 
 conditions; but while the gold was being weighed, the 
 Gauls at first stealthily tampered with the scales and then 
 openly pulled the beam, so that the Romans became angry. 
 Thereupon Brennus insolently took off his sword and belt 
 and threw them into the scale; and when Sulpicius asked, 
 "What is this?" he replied, "Woe to the vanquished!" 
 
 While the Romans were thus disputing with the Gauls 
 and with one another, Camillus with his army was at the 
 gates. Learning what was going on within, he ordered the 
 
Greek Invasion of Italy 365 
 
 mass of his soldiers to follow him quietly and in good order, 
 while he pushed on with the picked troops to join the 
 Romans, who all made way for him and received him as 
 their dictator with silence and respect. He then took the 
 gold from the scales and gave it to his lictors, and ordered Rome, 27; 
 the Gauls to take the scales and the beam and depart; " for World, 355. 
 it is the custom of the Romans," he said, "to defend their 
 country not with gold but with iron." 
 
 In this way Rome was strangely taken and yet more Plutarch, 
 strangely rescued, after the Gauls had held it more than 
 ten months. 
 
 III. Pyrrhus 
 
 He was indeed a soldier worthy to command soldiers, Plutarch, 
 the only king of the age in whom could be traced any like- 
 ness to the great Alexander. By the fire and the energy of 
 his movements in the field of battle, Pyrrhus revived the 
 image of that hero; other kings mimicked him only in 
 their behavior and in the trappings and state of royalty, 
 We can form an opinion of his knowledge and skill in 
 military affairs from the writings which he has left on these 
 subjects. It is said, too, that Antigonus when asked who Greece, 318; 
 was the greatest general answered, " Pyrrhus, if he lives wotld, 359 f 
 to be old," for he was speaking of the generals of his time 
 only. Hannibal, however, considered Pyrrhus to have 
 been the best general that ever lived for skill and resource, 
 placing Scipio next and himself third, as is written in the 
 life of Scipio. 
 
 In fact Pyrrhus devoted the whole of his intellect to the 
 art of war; for he regarded it as the only study fit for a 
 king, and held all other occupations frivolous. . . . 
 
 As he desired some new adventures, he embraced the 
 following opportunity. Rome was at war with the Taren- 
 
366 
 
 The Early Republic 
 
 281-272 
 
 B.C. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Pyrrhus, 13. 
 
 He disci- 
 plines the 
 Tarentines. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Fyrrhus, 16. 
 
 tines; and as they were not strong enough to carry on the 
 contest, and yet were not allowed by the audacious folly of 
 their mob orators to make peace, they proposed to choose 
 Pyrrhus leader and to invite him to be their ally in the war, 
 for he was then more at leisure than any of the other kings 
 and also was the best general of all. . . . 
 
 Thus they voted for war and sent ambassadors to Epirus, 
 not from Tarentum alone but from the other Greek cities 
 in Italy. These delegates carried presents to Pyrrhus and 
 were instructed to tell him that they required a leader of 
 skill and renown, and that they possessed a force of Lu- 
 canians, Messapians, Samnites, and Tarentines which 
 amounted to twenty thousand cavalry and three hundred 
 and fifty thousand infantry. This information not only 
 excited Pyrrhus, but made all the Epirots eager to take 
 part in the campaign. 
 
 When Pyrrhus arrived at Tarentum, he did nothing to 
 displease the people till his fleet reached the coast and he 
 had gathered the greater part of his army. Then as he 
 saw that the populace, unless ruled by a strong hand, could 
 help neither him nor themselves, but intended to stay 
 idling about their baths and entertainments at home while 
 he fought their battles, he closed the gymnasia and the 
 public walks, in which the people were wont to waste their 
 time in empty talk about the war. He forbade all drink- 
 ing, feasting, and unreasonable revels, and forced the 
 people to take arms. In carrying out this order he showed 
 himself inexorable to every one who was on the muster- 
 roll of able-bodied citizens. This conduct made him greatly 
 disliked, and many of the Tarentines left the city in dis- 
 gust; for they were so unused to disciphne that inability 
 to pass their lives as they chose they considered to be no 
 better than slavery. 
 
Pyrrhus Defeats the Romans 367 
 
 (When Pyrrhus heard that the Roman army had come The battle of 
 into Lucania to oppose him, he marched forth to meet it at 2S0 B.C. 
 Heraclea.) Learning that the Romans were near, and were 
 encamping on the farther side of the river Siris, he rode 
 down to the river to view them. When he saw their even 
 ranks, their orderly movements, and their well-arranged 
 camp, he was surprised, and said to the nearest of his 
 friends, "These barbarians, Megacles, have nothing bar- 
 barian in their military discipline, but we shall soon learn 
 what they can do." 
 
 He began already to feel some uncertainty as to the issue 
 of the campaign, and determined to wait till his allies came 
 up, and until then to watch the movements of the Romans 
 and prevent their crossing the river. As they perceived his 
 object, however, they quickly crossed the river, the in- 
 fantry at a ford, the cavalry at many points at once, so 
 that the Greeks, fearing that they might be surrounded, 
 drew back. 
 
 Perceiving the movement, Pyrrhus ordered his officers 
 instantly to form the troops in order of battle and wait 
 under arms while he himself charged with the cavalry, 
 three thousand strong, for he hoped to catch the Romans 
 in the act of crossing the river and consequently in disorder. 
 When he saw many shields of the Roman infantry appear- 
 ing over the river bank and their horsemen all ranged in 
 order, he closed up his own ranks and charged them. He 
 himself took the lead, a conspicuous figure in his beautiful 
 glittering armor, and he proved by his exploits that he 
 deserved his high reputation; for though he fought per- 
 sonally and engaged in combat with the enemy, he con- 
 tinually watched the whole battle, and handled his troops 
 with as much facility as though he were not in the thick of 
 the fight, appearing always where his presence was most 
 
368 
 
 The Early Republic 
 
 The 
 
 embassy of 
 Cineas. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Pyrrhus, 14. 
 
 Greece, 220; 
 A ncient 
 World, 241. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Pyrrhus, 18. 
 
 Appius 
 
 Claudius 
 
 Caecus. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Pyrrhus, 18 f. 
 
 needed and reenforcing those who seemed likely to give 
 way. (Pyrrhus won a hard-fought battle.) 
 
 There was a certain Cineas, a Thessalian, who was con- 
 sidered a man of good judgment, and who having heard 
 Demosthenes the orator speak, was better able than any of 
 the speakers of his age to delight his hearers with an imita- 
 tion of the eloquence of that great master of rhetoric. He 
 was now in the service of Pyrrhus, and being sent about to 
 various cities, proved true the proverb of Euripides that — 
 
 All can be done by words 
 Which foemen wish to do with conquering swords. 
 
 Pyrrhus used to say that more cities were won for him 
 by Cineas with words than he himself won by force of 
 arms. . . . (Wishing to make peace with Rome,) Pyrrhus 
 sent Cineas as ambassador to conduct the negotiations. 
 He conversed with the leading men of Rome and offered 
 their wives and children presents from the king. No one, 
 however, would accept the gifts, but all, men and women 
 alike, replied that if peace were publicly made with the 
 king, they would then have no objection to regarding him 
 as a friend. And when Cineas spoke before the senate in a 
 winning and persuasive manner, he could make no impres- 
 sion upon his audience. . . . The common people, how- 
 ever, were evidently eager for peace, because they had 
 been defeated in one great battle, and expected that they 
 would have to fight another, — against a larger force, be- 
 cause the Italian states would join Pyrrhus. 
 
 At this crisis Appius Claudius (Cascus), an illustrious 
 man, who had long been prevented by old age and blind- 
 ness from taking an active part in politics, hearing of the 
 proposals of Pyrrhus and learning that the question of 
 peace or war was about to be voted upon in the senate, 
 
Italy for the Italians 
 
 369 
 
 could no longer endure to stay at home, but caused his 
 sons to carry him in a litter through the Forum to the 
 senate-house. When he reached the doors of the senate- 
 house, his sons and his sons-in-law supported him and 
 guided him as he entered, while all the assembly observed 
 a respectful silence. 
 
 (He then spoke against the proposal to treat with Pyrrhus 
 while this Epirot king remained in the peninsula. Italy 
 for the Italians was the new principle which he set forth. In 
 conclusion he said,) "Do not imagine that you will rid 
 yourselves of this man by making a treaty with him. 
 Rather you will encourage other Greek princes to invade 
 you, for they will despise you and think you an easy prey 
 to all men, if you let Pyrrhus go home again without pay- 
 ing the penalty for his outrages upon you, nay with the 
 power to boast that he has made Rome a laughing-stock 
 for Taren tines and Samnites!" 
 
 By his words Appius roused a warlike spirit in the 
 Romans, and they dismissed Cineas with the answer that 
 if Pyrrhus would leave Italy, they would if he wished dis- 
 cuss the question of alliance with him, but that while ne 
 remained in arms in their country, the Romans would 
 fight him to the death. . . . 
 
 After spending six years of constant fighting in Italy 
 and Sicily, Pyrrhus failed. During this time he lost a 
 great part of his force, but always, even in his defeats, kept 
 his reputation for invincible bravery. In warlike skill and 
 personal strength and daring he was thought to be by far 
 the first prince of his age. Yet he always threw away the 
 advantages which he had gained, to follow some chimerical 
 scheme of further conquest. He was unable to take proper 
 measures for the present because of his eagerness for the 
 future. 
 
 (Compare 
 the "Mon- 
 roe doc- 
 trine.") 
 
 The failure 
 of Pyrrhus. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Pyrrhus, 26. 
 
370 The Early Republic 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. What were the provisions of the first treaty between Rome and 
 Carthage? From this treaty what may we infer as to the relations 
 between these states? as to their comparative power? What were the 
 provisions of the treaty between Rome and Latium? Does the treaty 
 represent the two powers as equal? 
 
 2. Give an account of the Gallic invasion and of the sack of Rome. 
 
 3. Write a biography of Pyrrhus, and describe his character. As 
 a man and a general how does he compare with the most famous 
 Romans? What was the character of the Tarentines? What were 
 the leading traits in the character of Appius Claudius? How does 
 his policy resemble our "Monroe doctrine"? 
 
CHAPTER XXXII 
 
 ROMAN ORGANIZATION; PROGRESS IN CULTURE 
 
 I. MuNiciPiA AND Colonies 
 
 The words municipes and municipia are very easily and 
 very commonly uttered, and you never meet with a man 
 who uses them but he supposes that he clearly knows their 
 meaning. Yet in truth one thing is meant and another 
 expressed; for how many of us are there who, coming from 
 any Roman colony, do not call ourselves municipes, and 
 our countrymen municipes, which is very far from reason 
 and the truth. So we are in the same manner ignorant of 
 what and how great a diiJerence there is between municipia 
 and coloniae; and we are apt to suppose that colonies are 
 more privileged than municipal towns. . . . The mu- 
 nicipes in fact are persons who from the municipal towns 
 are, in right of their municipality, Roman citizens, gov- 
 erned by their own laws, and partakers of only privileges 
 and offices with the Roman people. They appear to be so- 
 called a niunere capes sendo ("from taking honors"); and 
 they are bound by no compulsion or law of the Romans, 
 except that they had placed themselves under the power 
 of the latter. 
 
 The Cserites, we learn, were the first who were made a 
 municipal body without the power of voting; they were 
 permitted the honor of being called Roman citizens, but 
 were exonerated from ofiSces and burdens, on account of 
 their having recovered and protected sacred things in the 
 Gallic war; hence those were called "Lists of the Caerites," 
 
 371 
 
 Municipia 
 and colonies 
 distin- 
 gtiished. 
 
 Gellius xvi . 
 13- 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 361 f. 
 
 Municipes 
 without the 
 right to vote. 
 
 The position 
 was in fact 
 one of in- 
 feriority, not 
 of honor. 
 
372 
 
 Roman Organization 
 
 Colonies. 
 
 Definitions 
 of Munici- 
 pia. 
 
 Festus 127. 
 
 Organization 
 of Latium 
 and Campa- 
 nia under 
 Rome, 
 338 B.C. 
 
 Livy viii. 14 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 356 f. 
 
 upon which the censors ordered the names of those to be 
 inscribed whom they deprived of their vote. But colonies 
 stand in another relationship; the}^ do not enter into the 
 franchise from without, nor do they claim it b)^ their 
 origin, but they are, as it were, the offspring of the state, 
 and are of necessity subject to the laws and institutes of 
 the Romans; which condition, though it be more exposed 
 and less free, is yet deemed more desirable and respectable, 
 on account of the amplitude and majesty of the Roman 
 people. 
 
 A municipium is defined as that class of men, who when 
 they came to Rome, were not Roman citizens but partici- 
 pated with the Roman citizens in everything connected 
 with the performance of duties, with the exception of vot- 
 ing and holding office; such as were the people of Fundi, 
 Formiae, Cumae, Acerrse, Lanuvium, and Tusculum, who 
 after some years were made Roman citizens. A second 
 definition applies the term to those whose entire state has 
 come into the Roman citizenship, as Aricia, Caere, and 
 Anagnia. Thirdly this class is defined as those who have 
 entered the Roman state on condition of remaining mu- 
 nicipes of their several states and colonies, as the people 
 of Pisa, Urbinum, Nola, Bononia, Placentia, Nepete, 
 Sutrium, and Luca. 
 
 The principal members of the senate applauded the 
 consul's statement of the business on the whole; but said 
 that "as the states were differently circumstanced, the 
 proposal might be readily adjusted so that it might be 
 determined according to the desert of each, if they should 
 put the question regarding each state specifically. The 
 question was therefore so put regarding each separately 
 and a decree passed. To the Lanuvians the right of citizen- 
 ship was granted, and the exercise of their religious rights 
 
Organization of Latium 373 
 
 was restored to them with this provision, that the temple 
 and grove of Juno Sospita should be common between the 
 Lanuvian burshers and the Roman people. The Aricians, Full Romaa 
 
 ° citizenship. 
 
 Nomentans, and Pedans were admitted into the number of 
 citizens on the same terms as the Lanuvians. To the Tus- 
 culans the rights of citizenship which they already pos- 
 sessed were continued; and the crime of rebellion was 
 turned . . . against a few instigators. On the Veliter- 
 nians, Roman citizens of long standing, measures of great 
 severity were inflicted because they had so often rebelled; 
 their walls were razed and their senate removed from Loss of all 
 
 rights. 
 
 thence, and they were ordered to dwell on the other side of 
 the Tiber, so that the fine of any individual who should 
 be caught on the hither side of that river should amount • 
 
 to one hundred asses; and that the person who had appre- 
 hended him, should not discharge his prisoner from con- 
 finement, until the money was paid down. Into the land of 
 the senators colonists were sent; from the additions of 
 which Velitrae recovered its appearance of former popu- 
 lousness. 
 
 A new colony was also sent to Antium, with this provi- ^ntium, a 
 sion that if the Antians desired to be enrolled as colonists, 
 permission to that effect should be granted. Their ships 
 of war were removed from thence, and the people of An- 
 tium were interdicted the sea, and the rights of citizenship 
 were granted them. The Tiburtians and Prsenestines l'^^^^^^^ 
 were amerced in some land, not only on account of the free alUes. 
 recent guilt of the rebellion, which was common to them 
 with the other Latins; but also because from their dislike 
 to the Roman government, they had formerly associated 
 in arms with the Gauls, a nation of savages. From the 
 other Latin states they took away the privileges of inter- 
 marriage, commerce, and of holding meetings. To the 
 
374 
 
 Roman Organization 
 
 Full citizen- 
 ship again. 
 
 The Rostra 
 were conse- 
 crated, hence 
 a temple; the 
 word means 
 "beaks." 
 
 Changes in 
 armor, arms 
 and organ- 
 ization. 
 
 Livy viii. 8. 
 
 A ncienl 
 World, 365. 
 
 The target 
 was round; 
 the shield 
 oblong. 
 
 In action. 
 
 Campanians, in compliment to their horsemen, because 
 they had refused to join in rebellion with the Latins, and 
 to the Fundans and Formians, because the passage through 
 their territories had always been secure and peaceful, the 
 freedom of the state was granted with the right of suf- 
 frage. It was determined that the people of Cumas and 
 Suessula should have the same rights and be on the same 
 footing as Capua. Of the ships of the Antians some were 
 drawn up to the docks at Rome, some were burned, and 
 with the prows of these the speakers' stand in the Forum 
 was ordered to be decorated: and that temple was called 
 Rostra. 
 
 II. The Reformed Army 
 
 The Romans formerly used targets; afterward when 
 they began to receive pay, they made shields instead of 
 targets; and what before constituted phalanxes similar to 
 the Macedonian, afterward became a line drawn up in 
 distinct companies. At length they were divided into 
 several centuries. A century contained sixty soldiers, two 
 centurions, and one standard-bearer. The spearmen 
 (hastati) formed the first line in fifteen companies, with 
 small intervals between them; a company had twenty 
 light-armed soldiers, the rest wearing shields; those were 
 called light who carried only a spear and short iron jave- 
 lins. This division, which constituted the van in the field 
 of battle, contained the youth in early bloom advancing 
 toward the age of service. Next followed men of more 
 robust age, in the same number of companies, who were 
 called principes, all wearing shields, and distinguished by 
 the completest armor. (Behind them came the triarii.) . . . 
 
 When the army was marshalled according to this ar- 
 rangement, the spearmen first commenced the fight. If 
 
The Army; Coinage 375 
 
 they were unable to repulse the enemy, they retreated 
 leisurely, and were received by the principes into the in- 
 tervals of the ranks. The fight then devolved on the 
 principes; the spearmen followed. The triarii continued 
 kneeling behind the ensigns, their left leg extended for- 
 ward, holding their shields resting on their shoulders, and 
 their spears fixed in the ground, with the points erect, so 
 that their line bristled as if enclosed by a rampart. If the 
 principes also did not make sufficient impression in the 
 fight, they retreated slowly from the front to the triarii. 
 Hence when a difficulty is felt, "Matters have come to 
 the triarii," became a usual proverb. The triarii, rising 
 up, after receiving the principes and spearmen into the 
 intervals between their ranks, immediately closing their 
 files, shut up as it were the openings; and in one compact 
 body fell upon the enemy, no other hope being now left; 
 that was the most formidable circumstance to the enemy, 
 when, having pursued them as vanquished, they beheld a 
 new line suddenly starting up, increased also in strength. 
 In general about four legions were raised, each consisting 
 of five thousand infantry and three hundred horse. As 
 many more were added from the Latin le\y. 
 
 III. Some Aspects of Culture 
 
 The next crime committed against the welfare of man- The earliest 
 kind was on the part of him who was the first to coin the 
 denarius of gold, a crime the author of which is equally rd^m^tory!' 
 unknown. The Roman people made no use of impressed ^xxiu. 13. 
 silver even before the period of the defeat of King Pyrrhus. 
 The as of copper weighed exactly one pound. . . . 
 
 Silver was not impressed with a mark until the year of 
 the city 485, the year of the consulship of Q. Ogulnius and 269 B.C. 
 C. Fabius, five years before the First Punic War; at that 
 
376 
 
 Roman Organization 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 366 f. 
 
 A denarius 
 was worth 
 about 20 
 cents. The 
 as, at first 
 about 45 
 cents, fell to 
 2 cents; 
 Botsford, 
 Roman As- 
 semblies, 87, 
 n. 4. 
 
 The Appian 
 Aqueduct 
 and the 
 Appian Way, 
 312 B.C. 
 
 Diodorus 
 XX. 36. 
 
 A stade 
 (stadium) 
 was 600 feet. 
 
 Early Italic 
 painting. 
 
 Pliny, Natu- 
 ral History, 
 XXXV. 6 f. 
 
 time it was ordained that the value of the denarius should 
 be ten pounds of copper, that of the quinarius five pounds, 
 and that of the sestertius two pounds and a half. The 
 weight, however, of the copper "pound" was diminished 
 during the First Punic War, the republic not having means 
 to meet its expenditure: in consequence an ordinance was 
 made that the as should in future be struck of two ounces 
 weight. By this contrivance a saving of five-sixtlis was 
 effected, and the public debt was liquidated. The impres- 
 sion upon those copper coins was a two faced Janus on one 
 side, and the beak of a ship of war on the other. 
 
 There were two censors this year at Rome— Appius 
 Claudius and Caius Plautius. With the concurrence of 
 Plautius, Appius disturbed many matters of ancient wont 
 and usage; for to gratify the people, he made no account 
 of the senate. Also he constructed an aqueduct, named 
 the Appian Aqueduct after himself, which brought water 
 from regions 80 stades distant. On this he expended a 
 great sum of money without the consent of the senate. 
 
 Then he laid a causeway of hard stones from Rome to 
 Capua a thousand stades and upward, and levelled it at 
 great cost. This was called the Via Appia after him. In 
 this way he drained the treasury. But by promoting the 
 public good, he left behind him an everlasting monument. 
 
 But already in fact had the art of painting been per- 
 fectly developed in Italy. At all events there are extant 
 in the temples at Ardea at this day paintings of greater 
 antiquity than Rome itself; in which in my opinion, noth- 
 ing is more marvellous than that they should have re- 
 mained so long unprotected by a roof, and yet preserve 
 their freshness. At Lanuvium, too, it is the same, where 
 
Early Roman Art 377 
 
 we see an Atalanta and a Helena, without drapery, close Paintings of 
 together and painted by the same artist. They are both and class are 
 of the greatest beauty, the former being evidently the fJonf Etms-^ 
 figure of a girl, and they still remain uninjured, though the '^^^J^^^^' 
 temple is in ruins. The Emperor Gaius, inflamed with World, 320 f. 
 greed, attempted to have them removed, but the nature 
 of the plaster would not admit of it. There are in exist- 
 ence at Caere some paintings of a still higher antiquity. 
 Whoever carefully examines them, will be forced to admit 
 that no art has arrived more speedily at perfection, seeing 
 that it was evidently not in existence at the time of the 
 Trojan War. 
 
 Among the Romans, too, this art very soon rose into '^^f^ °^ 
 esteem, for it was from it that the Fabii, a most illustrious (Safety), 
 family, derived their surname of "Pictor;" indeed the 
 first" of the family who bore it himself painted the Temple 
 of Salus, in the year of the city 450, a work which lasted 304 B.C. 
 to our own times, but was destroyed when the temple 
 was burnt, in the reign of Claudius, , . . 
 
 Statues of this nature are still in existence at various Terra-cotta 
 
 . . , . art. 
 
 places. At Rome in fact and m our municipal towns, we 
 
 still see many such pediments of temples; wonderful, too, raTmstofy^' 
 
 for their workmanship and from their artistic merit and ^xxv. 46. 
 
 long duration, more deserving of our respect than gold, 
 
 and certainly far less baneful. At the present day, even in Very 5^°^-^^^ 
 
 the midst of such wealth as we possess, we make our first Rome and 
 
 libation at the sacrifice, not from vessels of murrhine or Etruna. 
 
 crystal, but from ladles made of earthenware. 
 
 Another instance of the severe discipHne of this office is J^^^fj^^^'^j^j 
 as follows: There was a deliberation about fining a man, the censors, 
 who was being called by his friend before the censors. QgUius iv. 
 WTiilst expecting their decision he yawTied clearly and 20. 
 
378 
 
 Roman Organization 
 
 Roman 
 women do 
 not drink 
 wine. 
 
 Gcllius X. 23. 
 
 aloud; and he was about to be fined, this being considered 
 as a proof of an indolent and careless temper, and of a rude 
 and impertinent confidence. But when he swore that his 
 yawning was reluctant and involuntary, and that he was 
 afilicted with the disease termed the gapes, he was ac- 
 quitted of his intended fine. 
 
 The writers on the food and dress of the Romans inform 
 us that the women of Rome and La tium lived abstemiously; 
 that is, they abstained from wine. ... It was appointed 
 by law, that they should kiss their relations, that it might 
 be discovered by their breath whether they had been 
 drinking. But they relate that the women were accus- 
 tomed to drink the second brewing, raisin wine, sweet 
 myrrh, and other sweet beverages of that taste. And 
 these things are published in the books I mentioned. But 
 Marcus Cato says that women were not only censored but 
 fined, if they had been drinking wine. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. On the basis of these passages classify the municipia, and dis- 
 tinguish them from colonies. What was the status of each com- 
 munity mentioned in Livy viii. 14? 
 
 2. Describe the organization and movements of the reformed army. 
 
 3. Describe the earHest coins; the early Italic paintings. From 
 the selections from Gellius what may we infer as to the severity of 
 the censors? the life of women? 
 
70-^ 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII 
 
 THE FIRST AND SECOND PUNIC WARS 
 
 I. The Story of Regulus 
 
 Early in the Sicilian war the Romans sent three hundred Regulus in 
 and fifty ships to Africa, captured many towns, and left in 
 command of the army AtiHus Regulus, who took about two p^|^)c"' 
 hundred more towns, which gave themselves up to him on f/J^'[]^^ 
 account of their hatred of the Carthaginians. Continually events lead- 
 
 1 J ii. 4. ing up to this 
 
 advancing, the Roman general ravaged the country, invasion, see 
 Thereupon the Carthaginians, considering their misfortune 5^/",';f ' 
 due to bad generalship, asked the Lacedaemonians to send World, 37c 
 them a commander. 
 
 They sent Xanthippus. Regulus, encamped in the hot 
 season by the side of a lake, marched round it to engage the 
 enemy. His soldiers were suffering greatly from the weight 
 of their arms, from dust, thirst, and fatigue, and were ex- 
 posed to missiles from the neighboring hills. Toward even- 
 ing he came to a river *vhich separated the two armies. 
 This he crossed at once, for he thought in this way to 
 terrify Xanthippus; but the Lacedaemonian, anticipating 
 an easy victory over an enemy thus harassed and ex- 
 hausted, took advantage of the night to draw up his forces 
 and make a sudden sally from the camp. The expectation 
 of Xanthippus was not disappointed. Of the thirty thou- 
 sand men led by Regulus, a few only escaped with difficulty 
 to the city of Aspis. All the rest were either killed or taken 
 prisoners; and among the captives was the consul Regulus 
 himself. 
 
 379 
 
Tlie 
 
 embassy of 
 Regulus. 
 
 Appian, 
 Punic 
 Wars, 4. 
 
 380 The First and Second Punic Wars 
 
 Not long afterward the Carthaginians, weary with 
 fighting, sent him in company with other ambassadors to 
 Rome to obtain peace, or to return if it were not granted. 
 But Regulus in private strongly urged the chief magis- 
 trates of Rome to continue the war, and then went back 
 to certain torture; for the Carthaginians shut him up in a 
 cage full of spikes and in this way put him to death. 
 
 Hamilcar 
 Barca (the 
 Lightning). 
 
 Polybius i. 
 
 56. 
 
 (For the 
 places here 
 mentioned, 
 see map, 
 Rome, i; 
 Ancient 
 World, 313.) 
 
 II. Hamilcar Barca 
 
 In the eighteenth year of the war the Carthaginians 
 appointed Hamilcar Barca general, and put the manage- 
 ment of the fleet in his hands. He took over the command 
 and began to ravage the Italian coast. After devastating 
 the district of Locri and the rest of Bruttium, he sailed 
 away with his whole fleet to the coast of Panormus and 
 seized a place called Ercte, which lies between Eryx and 
 Panormus on the coast, and is reputed the best situation in 
 the district for a safe and permanent camp. For it is a 
 mountain rising sheer on every side, standing out above 
 the surrounding country to a considerable height. The 
 tableland on its summit has a circumference of not less 
 than a hundred stades, within which the soil is rich in 
 pasture and suitable for agriculture. The sea breezes 
 render it healthful, and it is entirely free from dangerous 
 animals. 
 
 On the side which looks toward the sea, as well as that 
 which faces the interior of the island, it is enclosed by in- 
 accessible precipices; while the spaces between these parts 
 require only slight fortifications, and of no great extent, to 
 make them secure. On it is an eminence which serves at 
 once as an acropolis and as a convenient tower of observa- 
 tion, commanding the surrounding district. It is also sup- 
 
Hamilcar 381 
 
 plied with a harbor, conveniently situated for the passage 
 
 from Drepana and Lilybaeum to Italy, in which is always 
 
 an abundant depth of water. Finally the height can be 
 
 reached by three ways only — two from the land side and 
 
 one from the sea, and all of them difl&cult. 
 
 Here Hamilcar intrenched himself. It was a bold meas- His wonder- 
 , , , . 1 . , 1 11 , ful deeds, 
 
 ure; but he had no city which he could count upon as 
 
 friendly, and no other hope on which he could rely; and 
 
 though by so doing he placed himself in the very midst of 
 
 the enemy, he nevertheless managed to involve the Romans 
 
 in many struggles and dangers. To begin with, he would 
 
 start from this place and ravage the seaboard of Italy as 
 
 far as Cumae; and again on shore, when the Romans had 
 
 pitched a camp to overawe him, in front of the city of 
 
 Panormus within about five stades of him, he harassed 
 
 them in every way, and forced them to engage in numerous 
 
 skirmishes for the space of nearly three years. Of these 
 
 combats it is impossible to give a detailed account in 
 
 writing. 
 
 Presently however Fortune, acting like a good umpire in ^^-^^^ ^^°p* 
 the games, transferred him by a bold stroke from the Eryx. 
 locahty just described and from the contest in which he Poiybiusi. 
 was engaged, to a struggle of greater danger and to a local- ^^■ 
 ity of narrower dimensions. The Romans were occupying 
 the summit of Er>'x, and had a guard stationed at its foot. 
 But Hamilcar managed to seize the town which lay be- 
 tween these two spots. 
 
 There ensued a siege by the Romans who were on the 
 summit, supported by them with extraordinary hardihood 
 and adventurous daring. The Carthaginians found them- 
 selves between two hostile armies, and their supplies 
 brought to them with difficulty because they communi- 
 cated with the sea at only one point and by one road; yet 
 
382 The First and Second Punic Wars 
 
 they held out with a determination that passes beUef. 
 Every contrivance which skill or force could sustain did 
 they put in use against each other, as before; every im- 
 aginable privation was submitted to; surprises and pitched 
 battles were alike tried; and finally they left the combat , 
 a drawn one . . . like men still unbroken and uncon- 
 quered. . . . The two nations engaged were like well-bred 
 game-cocks which fight to their last gasp. You may see 
 them often, when too weak to use their wings, yet full of 
 pluck to the end, and striking again and again. Finally 
 chance brings them the opportunity of once more grap- 
 pling, and they hold on till one or the other of them drops 
 dead. 
 241 B.C. (At last the Romans destroyed the Carthaginian fleet, 
 
 whereupon Hamilcar, from his post on Mount Eryx, came 
 to terms of peace with the enemy. Immediately a war 
 broke out between Carthage and her unpaid mercenaries. 
 By crushing the mutineers, Hamilcar brought this mer- 
 cenary war, or "Libyan war," to an end.) 
 Hamilcar As soon as they had brought the Libyan War to a conclu- 
 
 Spain.° sion, the Carthaginians collected an army and despatched 
 
 Polybius ii. i. ^^ under the command of Hamilcar to Iberia (Spain). This 
 general took over the command of the troops, and with his 
 son Hannibal, then nine years old, crossing by the Pillars of 
 Hercules, set about recovering the Carthaginian posses- 
 sions in Iberia. He spent nine years there, and after 
 reducing many Iberian tribes by war or diplomacy to Car- 
 thaginian rule, he died in a manner worthy of his great 
 achievements; for he lost his life in a battle against the 
 most warlike and most powerful tribes. In this last fight 
 he showed a brilliant and even reckless personal daring. 
 
Hannibal 
 
 383 
 
 III. The Battle of Lake Trasimene; the Greatness 
 
 OF Hannibal 
 
 (Early in the spring Hannibal crossed the Apennines 
 into Etruria and marched along the highway toward 
 Rome. Flaminius, one of the consuls, followed close be- 
 hind with an army.) 
 
 The Carthaginians now reached a place formed by na- 
 ture for an ambuscade, where Lake Trasimene comes 
 nearest to Mount Cortona. A very narrow passage only 
 intervenes, as though room enough had been left just for 
 ihat purpose. Then a somewhat wider plain opens, and 
 still farther some hills rise up. On these heights Hannibal 
 pitched his camp in full view, where he posted his Spaniards 
 and Africans under his own command. The Baleares and 
 his other light troops he had ranged round the mountain; 
 his cavalry he posted at the very entrance of the defile — 
 conveniently hidden behind some rising ground — in order 
 that when the Romans had entered, the horsemen might 
 advance and every place be closed by the lake and the 
 mountain. Flaminius passed the defile before it was 
 quite daylight. He did not previously reconnoitre, though 
 he had reached the lake the preceding day at sunset. 
 
 When the troops began to spread into the wider plain, 
 the commander saw that part only of the enemy which 
 was opposite him; the ambuscade in his rear and overhead 
 escaped his notice. And when Hannibal had his enemy 
 enclosed by the lake and mountain, and surrounded by 
 his troops, he gave the signal for all at the same time to 
 charge, whereupon each began to run down the nearest 
 way. To the Romans the event was all the more sudden 
 and unexpected because of a mist which had risen from the 
 lake, and was settHng thicker on the plain than on the 
 
 The battle 
 of Lake 
 Trasimene, 
 217 B.C. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 383. 
 
 Livy xxii. 4. 
 
 (Slingers 
 from the 
 Baleares 
 Islands.) 
 
 The Romans 
 are sur- 
 rounded. 
 
384 The First and Second Punic Wars 
 
 The begin- 
 ning of the 
 fight. 
 
 The consul. 
 Livy xxii. 5. 
 
 Confusion. 
 
 A desperate 
 struggle. 
 
 ridge. For this reason the Punic troops ran down from the 
 various heights in fair sight of one another and therefore 
 with greater regularity. 
 
 As the battle-cry rose on all sides, the Romans found 
 themselves surrounded before they could well see the 
 enemy; and the attack on the front and flank had begun 
 before their line could be well formed, their arms prepared 
 for action, or their swords unsheathed. 
 
 Though all the rest were in a panic, the consul faced the 
 peril undaunted. As the men turned toward the various 
 shouts, they threw the line into confusion, but Flaminius 
 marshalled them as well as time and place permitted. 
 Wherever he came within hearing, he encouraged them, 
 and bade them stand and fight. "We can escape," he 
 cried, "not by vows and prayers to the gods but by courage 
 and energy. Let us hew our way with the sword through 
 the midst of their marshalled battalions— the less the fear 
 the less the danger!" 
 
 But in the noise and tumult the men heard not his ad- 
 vice and command; and so far were they from knowing 
 their own standards and ranks and position, that they 
 hardly had enough courage to take arms and make ready 
 for battle. Some, surprised before they could don their 
 armor, were burdened rather than protected by it. In the 
 thick darkness there was more use for ears than for eyes. 
 Vainly peering in every direction, they could only hear the 
 groans of the dying, the clash of blows upon armor, the 
 mingled clamor of threats and fear. Some in their flight 
 ran into bands of fighters; others renewing the struggle 
 were turned back by crowds of runaways. 
 
 In vain the Romans charged in every direction, there 
 was no hope of escape; for on their flanks the mountain 
 and lake, on the front and rear the lines of the enemy en- 
 
The Battle of Lake Trasimene 385 
 
 compassed them. As they saw their only safety lay in the 
 right hand and the sword, each man became his own leader 
 and encouraged to action, and an entirely new struggle 
 arose, — not in a regular line of battle, with principes, 
 hastati, and triarii, nor of such a sort as when the vanguard 
 fights before the standards and the rest of the troops be- 
 hind them, nor when each soldier stands in his own legion, 
 cohort and company; chance collected them into bands; 
 and each man's will assigned him his post, to fight in front 
 or rear. So great was the ardor of battle, so intent were 
 their minds upon the fray, that not one of the combatants 
 felt an earthquake which threw down large parts of many 
 Italian cities, turned rivers from their rapid courses, carried 
 the sea up into rivers, and levelled mountains with a tre- 
 mendous crash. 
 
 Nearly three hours the battle raged, and in every quarter 
 fiercely; around the consul it was hottest and most deter- 
 mined. With the strongest of his troops he promptly 
 brought assistance wherever he saw his men hard pressed 
 or worried. Knowing him by his armor, the enemy at- 
 tacked him furiously, while his countrymen defended him. 
 Finally an Insubrian horseman named Ducarius, recog- 
 nizing his face, said to his fellows, "Lo, this is the consul 
 who slew our legions and laid waste our fields and cities. 
 Now will I offer this victim to the shades of my country- 
 men miserably slain!" and putting spurs to his horse, he 
 dashed through a dense throng of the enemy. First he 
 killed the consul's armor-bearer, who had opposed himself 
 to the attack; then he ran the consul through with a lance. 
 The veterans, by opposing their shields, kept him from 
 despoiling the body. 
 
 Then for the first time many took to flight. Neither 
 lake nor mountain could now check their hurried retreat; 
 
 (The three 
 lines of 
 heavy in- 
 fantry; 
 Rome, 45; 
 A ncient 
 World, 365.) 
 
 Flaminius 
 kiUed. 
 
 Livy xxii. 6. 
 
 (He had de- 
 feated them 
 and had con- 
 quered their 
 country, 
 223 B.C.) 
 
 FUght. 
 
Il 
 
 386 The First and Second Punic Wars 
 
 they ran over steep and narrow ways, as though they were 
 blind; arms and men tumbled upon one another. Finding 
 nowhere else to run, many retreating first into the shallow 
 water along the shore, plunged farther in till only their 
 heads and shoulders reached above. Some thoughtlessly 
 tried to escape by swimming; but as the attempt failed, 
 they lost courage and were drowned in the deep water; or 
 wearied to no purpose, they made their way with extreme 
 difficulty back to the shallows, — only to be cut down by 
 the cavalry of the enemy, who had waded into the water. 
 Nearly six thousand men in the van gallantly forced 
 their way through the opposing enemy, and without know- 
 ing what was happening in the rear, escaped from the de- 
 file. Stopping on a certain height, and hearing naught 
 but the shouts and the clash of arms, they could not 
 through the mist discover what was the fortune of the 
 battle. 
 An army de- At length the contest was decided; and when the increas- 
 stroye . .^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ dispelled the mist and cleared the 
 
 air, — then in the bright light the mountains and the plains 
 displayed the ruin of the Roman army. 
 
 This is the famous battle of Lake Trasimene, recorded 
 among the few disasters of Rome. Fifteen thousand 
 Romans were killed in the struggle. Ten thousand, who 
 had scattered in flight through all Etruria, returned to the 
 city by various roads. A thousand five hundred of the 
 enemy perished. 
 
 (Next year Hannibal inflicted a still more terrible defeat 
 
 upon the Romans at Cannae; and though this was his last 
 
 brilliant victory, he maintained himself in Italy many 
 
 201 B.C. years. Finally he had to return to Carthage and make 
 
 peace with Rome.) 
 
 Who could help admiring this great man's strategic 
 
The Character of Hannibal 387 
 
 skill, courage, and ability, when one looks to the length l^^^^^'^^' 
 of time during which he displayed those qualities, and Hannibal, 
 reahzes to one's self the pitched battles, the skirmishes poiybius ri. 
 and sieges, the revolutions and counter-revolutions of ^^■ 
 states, the vicissitudes of fortune, and in fact the whole 
 course of his design and its execution? 
 
 For sixteen continuous years Hannibal maintained the 
 war wdth Rome in Italy, without once releasing his army 
 from service in the field, but keeping those vast numbers 
 under control, like a good pilot, without any sign of dis- 
 satisfaction toward himself or toward one another. This 
 he did in spite of the fact that the troops in his service, 
 so far from being of the same tribe, were not even of the 
 same race. He had Libyans, Iberians, Ligurians, Celts, 
 Phoenicians, Itahans, and Greeks, who naturally had 
 nothing in common with one another, — neither laws nor 
 customs nor language. Yet the skill of the commander 
 was such that these differences, so manifold and so wide, 
 did not disturb obedience to one word of command and 
 to a single will. 
 
 And yet circumstances were not by any means unvary- 
 ing; for though the breeze of fortune set strongly in his 
 favor, it as often blew adversely. We have therefore good 
 ground for admiring Hannibal's display of ability in war; 
 and we should not hesitate to say that had he reserved 
 his attack upon the Romans until he had first subdued 
 other parts of the world, not one of his projects would 
 have eluded his grasp. As it was, he began with those 
 whom he should have attacked last, and with them ac- 
 cordingly he began and ended his career. 
 
^8S The First and Second Punic Wars 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Give Appian's account of Regulus and Xanthippus. Compare 
 the account given in Rome, loo; Ancient World, 373 f (from Polybius). 
 What is Polybius' estimate of the value of history as illustrated by 
 the fate of these two generals? From the maps {Rome, i, 95; Ancient 
 World, 313, 371) describe the location of Sicily, Ecnomus, Messene, 
 Mount Ercte, Panormus, Mount Eryx, Lilybaeum, Drepana, the 
 ^gatian Islands, Carthaginian Libya, and Spain (Iberia). 
 
 2. Write a biography of Hamilcar Barca, including a description 
 of his character. 
 
 3. Write a biography of Hannibal, and describe his character. 
 Whose character in the Second Punic War was the more admirable, 
 that of Hannibal or that of the Romans? Would the success of Han- 
 nibal have benefited the world? 
 
CHAPTER XXXIV 
 
 THE END OF GREEK FREEDOM 
 
 I. The Depopulation of Greece 
 In our time all Greece was visited by a dearth of chil- The families 
 
 nvQ fciV S.Ild 
 
 dren, and generally a decay of population, owing to which small, 
 the cities were denuded of inhabitants, and a failure poiybiiis 
 of productiveness resulted, though there were no long- ^^xxvii. g. 
 continued wars or serious pestilences among us. If, then, 
 any one had advised our sending to ask the gods in regard 
 to what we were to do or say in order to become more 
 numerous and better fill our cities, — would he not have 
 seemed a futile person, when the cause was manifest and 
 the cure in our own hands? For this evil grew upon us 
 rapidly, and without attracting attention, by our men 
 becoming perverted to a passion for show and money 
 and the pleasures of an idle life, and accordingly either not 
 marrying at all, or if they did marry, refusing to rear the 
 children that were born, or at most one or two out of a 
 great number, for the sake of leaving them well off or 
 bringing them up in extravagant luxury. For when there 
 are only one or two sons, it is evident that, if war or pesti- 
 lence carries off one, the houses must be left heirless; and 
 like swarms of bees, little by little the cities become 
 sparsely inhabited and weak. On this subject there is 
 no need to ask the gods how we are to be relieved from 
 such a curse; for any one in the world will tell you that it 
 is by the men themselves if possible changing their ob- 
 jects of ambition; or, if that cannot be done, by passing 
 
 389 
 
The greatest 
 of all her 
 misfortunes. 
 
 Polybius 
 xxxviii. 3. 
 
 390 The End of Greek Freedom 
 
 laws for the preservation of children. On this subject 
 there is no need of seers or of prodigies. 
 
 II. The Misery of the Fall 
 
 My thirty-eighth book embraces the consummation 
 of the misfortunes of Greece. For though Greece as a 
 whole, as well as separate parts of it, has on several occa- 
 sions sustained grave disasters, yet to none of her previous 
 defeats could the word "misfortune" be more properly 
 applied than to those which have befallen her in our times. 
 For it is not only that the sufferings of Greece excite com- 
 passion; stronger still is the conviction, which a knowledge 
 of the truth of the several occurrences must bring, that 
 in all she undertook she was supremely unfortunate. At 
 any rate though the disaster of Carthage is looked upon 
 as of the severest kind, yet one cannot but regard that 
 of Greece as not less, and in some respects even more so. 
 For the' Carthaginians at any rate left something for 
 posterity to say in their behalf; but the mistakes of the 
 Greeks were so glaring, that they made it impossible for 
 those who wished to support them to do so. Besides, the 
 destruction of the Carthaginians was immediate and total, 
 so that they had no feelings afterward of their disasters; 
 but the Greeks, with their misfortunes ever before their 
 eyes, handed down to their children's children the loss 
 of all that was once theirs. And in proportion as we 
 regard those who live in pain as more pitiable than those 
 who lose their lives at the moment of their misfortunes, 
 in that proportion must the disasters of the Greeks be re- 
 garded as more pitiable than those of the Carthaginians, 
 — unless a man thinks nothing of dignity and honor, and 
 gives his opinion from a regard only to material advantage. 
 
 They displayed at once want of good faith and want of 
 
The Historian's Duty 391 
 
 courage, brought upon themselves a series of disgraces, The 
 
 f, 1 ,, , • , , 1 1 . M 1 politicians 
 
 lost all that could bring them honor, and voluntarily ad- were re- 
 mitted into their towns the Roman fasces and axes. They sponsible, 
 were in the utmost panic, owing in fact to the extravagance Polybms 
 of their own wrongful acts, if one ought to call them their 
 own; for I should rather say that the peoples as such were 
 entirely ignorant, and were beguiled from the path of 
 right; but that the men who acted wrongly were the au- 
 thors of this delusion. 
 
 In regard to these men, it should not be a matter of The first 
 surprise if we leave for a while the ordinary method and historian is 
 spirit of our narrative to give a clearer and more elaborate ^^^] 
 exposition of their character. I am aware that some may , 
 be found regarding it as their first duty to cast a veil over 
 the errors of the Greeks, to accuse us of writing in a spirit One of them, 
 
 T-.r ITT -1 • ^ Critolaus, is 
 
 of malevolence. But for myself, 1 conceive that with the subject 
 right-minded persons a man will never be regarded as a section!'^''^ 
 true friend who shrinks from and is afraid of plain speech, 
 nor indeed as a good citizen who abandons the truth be- 
 cause of the offence he will give to certain persons at the 
 time. But a writer of public history above all deserves 
 no indulgence whatever, who regards anything of superior 
 importance to truth. For in proportion as written his- 
 tory reaches larger numbers, and survives for longer time, 
 than words spoken to suit an occasion, the writer ought 
 to be still more particular about truth, and his readers 
 ought to admit his authority only so far as he adheres 
 to this principle. At the actual hour of danger it is only 
 right that Greeks should help Greeks in every possible 
 way, by protecting them, veiling their errors or deprecat- He did all he 
 
 . , , . , . 1 1 1 • T -1 could to help 
 
 mg the wrath of the sovereign people; and this i genuinely his country- 
 did for my part at the actual time: but it is also right, in 
 regard to the record of events to be transmitted to pos- 
 
 men. 
 
392 The End of Greek Freedom 
 
 terity, to leave them unmixed with any falsehood: so that 
 readers should not be merely gratified for the moment 
 by a pleasant tale, but should receive in their souls a les- 
 son, which will prevent a repetition of similar errors in 
 the future. Enough however, on this subject. . . . 
 
 Critolaus 
 stirs up the 
 Greeks 
 against 
 Rome. 
 
 Polybius 
 xxxviii. g. 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 304, 
 392 f- 
 
 The Romans 
 again at- 
 tempt ne- 
 gotiations. 
 
 Polyb. 
 xxxviii. 10. 
 
 III. Outbreak of the Ach^an War 
 
 A Roman commission attempted to conduct negotiations with 
 Critolaus, general of the Achaean League who was to act in conjunc- 
 tion with the Lacedaemonians for the settlement of some misunder- 
 standings. By his arbitrary conduct, however, Critolaus brought 
 the negotiations to naught and thus greatly offended the Romans. 
 The following extract is an account of his subsequent conduct. 
 
 Critolaus spent the winter in visiting the cities and 
 holding assemblies in them, on the pretext that he wished 
 to inform them of what he had said to the Lacedaemonians 
 at Tegea, but in reality to denounce the Romans and to 
 put an evil interpretation on everything they said; by 
 these means he inspired the common people in the various 
 cities with feelings of hostility and hatred for them. At 
 the same time he sent round orders to the magistrates not 
 to exact money from debtors, nor to receive prisoners 
 arrested for debt, and to cause loans on pledge to be held 
 over until the war was decided. By this kind of appeal 
 to the interests of the vulgar everything he said was re- 
 ceived with confidence; and the common people were 
 ready to obey any order he gave, being incapable of tak- 
 ing thought for the future, but caught by the bait of im- 
 mediate indulgence and relief. 
 
 When Quintus Caecilius Metellus heard in Macedonia 
 of the commotion and disturbance going on in the Pelo- 
 ponnese, he despatched thither his legates Gnaeus Papirius 
 and the younger Popilius Laenas, along with Aulus Gabinius 
 
Roman Envoys Insulted 393 
 
 and Gauis Fannius; they, happening to arrive when the 
 congress was assembled at Corinth, were introduced to 
 the assembly, and delivered a long and conciliatory speech, 
 much in the spirit of that of Sextus Julius, exerting them- 
 selves with great zeal to prevent the Achaeans from pro- 
 ceeding to an open breach with Rome, either on a pretext 
 of their grievance against the Lacedaemonians, or from any 
 feehng of anger against the Romans themselves. But 
 the assembled people would not hear them ; insulting words 
 were loudly uttered against the envoys, and in the midst 
 of a storm of yells and tumult they were driven from the 
 assembly. The fact was that such a crowd of workmen 
 and artisans had been got together as had never been 
 collected before; for all the cities were in a state of drivel- 
 ling folly, and above all the Corinthians en masse; and 
 there were only a very few who heartily approved of the 
 words of the envoys. 
 
 Critolaus, conceiving that he had attained his purpose, 
 in the midst of an audience as excited and mad as himself 
 began attacking the magistrates, abusing all who were 
 opposed to him, and openly defying the Roman envoys, 
 saying that he was desirous of being a friend of the Romans, 
 but had no taste for them as his masters. And finally he 
 tried to incite the people by saying that, if they acquitted 
 themselves like men, they would have no lack of allies; 
 but if they betrayed womanish fears, they would not want 
 for masters. By many other such words to the same 
 effect, conceived in the spirit of a charlatan and huckster, 
 he roused and excited the populace. . . . 
 
 Having carried these measures, he began intriguing to Critolaus 
 bring on an outbreak and cause an attack upon the Roman tack on the 
 envoys. He had no pretext for doing this; but adopted a ^^^^^y^- 
 course, which of all possible courses, offends most fla- ^^- ^^- 
 
394 The End of Greek Freedom 
 
 grantly against the laws of gods and man. The envoys 
 however separated; Gnaeus Papirius went to Athens and 
 thence to Sparta to watch the turn of events; Aulus 
 Gabinius went to Naupactus; and the other two remained 
 at Athens, waiting for the arrival of Caecilius Metellus. 
 This was the state of things in the Peloponnese. 
 
 Overthrow 
 of the 
 Achaeans. 
 
 Pausanias 
 vii. 16. 
 
 Mummius 
 commands 
 the Romans. 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 392 f. 
 
 rV. The Decisive Battle 
 
 Meantime Mummius, and with him Orestes, who was 
 first sent from Rome to settle the disputes between the 
 Lacedaemonians and Achaeans, reached the Roman army 
 one morning, took over the command, and sent Metellus 
 and his forces back to Macedonia, and himself waited at 
 the Isthmus till he had concentrated all his troops. His 
 cavalry amounted to 3,500 and his infantry to 22,000. 
 There were also some Cretan bowmen, and Philopoemen 
 had brought some soldiers from Attalus, from Pergamus 
 across the Caicus. Mummius placed some of the Italian 
 troops and allies, so as to be an advanced post for all his 
 army, 12 stades in the van. And the Achaeans, as this 
 vanguard was left without defence through the confidence 
 of the Romans, attacked them, and slew some, but drove 
 still more back to the camp, and captured about 500 shields. 
 By this success the Achaeans were so elated that they 
 attacked the Roman army without waiting for them to 
 begin the battle. But when Mummius led out his army 
 to battle in turn, then the Achaean cavalry, which was 
 opposite the Roman cavalry, ran immediately, not ven- 
 turing to make one stand against the attack of the enemy's 
 cavalry. And the infantry, though dejected at the rout 
 of the cavalry, stood their ground against the wedge-like 
 attack of the Roman infantry, and though out-numbered 
 
Destruction of Corinth 395 
 
 and fainting under their wounds, yet resisted bravely 
 till 1,000 picked men of the Romans took them in flank, 
 and so turned the battle into a complete rout of the 
 Achaeans. And had Diaeus been bold enough to hurry Diaeus had 
 
 SUCCGCQGQ, 
 
 into Corinth after the battle, and to receive within its critolaus. 
 walls the runaways from the fight and shut himself up 
 there, the Achsans might have obtained better terms from 
 Mummius, if the war had been lengthened out by a siege. 
 But as it was, when the Achaeans gave way before the 
 Romans, Diaeus fled for MegalopoHs. . . . Diaeus after 
 ruining the Achaeans announced to the people of Megalo- 
 polis their impending ruin, and after slaying his wife with 
 his own hand that she might not become a captive, took 
 poison and so died. . . . 
 
 And most of those that were left in the city were slain The sack 
 by the Romans, and the women and children were sold by Corinth. 
 Mummius, as also were the slaves who had been manu- 
 mitted and had fought on the side of the Achaeans, and 
 had not been killed in action. And the most wonderful 
 of the votive offerings and other ornaments he carried 
 off to Rome, and those of less value he gave to Philopoe- 
 men, the general of Attains' troops, and these spoils from 
 Corinth were in my time at Pergamum. And Mummius 
 razed the walls of all the cities which had fought against 
 the Romans, and took away their arms, before any ad- 
 visers were sent out to him from Rome. And when they 
 arrived, then he put dowTi all democracies, and appointed 
 chief-magistrates according to property qualifications. 
 And taxes were laid upon Greece, and those who had 4"^*^^*' t 
 
 ^ ' 111 World, 393 I. 
 
 money were forbidden to have land over the borders, 
 and all the general meetings were put down altogether, 
 as those in Achaia, or Phocis, or Boeotia, or any other part 
 of Greece. 
 
396 The End of Greek Freedom 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. What was the cause of the depopulation of Greece? What was 
 done with children whom the father refused to bring up? What did 
 Polybius consider the remedy for the evil? 
 
 2. What comment does he make on the fall of Greece? Whom 
 does he consider responsible? How did his duty as historian differ 
 from his duty as statesman? What in his opinion is one of the vices 
 of history? 
 
 3. What were the character and policy of Critolaus? Were the 
 Greeks or the Romans chiefly responsible for the Achasan War? 
 Give your reasons. 
 
 4. Describe the decisive battle. How did the Romans treat the 
 vanquished? What was done to Corinth? 
 
CHAPTER XXXV 
 
 GROWTH OF PLUTOCRACY; PROGRESS IN 
 CIVILIZATION 
 
 I. Government 
 The Roman government has three factors, each of them The three 
 
 is,ctors or 
 possessing sovereign power; and their respective shares of "estates" 
 
 power in the whole state have been regulated with such °rjJm^elt°7" 
 
 scrupulous regard to equality and balance that no one can p^j^j^j^^ ^j 
 
 say for certain, not even a native, whether the constitution n. 
 
 as a whole is an aristocracy or democracy or despotism. 
 
 And no wonder: for if we confine our observation to the ^^l^cimt 
 
 World, 
 
 power of the consuls, we should be mclmed to regard it as 401-3. 
 despotic; if to that of the senate, as aristocratic; and if 
 finally one looks at the power possessed by the people, it 
 would seem a clear case of democracy. What the exact 
 powers of these several parts were, and still with slight 
 modifications are, I will now state. 
 
 Before leading out the legions, the consuls remain at I- The con- 
 
 1 • • • All ^^^* 
 
 Rome and are supreme masters of the admmistration. All 
 
 1 M / f ii 1 L_ \ Polybms vi. 
 
 other magistrates except the tribunes (of the plebsj are ^2. 
 
 under them and take their orders. They introduce foreign 
 ambassadors to the senate, bring before it matters requir- 
 ing deliberation, and see to the execution of its decrees. 
 If again there are any matters of state which require rati- 
 fication by the people, it is their business to attend to these 
 affairs, to summon the popular meetings, to bring the pro- 
 posals before the assembly, and to carry out the decrees 
 of the majority. 
 
 397 
 
398 
 
 Growth of Plutocracy 
 
 Their 
 powers in 
 war. 
 
 II. The sen- 
 ate. 
 
 Polybius vi. 
 13- 
 
 (Ltislrum, 
 lustration, 
 the ceremony 
 of purifica- 
 tion at the 
 close of the 
 census- 
 taking; 
 hence the 
 period from 
 one census 
 to another.) 
 
 Its powers 
 in Italy. 
 
 In the preparations for war, too, and briefly in the entire 
 management of a campaign, they have all but absolute 
 power. It is their right to impose on the allies such levies 
 as they think good, to appoint the military tribunes, to 
 make up the roll of soldiers, and to select those who are 
 suitable. Besides they have absolute power of inflicting 
 punishment on all who are under their command while in 
 active service; and they have authority to expend as much 
 of the public money as they choose, for they are accom- 
 panied by a quffistor who is entirely at their orders. A 
 survey of these powers would in fact justify our describing 
 the constitution as despotic, — a clear case of royal govern- 
 ment. Nor will it affect the truth of my description, if 
 any of the institutions I have described are changed in 
 our time, or in that of our posterity. The same remarks 
 apply to what follows. 
 
 The senate first of all controls the treasury, and regulates 
 the receipts and disbursements alike. For the qu£estors 
 cannot issue any public money for the various departments 
 of the state without a decree of the senate, except for the 
 service of the consuls. The senate controls also what is by 
 far the largest and most important expenditure,— that 
 which is made by the censors every lustnwi for the repair 
 or construction of public buildings; this money cannot be 
 obtained by the censors except by the grant of the senate. 
 
 Similarly all crimes committed in Italy requiring a public 
 investigation, such as treason, conspiracy, poisoning, or 
 wilful murder, are in the hands of the senate. Besides if 
 any individual or state among the Italian allies requires a 
 controversy to be settled, a penalty to be assessed, help or 
 protection to be afforded, — all this is the province of the 
 senate. Or again outside Italy, if it is necessary to send 
 an embassy to reconcile warring communities, or to remind 
 
The Senate and the People 399 
 
 them of their duty, or sometimes to impose requisitions 
 upon them, or to receive their submission, or finally to 
 proclaim war against them, — this too is the business of 
 the senate. 
 
 In like manner the reception given to foreign ambassa- Its powem 
 dors at Rome, and the answers to be returned to them, are affairs.'^" 
 decided by the senate. With such business the people 
 have nothing to do. Consequently if one were staying 
 at Rome when the consuls were not in town, one would 
 imagine the constitution to be a complete aristocracy; 
 and this has been the idea entertained by many Greeks, 
 and by many kings as well, from the fact that nearly all 
 the business they had with Rome was settled by the 
 senate . 
 
 After this discussion one would naturally be inclined to HI. The 
 ask what part in the constitution is left for the people, ^^°^ ^' 
 when the senate has these various functions, especially °'^ '"^ ^^• 
 the control of the receipts and expenditures of the treasury, 
 and again when the consuls have absolute power over the 
 details of military preparations and an absolute author- 
 ity in the field? There is however a part left for the people, 
 and it is a most important one. For the people are the 
 sole fountain of honor and of punishment; and it is by 
 these two powers and these alone that dynasties and con- 
 stitutions and, in a word, human society are held together. 
 For where the distinction between them is not sharply 
 drawn both in theory and practice, there no undertaking 
 can be properly administered, — as indeed we might expect 
 when good and bad are held in exactly the same honor. 
 
 The people then are the only court to decide matters of Jheir powe? 
 life and death; and even in cases where the penalty is 
 money, if the sum to be assessed is sufficiently serious, and 
 especially when the accused have held the higher magis- 
 
400 
 
 Growth of Plutocracy 
 
 In elections, 
 legislation, 
 and foreign 
 affairs. 
 
 Relations of 
 these three 
 parts, or 
 estates, to 
 one another. 
 
 The har- 
 mony and 
 strength of 
 the constitu- 
 tion. 
 
 Polybius vi. 
 i8. 
 
 trades. And in regard to this arrangement there is one 
 point deserving especial commendation and record. Men 
 who are on trial for their lives at Rome, while sentence is 
 in process of being voted, — if one tribe only whose vote 
 is needed to ratify the sentence has not voted, — have the 
 privilege of openly departing and condemning themselves 
 to voluntary exile. Such men are safe at Naples or 
 Praeneste or at Tibur, or at other town with which this 
 arrangement has been duly ratified on oath. 
 
 Again, it is the people who bestow offices — the most 
 honorable rewards of virtue — on the deser\ing. They 
 have too the absolute power of passing or repealing laws; 
 and most important of all, it is the people who deliberate 
 on the questions of peace or war. And when provisional 
 terms are made for alliance, suspension of hostilities, or 
 treaties, it is the people who ratify or reject them. 
 
 These considerations again would lead one to say that 
 the chief power in the state is the people's, and that the 
 constitution is a democracy. 
 
 Such then is the distribution of power among the several 
 parts of the government. I must now show how these 
 several parts can oppose or support one another as they 
 choose. . . . 
 
 The result of this power of the several estates for mutual 
 help or harm is a union sufficiently firm for all emergencies, 
 and the best possible form of government. For whenever 
 any danger from without compels these estates to unite 
 and work together, the strength which is developed by 
 the state is so extraordinary that everything required is 
 unfailingly carried out by the eager rivalry of all classes 
 to devote their whole minds to the need of the hour, and 
 to make sure that any resolution agreed upon should not 
 fail for want of promptness; while each individual, alike 
 
Governmental Balances; Religion 401 
 
 in private and public, works for the accomplishment of 
 the business in hand. The peculiar constitution accord- 
 ingly makes the state irresistible, and certain of obtaining 
 whatever it attempts. 
 
 Nay even when these external alarms are past, and the The correo 
 people are enjoying their good fortune and the fruits of abuses, 
 their victories, and as usually happens, are growing cor- 
 rupt through flattery and idleness, so as to show a tendency 
 to violence and arrogance, — it is in these circumstances 
 more than ever that the constitution is seen to possess 
 within itself the power of correcting abuses. For when 
 anv one of the three estates becomes puffed up, and shows 
 an inchnation to be contentious and unduly encroaching, 
 the dependency of all three upon one another, and the pos- 
 sibility of limiting and thwarting one another must cer- 
 tainly check this tendency. The proper balance is main- 
 tained therefor by holding the impulsiveness of one part 
 under fear of the others. 
 
 II. Religion 
 
 Whenever one of their illustrious men dies, as a part of The funeral 
 
 oration, 
 the funeral the body with all its adornments is carried mto 
 
 the Forum to the rostra, as a raised platform there is called. 53. 
 Sometimes the body is propped upright upon it so as to be 
 easily seen, or more rarely it is laid upon the rostra. The 
 speaker is the son, if the deceased has left one of full age 
 who is present at the time ; or, failing a son, one of his kins- 
 men mounts the rostra, while all the people are standing 
 round, and delivers a speech concerning the virtues of the 
 deceased and the successful exploits performed by him in 
 his lifetime. By these measures the people are reminded 
 of what has been done and made to see it with their own 
 eyes — not only those persons who were engaged in the 
 
402 Growth of Plutocracy 
 
 actual transactions but those also who were not. Their 
 sympathies are so deeply moved that the loss appears not 
 to be confined to the actual mourners, but to be a public 
 one affecting the whole community. 
 The masks After the burial and all the usual ceremonies are per- 
 
 {intagines) . 
 
 formed, they place the likeness of the deceased in the most 
 conspicuous spot in the house and surmount it by a wooden 
 canopy or shrine. This likeness consists of a mask made 
 to represent the deceased with remarkable fidelity both in 
 form and in color. These likenesses they adorn with great 
 care, and display them at public sacrifices. And when any 
 illustrious member of the family dies, they carry these 
 masks to the funeral, putting them on men whom they 
 think as near like the originals as possible in height and 
 other personal peculiarities. And these substitutes assume 
 clothes according to the rank of the person represented: if 
 he was a consul or a praetor, a toga with purple stripes; if 
 a censor, whole purple; if he had also celebrated a triumph 
 or performed any exploit of that kind, a toga embroidered 
 Rojne, 27; -with gold. These representatives themselves ride in 
 World, 332. chariots, while the fasces and axes and all the other cus- 
 tomary insignia of the particular offices lead the way, 
 according to the dignity of the rank enjoyed by the de- 
 ceased in his lifetime. On arriving at the rostra they all 
 take their seats on ivory chairs in their order. 
 
 There could not easily be a more inspiring spectacle than 
 this for a young man of noble ambitions and virtuous as- 
 pirations. For can we imagine any one unmoved at the 
 sight of all the likenesses collected together of the men who 
 have earned glory, all as it were living and breathing? Or 
 what could be a more glorious spectacle? 
 
 The speaker over the body about to be buried, after 
 finishing the praise of this particular person, starts upon 
 
Funeral Customs 403 
 
 the others whose representatives are present; he begins The praise 
 
 with the most ancient, and recounts the successes and heroes. 
 
 achievements of each. By this means the glorious memory Poiybius vi. 
 
 of brave men is continually renewed; the fame of those who ^^■ 
 
 have performed any noble deed is never allowed to die; 
 
 and the renown of those who have done good service to 
 
 their country becomes a matter of common knowledge to 
 
 the multitude and a part of the heritage of posterity. But 
 
 the chief benefit of the ceremony is that it inspires young 
 
 men to shrink from no exertion for the general welfare, in 
 
 the hope of obtaining the glory that awaits the brave. 
 
 And what I say is confirmed by this fact. Many Romans 
 have volunteered to decide a whole battle by a single com- 
 bat; not a few have deliberately accepted certain death, 
 some in time of war to secure the safety of the rest, some in 
 time of peace to preserve the safety of the commonwealth. 
 There have also been instances of men in oflBce putting 
 their own sons to death, in defiance of everj^ custom and 
 law, because they rated the interests of their country 
 higher than those of natural ties even with their nearest 
 and dearest. There are many stories of this kind, related 
 by many men in Roman histor}^ 
 
 What in other nations is looked upon as a reproach — I Value of 
 mean a scrupulous fear of the gods — is, I believe, the very 
 thing which keeps the Roman commonwealth together. 
 To such an unusual height is this carried among them in (For the be- 
 both private and public business that nothing could ex- scepticism, 
 ceed it. Many persons might think this unaccountable; vaikd among 
 but in my opinion their object is to use it as a check upon the Greeks 
 the common people. If it were possible to form a state see Greece, ' 
 wholly of philosophers, such a custom would perhaps be ^^ 
 unnecessary. But seeing that every multitude is fickle 
 and full of lawless desires, unreasoning anger, and A-iolent 
 
404 
 
 Growth of Plutocracy 
 
 Honesty. 
 
 Farmer's 
 Calendar. 
 
 From an 
 inscription. 
 
 passion, the only resource is to keep them in check by 
 mysterious terrors and scenic effects of this sort. There- 
 fore, to my mind, the ancients were not acting without pur- 
 pose or at random when they brought in among the vulgar 
 those notions about the gods and the belief in the punish- 
 ment in Hades; much rather do I think that men in these 
 times are acting rashly and foolishly in rejecting them. 
 
 This is the reason why, apart from anything else, Greek 
 statesmen, if intrusted with a single talent, though pro- 
 tected by ten checking clerks, as many seals, and twice 
 as many witnesses, yet cannot be induced to keep faith; 
 whereas among the Romans in their magistracies and em- 
 bassies, men have the handling of a great amount of 
 money, and yet from pure respect to their oath keep their 
 faith intact. And again, in other nations it is a rare thing 
 to find a man who keeps his hands out of the public purse 
 and is entirely pure in such matters; but among the Ro- 
 mans it is a rare thing to detect a man in the act of com- 
 mitting a crime. 
 
 III. Agriculture 
 
 Sign of the Twins. 
 The Month is June. 
 It contains thirty days. 
 The Nones are on tTie fifth. 
 The day has fifteen hours. 
 The night has nine hours. 
 
 The solstice is on the eighth day before the Calends of 
 June (May 25). 
 
 The month is under the care of Mercury. 
 
 Hay-mowing. 
 
 The vineyards are harrowed. 
 
 Sacrifice is offered to Hercules and to Fors Fortuna. 
 
Agriculture 405 
 
 To obtain wealth by trade has various advantages, were Scientific 
 it not so precarious; and Hke^\-ise lending money at inter- 
 est, were it more consistent with honor. Such was the A^grlcidture. 
 opinion entertained by our ancestors, and such are the P^q'^e'^h 
 regulations prescribed in their statutes that the fine of the Oliver, 
 thief should be twofold, but fourfold that of the usurer. 
 How much less excellent a citizen they deemed the money- Agriculture 
 lender than the thief can be estimated from this considera- honorable 
 tion. And when they paid their eulogies to a good man, thanmoney- 
 
 thev praised him as a good agriculturist, a good husband- , 
 
 - ^ ... lb. preface, 
 
 man. He was considered to receive the highest meed of 
 
 ■'■&'■ 
 
 praise who thus was praised. Now a trader I consider to 
 be energetic and zealous in making gain, but as I have 
 before stated, his occupation is not exempt from risk and 
 misfortune. But it is from the agriculturists that are 
 produced both the most stalwart men and the most un- 
 flinching soldiers; from their toil results gain the most 
 consistent with religion, the least susceptible to shock, and 
 the least likely to excite prejudice; and those engaged in 
 this pursuit are least given to entertaining thoughts of ill. 
 Now to return to the subject in hand, this beginning which 
 I have promised will be made. 
 
 When you think to provide an estate, be determined not The choice 
 to buy rashly, nor through any fault of yours, to grudge 
 inspection, nor to rest satisfied with merely walking around 
 it once. With each succeeding visit a good farm will 
 cause increased satisfaction. Note this well, the prosper- 
 ity of the neighbors; if the locality be good, their welfare 
 of necessity will be well marked. And see that you enter 
 into the farm and examine thoroughly how you may have 
 some exit therefrom. See that the climate it possesses is 
 a good one, that this may not prove your bane. Let its 
 soil be good with a value of its own. If it is within your 
 
 lb. 
 
4o6 
 
 Growth of Plutocracy 
 
 other 
 important 
 considera- 
 tions. 
 
 Inspection 
 by the 
 owner. 
 
 lb. 3. 
 
 pov.er let it be situated at the foot of a mountain, face the 
 south, and He in a wholesome district. Have a supply of 
 workmen on hand, a good watering place, and near by a 
 thriving town or sea or river, where ships ply, or else a 
 road well constructed and much travelled. 
 
 Let it He surrounded by farms which suffer but seldom 
 from a change of ownership. May those who in this region 
 have sold their farms repent their having done so. Have 
 it well furnished with buildings. Beware of rashly despis- 
 ing the instruction of another. You will buy to better 
 advantage from a good owner, a good husbandman. On 
 coming to the farmhouse, observe whether there be a good 
 supply of vessels for the press and jars; where there is not, 
 know that the produce of the farm is proportionately 
 small. That it may not demand an immense equipment, 
 let it be situated in a convenient locality. See that your 
 farm demands as small an equipment as possible, and re- 
 quires no extravagant outlay. Know that a farm differs 
 not from a person; however productive it is, yet if the ex- 
 penditure is excessive, the profits are trifling. If you ask 
 me what is the best farm, this will be my opinion: for all 
 farmers and for the highest order of merit, for a farm loo 
 jugera in extent: first in order of excellence is a vineyard, 
 if the land will produce wine of good quality, or even in 
 great quantities; in the second place, a kitchen plot (gar- 
 den); thirdly, a plantation of willows; in the fourth place, 
 an olive garden; fifthly, a meadow; sixthly, a clump of 
 trees for cutting; in the seventh place, an orchard; eighthly 
 an acorn grove. 
 
 When the owner has come to the farmhouse, and has 
 saluted his domestic deity, let him on the same day, if pos- 
 sible, make a tour around his farm; if not on the same day, 
 then on the following day. When he has ascertained in what 
 
Supervision of the Farm 
 
 407 
 
 way his farm has been tilled, and what tasks have been 
 completed, and what left undone, on the day following this 
 let him summon his steward, and inquire what work has 
 been accomplished, what still remains; whether the tasks 
 were performed quite at the appropriate time; whether he 
 can complete what is still left; what wine has been made, 
 what corn harvested, and thus with all other products. 
 When he has ascertained this he must inspect the account 
 of the various workmen and the number of days they have 
 worked. If their work is not evident to him and the stew- 
 ard claims that he has worked faithfully, the slaves have 
 been sick, the weather has been bad, the slaves have es- 
 caped, have completed some public work; when he has 
 urged these reasons and many others besides, recall the 
 steward to an examination of the account of tasks per- 
 formed and the work of the laborers. 
 
 The duties which could be performed when it rains are Work on 
 the washing and pitching of jars, cleaning of the farm- 
 house, moving the corn, carrying out the manure, making 
 a manure-pit, cleaning the seed, repairing the ropes, mak- 
 ing new ones; the slaves ought to patch together their 
 rag-garments and caps for themselves. On holidays old 
 benches should be cleaned, the public way paved, brambles 
 cut out, the garden dug, the meadow cleared, twigs bound, 
 thorns rooted up, spelt ground, everything made clean. 
 When the slaves have been sick, they ought not to be given 
 so much provisions. . . . 
 
 These will be the duties of the steward: Let him main- 
 tain good discipline. Let holidays be observed. Let him 
 restrain his hands from others' goods and faithfully pre- 
 serve his own wealth. Let him preside at the disputes 
 among the slaves; if any one has been guilty of a delin- 
 quency, let him with discretion punish him according to 
 
 rainy days. 
 
 Duties of 
 the stew- 
 ard. 
 
 lb. 5. 
 
4o8 Growth of Plutocracy 
 
 his guilt. Let him provide against ill befalling the house- 
 hold, against sickness, against hunger; let him ply them 
 well with work, he will more readily restrain them from 
 evil and others' possessions. If the steward is unwilling 
 to do wrong, he will not do it. If he has tolerated evil, let 
 not his master suffer him to go unpunished. Let him grant 
 a recompense for good service, that others may be pleased 
 to act rightly. Let the steward be not a gad-about, always 
 be sober, go abroad nowhere to feast. Let him keep the 
 household busy and give thought to having his master's 
 orders obeyed. Let him not fancy that he is wiser than 
 his master. The friends of his master let him hold as 
 friends to himself. Let him pay attention to the com- 
 mands that have been given him. Let him perform no 
 sacred rites except at the cross-road or on the hearth at 
 the feast of the cross-roads. Without the order of his 
 master, let him extend a loan to no one. Let him exact 
 the payment of loans extended by his master. Let him 
 grant to no one a loan of seed for sowing, provisions, 
 spelt, wine, oil. Let him have two or three households, 
 to whom he may make requests, and grant articles to be 
 used; but let this be the Hmit. . . . 
 A cure for If anything is dislocated, it will become sound by this 
 
 spell. Take a green reed three or four feet long, split it 
 down the middle and let two men hold it to the hip bones. 
 Then begin to sing in different measures, " The Healing oj 
 the Fractured Hip:" 
 
 "Hip, Hip, Hurrah! 
 Though you're broken sore, I trow, 
 You will come together now. 
 Hip, Hip, Hurrah! 
 Bones are crushed and far apart — 
 Come together by our art." 
 
 Jb. i6o. 
 
Hostility to Advanced Studies 409 
 
 IV. Philosophers and Rhetoricians Banished from 
 
 Rome 
 
 In the consulate of Caius Fannius Strabo, and Marcus ^^^^\''^^^^°j 
 Valerius Messala, a decree of the senate was adopted con- 161 B.C. 
 cerning the Latin philosophers and teachers of rhetoric: Cellius xv. 
 "Marcus Pomponius the prsetor called for the opinion of 
 the Senate, to wit: Since remark has been made concerning 
 philosophers and rhetoricians, it was therefore decreed 
 that Marcus Pomponius the praetor should take steps 
 against them, and take care that, if it seemed in the public 
 interest and in consonance with his own duty, they should 
 not be in Rome." 
 
 A few years after this decree of the senate, Cnaeus 
 Domitianus Ahenobarbus and Lucius Licinius Crassus, the 
 censors, issued this edict for restraining Latin rhetoricians: 
 
 "Whereas we have been informed that there are men Anedictof 
 
 txic Cciisorsa 
 
 who have instituted a new form of instruction and that to 
 the classes of these men our youth flock, while they call 
 themselves Latin rhetoricians, and that there the young 
 men pass whole days in idleness; now our ancestors have 
 fixed what instruction their sons should imbibe, and what 
 schools they should frequent. These new institutions, 
 therefore, which accord not with the customs and manner 
 of our ancestors, are neither agreeable nor proper. Where- 
 fore to those who conduct as well as those who frequent 
 such seminaries, we have thought proper to express our 
 disapprobation of their proceedings." 
 
 V. Roman Musical Taste 
 
 Lucius Anicius, who had been praetor and had gained a 
 victory over the Illyrians, returned to Rome with their 
 
4IO Growth of Plutocracy 
 
 Thecelebra- king Genthius and his children a§ prisoners. While cele- 
 triumph. brating his triumph, Anicius did a very ridiculous thing. 
 Polybius He sent for the most famous artists from Greece, and 
 XXX. 14. after building an immense theatre in the Circus, he brought 
 
 all the flute-players on the stage together ... the most 
 celebrated of the day. He placed them on the stage with 
 the chorus, and bade them all play at once. 
 Let the But when they struck up the tune accompanied by ap- 
 
 mwe^Tvdyl propriate movements, he sent to them to say that they 
 were not playing well, and must put more excitement into 
 it. At first they did not know what to make of this order, 
 until one of the Hctors showed them that they must form 
 themselves into two companies and facing round, advance 
 against each other as though in battle. The flute-players 
 caught the idea at once, and adopting a motion suitable 
 to their own wild strains, produced a scene of utter con- 
 fusion. 
 
 They made the middle group of the chorus face round 
 upon the two extreme groups; and blowing with inconceiv- 
 able violence and discordance, the flute-players led these 
 groups against each other. Meanwhile with violent stamp- 
 ing that shook the stage, the members of the chorus rushed 
 against those who were opposite, and then faced round 
 and retired. But when one of the chorus, with dress girt 
 up, turned round on the spur of the moment and raised 
 his hands, like a boxer, in the face of the flute-player who 
 was approaching, then the spectators clapped their hands 
 and cheered loudly. 
 Pandemo- While this sort of sham fight was going on, two dancers 
 
 ^^™' were brought into the orchestra to the sound of music; 
 
 and four boxers, accompanied by trumpeters and clarion 
 players, mounted the stage. The effect of these various 
 contests all going on together was indescribable. But if I 
 
Character and Habits of Cato 411 
 
 should speak about their tragic actors, some would think 
 I was merely jesting. 
 
 VI. Cato the Censor 
 
 Marcus Porcius Cato (another eminent man of the age) 
 was born at Tusculum and brought up on a farm belonging 
 to his father in the Sabine country. There he lived till 
 he began to take part in war and politics. In appearance 
 he was — 
 
 Red-haired, gray-eyed, and savage-tusked as well. 
 
 The estate adjoining that of Cato belonged to one of 
 the most powerful and highly born patricians of Rome, — 
 Valerius Flaccus, a man who had a keen eye for rising 
 merit, and generously fostered it till it received public 
 recognition. This man heard of Cato's life from his serv- 
 ants, who told how their master would go to the court 
 early in the morning and plead the causes of all who re- 
 quired his services, and then on returning to his farm would 
 work with his servants, in winter wearing a coarse coat 
 without sleeves, in summer nothing but his tunic. They 
 added that he used to sit at meals with them and eat the 
 same loaf and drink the same wine. 
 
 Many other stories of his goodness, simplicity, and sen- 
 tentious remarks were told Valerius, who became inter- 
 ested in his neighbor, and invited him to dinner. They 
 grew intimate; and Valerius, noticing his quiet and frank 
 disposition, and thinking him Uke a plant that requires 
 careful treatment and an extensive space in which to 
 develop, encouraged and urged him to take part in poUtical 
 life at Rome. 
 
 On going to Rome, he at once gained admirers by his 
 able pleadings in the law courts, while he was advanced to 
 
 Marcus 
 Porcius 
 Cato. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Cato, I. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 405 f. 
 
 His life in 
 the country. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Cato, 3. 
 
 Cato at 
 Rome. 
 
412 
 
 Growth of Plutocracy 
 
 Rome, no; 
 A ncient 
 World, 383 f. 
 
 Clothing and 
 food. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Calo, 4. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Cato, 5. 
 
 His maxims. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Calo, 8. 
 
 important positions through Valerius. He was first ap- 
 pointed military tribune and then quaestor. Afterward he 
 became so distinguished as to be able to compete with Va- 
 lerius himself for the highest offices in the state. They 
 were together elected consuls, and still later censors. Of 
 the older Romans, Cato attached himself especially to 
 Fabius Maximus, a man of the greatest renown and in- 
 fluence, although it was his disposition and mode of life 
 which Cato desired most to imitate. He did not hesitate, 
 therefore, to oppose Scipio the Great, who was then a 
 young man but a rival and opponent of Fabius. 
 
 He himself tells us that he never wore a garment worth 
 more than a hundred drachmas; that when he was gen- 
 eral and consul he still drank the same wine as his servants; 
 that his dinner never cost him more than thirty asses in 
 the market; and that he indulged himself to this extent 
 solely for the good of the state, that he might be strong 
 and able to serve his country in the field. 
 
 These habits some ascribed to narrowness of mind, while 
 some thought he carried parsimony to excess in order by 
 his example to reform and restrain others. Be this as it 
 may, I for my part consider that his conduct in treating 
 his slaves like beasts of burden, and selling them when 
 old and worn out, was the mark of an excessively harsh 
 disposition, which disregards the claims of our common 
 human nature, and merely considers the question of profit 
 and loss. 
 
 (Cato was famous for his pithy sayings.) Once when 
 he wished to restrain the Romans from distributing a large 
 quantity of corn as a largess to the people, he thus began 
 his speech: 
 
 "It is difficult, fellow-citizens, to make the stomach 
 hear reason, because it has no ears." 
 
Cato's Proverbs 413 
 
 He said, too, 
 
 "The Romans are like sheep, who never form opinions 
 of their own, but follow where others lead them." 
 
 With regard to female influence, he once said, 
 
 "All mankind rule their wives, we rule all mankind, and 
 our wives rule us." 
 
 When a certain man sold his ancestral estate, which 
 was situated by the seashore, Cato pretended to admire 
 him as more powerful than the sea itself, "for this man," 
 he said, "has drunk up the fields which the sea itself could 
 not swallow." 
 
 When King Eumenes came to Rome, the senate received (Eumenes^^^^ 
 him with special honors, and he was courted and run after, gamum, Asia 
 Cato, however, held himself aloof and would not go near ^^'''°'-^ 
 him and when some one said, "But he is an excellent man 
 and a good friend to Rome," he answered: 
 
 "It may be so, but a king is by nature an animal that 
 lives on human flesh." 
 
 "Wise men," he said, "gain more advantage from fools Plutarch, 
 than fools from wise men; for wise men avoid the errors 
 of fools, but fools cannot imitate the example of wise 
 
 men." 
 
 "I like young men to have red cheeks rather than pale 
 ones. I care not for a soldier who uses his hands while 
 marching and his feet while fighting, or for one who snores 
 louder in bed than he shouts in battle." 
 
 " I cannot live with a man whose palate is more sensitive 
 than his heart." This he said when an epicure wished to 
 become his friend. 
 
 "The soul of a lover inhabits the body of his beloved." 
 
 "In my whole life I repent of three things only: first, 
 that I have trusted a woman with a secret; secondly, that 
 I have gone by water when I might have gone by land; 
 
414 
 
 Growth of Plutocracy 
 
 His political 
 life. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Cato, 15. 
 
 His censor- 
 ship. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 CcUo, 18. 
 
 thirdly, that I have passed one day without having made 
 my will." 
 
 To an old man who was acting wrongly he said: 
 
 "My good sir, old age is ugly enough without your 
 adding to it the deformity of wickedness." 
 
 When a certain tribune, who was suspected of being a 
 poisoner, was trying to carry a bad law, Cato remarked: 
 
 " Young man, I do not know which is the worse for us, 
 to drink what you mix or to enact what you propose." 
 
 Once when he was abused by a man of vicious life, he 
 answered : 
 
 "We are not contending on equal terms; you are accus- 
 tomed to hearing and using bad language, whereas I am 
 unused to hearing it and unwilling to use it." 
 
 In his political life he seems to have thought one of his 
 most important duties to be the impeachment of bad citi- 
 zens. ... He himself is said to have been defendant in 
 nearly fifty cases, the last of which was tried when he was 
 eighty-six years old. On this occasion he uttered that well 
 known saying, "It is hard for a man who has lived in one 
 generation to be obliged to defend himself before another." 
 And this was not the end of his litigations; for four years 
 later, at the age of ninety, he impeached Servius Galba. 
 In fact his life, like that of Nestor, reached through three 
 generations. 
 
 But what caused the greatest dissatisfaction were the 
 restrictions which he as censor imposed on luxury. This 
 vice he could not attack openly, because it had taken such 
 deep root among the people; but he caused all clothes, 
 carriages, women's ornaments, and furniture which ex- 
 ceeded fifteen hundred drachmas in value to be rated at 
 ten times their value and taxed accordingly; for he thought 
 that those who possessed the most valuable property 
 
Cato as Censor 415 
 
 ought to contribute most largely to the revenues of the 
 state. A tax of but three copper asses for every thousand, P. 376. 
 on the other hand, he imposed upon all the citizens, that 
 those who were burdened with an excessive taxation on 
 luxuries, when they saw persons of frugal and simple 
 habits paying so small a tax on the same income, might 
 cease from their extravagance. This measure gained him 
 the hatred of those who were taxed so heavily for their 
 luxuries. 
 
 Far from paying attention to those who blamed his Plutarch, 
 policy, he proceeded to still severer measures. He cut off 
 the water-pipes, by which water was conveyed from the 
 public fountains into private houses and gardens, and de- 
 stroyed all houses which encroached upon public streets, 
 lowered the price of contracts for public works, and farmed 
 out the public revenues for the highest possible sums. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. In the time of the Punic Wars what kind of government had 
 Rome? What feature of the government was monarchical (or des- 
 potic)? What feature was aristocratic? What feature was demo- 
 cratic? What were the powers and duties of the consul? of the 
 senate? Describe the harmony of the constitution. 
 
 2. Describe the masks and the funeral oration. What was the 
 effect of these customs on character? What was the practical value 
 of religion to the Romans? Compare the Romans with the Greeks 
 in honesty. 
 
 3. What was the value of this calendar to the farmer? How did 
 farming compare in honor with other occupations? What rules does 
 Cato lay down for purchasing a country estate? Who were the labor- 
 ers on a farm? What work was reserved for rainy days? What were 
 the duties of a steward? What remedy was prescribed for dislocation? 
 What other information as to life and character may we derive from 
 this selection from Cato? To what time does it refer? 
 
 4. What attitude did the Roman government take toward higher 
 
4i6 Growth of Plutocracy 
 
 education (rhetoric and philosophy)? When were these two docu- 
 ments issued and what is their object? 
 
 5. What example does Polybius give us to illustrate the Roman 
 feeling for good music? What impression of Roman character is 
 made by this selection? 
 
 6. Give an account of the early life of Cato; of his censorship. 
 What are some of his pithy sayings? Enumerate the prominent 
 traits of his character. From this entire chapter, with the corre- 
 sponding chapter in the Ancient World, write a paper on "Roman 
 Character and Intelligence in the Second Century B.C." 
 
1. 7- 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVI 
 
 THE REVOLUTION: (I) FROM PLUTOCRACY TO 
 MILITARY RULE 
 
 I. Tiberius Gracchus 
 
 While Scipio (iEmilianus, his brother-in-law), was The legisla- 
 warring against Numantia, Tiberius began his legislation, rius. 
 to which he was led by the following motives. Plutarch, 
 
 Of the land acquired by war the Romans (i) assigned Gracchus 
 the cultivated part forthwith to settlers or (2) leased or How the 
 (3) sold it. Since they had no leisure immediately to allot ^°™3°s 
 the part which then lay desolated by war, — generally the acquired 
 greater part, — (4) they made proclamation that in the .' 
 meantime those who were willing to work it might do so Civil Wars, 
 on condition of rendering to the government a share of 
 the yearly crops — a tenth of the grain and a fifth of the 
 fruit. From those who kept flocks was required a share 
 of the animals, both oxen and small cattle. They did 
 these things in order to multiply the Italian race, which 
 they considered the most laborious of peoples, that they 
 might have plenty of allies at home. 
 
 The result, however, was the very opposite of their de- 
 sire. For the rich, getting possession of the greater part 
 of the undistributed lands, and emboldened by the lapse 
 of time to believe that they should never be dispossessed, 
 added to their holdings the small farms of their poor 
 neighbors partly by purchase and partly by force. In this 
 way they came to cultivate vast tracts instead of single 
 estates, using for the purpose slaves as laborers and 
 
 417 
 
4i8 
 
 The Revolution 
 
 How Tibe- 
 rius became 
 a reformer. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Tiberius 
 Gracchus, 8. 
 
 His agrarian 
 law, 133 B.C. 
 
 Appian, 
 Civil Wars, 
 i. 9 
 
 Rome, 152; 
 A ncienl 
 World, 410. 
 
 Opposition. 
 
 Appian, 
 Civil Wars, 
 i. 10. 
 
 herdsmen, lest free laborers should be drawn from their 
 employment into the army. 
 
 The ownership of slaves itself brought great gain from 
 the large number of children, who multiplied because 
 slaves were exempt from military service. Thus the 
 powerful men became enormously rich, and the race of 
 slaves increased throughout the country, while the Italian 
 people dwindled in numbers and strength, oppressed by 
 penury, taxes, and military service. If they had any res- 
 pite from these evils, they passed their time in idleness, 
 because the land was held by the rich, who employed 
 slaves instead of freemen as cultivators. 
 
 In a certain book Gaius recorded that as Tiberius, his 
 brother, was passing through Etruria on his way to 
 Numantia, he saw that the country was depopulated, and 
 that the laborers and shepherds were foreign slaves and 
 barbarians; then for the first time Tiberius thought out 
 those political measures which to the two brothers were the 
 beginning of infinite calamities. But the energy and am- 
 bition of Tiberius were roused mainly by the people, who 
 by writing on the porticos, walls, and tombs, urged him 
 to recover the public land for the poor. 
 
 He brought forward a law which provided (i) that no 
 one should hold more than five hundred jugera of the 
 public land. But he added a provision to the former law, 
 (2) that the sons of the present occupiers might each 
 hold one-half that amount, and (3) that the remainder 
 should be divided among the poor by triumvirs, who 
 should be changed annually. 
 
 This greatly disturbed the rich because, on account 
 of the triumvirs, they could no longer disregard the law 
 as they had done before: nor could they buy the allot- 
 ments of others, for Gracchus had provided against this 
 
support him. 
 
 The Agrarian Law 419 
 
 by forbidding sales. Collecting in groups, they lamented, 
 and accused the poor of appropriating the results of their 
 tillage, their vineyards, and their dwellings. Some said 
 they had paid the price of the land to their neighbors. 
 Were they to lose the money with the land? Others said 
 that the graves of their ancestors were in the ground which 
 had been allotted to them in the division of their fathers' 
 estates. Others declared that their wives' dowries had 
 been expended on the estates, or that the land had been 
 given to their own daughters as dowry. Money-lenders 
 could show loans made on this security. All kinds of 
 wailing and expressions of indignation were heard at once. 
 
 On the other side were heard the lamentations of the The poor 
 poor, — that they had been reduced from competence to 
 extreme penury, and from that to childlessness because 
 they were unable to rear their offspring. They recounted 
 the military services they had rendered, by which this 
 very land had been acquired, and were angry that they 
 were robbed of their share of the common property. They 
 reproached the rich for employing instead of citizens, mere 
 slaves, who were always faithless and ill-tempered and 
 for that reason unserviceable in war. 
 
 While these classes were lamenting, and accusing each 
 other, many from the colonies and municipia, and all in 
 fact who VA'ere interested in the lands and who were under 
 similar fears, flocked in and took sides with the respec- 
 tive factions. Emboldened by numbers and exasperated 
 against each other, they formed turbulent crowds, and 
 waited for the voting on the new law. Some tried by all 
 means to prevent its enactment and others supported it 
 in every possible way. In addition to personal interest, 
 the spirit of rivalry spurred both sides in the preparations 
 they were making for the day of the assembly. 
 
420 
 
 The Revolution 
 
 The object 
 of the law. 
 
 Appian, 
 Civil Wars, 
 
 lb. 12. 
 
 On the le- 
 gality of such 
 depositions; 
 AncietU 
 World, 411; 
 Roman As- 
 semblies, 367. 
 
 Deposition 
 of Octavius. 
 
 What Gracchus had in his mind in proposing the measure 
 was not wealth but an increase in the number of useful 
 citizens. Thoroughly inspired by the value of his plan, 
 and believing that nothing more advantageous or more 
 admirable could ever happen to Italy, he took no account 
 of the difficulties in his way. . . . 
 
 Marcus Octavius, another tribune, who had been in- 
 duced by the holders of these lands to interpose his veto, 
 ordered the scribe to keep silence. Now among the Ro- 
 mans the tribune's veto always prevailed. Gracchus 
 therefore reproached him severely and adjourned the 
 meeting to the following day. Then he stationed a suffi- 
 cient guard as if to force Octavius against his will, and 
 with threats ordered the scribe to read the proposed law 
 to the multitude. He began to read but when Octavius 
 again vetoed, he stopped. 
 
 Then the tribunes fell to wrangling with each other, and 
 a considerable tumult arose among the people. The lead- 
 ing citizens besought the tribunes to submit their con- 
 troversy to the senate for a decision. Gracchus seized on 
 the suggestion, — for he believed that the law was ac- 
 ceptable to all well-disposed persons, — and hastened to 
 the senate-house. As he had there only a few followers 
 and was upbraided by the rich, he ran back to the Forum, 
 and said he would take the vote of the assembly on the 
 following day; the question would be not only on the law 
 but on the magistracy of Octavius, to determine whether 
 a tribune who was acting contrary to the people's interest 
 could continue to hold his ofiice. 
 
 And so he did; for when Octavius, nothing daunted, 
 again interposed, Gracchus distributed the pebbles to 
 take a vote on him first. When the first tribe voted to 
 depose Octavius from his magistracy, Gracchus turned 
 
Deposition of a Tribune 
 
 421 
 
 to him and begged him to desist from his veto. As he 
 would not yield, the votes of the other tribes were taken. 
 There were thirty-five tribes at this time. The seventeen 
 which first voted, angrily sustained this motion. If the 
 eighteenth should do the same, it would make a majority. 
 Again did Gracchus, in the sight of the people, urgently 
 importune Octavius in his present extreme danger not to 
 prevent this most pious work, so useful to Italy, and not 
 to frustrate the wishes so earnestly entertained by the 
 people, whose desires he ought rather to share in his 
 character of tribune, and not risk the loss of his ofiice by 
 public condemnation. After speaking thus, he called the 
 gods to witness that he did not willingly do any despite 
 to his colleague. But as Octavius was still unyielding, he 
 went on to take the votes. Octavius was forthwith re- 
 duced to the rank of a private citizen and slunk away un- 
 observed. 
 
 The law concerning the land was immediately afterward 
 carried. . . . 
 
 II. Gaius Gracchus 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Tiberius 
 Gracchus, 13. 
 
 Gaius 
 Gracchus. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Gaius Grac- 
 chus, I. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 413-6. 
 
 The common opinion is that Gaius was a pure dema- 
 gogue and much more greedy of popular favor than Ti- 
 berius. But in fact the younger brother took part in 
 public affairs through necessity rather than choice. Cicero 
 the orator says that Gaius declined all offices and had 
 determined to live in retirement, but that his brother ap- 
 peared to him in a dream and said, " Gaius, why do you 
 hesitate? There is no escape — it is our fate to live and die 
 for the people." 
 
 On entering ofiice (the tribunate) he soon made him- 123 B.C 
 self first on the board, for he surpassed every Roman 
 in eloquence, and his misfortunes gave him a license 
 
422 
 
 The Revolution 
 
 Plut. ib. 3. 
 
 His laws. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Gains Grac- 
 chus, 5. 
 
 His 
 
 monarchical 
 power. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Gaius Grac- 
 chus, 6. 
 
 Rome, 130, 
 n. I. 
 
 An adminis- 
 trator of 
 marvelous 
 energy. 
 
 for speaking freely when lamenting the fate of his 
 brother. 
 
 Of the laws which he proposed with a view to gaining 
 the popular favor and to weakening the senate, one was 
 for the establishment of colonies and for the distribution 
 of public land among the poor. Another provided for 
 supplying the soldiers with clothing at the public expense, 
 without any deduction from their pay on this account; 
 the same law exempted youths under seventeen from being 
 drafted for the army. A third favored the allies, and put 
 the Italians on the same footing as the citizens with re- 
 spect to the suffrage. Another, relating to grain, had for 
 its object the lowering of the price for the poor. The last 
 referred to the jurors, — a measure which most of all en- 
 croached on the privileges of the senate. 
 
 The people not only passed the last-named measure, 
 but empowered Gracchus to select from the knights those 
 who were to act as jurors — a right which conferred on him 
 a kind of monarchical authority, and even the senate now 
 assented to the measures which he proposed in that body. 
 All his plans, however, were honorable to the senate. 
 Such, for instance, was the reasonable and just decree 
 about the grain which Fabius the propraetor sent from 
 Iberia. Gracchus induced the senate to sell the grain and 
 return the money to the Iberian cities, and further to 
 censure Fabius for making the Roman dominion heavy 
 and intolerable to the subject nations. This decree brought 
 Gaius great reputation and popularity in the provinces. 
 
 He also introduced measures for sending out colonies, 
 for the construction of roads, and for the building of public 
 granaries; and he made himself director and superin- 
 tendent for carrying all these plans into effect. Though 
 engaged in so many great undertakings, he was never 
 
Gaius Gracchus as Administrator 423 
 
 wearied, but with wonderful activity and labor he effected 
 every single object as if he had for the time no other occu- 
 pation; so that even those who thoroughly feared and 
 hated him were amazed at the rapidity and perfect exe- 
 cution of all that he undertook. But the people looked 
 with admiration on the man himself, as they saw him 
 attended by crowds of building contractors, artificers, 
 ambassadors, soldiers, and learned men, to all of whom he 
 was easy of access. And while he maintained his dignity, 
 he was affable to all, and adapted his behavior to the con- 
 dition of every individual, and so proved the falsehood 
 of those who called him tyrannical or arrogant or violent. 
 In this way he showed himself more skilful as a popular 
 leader in his dealings with men than even in his speeches 
 from the rostra. 
 
 But Gaius busied himself most about the building of His public 
 , . , . ... . , ^ roads, 
 
 roads with a view to utility, convenience, and ornament. 
 
 The roads were made in a straight line through the coun- caiushrae- 
 
 try, partly of quarried stone and partly with tight-rammed '^''"^' 7- 
 
 masses of earth. By filling up the depressions, and by 
 
 throwing bridges across those parts which were traversed 
 
 by winter torrents or deep ravines, and by raising the road 
 
 on both sides to the same uniform height, the whole line 
 
 was made level, and presented a pleasing appearance. He 
 
 also measured all the roads by miles — the Roman mile is 
 
 not quite eight stadia — and he fixed stone blocks to mark 
 
 the distances. He placed other stones at shorter distances 
 
 from one another on each side of the road, that people 
 
 might easily mount their horses from these blocks without 
 
 other assistance. 
 
 Gaius Gracchus is held to have been a powerful and 
 
 strenuous orator. No one disputes it. But how is it to be 
 
 borne, that in the eyes of some he appears more stern, 
 
424 
 
 The Revolution 
 
 Mistreat- 
 ment of 
 Italians by 
 the Romans. 
 
 Speeches of 
 Gaius Grac- 
 chus, quoted 
 by Gellius 
 X. 3. 
 
 Comment of 
 Gellius. 
 
 The body in 
 the litter. 
 
 Speech of 
 Gracchus; ib. 
 
 more spirited, more copious than Marcus Tullius? Now I 
 was reading lately a speech of Gracchus upon the statutes 
 published, in which with all the odium possible he com- 
 plains that Marcus Marius, and other persons of distinc- 
 tion from the municipal towns of Italy, were injuriously 
 whipped with rods by the magistrates of the Roman peo- 
 ple. His words upon this subject are as follows: "The 
 consul lately came to Theanum Sidicinum; he said his 
 wife wished to bathe in the men's bath. To Marcus 
 Marius, the quaestor of Sidicinum, the task was assigned 
 that they who were bathing should be driven forth. The 
 wife reports to her husband that the baths were not given 
 up to her soon enough nor were they sufficiently clean. 
 A post was accordingly fixed down in the market-place, 
 and Marcus Marius, the most illustrious man of his city, 
 was led to it; his garments were stripped off, and he was 
 beaten with rods. When the inhabitants of Cales heard 
 this, they passed a decree that no one should presume to 
 bathe when Roman magistrates were there. At Feren- 
 tinum, also, our praetor for a reason of the same sort or- 
 dered the quaestors to be seized. One threw himself from 
 the wall, the other was taken and scourged." 
 
 In a matter so atrocious, in so lamentable and distress- 
 ing a proof of public injustice, what has he said, either in 
 a full or an incisive way, or so as to excite tears or com- 
 miseration? What has he spoken expressive of exuberant 
 indignation, or in a spirit of solemn and striking remon- 
 strance? There is indeed a brevity and terseness and a 
 teUing simplicity in his speech, such as we usually find in 
 the cleverness of the comic stage. 
 
 In another place likewise Gracchus speaks thus: "One 
 example I will show you of the licentiousness and intem- 
 perance of our young men. A few years ago a young man 
 
Proposal to Extend the Citizenship 425 
 
 was sent from Asia as an ambassador, who had not yet 
 
 been in any magistracy. He was carried in a Htter, when 
 
 a herdsman from the peasantry of Venusium met him, 
 
 and not knowing what they were carrying, asked in joke 
 
 whether they were bearing a dead body? Having heard 
 
 this, he ordered the Htter to be set down and the man to 
 
 be beaten with the ropes by which the Htter was fastened, 
 
 tiU he gave up the ghost." Now this speech of his, upon Further 
 
 ° comment. 
 
 SO violent and cruel an outrage, differs nothing at all from 
 
 the style of common conversation. 
 
 He called the Latin allies to demand the full rights of The Latins 
 
 Roman citizenship, for the senate could not with decency Italians, 
 
 refuse this privilege to kinsmen by blood. To the other Appian, Civil 
 
 allies, who were not allowed to vote in Roman assemblies, Wars, 1. 23. 
 
 he sought to give the right of suffrage, in order to have (For col- 
 
 1 • 1 1 • r r 1 , • 1 1 1 1 • -1 onies, allies, 
 
 their help m the enactment of laws which he had m mmd. etc., see 
 Greatly alarmed at this, the senate ordered the consuls to d^^^AnJeni 
 give public notice: "Nobody who does not possess the World, 361-5. 
 right of suffrage shall stay in the city or approach within 
 forty stadia of it while the voting is going on concerning 
 these laws." The senate also persuaded Livius Drusus, 
 another tribune, to interpose his veto against the laws pro- 
 posed by Gracchus, but not to tell the people his reasons 
 for doing so; for a tribune was not required to give reasons 
 for his veto. In order to win the people they gave Drusus 
 the privilege of founding twelve colonies, and the plebeians 
 were so much pleased with this that they began to scoff at 
 the laws proposed by Gracchus. 
 
 III. Gaius Marius 
 
 He took all who were willing to join him, the greater His army, 
 number from the lowest ranks. Some said this was done 
 
426 
 
 The Revolution 
 
 Sallust, 
 Jugurthine 
 War, 86. 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 416- 
 23- 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Marius, 9. 
 
 Sallust, 
 Jugurthine 
 War, 84. 
 
 End of the 
 war, 106 B.C. 
 
 Sallust, 
 Jugurlhine 
 War, 86. 
 
 Strife 
 between 
 Marius and 
 Sulla. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Marius, 32. 
 
 from a scarcity of better men, and others from the consul's 
 desire to pay court to the poorer class, by whom he had 
 been honored and promoted. In fact to a man grasping at 
 power the most needy are the most serviceable. 
 
 Former generals had never admitted men of this kind 
 into the army, but had given arms, as a badge of honor, to 
 those only who had the due qualification (of property) ; for 
 they considered that every soldier pledged his property to 
 the state. 
 
 Marius sent for auxiliaries from foreign states, kings, and 
 aUies; he enlisted, too, all the bravest men from Latium, 
 most of whom he knew by actual service, a few only by 
 report ; and by earnest invitation he induced even the dis- 
 charged veterans to accompany him. Though opposed to 
 him, the senate dared refuse him nothing. The additions 
 to the legions it voted with eagerness because it knew that 
 military service was unpopular, and thought that Marius 
 would lose either the means of warfare or the favor of the 
 people. But it entertained such expectations in vain, so 
 ardent a desire of going with Marius came upon almost all. 
 Every one cherished the fancy that he would return home 
 laden with spoil, crowned with victory, or attended with 
 some similar good fortune. 
 
 Setting out accordingly to Africa with a somewhat larger 
 force than had been decreed, he arrived in a few days at 
 Utica. There he received the command of the army from 
 Publius Rutilius, the Heutenant of Metellus; for Metellus 
 himself avoided the sight of his successor, that he might not 
 see what he could not endure even to hear mentioned. 
 
 (For some time Marius and Sulla, his quaestor in the 
 Jugurthine War, had been growing jealous of each other's 
 influence.) Strife between them was delayed by the Social 
 War which suddenly burst upon the state. 
 
Marius and Sulla 
 
 427 
 
 This war, diversified by many defeats and by great 
 changes of fortune, took from Marius as much reputation 
 and influence as it gave to Sulla. 
 
 At length the Italians yielded, and many persons at 
 Rome were intriguing for the command in the war with 
 Mithridates. . . . Marius, moved by boyish emulation, 
 threw off his old age and infirmities, and went daily to the 
 Campus INIartius, where he took his exercises with the 
 young men, and showed that he was still active in arms 
 and sat firm in all the movements of horsemanship, though 
 he was not well-built in his old age, but very fat and 
 heavy. 
 
 The assembly voted the command to Marius, who when 
 ready to set out, sent two tribunes to receive the army from 
 Sulla. But Sulla, after encouraging his soldiers, who num- 
 bered thirty-five thousand well armed men, led them to- 
 ward Rome. These troops fell upon the tribunes whom 
 Marius had sent, and murdered them. Marius, on his 
 part, put to death many of the friends of Sulla in Rome, 
 and proclaimed freedom to the slaves if they would join 
 him; but it is said that three only accepted the oflfer. As 
 Sulla entered the city, Marius made a feeble resistance, 
 and was soon compelled to flee. 
 
 Instructions had already been sent to every city, re- 
 quiring the authorities to search for the fugitive and put 
 him to death when he should be found. 
 
 Marius escaped, however, and without a companion or 
 servant fled to Minturnae. While he was resting there in a 
 secluded house, the magistrates of the city, whose fears 
 were excited by the proclamation of the Roman people, but 
 who hesitated to be the murderers of a man who had been 
 six times consul and had performed so many brilliant ex- 
 ploits, sent a Gaul to kill him with a sword. The story is 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Marius, 33. 
 90-88 B.C. 
 
 lb. 34. 
 
 (For causes 
 of Social 
 War, see 
 Rome, 166; 
 Ancient His- 
 tory, 357.) 
 
 Flight of 
 Marius, 
 88 B.C. 
 
 (The senate 
 had already 
 given the 
 command to 
 Sulla.) 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Marius, 35. 
 
 lb. 38. 
 
 "I cannot 
 kill Gaius 
 Marius!" 
 
 Appian, Civil 
 Wars, i. 61. 
 
428 The Revolution 
 
 that as the Gaul was approaching the pallet of Marius in 
 
 the dusk, he thought he saw the gleam and flash of fire 
 
 darting from the eyes of a hidden man, and that Marius 
 
 rose from his bed and in a thundering voice shouted to him, 
 
 "Dare you kill Gaius Marius?" 
 
 "On the The Gaul turned and fled out of doors like a madman, 
 
 Carthage." exclaiming, "I Cannot kill Gaius Marius! " As the magis- 
 
 Plutarch, trates had come to their previous decision with reluctance, 
 
 Marius, 40. g^ ^^^ ^ \i\xvd of religious awe came over them, for they 
 
 remembered the prophecy given him while he was a boy, 
 
 that he should be consul seven times. 
 
 At this time the governor of Libya was Sextilius, a 
 Roman who had received neither favor nor injury from 
 Marius. It was expected therefore that the governor would 
 help him, at least as far as feelings of pity move a man. 
 But no sooner had Marius landed with a few of his party 
 than an officer met him, and standing right in front of him 
 said: 
 
 "The governor SextiUus forbids you, Marius, to set foot 
 on Libya, and he says that if you do, he will support the 
 decree of the senate by treating you as an enemy." 
 
 When Marius heard this command, grief and indigna- 
 tion deprived him of the power of speech. He remained 
 silent a long time, looking fixedly at the officer. As the 
 latter asked him what he had to say — what reply he had 
 for the governor — he answered with a deep groan : 
 
 " Tell him you have seen Gaius Marius, a fugitive, sitting 
 on the ruins of Carthage." 
 
 IV. Sulla 
 
 Civil War, After speedily finishing all his business with Mithridates, 
 
 8^-82 B C . 
 
 Sulla hastened his return to meet his enemies. . . . He 
 
 came home with a large, well disciplined army, devoted to 
 
Sulla's Proscriptions 429 
 
 him and elated by his exploits. He had abundance of Appian, 
 
 ships, money, and apparatus suitable for all emergencies, i. 76. 
 and was an object of terror to his enemies. Carbo and 
 
 Cinna were in such fear of him that they despatched emis- Rome, 171. 
 
 saries to all parts of Italy to collect money, soldiers, and Ancient 
 
 supplies. World, ^2i-b. 
 
 (In two years of civil war Sulla destroyed the armies of Sulla's 
 the democratic leaders who opposed him, and then entered tions.L B.C 
 Rome all-powerful.) Now he began to make blood flow, piutarch, 
 and he filled the city with countless deaths. For private '^"''''' ■^^• 
 enmity many persons were murdered who never had 
 anything to do with Sulla, but he consented to their death 
 to please his partisans. 
 
 At last a young man, Gains Metellus, had the boldness 
 to ask Sulla in the senate-house when there would be an 
 end to their miseries, and how far he would proceed before 
 they could hope to see their misfortunes cease. 
 
 "We are not deprecating your vengeance against those 
 whom you have determined to put out of the way," he 
 said, "but we entreat you to relieve of uncertainty those 
 whom you have determined to spare." 
 
 Sulla replied, 
 
 "I have not yet determined whom I will spare." 
 
 "Tell us then," Metellus said, "whom you intend to 
 punish." 
 
 Sulla promised to do so. Some say it was not Metellus 
 but Afidius, one of Sulla's flatterers, who made use of the 
 last expression. Without communicating with any magis- 
 trate, Sulla immediately proscribed eighty persons. As 
 this act caused a general murmur, he let one day pass, and 
 then proscribed two hundred and twenty more, and again 
 on the third day as many. In an address to the people he 
 said, with reference to these measures, that he had pro- 
 
430 The Revolution 
 
 scribed all he could think of, and as to those who now es- 
 caped his memory, he would proscribe them at some future 
 time. 
 
 It was a part of the proscription that every man who re- 
 ceived and protected a proscribed person should be put to 
 death for his humanity, and there was no exception for 
 brothers, children, or parents. The reward for killing a 
 proscribed person was two talents, whether it was a slave 
 who killed his master or a son who killed his father. But 
 what was considered most unjust of all, he affixed infamy 
 on the sons and grandsons of all the proscribed, and con- 
 fiscated their property. 
 Greed the The proscriptions were not confined to Rome but ex- 
 
 motive, tended to every city in Italy. Neither temple nor hospi- 
 
 table hearth nor father's house was free from murder; but 
 husbands were butchered in the arms of their wives, and 
 children in the embrace of their mothers. The number of 
 those who were massacred through revenge and hatred was 
 nothing compared with those who were murdered for their 
 property. It occurred even to the assassins to notice that 
 the ruin of such a one was due to his large house, another 
 man owed his death to his orchard, and another again to 
 his warm baths. Quintus Aurelius, who never meddled 
 with public affairs, and who was no further concerned about 
 all these calamities except so far as he sympathized with 
 the sufferings of others, happened to come to the Forum, 
 and there he read the names of the proscribed. Finding 
 his own name among them, he exclaimed, "Alas, wretch 
 that I am: my farm at Alba is my persecutor!" He had 
 not gone far before he was murdered by some one who 
 was in search of him. 
 
 Meanwhile Marius (adopted son of the great Marius, 
 and a democratic general in the civil war) killed himself to 
 
Dictatorship of Sulla 431 
 
 avoid being taken. Sulla then went to Praeneste (which Sulla at 
 
 Prflsnc st6 
 Marius had held) and there began to examine the case of 
 
 each individual before punishing him; but lacking time Suiu, ^2. 
 
 for this inquiry, he had all the people brought to one spot 
 
 to the number of twelve thousand, and ordered them to be 
 
 massacred, with the exception of one man, an old friend 
 
 of his, whom he offered to pardon. But the man nobly 
 
 declared he would never owe his safety to the destroyer 
 
 of his country; and mingling with the rest of the citizens, 
 
 he was cut down together with them. 
 
 Besides the massacres, other things caused dissatisfac- His dictator- 
 tion. Sulla had himself proclaimed dictator, and 'thus B.C.' 
 revived this office after an interval of a hundred and piutarch, 
 twenty years. Sulla, 3,^. 
 
 Twenty-four axes were carried in front of him, as was His legisla- 
 customary with dictators — the same number which was 
 borne before the ancient kings; and he had besides a large cWtwars, 
 body-guard. He repealed laws and enacted others. He '• ^°°- 
 forbade any one to hold the office of praetor till after he 
 had held that of quaestor, or to be consul before he had been 
 praetor, and he prohibited any man from holding the same 
 office a second time till after the lapse of ten years. He 
 reduced the tribunician power to such an extent that it 
 seemed to be destroyed. He curtailed it by a law which 
 provided that one holding the office of tribune should never 
 afterward hold any other office. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 I. How did the Romans dispose of acquired land? What resulted 
 from these arrangements? What were the provisions of the agrarian 
 law of Tiberius? What was his aim? Who opposed and who sup- 
 ported him, and why? Discuss the legahty of the deposition of 
 Octavius. 
 
432 The Revolution 
 
 2. What were the principal laws of Gaius Gracchus? What was 
 the object of each? Describe a Roman road. What are the con- 
 tents of these quotations from his speeches, and what conditions do 
 they show? Is the comment of GeUius favorable or the opposite? 
 What was the aim of these speeches? What was the general aim 
 of Gaius? 
 
 3. Of what elements did Marius make up his army? Describe his 
 conflict with Sulla. Narrate his wanderings. Who are the authors 
 of the selections relating to the Gracchi and Marius? When did 
 each live, and what is his historical value? 
 
 4. What are proscriptions? Describe those of Sulla. What were 
 the motives of the men engaged in it? What was the character 
 of Sulla? 
 
CHAPTER XXXVII 
 
 THE REVOLUTION: (II) THE MILITARY POWER 
 IN CONFLICT WITH THE REPUBLIC 
 
 I. POMPEY 
 
 (Among the rising officers of the army Gnaeus Pompey Gnaeus 
 was most fitted to be the heir of Sulla's policy.) Never did 
 the Roman people give to any other man so strong tokens PompL \, 
 of affection as to Pompey, or at so early an age, or which ^„^jg„^ 
 grew so rapidly with the good fortune of the receiver, or World, 428- 
 remained so firm in his misfortunes. The causes of their 
 affection were many: his temperate life, his skill in arms, 
 the persuasiveness of his speech, the integrity of his char- 
 acter, and his affability to every man who came in his way, 
 so that there was no person from whom one could ask a 
 favor with so little pain, whose requests one would more 
 willingly strive to satisfy. In addition to his other en- 
 dearing qualities, Pompey could do a kindness without 
 seeming to do it, and could receive a favor with dignity. 
 
 At first his face, too, contributed greatly to win the good His appear- 
 
 flue 6 
 
 will of the people, and to secure a favorable reception be- 
 fore he opened his mouth. For the sweetness of his expres- pompeyji. 
 sion was mingled with dignity and kindness; and while he 
 was yet in the very bloom of youth, his noble and kingly 
 nature clearly showed itself. The slight falling back of the 
 hair and the expression of the eyes caused people to notice 
 a resemblance to the portraits of Alexander, though in fact 
 the likeness was more talked of than reaL 
 
 433 
 
434 
 
 The Revolution 
 
 Sertorius. 
 
 Appian, 
 Civil Wars, 
 i. io8. 
 
 76 B.C. 
 
 72 B.C. 
 
 The Servile 
 War 
 
 (or Gladia- 
 torial War), 
 73-71 B.C. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Pompey, 21. 
 
 Of the SuUan troubles there remained the war with Ser- 
 torius, which had been going on for eight years, and which 
 was no easy war for Rome, as it was waged not merely 
 against Spaniards but against the Romans and Sertorius. 
 He had been chosen governor of Spain while he was cooper- 
 ating with Carbo against Sulla, and after taking the city 
 of Suessa under an armistice, he fled and assumed his 
 governorship. With an army from Italy itself and another 
 raised from the Celtiberians, he drove from Spain the 
 former governors, who to favor Sulla refused to surrender 
 the government to him. He fought nobly, too, against 
 Metellus, whom Sulla had sent to oppose him. After ac- 
 quiring a reputation for bravery, he enrolled a council of 
 three hundred members from the friends who were with 
 him, and called it the Roman senate in derision of the 
 real one. 
 
 After the death of Sulla, and later of Lepidus (a demo- 
 cratic leader), Sertorius obtained another Italian army 
 which Perpenna, the lieutenant of Lepidus, brought him. 
 It was now supposed that he intended to march against 
 Italy itself, and he would have done so, had not the senate 
 become alarmed and sent another army and general into 
 Spain in addition to the former forces. This general was 
 Pompey, who was still a young man, but renowned for 
 his exploits under Sulla. (Sertorius was himself uncon- 
 querable; but when at length he was assassinated, Per- 
 penna, his faithless heutenant, easily fell a prey to 
 Pompey.) 
 
 After staying long enough to end the chief disturbances, 
 and to quiet and settle the most dangerous troubles, 
 Pompey led his army back to Italy, where he chanced to 
 arrive at the time the Servile War was at its height. 
 
 Spartacus, by birth a Thracian, who had once served 
 
Spartacus 
 
 435 
 
 as soldier with the Romans, had since become a prisoner, Appian 
 
 ' . Ctml Wars, 
 
 and had been sold for a gladiator. While he was m the i. 116. 
 gladiatorial training-school at Capua, he persuaded about 
 seventy of his comrades to strike for their own freedom, 
 rather than for the amusement of spectators. They over- 
 came the guards and ran away. Arming themselves with 
 clubs and daggers, which they took from people on the 
 roads, they sought refuge on Mount Vesuvius. . . . After- 
 ward still greater throngs flocked to Spartacus, till his 
 army numbered seventy thousand men. For them he 
 manufactured weapons and collected apparatus. 
 
 This war, so formidable to the Romans, had now lasted lb. i. 118. 
 three years. When the election of prsetors came on, fear 
 fell upon all, and nobody offered himself as a candidate 
 until Licinius Crassus, a man distinguished among the 
 Romans for birth and wealth, assumed the praaetorship, 
 and marched with six legions against Spartacus. . . . 
 Presently he overcame ten thousand insurgents, who were 
 encamped in a detached position, and killed two-thirds 
 of them. 
 
 Believing that the work still to be done against Spar- Appian, Civil 
 
 " 1 J Wars, 1. 119. 
 
 tacus was great and severe, the government ordered up 
 as a reenforcement the army of Pompey, which had just 
 arrived from Spain. 
 
 This was the reason why Crassus, the commander, 
 risked a battle, which he gained with the slaughter of Plutarch, 
 twelve thousand three hundred of the enemy. But For- 
 tune, as we may say, adopted Pompey into this success 
 also, for five thousand men who escaped from the battle 
 fell in his way. After destroying all of them, he took the 
 opportunity of writing first to the senate that whereas 
 Crassus had conquered the gladiators in a pitched battle, 
 he had himself pulled up the war by the roots. And this 
 
436 
 
 The Revolution 
 
 The pirates. 
 Florus iii. 6. 
 
 Plutarch, 
 Pompey, 24. 
 
 was agreeable for the Romans to hear, because of their 
 good will to Pompey. 
 
 Meantime, while the Romans were engaged in different 
 parts of the world, the Cilicians had spread themselves 
 over the sea, and by obstructing commerce and by break- 
 ing the bonds of human society, had made the sea as im- 
 passable through piracy as it would have been rendered 
 by a tempest. 
 
 And now men who were powerful in wealth and of dis- 
 tinguished birth, and who claimed superior education, be- 
 gan to embark on piratical vessels and to share in their 
 undertakings, as if the occupation were reputable and an 
 object of ambition. In many places were piratical posts 
 and fortified beacons, at which armaments put in. For 
 this peculiar occupation swift light fleets were fitted out 
 with bold vigorous crews and skilful helmsmen. More 
 annoying than their formidable appearance was their 
 arrogant and pompous equipment with golden streamers 
 and purple sails and silvered oars, as if they rioted in their 
 evil practices and prided themselves on them. Their 
 playing on flutes and stringed instruments and their drink- 
 ing along the whole coast, their seizure of persons high in 
 office, and their holding captured cities for ransom, dis- 
 graced the Roman supremacy. The piratical ships had 
 now increased to above a thousand, and the cities seized 
 by them were four hundred. 
 
 But their most insulting conduct was of the following 
 nature. Whenever a captive called out that he was a 
 Roman and mentioned his name, they would pretend te 
 be terrified, and would strike their thighs and fall dowp 
 at his knees praying him to pardon them; and their cap- 
 tive would believe all this to be real, seeing that they were 
 humble and suppliant. Then some would put Roman shoes 
 
War with the Pirates 437 
 
 on his feet, and others would throw over him a toga, pre- 
 tending it v/as done that there might be no mistake about 
 him again. When they had for some time mocked the 
 man in this way, and had their fill of amusement, they 
 would put a ladder down into the sea, and bid him step 
 out and go away with their best wishes for a good journey; 
 and if the man would not go, they pushed him into the 
 water. 
 
 Pompey directed his efforts against Cilicia, the source Pompey 
 and origin of the war. Neither did the enemy shrink from them, 
 an engagement with him nor lose confidence in their ^ 
 strength; hard pressed, they were willing to dare. They Florusm. 6. 
 did no more than meet the first onset, however, for im- J^^^7;„/7^= 
 mediately afterward when they saw the beaks of our ships World, 430 f. 
 encircling them, they threw down their weapons and oars, 
 and with a great clapping of hands, which with them was 
 a sign of supplication, begged for quarter. 
 
 Never did we obtain a victory with so little bloodshed. 
 Nor was any nation afterward found so faithful to us, — a 
 state of things secured by the remarkable prudence of the 
 general, who removed this maritime people far from the 
 sight of the sea, and tied them down, as it were, to the in- 
 land parts of the country. Thus he recovered the free use 
 of the sea for ships, and at the same time restored to the 
 land its own inhabitants. 
 
 In this victory what shall we most admire? Its speed, 
 as it was gained in forty days? Its good fortune, as not a 
 single ship was lost? Or its durable effect, as the Cilicians 
 in consequence were never afterward pirates? 
 
 II. Cicero and Catiline 
 
 At this time Lucius Catiline was a person of importance, 
 of great celebrity, and high birth, but a madman. It was 
 
438 
 
 The Revolution 
 
 The 
 
 Conspiracy 
 of Catiline, 
 63 B.C. 
 
 Appian, Civil 
 Wars, ii. 2. 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 432 f. 
 
 EUs methods. 
 
 believed that he had killed his own son because of his own 
 love for Aurelia Orestilla, who was not willing to marry 
 a man who had a son. He had been a friend and zealous 
 partisan of Sulla. He had reduced himself to poverty in 
 order to gratify his ambition, but still he was courted by 
 the powerful, both men and women, and he became a 
 candidate for the consulship as a step leading to absolute 
 power. 
 
 He confidently expected to be elected, but the suspicion 
 of his ulterior designs defeated him; and Cicero, the most 
 eloquent orator and rhetorician of the period, was chosen 
 instead. Catiline, by way of raillery and contempt for 
 those who voted for Cicero, called him a "New Man" on 
 account of his obscure birth — for so they called those who 
 achieved distinction by their own merits and not by those 
 of their ancestors; and because he was not born in the 
 city, Catiline called him a lodger, by which term they 
 designate those who occupy houses belonging to others. 
 
 From this time Catiline abstained wholly from politics 
 as not leading quickly and surely to absolute power, but 
 as full of the spirit of contention and malice. He procured 
 much money from many women, who hoped that their 
 husbands would be killed in the uprising; and he formed a 
 conspiracy with a number of senators and knights, and 
 collected together a body of plebeians, foreign residents, 
 and slaves. His leading fellow-conspirators were Cornelius 
 Lentulus and Cethegus, who were then the city praetors. 
 He sent agents throughout Italy to those of Sulla's soldiers 
 who had squandered the gains of their former Ufe of 
 plunder, and who longed for a renewal of violence. For 
 this purpose he sent Gains Manlius to Faesula in Etruria, 
 and others to Picenum and Apulia, who enlisted soldiers 
 for him secretly. 
 
Cicero Denounces Catiline 
 
 439 
 
 All these facts, while they were still secret, were com- 
 municated to Cicero by Fulvia, a woman of quality. Her 
 lover, Quintus Curius, who had been expelled from the 
 senate for immorality, and was one of the conspirators, 
 told her in a vain and boastful way that he would soon 
 be in a position of great power. And now a rumor of 
 what was transpiring in Italy was noised about. Accord- 
 ingly Cicero stationed guards at intervals throughout the 
 city, and sent many of the nobihty to the suspected places 
 to watch what was going on. 
 
 (Catiline had the boldness to take his usual place in the 
 senate, whereupon Cicero delivered against him a terrible 
 invective. Some extracts from this speech are given be- 
 low.) 
 
 How long, Catiline, will you abuse our patience? How 
 long will your frantic rage baffle the efforts of justice? To 
 what height do you mean to carry your daring insolence? 
 Are you not daunted by the nightly watch posted to secure 
 the Palatine Hill? or by the city guards? or by the fear of 
 the people? or by the union of all the wise and worthy 
 citizens? or by the senate's assembling in this place of 
 strength? or by the looks and faces of all here present? 
 Do you not see that all your designs are brought to light? 
 that the senators are thoroughly informed of your con- 
 spiracy? that they are acquainted with what you did last 
 night and the night before, your place of meeting, the 
 company you summoned, and the measures you concerted? 
 Alas for our degeneracy! alas for the depravity of the 
 times; the senate is informed of this whole plot, the consul 
 sees it, yet the traitor lives. Lives, did I say? He even 
 comes into the senate; he shares in the public delibera- 
 tions; he marks us out with his eye for destruction. We, 
 bold in our country's cause, think we have sufJ&ciently 
 
 The 
 
 conspiracy 
 
 divulged. 
 
 Appian, 
 Civil Wars, 
 ii. 3- 
 
 Cicero 
 
 denounces 
 
 Catiline. 
 
 Cicero, 
 Against Cati- 
 line, i. 
 
440 
 
 The Revolution 
 
 All hate 
 Catiline. 
 
 His country 
 pleads with 
 him. 
 
 done our duty to the state, if we can but escape his rage 
 and deadly darts. Long ago, Catiline, ought the consul to 
 have ordered your execution, and to have directed upon 
 your own head the ruin you have long been meditating 
 against us all. . . . 
 
 For my part, were my slaves to discover such a dread of 
 me as your fellow-citizens express of you, I should think 
 it necessary to abandon my own house; and do you hesitate 
 to leave the city? Were I even wrongfully suspected, and 
 thereby rendered obnoxious to my countrymen, I would 
 sooner withdraw myself from public view than be beheld 
 with looks full of reproach and indignation. And do you, 
 whose conscience tells you that you are the object of a 
 universal, just, and long-merited hatred, delay a moment 
 to escape from the looks and presence of a people whose 
 eyes and senses can no longer endure you among them? 
 Should your parents dread and hate you, and resist all 
 your efforts to appease them, you would doubtless with- 
 draw from their sight. 
 
 But now your country, the common parent of us all, 
 hates and dreads you, and has long regarded you as a 
 parricide, intent on the purpose of destroying her. And 
 will you neither respect her authority, submit to her ad- 
 vice, nor stand in awe of her power? Thus does she reason 
 with you, Catiline; thus does she, though silent, in some 
 manner address you: "Not an enormity has happened 
 these many years but has had you for its author; not a 
 crime has been perpetrated without you. The murder of 
 so many of our citizens, the oppression and the plunder of 
 our alHes has through you alone escaped punishment, 
 though carried on with unrestrained violence. You have 
 found means not only to trample on law and justice but 
 even to subvert and destroy them. Though this past 
 
Cicero against Catiline 441 
 
 behavior of yours was beyond all patience, yet I have 
 borne with it as I could; but now to be in continual fear 
 of you alone, on every alarm to tremble at the name of 
 Catiline, to see no plots formed against me which speak 
 not of you as their author, is altogether insupportable. 
 Begone, then, and rid me of my present terror; that if 
 just, I may avoid ruin; if groundless, I may at length 
 cease to fear! . . . 
 
 It is now a long time, senators, that we have trod amid All traitors 
 the dangers and machinations of this conspiracy; but I the city. 
 know not how it comes to pass, that the full maturity of all 
 those crimes, and of this long-ripening rage and insolence, 
 has now broken out in the period of my consulship. Should 
 he alone be removed from this powerful band of traitors, 
 it may abate perhaps our fears and anxieties for a while, 
 but the danger will still remain, and continue lurking 
 in the veins and \'itals of the republic. . . . Wherefore, 
 senators, let the wicked retire; let them separate them- 
 selves from the honest; let them gather in one place. As I 
 have often said, let a wall be between them and us. Let 
 them cease to lay snares for the consul in his own house, to 
 beset the tribunal of the city praetor, to invest the senate- 
 house with armed ruffians, and prepare fire-balls and 
 torches for burning the city. In brief, let every man's 
 sentiments regarding the republic be inscribed on his fore- 
 head. 
 
 This I engage for and promise, senators, that by the May Jupiter 
 diligence of the consuls, the weight of your authority, the state and 
 courage and firmness of the Roman knights, and the una- gnlmies?^ 
 nimity of all who are honest, Catihne shall be driven forth 
 from the city, and you shall behold all his treasons de- 
 tected, exposed, crushed, and punished. With these 
 omens of all prosperity to the republic but of destruction 
 
442 
 
 The Revolution 
 
 The 
 
 " Father 
 of his 
 Country.' 
 
 Appian, Civil 
 Wars, ii. 7. 
 
 His consul- 
 ship, sg B.C. 
 
 Suetonius, 
 Julius 
 Casar, 20. 
 
 to yourself, Catiline, and to those who have joined them- 
 selves with you in all kinds of parricide, go your way to this 
 impious and abominable war. And do thou, Jupiter, 
 whose religion was established with the foundation of this 
 city — thou whom we truly call the Stayer, the support and 
 prop of this empire — drive this man and his associates 
 from thy altars and temples, from the houses and walls 
 of the city, from the lives and fortunes of us all; and de- 
 stroy with eternal punishments, in life and death, all the 
 haters of good men, all the enemies of their country, all 
 the plunderers of Italy, now joined in this detestable 
 league and partnership of villainy! 
 
 (The traitor fled from Rome, and was soon afterward 
 defeated and killed in battle. Meantime Cicero had ar- 
 rested and put to death some chiefs of the conspiracy who 
 remained in the city.) 
 
 Such was the end of the uprising of Catiline, which 
 brought the city into extreme peril. Cicero, who had 
 hitherto been distinguished only for eloquence, was now 
 in everybody's mouth as a man of action, and was con- 
 sidered unquestionably the saviour of his country on the 
 eve of its destruction. For this reason the thanks of the 
 assembly were bestowed upon him amid general acclama- 
 tions. At the instance of Cato the people saluted him 
 Father of his Country. 
 
 III. Cesar's Consulship; his Campaigns in Gaul 
 
 After entering upon his consulship, he introduced a new 
 regulation, that the daily acts of the senate and of the 
 assemblies should be committed to writing and pub- 
 lished. . . . 
 
 When he presented to the people a bill for the division of 
 some public lands, the other consul opposed him. There- 
 
Cassar 443 
 
 upon Caesar violently drove his colleague from the Forum, <|f"!^' 
 
 ., -^ ,.,, 1 1-jr World, 424-7. 
 
 Next day m the senate the nisulted consul complanied ot 
 his ill treatment; but no one had the courage to bring the 
 matter forward or move a censure, which had often been 
 done in the case of less important outrages, Caesar's col- 
 league was so much dispirited, therefore, that till the expi- 
 ration of his office he never stirred from home, and did C 
 nothing but issue edicts to obstruct the other consul's pro- 
 ceedings. 
 
 From that time, therefore, Caesar had the sole manage- 
 ment of public affairs; so that some wags, when they signed 
 any document as witnesses, did not add "in the consulship 
 of Caesar and Bibulus," but "of Julius and Caesar," putting 
 the same person down twice under his name and surname. 
 The following verses, too, were repeated with reference 
 to this matter: 
 
 Nothing wa? done in Bibulus' year; 
 No, Caesar only was consul here. 
 
 Such was the course of Caesar's life before his Gallic His cam- 
 paigns in 
 campaigns. But the period of the wars which he now car- Gaul, 58-50 
 
 ried on, and of the expedition by which he subdued Gaul, 
 is a new beginning in his career and the opening of a new casa^^i 
 course of life and action, in which he showed himself a sol- 
 dier and a general inferior to none who have gained admira- 
 tion as leaders of men. For whether we com.pare Caesar's 
 exploits with those of the Fabii, the Scipios,and the MetelH, 
 or with those of his contemporaries or immediate prede- 
 cessors, — Sulla and Marius and both the Luculli or even 
 Pompey himself, whose fame, high as the heavens, was 
 blossoming at that time in every kind of military excel- 
 lence, — Caesar will be found to surpass them all. 
 
 His superiority over one appears in the difficulties of the 
 
444 
 
 The Revolution 
 
 The dniids. 
 
 Caesar, 
 Gallic War, 
 vi. 13. 
 
 They are 
 the judges. 
 
 country in which he carried on his campaigns, over another 
 in the extent of country subdued, over a third in the num- 
 ber and courage of the enemy whom he defeated, over 
 another again in the savage manners and treacherous char- 
 acter of the nations which he civiHzed, over a fourth in 
 clemency and mildness to the conquered, over another 
 again in his donations and liberality to his soldiers ; and in 
 a word, his superiority over all other generals appears in 
 the number of battles which he fought and of enemies 
 whom he slew. 
 
 For in somewhat less than ten years, during which he 
 carried on his campaigns in Gaul, he took by storm eight 
 hundred cities, and subdued three hundred nations, and 
 fought at different times against three millions of men, of 
 whom he destroyed one million in battle and took as many 
 prisoners. 
 
 Throughout Gaul are two orders of men who have rank 
 and dignity; for the common people are held almost in the 
 condition of slaves; they dare do nothing of themselves, 
 and take no part in deliberation. The greater number, 
 when pressed by debt or by heavy taxes or oppressed by 
 the more powerful, give themselves up in vassalage to the 
 nobles, who possess over them the same rights without ex- 
 ception as masters exercise over their slaves. Of these two 
 orders of nobles one is that of the druids, the other that 
 of the knights. The former are engaged in religious duties; 
 they conduct the public and private sacrifices and interpret 
 all matters of religion. 
 
 To this class a large number of young men resort for 
 instruction and all hold the druids in high honor. For 
 these priests decide almost all controversies, public and 
 private; and if any crime has been perpetrated, if murder 
 has been committed, or if there is any dispute about in- 
 
Gallic Society 445 
 
 heritance or about boundaries, these same persons decide 
 it. They decree rewards and punishments; and if any one 
 either publicly or privately refuses to submit to their de- 
 cision, they interdict him from the sacrifices. This among 
 them is the heaviest punishment. Those who have been 
 thus interdicted are esteemed impious and criminal: all 
 shun them and avoid their society and conversation, lest 
 they receive some e\-il from the contact; neither is justi'ce 
 administered to them when they seek it, nor is any dignity 
 bestowed on them. 
 
 Over all these druids one presides, who possesses supreme Their organ- 
 
 ... ization. 
 
 authority among them. On his death any indi\idual who 
 
 is preeminent in dignity succeeds; but if many are equal, 
 the election is made by the votes of the druids; sometimes 
 they even contend in arms for the presidency. The mem- 
 bers of the class gather at a fixed period of the year in a 
 consecrated place in the territory of the Carnutes, which 
 is considered the central region of the whole of Gaul. 
 Hither all who have disputes assemble from every quarter, 
 and submit to their decrees and decisions. This institution 
 is supposed to have been devised in Britain, and to have 
 been brought over from there to Gaul ; and now those who 
 wish to gain a more accurate knowledge of that system go 
 thither for the purpose of studying it. 
 
 Whatever sums of money the husbands have received as The family, 
 dowry with their wives, they estimate, and add the same Caesar 
 
 • 1 r 1 • Gallic \\ ar, 
 
 amount from their own estates. An account is kept of this vi. ig. 
 whole sum and the profits are laid by; so that the one who 
 survives the other may receive the portion of both, to- 
 gether with the profits. Husbands have power of life and 
 death over their wives as well as over their children. When 
 the father of a family of uncommonly high rank has died, 
 his kinsmen assemble; and if the circumstances of his death 
 
446 
 
 The Revolution 
 
 Funerals. 
 
 Honors to 
 Caesar. 
 
 Appian, Civil 
 Wars, ii. 106. 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 439- 
 42. 
 
 are suspicious, they investigate the conduct of the wives 
 in the same way as that of slaves; and if proof is obtained, 
 they put the wives to severe torture and kill them. 
 
 In view of the state of civilization among the Gauls, their 
 funerals are magnificent and costly. As one of the funeral 
 rites they cast into the fire all those possessions of the de- 
 ceased, including living creatures, which they suppose to 
 have been dear to him in his life. Until lately slaves and 
 clients who were known to have been beloved by the de- 
 ceased were burned with his body at the close of the fimeral 
 rites. 
 
 IV. C^SAR AS Dictator 
 
 After ending the civil wars Caesar hastened to Rome, 
 honored and feared as no one had ever been before. All 
 kinds of honors were devised for his gratification without 
 stint, even such as were more than human, — sacrifices, 
 games, statues in all the temples and public places, by 
 every tribe, by all the provinces, and by the kings in al- 
 liance with Rome. His portrait was painted in various 
 forms, and in some cases crowned with oak as that of the 
 saviour of his country. . . . He was proclaimed the 
 Father of his Country and chosen dictator for life, and his 
 person was declared sacred and inviolable. It was decreed 
 that he should transact business on a throne of ivory and 
 gold; that he should always perform his sacerdotal func- 
 tions in triumphal dress; that each year the city should 
 celebrate the days on which he had won his victories; 
 that every five years the priests and Vestal virgins should 
 offer up public prayers for his safety; and that the magis- 
 trates immediately after their inauguration should take 
 an oath not to oppose any of Caesar's decrees. In honor of 
 his gens the name of the month Quintilis was changed to 
 
Dictatorship of Cssar 447 
 
 July. Many temples were decreed to him as to a god, and 
 
 one was dedicated in common to him an'd the goddess 
 
 Clemency, who were represented as clasping hands. 
 
 Thus while they feared his power they besought his His 
 
 clcmciicv 
 mercy. Some proposed to give him the title of king, but 
 
 when he learned of their purpose he forbade it with threats, cmj^Wars, 
 
 for he said it was an inauspicious name by reason of the "• ^°''- 
 
 curse of their ancestors. He dismissed the pretorian co- (Pretorian 
 
 1 1 • 1 1 1 1 I'll 1 1 • 1 cohorts, com- 
 
 horts which had served as his bodyguard during the wars, panics of 
 and he showed himself with the ordinary public attendants guarded The 
 
 Onlv prcBtorium, 
 
 •' _ or general s 
 
 He received all the honors conferred upon him excepting tent.) 
 the ten-year consulship. As consuls for the ensuing year 
 he designated himself and Antony, his master of horse, and 
 he appointed Lepidus master of horse in place of Antony. 
 Lepidus at this time was governor of Spain, but was admin- 
 istering his pro\dnce through friends. Caesar recalled all 
 exiles excepting those who had been banished for some 
 grave offence. He pardoned his enemies, and many of 
 those who had fought against him he forthwith advanced 
 to the yearly magistracies or to the command of provinces 
 and of armies. The wearied people therefore especially 
 hoped he would restore the republic to them, as Sulla did 
 after he had grasped the same power. But in this respect 
 they were disappointed. 
 
 While the talk about the kingship was going on, and just The 
 before a session of the senate, Cassius met Brutus, and seiz- 
 ing him by the hand, said, " What shall we do in the senate- UvTwars, 
 house if Caesar's flatterers propose a decree to make him "• "^■ 
 king?" "I shall not be there," Brutus replied. Then 
 Cassius asked him further, "What if we are summoned i'J^forras^ 
 there as praetors, what shall we do then, my good Brutus? " well as sena- 
 "I will defend my country to the death," he answered, their service 
 
448 The Revolution 
 
 as magis- Cassius embraced him, saying, "Which of the nobihty will 
 be needecf at you allow to share your thoughts?" . . . Thus did they 
 the meeting.) ^jjg^-jQgg |-q g^^h other what they had been privately think- 
 ing about for a long time. Each of them tested those of 
 their own and of Caesar's friends whom they considered the 
 most courageous of either faction. 
 lb. 114. When they thought they had a sufficient number, and 
 
 that it would not be wise to divulge the plot to any more, 
 they pledged each other without oaths or sacrifices, yet no 
 one changed his mind or betrayed the secret. They sought 
 a time and place. Time was pressing because Caesar was 
 to depart on his campaign four days hence and would then 
 have a bodyguard of soldiers. They chose the senate as 
 the place, believing that though all the senators did not 
 know of it beforehand, they would join heartily when they 
 saw the deed. 
 The conspir- The conspirators had left Trebonius, one of their num- 
 Cfflsar, 44 ber, to engage Antony in conversation at the door. The 
 ^•^' others with concealed daggers stood like friends around 
 
 Appian, Civil QsessLV as he sat in his chair. Then one of them, Tullius 
 
 wars, 11. 117. • • 1 1 • r 
 
 Cimber, came up in front of him and petitioned him for 
 the recall of his brother, who had been banished. When 
 Caesar answered that the matter must be deferred, Cimber 
 seized hold of his purple robe as though still urging the 
 petition, and pulled it away so as to expose his neck; at 
 the same time he exclaimed, "Friends, what are you wait- 
 ing for?" Then Casca, who was standing over Caesar's 
 head, first drove a dagger at his throat, but missed the 
 aim and wounded him in the breast. Caesar snatched his 
 toga from Cimber, seized Casca's hand, sprang from his 
 chair, turned round and hurled Casca with great violence. 
 While Caesar was in this position, another one stabbed 
 him with a dagger in the side . . . Cassius wounded him 
 
Caesar's Death; Character 449 
 
 in the face, Brutus smote him in the thigh, and BucoHanus 
 between the shoulder-blades. 
 
 With rage and outcries Caesar turned now upon one and 
 now upon another like a wild animal, but after receiving 
 the wound from Brutus he despaired, and veiling himself 
 with his robe, he fell prostrate at the foot of Pompey's 
 statue. After he had fallen they continued their attack 
 till he received twenty-three wounds. 
 
 When the will of Caesar was opened, and the people The funeial. 
 learned that he had given a handsome present to every piutarch, 
 Roman, and they saw the body as it was carried through '^'^''' ^^' 
 the Forum, disfigured with wounds, the multitude no 
 longer kept within the bounds of propriety and order, but 
 taking from the Forum benches, lattices, and tables, they 
 heaped them about the corpse, and set fire to the pile and 
 burned the body on the spot. Then seizing the flaming 
 pieces of wood, they ran to the houses of the conspirators 
 to fire them, and others hurried about the city in all direc- 
 tions in search of the murderers to seize and tear them to 
 pieces. 
 
 He died in the fifty-sixth year of his age, and was ranked His spirit, 
 among the gods, not only by a formal decree but also in Suetonius, 
 the belief of the people. For during the first games which c^^^r, 88. 
 Augustus, his heir, consecrated to his memory, a comet 
 blazed seven days together, rising always about eleven 
 o'clock; and the people thought it was the soul of Caesar 
 now received into heaven. 
 
 That mighty superhuman spirit, which had accompanied 
 him through life, followed him even in death; the avenger 
 of his murder, it ran through every land and sea, to hunt Plutarch, 
 and track down his assassins till not one of them was left — 
 it pursued even those who in any way whatever had put 
 their hand to the deed or had shared in the plot. 
 
450 
 
 The Revolution 
 
 Care of the 
 streets. 
 
 Julian Munic. 
 Law, 7. 
 This law was 
 probably 
 passed in 46 
 B.C. It is 
 preserved in 
 au inscrip- 
 tion. The 
 translation 
 is by Dr. 
 R. R. Blews. 
 
 Division of 
 the city 
 among 
 the aediles. 
 
 lb 8. 
 
 Contracts for 
 maintaining 
 the streets. 
 
 lb. II. 
 
 V. The Municipal Law of Julius Caesar 
 
 With regard to those streets which are or shall be in the 
 city of Rome or within a radius of one mile from the city 
 of Rome, — wherever this zone shall be continually built 
 up, — the owner of any building before which any such 
 street shall run, shall maintain the same to the satisfaction 
 of the aedile, to whom this part of the city shall have been 
 assigned in accordance with this law; and that sedile shall 
 see to it that all persons, before whose buildings any 
 streets run, which they shall be obliged by this law sever- 
 ally to maintain, shall severally maintain the same to his 
 satisfaction; and he shall see to it that no water remains 
 standing in any such place which would hinder the public 
 from the convenient use of the street. 
 
 The curule aediles and the plebeian aediles who are now 
 in office, and whoever after the passing of this law shall 
 have been made or created aediles or shall have entered 
 upon this office, shall, within the next five days after they 
 shall have been elected or shall have entered upon this 
 office, decide either by agreement or by lot in what part 
 of the city each one of them shall have charge of the re- 
 pairing and paving of the streets in the city of Rome or 
 within a mile of the city of Rome, and shall have super- 
 vision of that work. In those places which shall be in the 
 district thus assigned to each one of the aediles in ac- 
 cordance with this law, he shall have supervision of the 
 repairing and maintenance of the streets, as shall be re- 
 quired in accordance with this law. 
 
 In the case of a street for the maintenance of which a 
 contract in conformity with this law must be let, the aedile 
 whose duty it shall be to let the contract for the main- 
 tenance of this street shall let out the same through the 
 
Supervision of Streets 451 
 
 urban quaestor or whoever shall be in charge of the treas- 
 ury: the contractor shall agree to maintain the street to the 
 satisfaction of him who shall have caused the contract for 
 the street to have been let out. The urban qujestor or 
 whoever shall be in charge of the treasury shall cause the 
 amount of money for which each street shall have been 
 let out to be given or assigned to the contractor, to whom 
 under the terms of the lease it should have been given, 
 or to his heir. 
 
 Any one before whose building a sidewalk shall run, Sidewalks, 
 shall keep the same properly paved with unworn stones ib. 13. 
 over the whole space in front of the building, to the satis- 
 faction of that aedile who under this law, shall have charge 
 of the streets in that district. 
 
 After the next Calends of January no one shall lead or The use of 
 guide a vehicle during the day, between sunrise and the the streets, 
 twelfth hour of the day, in any streets which are or shall /j. i^_ 
 be within the city of Rome, or within those outlying dis- 
 tricts which shall be built up continuously with the city, 
 except in the case of anything which ought to be brought 
 or conveyed for use in building temples of the immortal 
 gods or for use in carrying on public works, or unless any 
 of those things, for the demolition of which a contract 
 has been let at public expense, ought to be removed at the 
 public expense from the city or from the districts aforesaid; 
 and in these cases permission to lead or drive vehicles 
 shall be given under this law to specified persons for speci- 
 fied reasons. 
 
 Nothing is enacted by this law by virtue of which Exceptions 
 ° ^ . ^ to the rule 
 
 vehicles may not be led or driven in the city in the day- above given. 
 
 time for the following reasons and on the following days: /j. 15. 
 
 the days on which the Vestal virgins, the rex sacrorum, and Ancient 
 
 the flamens shall be obliged to ride in carriages within H^*"'^'^. 333 f- 
 
452 
 
 The Revolution 
 
 Municipal 
 magistrates. 
 
 Julian 
 Munic. Law, 
 
 23- 
 
 Qualifications 
 for office. 
 
 The chief 
 magistrates 
 were a " board 
 of two"— 
 duoviri — like 
 the consuls, 
 or less com- 
 monly a 
 "board of 
 four"— 
 quattuoviri. 
 
 Councillor, 
 decurion, 
 conscriptus — 
 all applied to 
 members of 
 the munici- 
 pal council — 
 "alderman." 
 Sesterce, 
 about s cents. 
 
 the city on account of public religious rites of the Roman 
 people; whatever vehicles must be driven because of a 
 triumph on the day on which any one shall celebrate a 
 triumph; whatever vehicles it shall be necessary to lead 
 or drive either because of games which shall be held at 
 public expense in Rome or within one mile of the city of 
 Rome, or in the processions at the Circensian games. 
 
 Upon the expiration of one year after the next Calends 
 of January no one who is or shall be less than thirty years 
 of age shall seek, accept, or hold the office of duovir or 
 quattuorvir or any other magistracy in a municipium, 
 a colony, or a prefecture, unless he shall have served three 
 years in the legionary cavalry or six years in the legionary 
 infantry, — such military service to have been performed 
 in camp or in a province during the greater part of each 
 year or during half years, two of which may be properly 
 credited to him as equal to a whole year, with whatever 
 time shall properly be credited to him in accordance with 
 laws or resolutions of the plebs, — or unless he shall be 
 exempt from military service in accordance with laws 
 or resolutions of the plebs or in execution of a treaty by 
 reason of which he cannot properly be required to serve 
 against his will. Nor shall any one whose occupation 
 shall be that of a public crier or that of an undertaker's 
 assistant or that of an undertaker, — so long as he shall 
 be engaged in any of these occupations, — seek, accept, 
 hold, or have the office of duovir, or quattuorvir, or any 
 other magistracy in a municipium, a colony, or a prefec- 
 ture; nor shall he serve or give his vote as a councillor or 
 a decurion or a conscriptus in that place. If any one 
 of those who are mentioned above, shall have acted in 
 contravention of these provisions, he shall be liable to 
 pay to the people a fine of 50,000 sesterces; and who- 
 
Municipal Census 453 
 
 ever ■wishes shall have the right to enter suit for this 
 
 money. 
 
 Whoever in the municipia, colonies, or prefectures of Census-tak- 
 _ . . , ..... ing in the 
 
 Roman citizens, — whatever mumcipia, colonies, or pre- municipia. 
 
 fectures, there are or shall be in Italy, — shall hold the /j. 28. 
 
 highest magistracy or the highest office there at the time 
 
 when the censor or any other magistrate is about to take 
 
 the census of the people at Rome, he, within the next 
 
 sixty days after he shall know that the census of the people 
 
 is to be taken at Rome, shall take the census of all the 
 
 members of his municipium, colony, or prefecture who 
 
 shall be Roman citizens; and he shall cause them to declare 
 
 under oath their gentile names, personal names, fathers 
 
 or patrons, tribes, family names, how old each one of 
 
 them is and the amount of his wealth, in accordance with 
 
 the formula of the census which shall have been set forth 
 
 at Rome by him who at that time shall be about to take 
 
 the census of the people. 
 
 He shall see that all these data are entered in the public Records of 
 
 the censusi 
 records of his municipality; and he shall send these re- 
 ports to those who shall take the census at Rome, through 
 delegates whom the majority of the decurions or con- 
 scripti shall have elected by vote to be delegates and 
 envoys for this purpose at the time when the matter was 
 taken into consideration; and not less than sixty days 
 before the day when those who take the census at Rome 
 (whoever they may be) have completed the census of the 
 people, he shall see to it that the delegates appear before 
 them and present the reports of that municipium, colony, 
 or prefecture; and the censor or whatever other magis- 
 trate shall take the census of the people, wdthin the next 
 five days after the arrival of the delegates from that 
 municipium, colony, or prefecture, shall receive in good 
 
 lb. 
 
454 
 
 The Revolution 
 
 His birth. 
 
 Suetonius, 
 Augustus, 5. 
 
 (Augustus is 
 a title given 
 Octavius by 
 the senate.) 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 442 ff. 
 
 Ib.b. 
 
 His early 
 life. 
 
 Suetonius, 
 Augustus, 8. 
 
 faith those reports of the census which shall be given by 
 those delegates, and he shall see that their contents are 
 copied in the public records and that these records are 
 stored in the same place as the other public records in 
 which the census of the people shall have been registered. 
 
 VI. Octavius 
 
 (Octavius, afterward named) Augustus, was born in 
 the consulship of Marcus Tullius Cicero and Gaius An- 
 tonius, a little before sunrise on the ninth day before the 
 Calends of October, on Oxhead Street, Palatine Hill, in 
 the place where now stands a chapel built a little after his 
 death and dedicated to him. 
 
 To this day his nursery may be seen in a villa belonging 
 to the family, in the suburbs of Velitras. It is a very small 
 room, much like a pantry. Into this place no person dares 
 intrude unless necessary, and then one enters with great 
 devotion, for a belief has long prevailed that those who 
 rashly intrude are seized with great horror and fear. This 
 belief has recently been confirmed by a remarkable inci- 
 dent. A new inhabitant of the house took up his lodging 
 in that apartment, either by chance or to try the truth 
 of the report. In the course of the night, however, a few 
 hours after retiring, he was thrown out by some sudden 
 violence, he knew not what, and was found stupefied, 
 lying in his coverlet in front of the chamber door. 
 
 When only four years old, Octavius lost his father; and 
 in his twelfth year he pronounced a funeral oration in 
 praise of his grandmother Julia. Four years later, when 
 Octavius put on the dress of manhood, Caesar in his tri- 
 umph over Africa honored him with several military re- 
 wards, though on account of his youth he had taken no 
 part in the war. 
 
Octavius 455 
 
 Octavius was the son of the daughter of Caesar's sister. ^V^^^^^^^^"^ 
 He was appointed master of Cesar's horse for one year, 
 for Caesar at times made this a yearly office, passing it 
 round among his friends. While still a young man, he was 
 sent by Caesar to ApoUonia on the Adriatic coast to be 
 educated and trained in the art of war, that he might ac- 
 company Caesar on his expeditions. . . . 
 
 At the end of a six months' sojourn in Apollonia, he re- 
 ceived news one evening that Csesar had been killed in the 
 senate-house by those who were dearest to the dictator, 
 and who were at the time the most powerful persons under 
 him. 
 
 After the death of Cassius and Brutus, Octavius returned ^f^°^l^^^ 
 to Italy. Antony proceeded to Asia, where he met Cleo 
 patra, queen of Egypt. . . . Wars, v 
 
 After his expedition against the Parthians, he was dis- ^i^^^^ 
 gusted with war and lived at ease. In this period he fell in 
 love with Cleopatra, and as if his affairs were quite prosper- 
 ous, he enjoyed himself in the queen's company. 
 
 The Egyptian woman demanded of the drunken general, | 
 
 as the price of her love, nothing less than '.he Roman em- I 
 
 pire. This gift Antony promised her, as though the Ro- 
 mans were easier to conquer than the Parthians. He there- 
 fore aspired to the sovereignty, not secretly, but forgetting j 
 his country, his name, toga, and fasces, and degenerating m 
 wholly in thought, feeling, and dress, into a monster. In 
 his hand was a golden sceptre, and a simitar by his side. (^^'q^P^^^^'^' 
 His robe was of purple clasped with enormous jewels; and sword.) 
 he wore a diadem that he might dally with the queen as 
 a king. 
 
 At the first report of these proceedings, Caesar (Octa- J^\J^^^ 
 vianus) had crossed the sea from Brundisium to meet the 31 B.C. 
 approaching war. ... We had more than four hundred 
 
 Appian, Civil 
 I. 
 
 iv. II. 
 
456 The Revolution 
 
 vessels, the enemy about two hundred, but the size of the 
 enemy's ships made up for their inferiority in number. 
 With from six to nine banks of oars, mounted with towers 
 and high decks, they moved along like castles and cities; 
 the seas groaned under them and the wind was fatigued. 
 
 Their great size, however, was their destruction. Caesar's 
 vessels had from three to six banks of oars but no more. 
 Ready for all that necessity required, whether for charging, 
 retreating, or wheeling round, they attacked several of 
 those heavy vessels at a time. In these encounters Caesar's 
 men hurled missiles and rammed with the beaks of their 
 ships; they threw fire-brands into the enemy's vessels and 
 dispersed them at pleasure. The greatness of the enemy's 
 force was shown by nothing so much as by what happened 
 after the victory. Shattered in the engagement, the vast 
 fleet spread the spoils of Arabs, Sabaeans, and a thousand 
 other Asiatic nations over the whole face of the deep. The 
 waves, driven onward by the winds, continually threw up 
 purple and gold on the shore. 
 
 The queen began the flight; she made off into the open 
 sea with her gilded vessel and sails of purple. Antony 
 immediately followed. 
 The end of But Caesar pursued hard on their track. . . . First An- 
 cfeopatra! tony raised his sword against himself. The queen, falling 
 at Caesar's feet, tempted his eyes in vain, for her charms 
 were too weak to overcome the prince's self-restraint. Her 
 suit was not for life, which he offered her, but for a portion 
 of the kingdom. As she despaired of obtaining this from 
 Caesar, and saw that she was reserved for his triumph, she 
 took advantage of the negligence of her guard, and with- 
 drew into a mausoleum, as the sepulchre of a king is called. 
 There after putting on her best apparel . . . she placed 
 herself by her dear Antony in a cofl5n filled with rich per- 
 
 :!ii 
 
Propertius ; Lucretius 
 
 457 
 
 fumes, and applying serpents to her veins, she died a 
 death-like sleep. 
 
 VII. The Poetry of the Age 
 
 Tell My Sister 
 
 Soldier, that fliest from thy comrade's fall, 
 Though weak and wounded 'neath Perusia's wall; 
 Heed not my dying groan, nor weep for me. 
 For I am but a soldier like to thee. 
 But to my sister the sad tale deplore — 
 So mayst thou glad thy parent's heart once more- 
 How Gallus 'scaped from Caesar's armed bands, 
 To fall unhonored here by felon's hands. 
 If o'er the Tuscan wold she haply see 
 Some scattered bones, 'tis all she'll find of me. 
 
 "I wish I 
 had died in 
 battle." 
 
 Propertius i. 
 
 21. 
 
 (Perusia, 
 Etruria, was 
 besieged by 
 Caesar 
 Octavianus, 
 41-40 B.C.) 
 
 The Origin of Belief in the Gods 
 
 And now what cause has spread over great nations the 
 worship of the divinities of the gods, and filled towns with 
 altars, and led to the performance of stated rites, — rites 
 now in fashion on solemn occasions and in solemn places, 
 from which even now is implanted in mortals a shuddering 
 awe which raises new temples of the gods over the whole 
 earth, and prompts men to crowd them on festive days, all 
 this is not so difficult to explain in words. 
 
 In sooth the races of mortal men would see in waking 
 mind glorious forms, would see them in sleep of yet more 
 marvellous size of body. To these forms they would at- 
 tribute sense, because they seemed to move their limbs and 
 to utter lofty words suitable to their glorious aspect and 
 surpassing powers. And men would attribute to them life 
 everlasting, because their face would ever appear and their 
 form abide; yes, and yet without all this reasoning, because 
 men would not believe that beings possessed of such powers 
 
 "Why buUd 
 altars and 
 temples? " 
 
 Lucretius, 
 On the iVa- 
 ture of the 
 World, s- 
 
 "Our 
 
 religion 
 rests (i) on 
 dreams. 
 
458 
 
 The Revolution 
 
 (2) on 
 observing 
 the activi- 
 ties of 
 nature." 
 
 "Why 
 do we wor- 
 ship? " 
 
 "Doubts 
 that trouble 
 us." 
 
 could lightly be overcome by any force. They would be- 
 lieve such beings to be preeminent in bliss,, because none of 
 them was ever troubled with fear of death, and because at 
 the same time in sleep persons would see them perform 
 many miracles, without feeling fatigue from the effort. 
 
 Again men would see the system of heaven and the dif- 
 ferent seasons of the year come round in regular succession, 
 and could not find out by what causes this was done; there- 
 fore they would seek a refuge in handing over all things to 
 the gods, and in supposing all things to be guided by their 
 nod. And they placed in heaven the abodes and realms of 
 the gods, because night and moon are seen to roll through 
 heaven, — moon, day, and night, and night's austere con- 
 stellations, and night-wandering meteors of the sky, and 
 fl3dng bodies of flame, clouds, sun, rains, snow, winds, 
 lightnings, hail, and rapid rumblings, and loud threatful 
 thunder-claps. 
 
 O hapless race of men, when they charged the gods with 
 such acts and coupled with them bitter wrath! what groan- 
 ings did they then beget for themselves, what wounds for 
 us, what tears for their children's children ! No act is it of 
 piety to be often seen, with veiled head, to look to a stone 
 and approach every altar and fall prostrate on the ground 
 and spread out the palms before the statues of the gods and 
 sprinkle the altars with much blood of beasts and link vow 
 on vow, but rather to be able to view all things with mind 
 at peace. 
 
 For when we turn our gaze on the heavenly quarters of 
 the great upper world and ether, fast above the glittering 
 stars, an«J direct our thoughts to the courses of the sun and 
 moon, then into our breasts burdened with other ills, that 
 fear as well begins to exalt its reawakened head, the fear 
 that we ma}' haply find the power of the gods to be un- 
 
Origin of Religion 459 
 
 limited, able to wheel the bright stars in their unvaried 
 motion; for lack of power to solve the question troubles the 
 mind with doubts, whether there was ever a birth-time of 
 the world, and whether likewise there is to be any end; how 
 far the walls of the world can endure this strain of restless 
 motion; or whether gifted by the grace of the gods with an 
 everlasting existence, they may glide on through a never- 
 ending tract of time and defy the strong powers of im- 
 measurable ages. 
 
 Asfain who is there whose mind does not shrink into itself Religious 
 ^ . fear, 
 
 with fear of the gods, whose limbs do not cower with terror, 
 
 when the parched earth rocks with the appalling thunder- 
 stroke and rattlings run through the great heaven? Do not 
 peoples and nations quake, and proud monarchs shrink into 
 themselves, smitten with fear of the gods, lest for any foul 
 transgression or overweening word the heavy time of reck- 
 oning has arrived at its fulness? When too the utmost fury 
 of the headstrong wind passes over the sea, and sweeps 
 over its waters does not the commander of the fleet, to- 
 gether with his mighty legions and elephants, draw near 
 with vows, to seek the mercy of the gods and ask in prayer 
 with fear and trembling a lull in the winds, and propitious 
 gales? But all in vain, for often caught up in the furious 
 hurricane, he is borne none the less to the shoals of death; 
 so constantly does some hidden power trample on human 
 grandeur, and is seen to tread under its heel, and make 
 sport for itself, the renowned rods and cruel axes. 
 
 Again when the whole earth rocks under their feet, and 
 towns tumble with the shock, or doubtfully threaten to 
 fall, what wonder that mortal men abase themselves and 
 make over to the gods, in things here on earth, high pre- 
 rogatives and marvellous powers, sufficient to govern all 
 things? 
 
460 
 
 The Revolution 
 
 An imitation 
 of nature. 
 
 Mankind's First Music 
 
 Imitating with the mouth the clear notes of birds was in 
 use, and gave pleasure to the ear, long before men were 
 able to sing in tune smooth-running verses. And the whis- 
 tlings of the zephyr through the hollow reeds first taught 
 peasants to blow into hollow stalks. Then step by step 
 they learned sweet plaintive ditties, which the pipe pours 
 forth when pressed by the fingers of the players — heard 
 through pathless woods and forests and lawns, through the 
 unfrequented haunts of shepherds and abodes of unearthly 
 calm. These things would soothe and gratify their minds 
 when they were sated with food; for then all things of this 
 kind are welcome. 
 
 Often therefore stretched in groups on the soft grass be- 
 side a stream of water, under the boughs of a high tree, they 
 at no great cost would pleasantly refresh their bodies, — 
 above all when the weather smiled and the seasons of the 
 year painted the green grass with flowers. Then went 
 round the jest, the tale, the peals of merry laughter; for the 
 peasant muse was then in its glory; then frolic mirth would 
 prompt to entwine head and shoulders with garlands 
 plaited with flowers and leaves, and to advance in the 
 dance out of step, and move the limbs clumsily and with 
 clumsy foot beat mother earth; this would cause smiles 
 and peals of merry laughter, because all these things then, 
 from their greater novelty, were in high repute. 
 
 "Don't 
 smile to 
 show your 
 teeth." 
 
 The Man with White Teeth 
 
 Because Egnatius' teeth are nicely white, 
 To grin and show them is his sole delight. 
 If haply at some trial he appear, 
 Where eloquence commands the gushing tear, 
 
A Refuge from Care 
 
 461 
 
 Ke grins. — If, at a pile, the duteous son, 
 The childless mother weeps, for ever gone. 
 He grins. — In short, whate'er the time or place, 
 Do as he may, the grin still marks his face: 
 'Tis his disease; and speaking as I feel, 
 I cannot call it decent or genteel. 
 
 Catullus, 39. 
 (A funeral 
 pile.) 
 
 To My Farm 
 
 (Complaining of Sextius' Trashy Oration) 
 
 Whether, my farm, the Sabine bounds 
 Or Tibur hold thy peaceful grounds; 
 
 — For those who love me like a friend 
 Call thee of Tibur; those who come 
 To vex my pride, with any siun 
 
 That thou art Sabine will contend. — 
 
 "Is my 
 farm at 
 Tibur or in 
 Sabina? " 
 
 Catullus, 44. 
 
 But whether that, or truly classed 
 
 'Mong Tibur's lands, well pleased I've passed 
 
 Some days in thy sequestered seat. 
 Thou from my loaded breast hast driven 
 A cough my stomach's sins had given, 
 
 Deserv'ed by many a costly treat. 
 
 And when I plainly hoped to feed 
 As Sextius' guest, my host would read 
 
 His speech 'gainst Attius, made of old. 
 'Twas full of poison and disease; 
 It made me shiver, made me sneeze, 
 
 And gave me a bad cough and cold. 
 
 At length I fled into thy breast; 
 And there with medicine and rest 
 
 Have cured myself in little time: 
 So now in health and spirits gay, 
 My warmest thanks to thee I pay. 
 
 Who thus hast done away my crime. 
 
 "His speech 
 gave me a 
 
 cold. 
 
 )) 
 
462 The Revolution 
 
 And when I e'er again shall go 
 
 To hear his works, may they bestow 
 
 Their cough and cold, not on my head. 
 But upon Sextius' self, who ne'er 
 Asks me to sup, but when the fare 
 
 Is hearing his own nonsense read! 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Why were the Romans fond of Pompey? To what political 
 party did he belong? Was he or Sertorius the greater general? What 
 light do the wars with Spartacus and the pirates throw on the condi- 
 tion of the Roman government? 
 
 2. Give an account of Catiline's conspiracy. Describe his char- 
 acter. What are the points made by Cicero in the speech 
 partly quoted? What reward did he receive for his patriotic 
 energy? 
 
 3. Who are the authors of these selections on Caesar, and what is 
 the value of each for history? What was the policy of Caesar as 
 consul? Give an account of the Gallic druids; the Gallic family and 
 funeral customs. 
 
 4. What honors were voted Caesar as dictator? What was his 
 policy in this office? Give an account of the conspiracy. What esti- 
 mate of his character do we gain from these selections? 
 
 5. What provisions were made for the care of the streets by the 
 Julian municipal law? What magistrates had charge of such matters? 
 What restriction was placed on the use of vehicles? What were the 
 qualifications of the higher municipal magistrates? What regulations 
 were made concerning the census? What was done with the census 
 records? 
 
 6. Give an account of the family and early life of Octavius (Augus- 
 tus). How did he win the battle off Actium? 
 
 7. Explain the poem, " Tell my Sister." Who was the author (cf. 
 ch. xxviii)? 
 
 8. Who was Lucretius (cf. ch. xxviii)? What in his opinion was 
 the origin of the religion of his countrymen? Does he consider 
 their religion good or bad? What doubts troubled his countrymen? 
 What caused religious fear? What in his opinion was the first music 
 ef mankind? 
 
Review 463 
 
 9. Who was Catullus (cf. ch. xxviii)? What was wrong about the 
 stnile of Egnatius? Why did the poet prefer Tibur to the Sabine 
 country? What quality of his friends' oration gave the poet a cold? 
 How did he recover irom it? 
 
CHAPTER XXXVIII 
 
 THE FOUNDING OF THE PRINCIPATE; AUGUSTUS 
 
 AND TIBERIUS 
 
 I. Personal Traits or Augustus 
 
 His diet. He ate sparingly (for I must not omit even this), and 
 
 Suetonius, commonly used a plain diet. He was particularly fond of 
 Augustus, 76. (.Q^j-sg bread, small fishes, new cheese made of cow's milk, 
 and green figs of the sort which bear fruit twice a year. He 
 did not wait for supper, but took food at any time and in 
 Ancient any place when he had an appetite. The following pas- 
 
 '"^^^ ' sages relative to this subject, I have transcribed from his 
 letters. " I ate a little bread and some small dates in my 
 carriage." Again: " On returning home from the pontifical 
 palace in my litter, I ate an ounce of bread and a few 
 raisins." Again : " Not even a Jew, my dear Tiberius, ever 
 keeps such strict fast on the Sabbath as I have to-day; for 
 while in the bath, and after the first hour of the night, I 
 only ate two biscuits before I began to be rubbed with 
 oil." From this great indifference about his diet, he some- 
 times supped by himself, before the banquet began or after 
 it had finished, and would not touch a morsel at table 
 with his guests. 
 Use of wine. He was by nature extremely sparing in the use of wine. 
 Suet. Aug. 77. Cornelius Nepos says that he used to drink only three 
 times at supper in the camp at Mutina; and when he in- 
 dulged himself the most, he never exceeded a pint. . . . 
 
 During the whole course of his Hfe, he suffered at times 
 dangerous fits of sickness, especially after the conquest of 
 
 464 
 
Personal Character; Government 465 
 
 Cantabria, when he was reduced to such a condition that Nearly al- 
 ways ill. 
 he was obliged to undergo a desperate and doubtful method 
 
 of cure; for warm applications having no effect, Antonius 
 Musa directed the use of those which were cold. He was 
 likewise subject to fits of sickness at stated times every 
 year; for about his birthday he was commonly a little in- 
 disposed. In the beginning of spring he was attacked by 
 an inflation of the midriff; and when the wind was 
 southerly, with a cold in his head. By all these com- 
 plaints, his constitution was so shattered that he could 
 not easily bear either heat or cold. 
 
 The eyes of Augustus were bright and piercing; and he His fea- 
 was willing to have people think there was divine vigor in 
 them. His teeth were thin set, small and scaly, his hair a 
 little curly, and incHned to a yellow color. His eyebrows 
 met ; his ears wxre small and he had an aquiline nose. His 
 complexion was between brown and fair; his stature was 
 low, though Julius Marathus, his freedman, says he was 
 five feet nine inches in height. 
 
 II. His Government 
 
 In my sixth and seventh consulships, when I had put The repub- 
 an end to the civil wars, after having obtained complete 
 control of affairs by universal consent, I transferred the D^fds^^^l'. 
 commonwealth from my own dominion to the authority of 
 the senate and Roman people. In return for this favor on 
 my part, I received by decree of the senate the title Au- 
 gustus; the door-posts of my house were publicly decked 
 with laurels, a civic crown was fixed above my door, and 
 
 in the Juhan curia was placed a golden shield, which by its Qulian sen- 
 
 1 • 1 . . • 1 ^1 ^ ate-house.) 
 
 mscnptions bore witness that it was given me by the senate 
 
 and the Roman people on account of my valor, clemency, 
 
 justice, and piety. After that time I excelled all others in 
 
•466 The Founding of the Principate 
 
 The found- 
 ing of the 
 principate. 
 
 Dio Cassius, 
 liii. 12. 
 
 The begin- 
 ning of this 
 selection evi- 
 dently refers 
 to the pass- 
 ing of a law 
 which gave 
 him consular 
 power over 
 certain prov- 
 inces for ten 
 years. 
 
 A ncieni 
 World, 451 f. 
 
 Provincial 
 arrange- 
 ments. 
 
 dignity, but of power I held no more than those also held 
 who were my colleagues in any magistracy. 
 
 In this way he had his headship ratified by the senate 
 and the people. As he washed even so to appear to be 
 democratic in principle, he accepted all the care and super- 
 intendence of public business on the ground that it re- 
 quired expert attention, but said that he should not per- 
 sonally govern all the provinces and those that he did 
 govern he should not keep in his charge perpetually. The 
 weaker ones, because (as he said) they were peaceful and 
 free from war, he gave over to the senate. But the more 
 powerful he held in possession because they were slippery 
 and dangerous and either had enemies in adjoining terri- 
 tory, or on their own account were able to cause a great 
 uprising. His pretext was that the senate should fear- 
 lessly gather the fruits of the finest portion of the empire 
 while he himself had the labors and the dangers: the real 
 purpose of this plan was that the senators be unarmed 
 and unprepared for battle, while he alone had arms and 
 kept soldiers. 
 
 Africa and Numidia, Asia and Greece with Epirus, the 
 Dalmatian and Macedonian territories, Sicily, Crete, and 
 Libya adjacent to Crete, Bithynia with the adjoining 
 Pontus, Sardinia and Bsetica, were consequently held to 
 belong to the people and senate. Caesar's were the re- 
 mainder of Spain, the neighborhood of Tarraco and Lusi- 
 tania, all Gauls (Narbonensis, the Lugdunensis, Aquitania, 
 and Belgica). . . . These provinces, then, and the so- 
 called Hollow Syria, Phoenicia and Cilicia, Cyprus and 
 the Egyptians, fell at that time to Caesar's share. Later 
 he gave Cyprus and Gaul adjacent to Narbo back to the 
 people, and he himself took Dalmatia instead. This was 
 also done subsequently in the case of other provinces as 
 
Oath of Lo3'alty 467 
 
 the progress of my narrative will show. I have enumer- 
 ated these in such detail because now each one of them is 
 ruled separately whereas in old times and for a long period 
 the provinces were governed two and three together. 
 
 The others I have not mentioned because some of them Dependent 
 were acquired later, and the rest, even if they had been al- **^" 
 ready subdued, were not being governed by the Romans, 
 but either were left to enjoy their own laws, or had been 
 turned over to some kingdom. All of them that after this 
 came into the Roman empire were attached to the posses- 
 sions of the man temporarily in power. This, then, was 
 the division of the provinces. 
 
 III. Oath of Loyalty to Augustus and to his 
 
 Family 
 
 Sworn by the Paphlagonians 
 
 This document, in the Greek language, is preserved in an inscrip- 
 tion. It belongs to the year 3 B.C. The occasion which called for 
 this warm expression of allegiance may have been the unsettled con- 
 dition of Rome's relations with Parthia and x\rmenia; it preceded by 
 two years the diplomatic mission of Gaius, adopted son (born grand- 
 son) of Augustus, to the Orient. The act, purely voluntary, testifies 
 to the zealous affection for the ruling family cherished by the easterly 
 provinces. The Romans who were engaged in business in Paphla- 
 gonia joined in the oath. Translated by the editors. 
 
 I swear by Zeus, Earth, and Sun, and all the gods and By all the 
 goddesses, and by Augustus himself that I will be well- ^° 
 minded to Caesar Augustus and to his children throughout 
 the whole time of life in word and deed and heart, regard- 
 ing as friends whomsoever they so regard, and considering 
 enemies whomsoever they so consider, that I will spare 
 neither body nor soul nor life nor children in their interests, 
 but in every way will endure every danger in their behalf., 
 
468 The Founding of the Principate 
 
 And whatever I see or hear against them, either said or 
 plotted or done, that I will report, and will be an enemy to 
 the one who says or plots or does any such thing. And 
 whomsoever they judge to be enemies, such persons I will 
 pursue and ward ofif by sea and land. But if I do anything 
 in violation of this oath, and fail to fulfill it to the letter, 
 I invoke upon myself and my body and soul and life, and 
 upon my children and all my race, destruction and ruin 
 even to the uttermost generation; and may neither earth 
 nor sea receive the bodies of me and mine or of my chil- 
 dren, and may not earth bear fruit for us. 
 
 IV. The Centenary Festival (Ludi S^culares) of the 
 
 Year 17 B.C. 
 
 In the upper classes of Rome at this time there seems to have been 
 a widespread beUef that the social legislation of Augustus, 18 B.C., 
 marked the close of the reign of vice and the dawn of an age of purity. 
 The "board of fifteen for performing sacred rites," among whom was 
 Augustus, consulted the Sibylline Books, and found in them direc- 
 tions to make ready, by the celebration of the Secular Games, for 
 the pure reign of Apollo. Tradition declared that this festival was 
 first celebrated in the early years of the Republic for the purpose of 
 expelling a pestilence, and that it was repeated every century — or 
 rather, every hundred and ten years. The latter was an era estab- 
 lished by the Etruscans with the idea that it was the longest possible 
 limit of human life. In addition to this Etruscan element, there were 
 also Greek and Roman elements in the institution as it existed in the 
 Augustan age. The following epigraphic account of the Augustan 
 celebration of the festival is from the minutes of the "board of fif- 
 teen," translated by the editors. 
 
 Prayer of In the following night in the Campus Martins, on the 
 
 bank of the Tiber, Imperator Caesar Augustus sacrificed 
 according to Greek rite nine female lambs, and nine she- 
 goats, and prayed: . . . "I pray and beseech you that 
 ye augment the power and majesty of the Roman people 
 
Ludi Ssculares 469 
 
 the quirites in war and peace, and that ye guard forever Q'^j^i^j.^^-^^ 
 the Latin name, and grant eternal safety and health to term for _^ 
 the Roman people the quirites, and be propitious to the possibly ' 
 Roman people the quirites, and to the legions of the Ro- Jfjg"'"^^ . 
 man people the quirites, and keep safe the state of the 
 Roman people the quirites; that ye may show yourselves J^°^\^^^^^^^^. 
 well-minded and favorable to the Roman people the ism of the 
 quirites, to the college of fifteen, to me and my house and characteris- 
 family, and that ye accept this sacrifice of nine female J^^^^^^f ^'^^ 
 lambs and nine she-goats offered unblemished; because ligion. 
 of these matters, on account of this female lamb, offered 
 without blemish, be and become ye favorable and propi- 
 tious to the Roman people the quirites, to the college of 
 fifteen, to me, to my house, and to my family." 
 
 After the completion of these sacrifices, games were JJ^^^^j^^^^" 
 celebrated in the night on a stage with no theatre ad- ten ma- 
 joined or seats placed; and a hundred and ten matrons, 
 according to instructions issued by the fifteen, held a 
 sellisternia (women's banquet) to Juno and Diana, with 
 two seats placed (for the goddesses). 
 
 Then were celebrated the Latin games in the wooden The Latin 
 
 games. 
 theatre which had been erected in the Campus next to 
 
 the Tiber, and in the same form the matrons held the 
 
 sellisternia, nor were interrupted those games which had 
 
 been begun in the night. . . . 
 
 Then to the hundred and ten married matrons, to whom 
 the order had been issued, M. Agrippa dictated a prayer 
 in the following words: 
 
 "Juno queen,— and may it be well to the Roman people ^'"^^^^J^g, 
 the quirites— the married matrons on their knees beseech 
 thee to augment in war and peace the majesty of the 
 Roman people the quirites, always to protect the Latin 
 name, to bestow eternal safety, victory and strength on 
 
470 The Founding of the Principate 
 
 the Roman people the quirites, grant thy favor to the 
 Roman people the quirites and to the legions of the Roman 
 people the quirites, keep safe the republic of the Roman 
 people the quirites, be good-willed and propitious to the 
 Roman people the quirites, to the ' fifteen for performing 
 the sacred rites ' and to us. . . . These things we, the hun- 
 dred and ten married matrons of the Roman people the 
 quirites on our bended knees beg and beseech of thee." 
 
 [Reference is then made to further rites including a 
 sacrifice and prayer to Terra Mater and to Apollo and 
 Diana on the Palatine Mount.] 
 
 After the completion of this sacrifice twenty-seven boys 
 to whom it had been ordered, whose fathers and mothers 
 were both alive, and the same number of girls (of the same 
 description) sang a hymn (on the Palatine) and in the 
 same way on the Capitoline. 
 
 Q. Horatius Flaccus composed the hymn. 
 
 [The festival closed with various other ceremonies]. 
 
 (Composed 
 by Horace 
 f jr the Secu- 
 lar games, 
 with which 
 Augustus, in 
 17 B.C., cele- 
 brated the 
 opening of 
 a new Scecu- 
 lum, or age. 
 In the plan 
 of Augustus 
 the saeculum 
 was to con- 
 sist of a hun- 
 dred and ten 
 vears, but 
 
 V. From the Secular Hymn 
 
 To Apollo and Diana 
 
 Ye powers divine, 
 Unto our docile youth give morals pure! 
 
 Ye powers divine, 
 To placid age give peace, 
 And to the stock of Romulus ensure 
 Dominion vast, a never-failing line, 
 And in all noble things still make them to increase I 
 
 And oh! may he who now 
 To you with milk-white steers uplifts his prayer. 
 
 Within whose veins doth flow 
 Renowned Anchises' blood, and Venus' ever fair, 
 Be still in war supreme, yet still the foe 
 His sword hath humbled spare! 
 
The Secular Hymn 
 
 471 
 
 Now, even now the Mede 
 Our hosts omnipotent by land and sea, 
 
 And Alban axes fears; the Scythians, late 
 So vaunting, and the hordes of Ind await, 
 On low expectant knee, 
 What terms soe'er we may be minded to concede. 
 Now Faith, and Peace, and Honor, and the old 
 
 Primeval Shame, and Worth long held in scorn, 
 
 To reappear make bold, 
 And blissful Plenty, with her teeming horn, 
 Doth all her smiles unfold. 
 
 And oh! may he, the Seer Divine, 
 God of the fulgent bow, 
 Phoebus, beloved of the Muses nine. 
 
 Who, for the body racked and worn with woe 
 By arts remedial finds an anodyne, 
 If he with no unloving eye doth view 
 
 The crested heights and halls of Palatine, 
 
 On to a lustre new 
 Prolong the weal of Rome, the blest estate 
 Of Latium, and on them, long ages through. 
 Still growing honors, still new joys accumulate! 
 
 other emper- 
 ors, as 
 Claudius, 
 insisted on 
 making it an 
 even hun- 
 dred years.) 
 
 (The axes 
 were an em- 
 blem of 
 Roman 
 power. Hor- 
 ace calls 
 them Alban 
 after Alba 
 Longa, the 
 mother-city 
 of Rome and 
 the early 
 home of the 
 Julian gens, 
 to which 
 Augustus be- 
 longed by 
 adoption.) 
 
 And may She, too, who makes her haunt 
 On Aventine and Algidus alway, 
 May She, Diana, grant 
 The prayers, which duly here 
 The Fifteen Men upon this festal day 
 
 To her devoutly send. 
 And to the youth's pure adjurations lend 
 No unpropitious ear! 
 
 Now homeward we repair. 
 Full of the blessed hope, that will not fail. 
 That Jove and all the gods have heard our prayer. 
 And with approving smiles our homage hail, — 
 We, skilled in choral harmonies to raise 
 The hymn to Phoebus and Diana's praise. 
 
 (The Fifteen 
 Men who had 
 charge of the 
 Sibylline 
 Books, which 
 ordained this 
 celebration. 
 The number 
 of men in 
 this college 
 was origi- 
 nally two, 
 but was in- 
 creased to ten 
 by Licinius 
 and Sextius, 
 and still 
 later to 
 fifteen.) 
 
472 The Founding of the Principate 
 
 VI. City Improvements 
 
 Public (In his public works Augustus showed the true Roman 
 
 "^^^ ^' spirit.) The Greek cities are thought to have flourished 
 
 Strabov.3. 8. j-,^^-j-^jy ^^ account of the happy choice made by their 
 Worff - founders, the beauty or strength of their sites, their near- 
 60. ' ness to some port, and the excellence of the country. But 
 
 Roman prudence was more particularly employed on mat- 
 ters which had received but little attention from the 
 Greeks, such as paving their roads, building aqueducts, 
 and sewers to convey the sewage of the city into the Tiber, 
 In fact they have paved the roads, cut through hills, and 
 filled up valleys, that merchandise may be conveyed by 
 wagon from the ports. The sewers, arched over with hewn 
 stones, are large enough in some parts for wagons loaded 
 with hay to pass through; while so plentiful is the supply 
 of water from the aqueducts that rivers may be said to 
 flow through the city and the sewers, and almost every 
 house is furnished with water-pipes and copious fountains. 
 This water-supply is largely the work of Marcus Agrippa. 
 Many ornaments, too, he bestowed on the city. 
 
 It may be well to say that the ancients, occupied with 
 greater and more pressing affairs, paid little attention to 
 beautifying Rome. But their successors, and especially 
 those of our day, without neglecting necessary matters, 
 have at the same time embellished the city with many 
 splendid objects. Pompey, divine Caesar, and Augustus, 
 with his children, friends, wife, and sister, have zealously 
 surpassed all others in the munificence of these decorations. 
 The greater number of improvements may be seen in the 
 Campus Martius, which to the beauties of nature adds 
 those of art. The remarkable size of the plain permits 
 chariot-races and other feats ot horsemanship without 
 
The Campus Martius 473 
 
 hindrance, and allows multitudes to exercise themselves 
 at ball, in the circus, and in the palestra. The buildings 
 which surround it, the turf covered with herbage all the 
 year round, the hilltops beyond the Tiber, extending from 
 its banks like a panorama, present a view which the eye 
 abandons with regret. 
 
 Near this plain is another surrounded with columns, 
 sacred groves, three theatres, an amphitheatre, and superb 
 temples close to one another. So magnificent is the place 
 that it would seem idle to describe the rest of the city after 
 it. For this reason the Romans, esteeming it the most 
 sacred place, have there erected funeral monuments to 
 the most illustrious persons of both sexes. The most re- 
 markable of these monuments is the Mausoleum, which 
 consists of a mound of earth raised on a high foundation 
 of white marble, situated near the river and covered to the 
 top with evergreen shrubs. On the summit is a bronze 
 statue of Caesar Augustus, and beneath the mound are 
 the ashes of himself, his relatives, and friends. Behind is 
 a large grove with charming promenades. In the centre 
 of the plain is the spot where the body of this prince was 
 reduced to ashes; it is surrounded with a double enclosure, 
 one of marble, the other of iron; and the interior is planted 
 with poplars. If from there you proceed to visit the an- 
 ci-ent Forum, which is equally filled with basilicas, porticos, The Forum, 
 and temples, you will there behold the Capitol, the Pala- 
 tine Hill, with the noble works which adorn them, and the 
 piazza of Livia,— each succeeding place causing you speedily 
 to forget what you have before seen. Such is Rome. 
 
 VII. A Possible Heir 
 
 Meanwhile as supports to his despotism he raised to the 
 office of pontiff and to the curule aedileship Claudius Mar- 
 
474 The Founding of the Principate 
 
 His heirs. 
 
 Tacitus, 
 Annals, i. 3. 
 
 Marcellus. 
 
 (The "hero" 
 here men- 
 tioned is the 
 famous Mar- 
 cellus of the 
 Second 
 Punic War; 
 Rome, 112; 
 A ncient 
 World, 326.) 
 
 Vergil, 
 jEneid, vi. 
 860-86. 
 
 (What 
 
 lamentations 
 of mourners 
 shall the 
 Campus 
 Martius — 
 the burial 
 place — send 
 forth to 
 Rome, the 
 mighty city 
 of Mars!) 
 
 cellus, his sister's son, while a mere stripUng, and he gave 
 two consecutive consulships to Marcus Agrippa, of humble 
 birth but a good soldier, and one who had shared his vic- 
 tory. Marcellus soon afterward died. [In his memory 
 Vergil inserted in the Jineid some beautiful lines, repre- 
 senting JEnesiS conversing with Anchises about the spirit 
 of Marcellus in the realm of Hades.] 
 
 ^neas . . . noticed 
 Walking a youth, superb in his figure and glittering armor; 
 But his brow was uncheered, and his eyes were dejected in aspect. 
 "Who, my father, is he who attends on the hero in going? 
 Is he his son, or some one of his noble line of descendants? 
 What an array of attendants about him! what majesty in him! 
 But dark night flits round his head with sorrowful shadows." 
 Then did his father Anchises proceed, while the tears were up-welling: 
 "O my begotten, inquire not the exquisite grief of thy kindred: 
 Him shall the fates just show to the world, and no longer permit him 
 Here to remain; too mighty to you had the Roman succession 
 Seemed, ye Supernals, if gifts so peculiar had lasted forever. 
 What lamentations of heroes shall yon plain post to the mighty 
 City of Mavors! Or, Tiber, what pageants of mourning shalt thou, 
 
 too. 
 Witness ere long, as thou close by the new made sepulchre glidest! 
 No such a youth from the Ilian nation shall ever his Latin 
 Ancestors lift to so heightened a hope, nor shall ever hereafter 
 Romulus' land boast over another so cherished a darling! 
 Ah! for thy piety! Ah! for the pristine faith, and the right hand 
 Dauntless in war! with impunity none could have dared to attack him, 
 Meeting him when he was armed or with infantry charging on foemen, 
 Or when digging his spurs in the flanks of his leathery warhorse. 
 Ah! lamentable boy! if ever thou burstest thy hard fate. 
 Thou shalt become a MARCELLUS! bring liHes in plentiful handfuls; 
 I will the flowers purpureal strew, and the soul of mine offspring 
 Load with the presents at least, and will render if only an empty 
 Service" 
 
Tiberius 475 
 
 VIII. The Character and the Accession of Tiberius 
 
 Tiberius Claudius Nero was three years old when Livia, Character, 
 daughter of Claudianus Drusus, became the wife of Caesar vdleius ii. 
 (Octavianus) for she had been contracted to him by Nero, ^'^■ 
 her former husband. Tiberius, a youth trained in the f^^i2\62-4. 
 noblest principles, possessed in the highest degree birth, 
 beauty, dignity, valuable knowledge, and superior capacity. 
 From the beginning he gave hopes of becoming the great 
 man he now is, and by his appearance he announced him- 
 self a prince. Made quaestor in his nineteenth year, he 
 began to act in a public character; and under the direction 
 of his stepfather he took such judicious measures, both in 
 Rome and at Ostia, to remedy the excessive price of pro- 
 visions and the scarcity of corn that, from what he did 
 on this occasion, it could plainly be seen how great he 
 was to become. 
 
 He married Agrippina (Vipsania), the daughter of Mar- His 
 cus Agrippa and granddaughter of Cascihus Atticus, a 
 Roman knight,— the person to whom Cicero has addressed Tiberius, 7. 
 so many letters. After the birth of his son Drusus, Ti- 
 berius was obliged to part with her, though she retained 
 his affections, ... to make way for marrying Julia, (By this 
 
 1 • 1 . marriage 
 
 daughter of Augustus. This step he took with extreme Tiberius 
 reluctance; for besides having the warmest attachment to ^^^^^^^^ 
 Agrippina, he was disgusted with the conduct of Julia. . . . Augustus.) 
 The divorcing of Agrippina gave him the deepest regret; 
 and on meeting her afterward he looked at her with eyes 
 so passionately expressive of affection that care was taken 
 that she should never again come in his sight. 
 
 After the funeral of Augustus all prayers were addressed Tib^nus^ 
 to Tiberius. On his part, he urged various reasons (for the imperial 
 declining the government)— especially the greatness of the P°^®^* 
 
476 The Founding of the Principate 
 
 racitus, _ 
 Annals, i. 
 
 Tacitus, 
 Annals, i. 13. 
 
 On pension- 
 ing spend- 
 thrift 
 senatorial 
 families. 
 
 Tacitus, An- 
 nals, ii. 38, 
 quoting a 
 Speech of 
 Tiberius. 
 
 The speech 
 of a senator 
 was not 
 hmited to the 
 subject be- 
 fore the 
 house. 
 
 empire and his distrust of himself. "Only the intellect of 
 the divine Augustus," he said, "is equal to such a burden. 
 Called as I have been by him to share his anxieties, I have 
 learned by experience how exposed to fortune's caprices is 
 the task of universal rule. Consequently a state which 
 has the support of so many great men should not put 
 everything on one alone; for many by uniting their efforts 
 will more easily discharge public functions." There was 
 more grand sentiment than good faith in such words. . . . 
 The senators, however, whose only fear was lest they 
 might seem to understand him, burst into complaints, 
 tears, and prayers. 
 
 Wearied at last by the assembly's clamorous entreaties 
 and by the urgent demands of individual senators, he 
 gradually gave way, though he would not admit that he 
 was undertaking the imperial rule, but yet ceased to 
 refuse it. 
 
 IX, Administration of Tiberius 
 
 " If all poor men begin to come here and to beg money 
 for their children, individuals will never be satisfied, and 
 the state will be bankrupt. Certainly our ancestors did 
 not grant the privilege of occasionally proposing amend- 
 ments or suggesting, in our turn for speaking, something 
 for the general advantage in order that we might in this 
 house increase our private business and property, thereby 
 bringing odium on the Senate and on princes whether 
 they concede or refuse their bounty. In fact, it is not a 
 request, but an importunity, as utterly unreasonable as 
 it is unforeseen, for a senator, when the house has met on 
 other matters, to rise from his place and, pleading the 
 number and age of his children, put a pressure on the 
 delicacy of the Senate, then transfer the same constraint 
 
Moderation and Generosity 477 
 
 to myself, and as it were, break open the exchequer, which 
 if we exhaust it by improper favoritism, will have to be 
 replenished by crimes. Money was given you, Hortalus, 
 by Augustus, but without solicitation, and not on the 
 condition of its being always given. Otherwise industry 
 will languish and idleness be encouraged, if a man has 
 nothing to fear, nothing to hope from himself, and every 
 one in utter recklessness will expect relief from others, 
 thus becoming useless to himself and a burden to me." 
 
 Next the emperor brought forward a motion for the ^ y^g"^" °* 
 election of a Vestal Virgin in the room of Occia, who for _ 
 fifty-seven years had presided with the most immaculate Annals! H. 
 virtue over the Vestal worship. He formally thanked ^^• 
 Fonteius Agrippa and Domitius Pollio for offering their 
 daughters and so vying with one another in zeal for the 
 commonwealth. PoUio's daughter was preferred, only 
 because her mother had lived with one and the sam^e hus- 
 band, while Agrippa had impaired the honor of his house 
 by a divorce. The emperor consoled his daughter, passed 
 over though she was, with a dowry of a million sesterces. 
 
 As the city populace complained of the cruel dearness The price of 
 of corn, he fixed a price for grain, to be paid by the pur- regulated, 
 chaser, promising himself to add two sesterces on every /j. 87. 
 peck for the traders. But he would not therefore accept 
 the title of "Father of the Country," which once before, 
 too, had been offered him, and he sharply rebuked those The idea that 
 
 Xiberiiis 
 
 who called his work "divine" and himself "lord." Con- feared free- 
 
 sequently speech was restricted and perilous under a ^gUsus"" 
 
 prince who feared freedom while he hated sycophancy. tamed. 
 
 A furious conflagration damaged the capital to an un- Fire on the 
 
 f; ,. , ,,^ Caehanhjll. 
 
 usual extent, reducing Mount Caelms to ashes. It was 
 
 an ill-starred year, "people began to say, "and the prince's q^^' 
 purpose of leaving Rome must have been formed under 
 
478 The Founding of the Principate 
 
 Liberality of 
 Tiberius. 
 
 A public 
 misfortune. 
 
 Tacitus, 
 A)inals, 
 ii. 47. 
 
 Egyptian 
 and Jewish 
 religion. 
 
 Suetonius, 
 Tiberius, 36. 
 
 evil omens." They began in vulgar fashion to trace ill- 
 luck to guilt, when Tiberius checked them by distributing 
 money in proportion to losses sustained. He received a 
 vote of thanks in the senate from its distinguished mem- 
 bers, and was applauded by the populace for having as- 
 sisted with his liberality, — without partiality or the solici- 
 tations of friends, — strangers whom he himself sought 
 out. 
 
 Twelve famous cities of Asia fell by an earthquake one 
 night, so that the destruction was all the more unforeseen 
 and fearful. And there was no means of escape usual in 
 such a disaster, by rushing out into the open country; for 
 in the case before us the yawning earth swallowed the 
 people up. Vast mountains collapsed; what had been level 
 ground seemed to be raised aloft, and fires blazed out amid 
 the ruin. The misfortune fell most fatally on the in- 
 habitants of Sardis, and attracted to them the largest 
 share of sympathy. The emperor promised ten million 
 sesterces, and remitted for five years all their dues to the 
 treasury or to the emperor's purse. It was determined 
 that the people of these cities . . . should be exempt from 
 tribute for that length of time, and some one was to be 
 sent to examine their actual condition and to reheve them. 
 
 Tiberius suppressed all foreign religions, including the 
 Egyptian and Jewish rites; those who practised these 
 superstitions he compelled to burn their vestments and 
 all their sacred utensils. Under pretence of military serv- 
 ice he distributed the Jewish youths among the provinces 
 noted for their unhealthf ul climate ; and he dismissed from 
 the city all the rest of that nation as well as proselytes 
 to that faith, under pain of slavery for life unless they 
 obeyed. 
 
Review 479 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Describe the diet of Augustus. What was his health? What 
 bearing naturally had this condition on his public policy? 
 
 2. How does he say he restored the Republic? What power was 
 he to exercise outside of Rome? What power was left the senate? 
 Why do we speak of his government as a principate? 
 
 3. What was the feeling of the eastern provincials toward him and 
 his family? Did the leading Romans have the same feeling for him? 
 
 4. What idea does this document give you of the character of the 
 old Roman worship? 
 
 5. Contrast the Hymn written by Horace. 
 
 6. Describe the public works of Augustus. 
 
 7. What is here said of Marcellus? Had Augustus a right to 
 appoint a man to succeed him? 
 
 8. How did Tiberius obtain the succession? Who was he and what 
 kind of a man? 
 
 9. What was his policy with reference to spendthrift senators? 
 Was it wise? What was thought of divorced people who married 
 again? What was done to lower the price of grain? Compare 
 present conditions. What else did Tiberius do to relieve the unfortu- 
 nate? What general impression of Tiberius do these extracts make? 
 
CHAPTER XXXIX 
 
 FROM PRINCIPATE TO MONARCHY: THE CLAUD- 
 IAN AND THE FLAVIAN PRINCES 
 
 A. ADMINISTRATIONS OF THE PRINCES 
 
 Personal 
 appearance 
 of Claudius. 
 
 Suetonius, 
 Claudius, 30. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 465 f- 
 
 Narrowness 
 of the 
 Roman 
 senators. 
 
 (Gallia 
 Comata, or 
 Celtica, one 
 of the prov- 
 inces of 
 Transalpine 
 Gaul.) 
 
 Tacitus, An- 
 nals, xi. 23. 
 
 I. Claudius 
 
 Either standing or sitting, but especially when he lay 
 asleep, Claudius had a majestic and graceful appearance; 
 for he was tall, but not slender. His gray locks became him 
 well, and he had a full neck. But his knees were feeble 
 and failed him in walking, so that his gait was ungainly on 
 state occasions as well as when he was taking exercise. 
 Boisterous in his laughter, he was still more so in his 
 wrath. ... He stammered, too, in his speech, and had 
 a tremulous motion of the head at all times, but especially 
 when he was engaged in any business, however trifling. 
 
 The question of filling up the senate was discussed, and 
 the chief men of Gallia Comata, who had long possessed 
 the rights of allies and of Roman citizens, sought the 
 privilege of obtaining public offices at Rome. There was 
 much talk of every kind on the subject, and vehement 
 opposition showed itself in the argument before the em- 
 peror. "Italy," some said, "is not so feeble as to be un- 
 able to furnish her own capital with a senate. . . . What 
 distinctions will be left for the remnants of our noble 
 houses, or for any impoverished senators from Latium? 
 Every place will be crowded with these millionaires, 
 whose ancestors of the second and third generations at 
 
 480 
 
On Granting the Citizenship 481 
 
 the head of hostile tribes destroyed our armies with fire 
 and sword, and actually besieged the divine Julius at 
 Alesia. These are recent memories. What if there were 
 to rise up the remembrance of those who fell in Rome's 
 citadel and at her altar by the hands of these same barba- 
 rians! Let them enjoy the title of citizens, but let them 
 not vulgarize the distinctions of the senate and the honors 
 of office." 
 
 These and like arguments failed to impress the emperor. Statesman- 
 He at once applied himself to answering them, and thus the emperor, 
 addressed the assembled senate: "My ancestors, the most Tacitus, An- 
 ancient of whom was made at once a citizen and a noble of "'^'^' ^^- '^• 
 Rome, encourage me to govern by the same policy of 
 transferring to this city all conspicuous merit, wherever 
 found. . . . 
 
 "What was the ruin of Sparta and Athens but this fault, 
 that mighty as they were in war, they spurned from them 
 as aliens those whom they had conquered? Our founder 
 Romulus, on the other hand, was so wise that on one and 
 the same day he fought as enemies and hailed as fellow- 
 citizens several nations. Strangers have reigned over us. 
 That freedmen's sons should be intrusted with pubUc 
 ofi&ces is not, as many people think, a sudden innovation; 
 it was a common practice of the early republic. . . . 
 
 "On the whole, if you review all our wars, never has one The Gauls 
 , . , 1 .,1 ,1 /-• 1 are worthy 
 
 been finished m a shorter time than that with the Uauls. of the honor. 
 
 Thenceforth they have preserved an unbroken and loyal (Cjesar's 
 
 peace. United with us as they now are by manners, educa- ^^'^^^^^J- 5^- 
 
 tion, and intermarriage, let them bring us their gold and 
 
 their wealth rather than enjoy it in isolation. Everything, 
 
 senators, which we now hold to be of the highest antiquity 
 
 was once new. Plebeian magistrates came after patrician; 
 
 Latin magistrates after pleb<='ian; magistrates of other 
 
 \ 
 
Tacitus, An- 
 nals, xi. 25. 
 
 His accom- 
 plishments 
 in music. 
 
 Suetonius, 
 Nero, 20. 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 446-8. 
 
 The 
 
 "Golden 
 
 House." 
 
 Suetonius, 
 Nero, 31. 
 
 482 From Principate to Monarchy 
 
 Italian peoples after Latin, This practice, too, will estab- 
 lish itself, and what we are this day justifying by prec- 
 edents will be itself a precedent." 
 
 The emperor's speech was followed by a decree of the 
 senate, and the ^dui were the first to obtain the right of 
 becoming senators at Rome. 
 
 II. Nero's Tastes 
 
 Among the liberal arts which he was taught in his youth 
 was music; and immediately after his advancement to 
 the imperial office, he sent for Turpnus, a harpist of the 
 highest reputation, who flourished at the time. After 
 sitting with him several days as he sang and played after 
 dinner till late at night, Nero began gradually to practice 
 on the instrument himself. ... He made his first public 
 appearance at Naples; and although the theatre quivered 
 with the sudden shock of an earthquake, he did not desist 
 until he had finished the piece of music he had begun. . . . 
 
 At the same time he chose young men of the equestrian 
 rank and above five thousand robust young fellows of the 
 common people, to learn various kinds of applause . . . 
 which they were to practice in his honor whenever he 
 performed. 
 
 In nothing was he so prodigal as in his buildings. He 
 completed his palace by extending it from the Palatine to 
 the Esquiline Hill. At first he called this addition simply 
 the Passage; but after it was burned down and rebuilt, he 
 named it the Golden House. Of the dimensions and furni- 
 ture it may suffice to give the following description. The 
 porch was so high that there stood in it a colossal statue of 
 Nero a hundred and twenty feet in height; and the space 
 included in it was so ample that it had triple porticos a 
 mile in length, and a lake like a sea, surrounded with 
 
Palace; Administration 483 
 
 buildings which had the appearance of a city. Within its 
 area were corn-fields, vineyards, pastures, and woods, 
 which contained a great number of animals of various 
 kinds both tame and wild. In other parts the palace was 
 entirely overlaid wdth gold and adorned with jewels and 
 mother of pearl. The dining rooms were vaulted, and 
 compartments of the ceilings, inlaid with ivory, were 
 made to revolve and scatter flowers; they contained pipes, 
 too, which shed unguents upon the guests. . . . When he 
 dedicated this magnificent building after finishing it, all 
 he said in approval was, "Now I have a dwelling fit for a 
 
 man." 
 
 III. Nero's Administration 
 
 The prince forbade by an edict any magistrate or pro- Gladiatorial 
 
 curator in the government of a province to exhibit a show 
 
 of gladiators or wild beasts, or indeed any other public n^s^^^i.iu 
 
 entertainment ; for hitherto our subjects had been as much 
 
 oppressed by such bribery as by actual extortion, while 
 
 governors sought to screen by corruption the guilty deeds 
 
 of arbitrary caprice. 
 
 That same year, repeated demands on the part of the Regulation 
 
 of the taxes> 
 people, who denounced the excessive greed of the revenue 
 
 collectors, made Nero doubt whether he should not order " ^°' 
 the repeal of all indirect taxes, and so confer a most splen- 
 did boon on the human race. But this sudden impulse 
 was checked by the senators who, having first heartily 
 praised the grandeur of the conception, pointed out that 
 the dissolution of the empire must ensue if the revenues 
 which supported the state were to be diminished; for as 
 soon as the customs were swept away, there would follow 
 a demand for the abolition of the direct taxes. Many com- 
 panies for the collection of indirect taxes had been formed 
 
484 From Principate to Monarchy 
 
 The prince's 
 edict. 
 
 lb. SI. 
 
 His mili- 
 tary disci- 
 pline. 
 
 Suetonius, 
 Vespasian, 8. 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 468- 
 
 71- 
 
 His 
 
 buildings. 
 
 Suetonius, 
 Vespasian, 9. 
 
 by consuls and tribunes, when the freedom of the Roman 
 people was still in its vigor, and arrangements were subse- 
 quently made to insure an exact correspondence between 
 the amount of income and the necessary disbursements. 
 Certainly some restraint, they admitted, must be put on 
 the cupidity of the revenue collectors, that they might 
 not by new oppressions bring into odium what for so 
 many years had been endured without a complaint. 
 
 Accordingly the prince issued an edict that the regula- 
 tions about every branch of the public revenue, which 
 had hitherto been kept secret, should be published; that 
 claims which had been dropped should not be revived 
 after a year; that the praetor at Rome, the propraetor or 
 proconsul in the provinces, should give judicial precedence 
 to all cases against the collectors; that the soldiers should 
 retain their immunities except when they traded for a 
 profit, with other very equitable arrangements, which 
 for a short time were maintained and were subsequently 
 disregarded. 
 
 IV. Vespasian's Administration 
 
 He let slip no opportunity for reforming the discipline 
 of the army. When therefore a young man came perfumed 
 to thank the emperor for having appointed him to com- 
 mand a squadron of horse, Vespasian turned away in dis- 
 gust, and with this sharp reprimand — "I should prefer to 
 have you smell of garlic" — revoked the commission. 
 
 Among his new public buildings was his temple of Peace 
 near the Forum, and on the Caelian Mount that of Clau- 
 dius, which Agrippina had begun but Nero had almost de- 
 stroyed. A third was an amphitheatre in the middle of 
 the city, for he found that Augustus had planned such a 
 work. He purified the senatorial and equestrian ranks. 
 
Vespasian; the Jews 
 
 485 
 
 which had greatly fallen ofif in numbers and had lost honor 
 through the neglect of his predecessors. After expelling 
 the unworthy, he chose in their places the most honorable 
 persons in Italy. 
 
 An earnest patron of learning and the liberal arts, Ves- 
 pasian granted to the Latin and Greek professors of rhet- 
 oric the yearly salary of a. hundred thousand sesterces 
 each from the treasury. He bought, too, the freedom of 
 superior poets and artists. . . . When some one offered 
 to convey some immense columns into the Capitol at a 
 small expense by a mechanical contrivance, the emperor 
 rewarded him very handsomely for the invention, but re- 
 fused to accept the service, saying, "Suffer me to find 
 maintenance for the poor people." 
 
 V. How THE Jews Avoided CAPxmxY 
 
 So great was the zeal they were in to slay their wives 
 and children and themselves also. Nor indeed, when they 
 came to the work itself, did their courage fail them, as one 
 might imagine it would have done; but they then held 
 fast, without wavering, the same resolution which they 
 had upon the hearing of Eleazar's speech. Yet every one 
 of them still retained the natural passion of love for them- 
 selves and their families; yet the reasoning they went 
 upon appeared to them to be very just, even with regard to 
 those that were dearest to them; for the husbands tenderly 
 embraced their wives and took their children into their 
 arms and gave the longest parting kisses to them, with 
 tears in their eyes. But at the same time did they complete 
 what they had resolved on, as if they had been executed 
 by the hands of sti angers; and they had nothing else for 
 their comfort but the necessity they were in of doing this 
 execution, to avoid the prospect they had of the miseries 
 
 A patron of 
 learning. 
 
 Suetonius, 
 Vespasian, 
 18. 
 
 In the siege, 
 of Jerusa- 
 lem, 70 A.D. 
 
 Josephus, 
 Jrd'ish War, 
 vii. 9. 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 468 f . 
 
 This event 
 happened in 
 a fortress of 
 the besieged 
 city, while it 
 was being 
 stormed by 
 the Romans. 
 
N 
 
 486 From Principate to Monarchy 
 
 they were to suffer from their enemies. Nor was there at 
 length any one of these men found that scrupled to act 
 his part in this terrible execution ; but every one of them 
 despatched his dearest relations. ]\Iiserable men indeed 
 were they! whose distress forced them to slay their own 
 wives and children with their own hands, as the lightest of 
 those evils that were before them. So being not able any 
 longer to bear the grief they were under for what they had 
 done, and esteeming it an injury to those they had slain, 
 to hve even the shortest space of time after them, they 
 presently laid all they had in a heap, and set fire to it. 
 Mutual self- They then chose the men by lot out of their number, to 
 es rue ion. ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^_ every one of whom laid himself down by 
 
 his wife and children on the ground, and threw his arms 
 about them, and they offered their necks to the stroke of 
 those who by lot executed that melancholy office; and 
 when these ten had without fear executed them all, they 
 made the same rule for casting lots for themselves, that he 
 whose lot it was should first kill the other nine, and at last 
 should kill himself. Accordingly, all these had courage 
 sufficient to be in no way behind one another in doing or 
 suffering; hence, for a conclusion, the nine offered their 
 necks to the executioner, and he who was the last of all 
 took a view of all the other bodies, lest perchance some one 
 among so many that were slain should want his assistance 
 to be quite despatched; and when he perceived that they 
 were all slain, he set fire to the palace and with the great 
 force of his hand ran his sword entirely through himself, 
 and fell down dead near his own relations. So these people 
 died with this intention, that they might not leave so much 
 as one soul among them all alive to be subject to the Ro- 
 mans. Yet was there an ancient woman, and another who 
 was kin of Eleazar, and superior to most women in pru- 
 
Few Survivors 487 
 
 dence and learning, with five children, who had concealed 
 themseh'es in caverns under ground, and had carried water 
 thither for their drink, and were hidden there when the 
 rest were intent upon the slaughter of one another. Those 
 others were nine hundred and sixty in number, the women 
 and children being withal included in that computation. 
 This calamitous slaughter was made on the fifteenth day 
 of the month Nisan. 
 
 Now for the Romans, they expected fighting in the What the 
 morning. When accordingly they put on their armor, and found 
 laid bridges of planks upon their ladders from the banks, ^^t'^^"* 
 they made an assault upon the fortress; yet saw they no 
 enemy, but a terrible solitude on every side, with a fire 
 within the place, as well as a perfect silence. So they were 
 at a loss to guess at what had happened. At length they 
 m.ade a shout, as if it had been at a blow given by the 
 battering-ram, to try whether they could bring any one out 
 that was within. The women heard this noise, and came 
 out of their underground cavern, and informed the Ro- 
 mans what had been done, and the second of them clearly 
 described all, both what was said and what was done, and 
 the manner of it; yet did they not easily give their atten- 
 tion to such a desperate undertaking, and did not beheve 
 it could be as they said. They also attempted to put the 
 fire out, and quickly cutting themselves a way through it, 
 they came within the palace, and so met with the multi- 
 tude of the slain, but could take no pleasure in the fact, 
 though it were done to their enemies. Nor could they do 
 other than wonder at the courage of their resolution, and 
 the immovable contempt of death which so great a num- 
 ber of them had shown when they went through with such 
 an action as that wa^. 
 
488 From Principate to Monarchy 
 
 The 
 
 Eruption of 
 Vesuvius, 
 79 A.D. 
 
 Pliny the 
 
 Younger, 
 Letters, vi. 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 471 f. 
 
 Flight of 
 Pliny and 
 his mother. 
 
 Departure 
 
 from 
 
 Misenum. 
 
 VI. An Event in the Principate of Titus 
 
 During many days there had been shocks of an earth- 
 quake, which alarmed us little, as they are frequent in 
 Campania; but they were so violent that night that they 
 not only shook everything about us, but seemed in fact to 
 threaten total destruction. My mother flew to my room, 
 where she found me rising in order to awaken her. We 
 went out into a small court belonging to the house, which 
 separated the sea from the building. It was now morning, 
 but the light was very faint and languid; the buildings all 
 round us tottered, and though we stood on open ground, 
 yet as the place was narrow and confined, there was no 
 remaining without imminent danger. 
 
 We therefore resolved to leave the town. The people 
 followed us in the utmost consternation, and pressed in 
 great crowds about us on our way out. After going a con- 
 venient distance from the houses, we stood still in the midst 
 of a most dangerous and awe-inspiring scene. The car- 
 riages we had ordered to be drawn out were so agitated 
 backward and forward, though on the most level ground, 
 that we could not keep them steady even by supporting 
 them with large stones. The sea seemed to roll back upon 
 itself, and to be driven from its banks by the convulsive 
 motions of the earth. Certainly the shore was consider- 
 ably enlarged and several sea-animals were left on it. On 
 the other hand, a black and dreadful cloud, bursting with 
 fiery, serpentine vapor, darted out a long train of flame, 
 which resembled flashes of lightning, but were much lar- 
 ger. . . . 
 
 Soon afterward the cloud seemed to descend, and cover 
 the whole ocean; as in fact it entirely hid the island of 
 Capreae and the promontory of Misenum. My mother con- 
 
Fleeing from Rain 489 
 
 jured me to make my escape at any rate, which, as I was 
 young, I might easily accomplish. As for herself, she said, 
 her age and corpulency rendered all attempts of that sort 
 impossible; she would willingly meet death, however, if she 
 could have the satisfaction of seeing that she was not the 
 occasion of mine. But I absolutely refused to leave her; 
 and taking her by the hand, I led her on. She complied 
 with great reluctance, and not without many reproaches to 
 herself for being the cause of retarding my flight. The 
 ashes now began to fall upon us, though in no great quan- 
 tity. I turned my head and saw behind us a thick smoke, 
 which came rolling after us hke a torrent. I proposed while 
 we had yet any light, to turn out of the high road, lest she 
 should be pressed to death in the dark by the crowd which 
 followed us. 
 
 We had scarcely stepped out of the path, when darkness In total^^ 
 overspread us, not like that of a cloudy night, or when there 
 is no moon, but of a room when it is shut up and all the 
 lights extinct. Nothing then was to be heard but the 
 shrieks of women, the screams of children, and the cries of 
 men. Some were calling for their children, others for their 
 parents, others for their husbands; they distinguished one 
 another only by the voice. One was lamenting his own 
 fate, another that of his family; some were wishing to die 
 from very fear of dying; some were lifting their hands to 
 the gods; but the greater number imagined that the last 
 and eternal night had come, to destroy the gods and the 
 world together. . . . 
 
 At length a glimmering light appeared, which we imag- Fire and 
 ined to be the forerunner of an approaching burst of flame 
 rather than the return of day, and in this respect we were 
 right. The fire fell at a distance from us, however, and 
 then we were immersed in thick darkness; a heavy shower 
 
490 From Principate to Monarchy 
 
 of ashes fell upon us, which we were obliged every now and 
 then to shake off, otherwise we should have been over- 
 whelmed and buried in a heap. ... At last this terrible 
 darkness gradually faded, like a cloud of smoke; the real 
 day returned and even the sun appeared, though very 
 faintly, just as when an eclipse is coming on. Every ob- 
 ject which presented itself seemed changed, for it was cov- 
 ered with white ashes, as with a deep snow. 
 
 Britain. 
 
 Tacitus, 
 Agricola, ig 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 472. 
 
 VII. The Administration of Britain under Domitian 
 
 Appointed governor of Britain, Agricola chose rather to 
 confer offices and employments upon such as would not 
 offend, than to condemn those who had offended. The 
 expense resulting from an increase of the mihtary tribunes 
 he made easier by a just and equal assessment; he aboHshed 
 those private exactions which were more grievous than the 
 taxes themselves. For the inhabitants had been compelled 
 in mockery to sit by their own locked-up granaries, to buy 
 corn needlessly, and to sell it again at a stated price. Long 
 and difficult journeys had also been imposed upon them; 
 for the several districts, instead of being allowed to supply 
 the nearest winter quarters, were forced to carry their corn 
 to remote and out-of-the-way places. Thus what was easy 
 for all to procure was converted into an article of gain to a 
 few. 
 Tac. Agr. 20. By suppressing these abuses in the first year of his 
 administration, he established a favorable idea of peace, 
 which through the negligence or oppression of earlier rulers, 
 had been no less dreaded than war. 
 
 In order by a taste of pleasure to reclaim the natives 
 from that rude and unsettled state which prompted them 
 to war, and win them to peace and quiet, he induced them 
 
 Civilization 
 and educa- 
 tion. 
 
• Provincial Administration 491 
 
 by private urging and public encouragements to erect Tadtus, 
 
 , ... 1 1 11. 1 Tx 1 Agricola, 21. 
 
 temples, courts of justice, and dwellmg-nouses. He be- 
 stowed praise upon those who were prompt in carrying out 
 his intention, and reprimanded the slow. In this way he 
 promoted the spirit of emulation which had all the force 
 of necessity. 
 
 Preferring the natural genius of the Britons to the attain- 
 ments of the Gauls, he took care to provide a liberal educa- 
 tion for the sons of the chieftains. . . . These attempts 
 met with such success that they who lately disdained to use 
 the Roman language were now ambitious to become elo- 
 quent. Hence they began to hold the Roman dress in 
 honor and to wear the toga. 
 
 Domitian's greatest dread was that the name of a Retirement 
 private person might be exalted above that of a prince. ° s co . 
 Agricola had delivered the province in peace and security ^g^lco/a 30. 
 to his successor; and lest his entrance into the city might ,j ^ 
 be rendered too conspicuous by the gathering and the ac- 
 clamations of the people, he declined the salutations of his 
 friends by arriving in the night; and he went by night, as he 
 was commanded, to the palace. There after being received 
 with a slight embrace but with not a word spoken, he was 
 compelled to mingle with the servile throng. 
 
 B. LIFE UNDER THE EARLY PRINCES 
 
 I. The Rise of a Freedman 
 
 But to continue what I was saying, my good manage- His earlier 
 ment brought me to my present good fortune. I was only 
 as big as the candlestick here when I came from Asia; in ^^anquef^of 
 fact I used to measure myself by it every day and I smeared TrimdcMo. 
 my lips with the lamp oil to get a beard on my chin all the 
 
492 From Principate to Monarchy 
 
 Heir to his 
 master. 
 
 Fortunata 
 his wife. 
 
 sooner. Still for fourteen years I was my master's favorite. 
 And Where's the disgrace in doing what one's master tells 
 one? All the same I managed to get into my mistress' 
 good graces too. . . . 
 
 But by heaven's help I became master in the house and 
 then I took in my fool of a lord. Next he made me co- 
 legatee with the prince to his property and I got a senator's 
 fortune. But no one is ever satisfied and I wanted to get 
 into business. To cut it short, I built five ships and loaded 
 them with a cargo of wine; it was worth its weight in gold 
 at that time and I sent it to Rome. You would have 
 thought I ordered my bad luck: every ship was wrecked, 
 it's a fact, not a story. In one day Neptune swallowed up 
 a quarter of a million. Do you think I failed? No, I 
 swear the loss only whetted my appetite, as if nothing had 
 ever happened. I built more ships, larger, better, and 
 luckier ones, so no one could say I was not a bold fellow. 
 You know, a great ship has great strength in itself. I 
 loaded them with wine again, bacon, beans, perfumes, and 
 slaves. At this crisis Fortunata did the pious thing: she 
 sold all her jewelry and dresses and put in my hands a 
 hundred gold pieces. This was the leaven which made my 
 fortunes rise. The gods' wishes are soon fulfilled. By one 
 trip I cleared a round ninety thousand pounds. I imme- 
 diately bought back all the estates that had belonged to 
 my patron. I built a mansion and bought up beasts to sell 
 at a profit; everything I touched grew like a honeycomb. 
 Once I was worth more than all the citizens of my native 
 town put together, no more of that for me; I withdrew 
 from the business and started money-lending, financing 
 freedmen. I must admit, exactly when I was wanting to 
 discontinue my trading, I was urged to do so by an astrol- 
 oger who had just come to our town, a Greek fellow called 
 
A Quickly Made Croesus 493 
 
 Serapa, clever enough to 3it in the councils of the gods. 
 Well this man actually mentioned events which had 
 slipped my own memory: he told me everything as pat as 
 needle and thread: he seemed able to see my very insides 
 and told me everything except what I'd had for dinner the 
 day before. You'd have thought he'd lived with me al- 
 ways. 
 
 I ask you, Habinnas, you were there with us, I believe, Predictions 
 when he said: " You used your wealth to get your wife: you fortune- 
 are unlucky in your friends: no one is ever half as grate- *^^^^''- 
 ful to you as he ought to be: you own broad acres: you are 
 nourishing a snake in your bosom." And, well, I really 
 don't see why I shouldn't tell you, I've still got thirty 
 years, four months and two days to live, and I shall soon 
 have a legacy left me. That's what my fortune tells me. 
 But if I am allowed to extend my estates to Apulia, I 
 shall have lived long enough and \i'ell enough. Meantime 
 ^\^th the help of ever-watchful Mercury I have built this 
 residence. As you know, it was once a cottage, and now it 
 is fit for a god. It's got four dining-halls, twenty bed- 
 rooms, two marble colonnades, a dining-room upstairs, my 
 own bedroom, this viper's boudoir, an excellent porter's Reference is 
 lodge, and a suite of spare rooms for guests. In fact when 
 Scaurus came he didn't want to put up anywhere else, 
 though he's got things which I'll show you presently. I 
 assure you, if you've only a penny you're only valued at 
 a penny; if you've got something, you'll be thought worth 
 something. And so your humble servant, who was once a 
 mere worm, is now a Croesus. Meantime, Stichus, bring 
 out my winding-sheet in which I am to be buried, and also 
 the perfume and just a taste from that jar of wine, in 
 which my bones are to be washed. 
 
494 From Principate to Monarchy 
 
 To mother. 
 
 From an in- 
 scription. 
 
 Translated 
 by Miss 
 Rachel R. 
 Hiller. 
 
 This eulogy 
 to a deceased 
 mother be- 
 longs to the 
 Augustan 
 age. 
 
 A model wife 
 and mother. 
 
 II. Eulogy on Murdia 
 
 As an honor to Murdia, the daughter of Lucius, my 
 mother. May her good quahties by their inherent strength 
 be such an aid to others that they may in consequence be 
 stronger and better. She divided her property equally 
 among her sons and gave a fair portion to her daughter. 
 The love of the mother was evident from her devotion to 
 her children and from the equal distribution of her prop- 
 erty. To my stepfather, she bequeathed a fixed sum that 
 the customary dowry might be increased by a free gift. 
 Mindful of my own father, and faithful to him, after an 
 appraisal of the property, she made special bequests to 
 me, not preferring me to my brothers to their discredit; 
 but recalling my father's generosity to me, she decided 
 that that portion which she had taken from my inheritance 
 under the influence of the second husband, ought to be 
 returned, so that guarded by her care, it was restored to 
 my property. 
 
 She herself determined, as she had been given in mar- 
 riage by her parents to worthy men, she would be obedient 
 and honest; as a wife to the deserving she would become 
 more acceptable; through her fidelity, she would be re- 
 garded the dearer; through her judgment, the more ex- 
 cellent; after her death, she would be worthy of universal 
 praise since the distribution of her property would show a 
 sweet and faithful spirit toward her husbands, a uniform 
 treatment of her children, in very truth her sense of justice. 
 Wherefore, since the praise of all good women is wont to 
 be of the same simple character, for their natural good 
 qualities, preserved through their own care, do not call 
 for a diversity of words; and since they have all by their 
 fair fame, made the same qualities worthy; and since it 
 
Social Life 495 
 
 is a difficult matter to bestow new praises upon a woman 
 because her life has been exposed to fewer changes, never- 
 theless the good qualities common to humanity must of 
 necessity be cherished, lest a neglect of any form of right 
 conduct debase all other praise, because in discretion, 
 honesty, modesty, obedience, domestic duties, diligence,, 
 and fidelity, she was the equal of other excellent women, 
 and she yielded to no one in times of trial, during which 
 she proved her virtue, her ability to endure hardships 
 and her wisdom, thus preparing for herself a memory 
 distinguished above all, certainly second to none. 
 
 III. Letters and Documents 
 
 Sarapion to our Heraclides, greeting. I sent you two To a young 
 
 other letters, one by the hand of Nedymus, one by the ^^^y "m-" 
 
 hand of Cronius the sword-bearer. Finally then I received barrassed. 
 
 from Arabs the letter, and I read it and was grieved. Stick Milligan, 
 
 to Ptollarion constantly: perhaps he can set you free. Say 39 f. 
 
 to him: "I am not like any one else, I am a lad. With the ^^ a.D. 
 
 exception of a talent I have made you to pay my bur- P^o'lanon 
 
 dens, . . . We have many creditors: do not drive us have been 
 
 out." Ask him daily: perhaps he can have pity on you: creditor of 
 
 if not, do you, like all, beware of the Jews. Rather stick heraclides. 
 to him (Ptollarion), and so you may become his friend. 
 Notice that the document can be signed either by Diodorus 
 or by the wife of the ruler. If you manage your own 
 affairs, you are not to be blamed. Greet Diodorus with 
 the others. Goodbye. Greet Harpocrates. 
 
 Agreement between Tryphon, son of Dionysius, the Contract of 
 
 son of Tryphon, his mother being Thamounis the daughter ship, 
 
 of Onnophris, and Ptolemseus, son of Pausirion, the son Milligan, 54. 
 
 of Ptolemaeus, his mother being Ophelous, the daughter ^^ ^■^- 
 
496 From Principate to Monarchy 
 
 of Theon, weaver, both partiss belonging to the city of 
 Oxyrhynchus. Tryphon agrees to apprentice to Ptole- 
 mseus his son Thoonis, his mother being Saraeus the daugh- 
 ter of Apion, who is not yet of age, for a period of one 
 year from the present day, to serve and to do everything 
 commanded him by Ptolemaeus in accordance with the 
 whole weaving art, as also he himself knows it — the boy 
 being supported and clothed during the whole time by 
 his father Tryphon, on whom also all the public dues for 
 the boy shall fall, on condition that Ptolemaeus shall give 
 him monthly on account of his keep five drachmas, and 
 at the expiry of the whole period on account of his cloth- 
 ing twelve drachmas, it not being permitted to Tryphon 
 to remove the boy from Ptolemaeus until the time is com- 
 pleted. And if there are any days during this period on 
 which he (the boy) plays truant, he (Tryphon) will produce 
 him for an equal number of days after the time, or let 
 him pay back for each day one silver drachma, and the 
 penalty for removing him within the period shall be a 
 hundred drachmas and a like amount to the public treas- 
 ury. But if Ptolemaeus himself does not teach the boy 
 thoroughly, let him be liable to the like penalties. This 
 contract of apprenticeship is valid. The 13th year of 
 Sebastus, Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator, 
 
 A.u"' 20 — 
 
 Sept. 27. the month Sebastus, 21. 
 
 I Ptolemaeus, son of Pausirion, the son of Ptolemaeus, 
 my mother being Ophelous the daughter of Theon, will 
 carry out each of these requirements in the one year. 
 
 I Zoilus, son of Horus, the son of Zoilus, my mother 
 being Dieus daughter of Socceus, write on his behalf seeing 
 that he does not know letters. The 13th year of Nero 
 Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Imperator, the 
 month Sebastus 21. 
 
.Correspondence 
 
 497 
 
 Herraocrates to Chaeras his son, greeting. First of all I To a dila- 
 1 1-111 1 T 1 tory son. 
 
 pray that you may be m health . . . and 1 beg you ... 
 
 to write regarding your health and whatever you wish. First century 
 
 Already indeed I have written you regarding the . . . , ^■^' 
 
 and you neither answered nor came, and now, if you do 
 
 not come, I run the risk of losing the lot (of land) which 
 
 I possess. Our partner has taken no share in the work, 
 
 for not only was the well not cleaned out, but in addition 
 
 the water-channel was choked with sand, and the whole 
 
 land is untillcd. No tenant was willing to work it, only 
 
 I continue paying the public taxes without getting back 
 
 anything in return. There is hardly a single plot that the 
 
 water will irrigate. Therefore you must come, otherwise 
 
 there is a risk that the plants perish. Your sister Helene 
 
 greets you, and your mother reproaches you because you 
 
 have never answered her. ... I pray that you may be 
 
 well. Pauni 9. 
 
 (Addressed) 
 
 Deliver from Hermocrates to Chaeras his son. 
 
 Didymus to his most esteemed Apollonius greeting. 
 
 Please accompany Ailourion, who conveys this letter 
 to you, in order that he may buy for us young pigeons for 
 the feast. You are also invited to come down and feast 
 along with us. If you do this, you will have laid up a 
 great store of gratitude at my hands. Greet all your house- 
 hold. Goodbye. 
 
 The third year of the Imperator Caesar Domitian Augus- 
 tus Germanicus, Pachon 15. 
 
 (Addressed) 
 
 Deliver at Bacchias to the most esteemed Apollonius. 
 
 An invita- 
 tion to a 
 festival. 
 
 Milligan, 63. 
 84 A.D. 
 
 The Egyp- 
 tian month 
 Pachon, 
 April 26- 
 May 26. 
 
498 From Principate to Monarchy 
 
 Falling 
 houses. 
 
 Juvenal, 
 Satires, iii. 
 
 Scene at a 
 Are; Ucale- 
 gon burned 
 out. 
 
 "Buy a 
 country 
 home." 
 
 (The Pytha- 
 goreans were 
 vegetarians; 
 Greece, 95.) 
 
 "You can- 
 not sleep in 
 Rome." 
 
 (The em- 
 peror Clau- 
 dius Drusus 
 and the sea- 
 
 IV. City and Country Life Contrasted 
 
 Who fears, or ever has feared, the falUng of a house at 
 cool Prseneste, or at Volsinii seated among the wooded 
 hills, or at primitive Gabii, or on the heights of sloping 
 Tibur? We inhabit a city propped up to a great extent 
 with thin buttresses; for in this way the steward prevents 
 the houses from falling; and when he has plastered over 
 the gaping of an old crack, he bids us sleep secure, with 
 ruin overhanging us. The place to live in is where there 
 are no fires, no nocturnal alarms. 
 
 Already Ucalegon is calling for water, already he is 
 removing his chattels, already your third story is smoking: 
 you yourself know nothing about it; for if the alarm begins 
 from the bottom of the stairs, he will be the last to burn 
 whom the tiling alone protects from the rain, where the 
 soft doves lay their eggs. 
 
 If you are capable of being torn away from the games 
 of the Circus, an excellent house can be procured at Sora, 
 or Fabrateria, or Frusino, for the same price at which you 
 now hire a dark hole for a single year. There you have a 
 little garden; and a shallow well, that does not require to 
 be worked with a rope, irrigates your tender plants with 
 easy draught. Live in love with your hoe, and be the 
 overseer of your own trim garden, from which you could 
 furnish a banquet for a hundred Pythagoreans. It is 
 something, in whatever place, to have made yourself the 
 owner of a single lizard. 
 
 Many a sick man here dies from want of sleep, the indis- 
 position itself having been produced by food undigested, 
 and clinging to the fevered stomach. For what hired lodg- 
 ings allow of sleep? Rich men alone can sleep in the city. 
 Hence the origin of the disease. The passage of carriages 
 
The Unpleasantness of Rome 499 
 
 in the narrow windings of the streets, and the abuse of the 
 drovers of the herds, when they are brought to a stand, 
 would rob of sleep even Drusus and the sea-calves. 
 
 If invited to a "function," the rich man will be carried 
 through the yielding crowd, and will speed over their heads 
 on his huge Liburnian bearers, and will read on his way, 
 or write, or even sleep inside; for a litter with closed win- 
 dows is productive of sleep. Yet he will arrive before us; 
 we, in our hurry, are impeded by a wave in front, while 
 the multitude which follows us presses on our sides in 
 dense array; one strikes me with his elbow, another with 
 a hard pole, one knocks a beam against my head, another 
 a wine- jar. My legs are sticky with mud; before long I 
 am trodden on upon all sides by large feet, and the hob- 
 nails of a soldier stick into my toe. . . . 
 
 Observe now the different and distinct dangers of the 
 night; what a height it is to the lofty house-tops, from 
 which a piece of pottery strikes your pate as often as 
 cracked and broken utensils fall from the windows; with 
 what a weight they dint and damage the flint pavement 
 when they strike it. You may well be accounted remiss 
 and improvident about a sudden accident, if you go out 
 to supper without having made your will. . . . 
 
 (The drunken and insolent fellow) despises me, whom 
 the moon escorts home, or the dim light of a candle, whose 
 wick I regulate and husband. Mark the preliminaries of 
 the wretched brawl, if brawl it be, where he strikes and I 
 alone am beaten. He stands facing you, and orders you 
 to stand; you must needs obey, for what are you to do 
 when a madman forces you, and he too stronger than 
 yourself? "Whence do you come?" he exclaims. "With 
 whose vinegar, with whose beans are you gorged? What 
 cobbler cut leeks or sodden sheep's-head with you? Do 
 
 calves were 
 
 famous 
 
 sleepers.) 
 
 The rich in 
 litters; the 
 poor on foot. 
 
 The dan- 
 gers of the 
 night; fall- 
 ing pottery. 
 
 Drunkards, 
 burglars, 
 and foot- 
 pads. 
 
500 From Principate to Monarchy 
 
 you answer me nothing? Speak, or be kicked! Tell me 
 
 where you take up your begging-stand ; in what synagogue 
 
 am I to look for you?" It is all the same whether you 
 
 \ try to say anything, or draw back in silence; they beat 
 
 you just the same; then, as if in passion, they try to make 
 
 you give bail. This is the liberty of a poor man; after 
 
 being beaten he prays, and after being thrashed with fisty- 
 
 cuffs, he entreats to be allowed to retire from the scene 
 
 with a few teeth left him. Nor yet are such things all 
 
 you have to fear; for there will not be wanting one who 
 
 will plunder you after the houses are closed, and in all 
 
 directions the fastenings of the chained-up shops are fixed 
 
 and at rest. . . . 
 
 " OS for the Xo these reasons (for disliking city life) I could add 
 country." ^ j^ / 
 
 many others; but my steeds summon me, and the sun is 
 declining; I must be off (for the country). 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 A. I. Describe the appearance of Claudius. What proves him 
 broad-minded? What points does he make in his speech to the 
 senate? 
 
 2. Of what does Nero seem to have been especially fond? De- 
 scribe his new palace. 
 
 3. What administrative measures are here mentioned? Were they 
 wise or the contrary? 
 
 4. What is noteworthy in Vespasian's administration? 
 
 5. What do we learn from Josephus regarding the besieged Jews? 
 Was their conduct creditable? Who was Josephus and what was the 
 source of his knowledge? 
 
 6. Describe the eruption of Vesuvius as Pliny saw it. 
 
 7. Give an account of Agricola's reforms in Britain. Why was he 
 rse'alled? 
 
 B. I. How was a fortune amassed by the freedman Trimalchio? 
 Describe his character. 
 
 2. What kind of woman was Murdia? What is the writer's ideal 
 woman? 
 
Studies 501 
 
 3. From these letters and documents write out all the points that 
 can be made regarding social and business life in Egypt during this 
 period? 
 
 4. What are the relative advantages of city and country life as 
 pictured by Juvenal? 
 
CHAPTER XL 
 
 The flnancos 
 of a Eiufli- 
 cipium. 
 
 Pliny, Let- 
 ters, X. 1 6 (or 
 28). 
 
 The corre- 
 spondence 
 covers a 
 much wider 
 range of sub- 
 jects than 
 can be repre- 
 sented here. 
 
 "Send a 
 surveyor." 
 
 THE PERIOD OF THE FIVE GOOD EMPERORS 
 
 I. Trajan's Correspondence with Pliny, Governor 
 
 OF Bithynia 
 
 To the Emperor Trajan: 
 
 I am at present engaged in examining the finances of the 
 Prusenses, their disbursements and credits; and the farther 
 I proceed in this affair, the more I am convinced of the 
 necessity of my inquiry. Several considerable sums of 
 money are owing to the city from private persons, who on 
 various pretences neglect to pay the debts. On the other 
 hand, I find the pubHc funds are in some instances un- 
 warrantably applied. 
 
 This, Sir, I write to you immediately on my arrival. I 
 entered this province on the seventeenth of September, 
 and found it in those sentiments of obedience and loyalty 
 which you justly merit from all mankind. You will con- 
 sider, Sir, whether it would not be proper to send hither 
 a surveyor; for I am inclined to think much might be de- 
 ducted from what is charged by those who have the con- 
 duct of public works, if an accurate measurement were 
 to be taken. 
 
 Trajan to Pliny: 
 
 The people of that province will be convinced, I persuade 
 myself, that I am attentive to their interests; as your con- 
 duct toward them will make it clear that I could have 
 chosen no person better fitted to supply my place. ... I 
 
 502 
 
Provision against Fires 503 
 
 have scarcely surveyors enough to inspect those works Leiters, x. 17 
 which I am carrying on in Rome and the neighborhood; 
 but persons of integrity and skill in this art may be found 
 most certainly in every province, if you will make due 
 inquiry. 
 
 To THE Emperor Trajan: 
 
 While I was making a journey in a different part of the A fire in the 
 province, a most destructive fire broke out at Nicomedia, 
 which consumed not only several private houses, but also i^^s^^. 42' 
 two pubhc buildings, — the town house and the temple of 
 Isis, though they stood on opposite sides of the street. 
 The cause of its spreading thus wide was partly the violence 
 of the wind, and partly the indolence of the people, who, 
 it appears, stood fixed and idle spectators of this terrible 
 calamity. The truth is that the city was not furnished 
 with engines, buckets, or any single instrument for ex- 
 tinguishing fires. I have now, however, given directions 
 to provide this apparatus. 
 
 You will consider. Sir, whether it may not be advisable "May we 
 to form a company of firemen, consisting of only a hundred company? " 
 and fifty members. I will take care that none but those of 
 that occupation shall be admitted into it; and that the 
 privileges granted them shall not be extended to any other 
 purpose. As this corporate body will be restricted to so 
 small a number of members, it will be easy to keep them 
 under proper regulations. 
 
 Trajan to Pliny: 
 
 You are of the opinion that it would be proper to estab- " Corpora- 
 ^ 111 tions are 
 
 lish a company of firemen in Nicomedia, agreeably to what dangerous." 
 
 has been practised in other cities. But remember that belters, x. 43. 
 
 societies of this sort have greatly disturbed the peace of the 
 
504 Period of the Five Good Emperors 
 
 (Private 
 assemblies 
 were forbid- 
 den by a law 
 of the 
 Twelve 
 Tables, 
 P- 352-) 
 
 provinces in general, and particularly of those cities in 
 which they exist. Whatever name we give them, and for 
 whatever purpose they may be instituted, they will not 
 fail to form themselves into factious assemblies, however 
 short their meetings may be. It will therefore be safer to 
 provide such machines as are of service in extinguishing 
 fires, to enjoin the owners of houses to assist in preventing 
 the mischief from spreading, and if it should be necessary, 
 to call in the aid of the populace. 
 
 " Shall we 
 compel the 
 councillors 
 to borrow 
 from the 
 public? " 
 
 Pliny, Let- 
 ters, X. 62. 
 
 To THE Emperor Trajan: 
 
 The debts which were owing to the public are by the 
 prudence. Sir, of your counsels, and by the care of my ad- 
 ministration, either actually paid, or are now recovering; 
 but I fear the money must be unemployed. For on the one 
 hand, there are few or no opportunities of purchasing land, 
 and on the other, one cannot meet with any person who 
 is willing to borrow of the public, — especially at the rate 
 of twelve percent, — when it is possible to raise money on 
 the same terms from private lenders. You will therefore 
 consider. Sir, whether it may not be advisable, in order to 
 invite responsible persons to take this money, to lower the 
 interest; or if that scheme should not succeed, to place it 
 ir the hands of the members of the city councils, upon their 
 giving sufficient security to the public. And though they 
 should not be willing to receive it, yet as the rate of interest 
 will be abated, the hardship will be so much the less. 
 
 *' Oppress no 
 one in this 
 way." 
 
 Letters, x. 63. 
 
 Trajan to Pliny: 
 
 I agree with you, my dear Pliny, that there seems to be 
 no other method of facilitating the placing out of the pub- 
 lic money, than by lowering the interest; the rate you will 
 determine according to the number of borrowers. But to 
 
Endowment for Poor Children 505 
 
 compel persons to receive it, who are not so disposed, when 
 possibly they themselves may have no opportunity of em- 
 ploying it, is by no means consistent with the justice of 
 my government. 
 
 II. Endowment for the Support of Poor Children 
 
 When the Imperator Caesar Nerva Trajan Augustus Under^ 
 Germanicus was consul for the fourth time and Quintus 
 Articuleius Paetus was consul, those named below at the inscription. 
 direction of our greatest and best Emperor mortgaged ^„„-^„^ 
 their estates so that, from the contract, the Sigures B^bi- World, 487. 
 ani received semi-annual interest, and the boys and girls 
 of the Ligures Baebiani support, through the tenderness of 
 Trajan. 
 
 Also of the estate Pastorianus, in the territory of Bene- 
 ventum, in the district ^quanus; Priscia Restituta and 
 the people are neighbors to the estate. Rated at 60,000 
 sesterces; 125,000 sesterces is the value of the property, 
 8,000 sesterces received, Callistus, servant of Rutilius 
 Lupus pays the interest. 
 
 [Many other mortgages also are here recorded.] 
 
 III. Hadrian 
 
 Arriving in Gaul, he liberally relieved the needy, and Military dis« 
 
 rr^i 1 • c cipline. 
 
 then passed on to Germany. Though more desirous ot 
 
 peace than of war, he exercised his soldiers as if war threat- ^adS^l'o. 
 
 ened; he hardened them to fatigue, set them, in his own ^^^.^^^ 
 
 person, an example of military virtue, and readily ate the World, 487!. 
 
 food of the camp— bacon, cheese, and vinegar mixed with 
 
 water; in these respects he imitated Scipio yEmilianus, 
 
 Metellus, and Trajan, the author of his fortune. To make 
 
 his men willing to endure hardships, he rewarded many 
 
5o6 Period of the Five Good Emperors 
 
 He banishes 
 luxuries. 
 
 His knowl- 
 edge of 
 affairs. 
 
 Spartianus, 
 Eadrian, n. 
 
 with money, some with offices. The military discipline, 
 which after Caesar Octavianus had declined through the 
 neglect of the emperors, Hadrian restored. This he did 
 partly by regulating the offices and the expenses, and partly 
 by suffering no soldier, without due cause, to be absent 
 from the camp. Another means to this end was the ap- 
 pointment of tribunes, not for their popularity with the 
 troops, but because of each one's sense of justice. By his 
 own example, too, he encouraged the rest to strict disci- 
 pline, for he was accustomed to walk clad in armor twenty 
 miles a day along with his infantry. 
 
 Dining-rooms, porticos, grottoes, and pleasure-gardens 
 he banished from the camp. He himself generally wore a 
 simple cloak with a plain belt fastened by a buckle without 
 jewels; and by his side hung a sword with no more orna- 
 ment than an ivory handle. His sick troops he visited in 
 their quarters; and he himself always selected the place for 
 encampment. The office of centurion he conferred on none 
 but those of robust health and good character; no one 
 could be a tribune unless he had a full beard and was old 
 enough to fill his office with prudence and force. A tribune 
 was not permitted to accept the smallest gift from his 
 soldiers. 
 
 Delicacies of every kind he removed absolutely from the 
 army; and not only did he improve the arms and the fur- 
 nishings of the soldiers, but regulated their ages, so as to 
 enlist none too young for effective service and to retain no 
 one longer than the humane law of earlier times prescribed. 
 It was his especial care to know the soldiers individually 
 and to keep informed as to their numbers. 
 
 Furthermore he tried to acquaint himself with the mili- 
 tary supplies of the empire, and he examined minutely the 
 revenues from the provinces in order to relieve all needs; 
 
Hadrian's Travels 507 
 
 and no emperor was ever so careful to avoid buying and 
 keeping useless material. 
 
 When Hadrian had reformed the soldiers of Germany 
 after the pattern of their emperor, he crossed into Britain. 
 In addition to other improvements there, he was the first Rome, 251; 
 
 • 1 -I'll j.\. Ancient 
 
 to build a wall — eighty miles in length — to separate the Wodd, 487 f. 
 
 barbarians from the Romans. . . . 
 
 Curious to learn the trifling details not only of his own His prying 
 
 1 , r •!• 1 1 disposition, 
 
 household but of his friends families as well, he employed 
 
 detectives to pry into all their secrets. Often his friends 
 failed to discover that their private affairs were known to 
 the emperor till he gave them the information. It may be 
 of interest here to tell a story which shows how well ac- 
 quainted Hadrian was with the affairs of his friends. One 
 of them received a letter from his wife reproaching him for 
 staying away from home to give himself up to the baths 
 and other pleasures. Immediately a detective informed 
 Hadrian of the contents of this letter. When accordingly 
 the man came to ask a passport, the emperor rebuked him 
 for his devotion to baths and luxurious living. "What!" 
 the man exclaimed, "has my wife been writing this to you, 
 too?" People blamed Hadrian for his prying disposition, 
 as they considered it a grave fault. 
 
 After the emperor had regulated the affairs of Britain, |n^^aul and 
 he returned to Gaul, where he recei^•ed the unpleasant 
 
 1 • A • A Spartianus, 
 
 news of an insurrection m Alexandria over an Apis. As Hadrian, 12. 
 an animal of this kind was discovered after a long in- ^^^^.^ 
 terval, the various tribes of Egyi^t were violently con- V^'o'ld, 
 tending for the honor of giving the sacred beast a 
 dwelling-place. 
 
 About the same time Hadrian erected at Nimes a mag- 
 nificent basilica in memory of Plotina. Then he went to 
 Spain to winter in Terragona (Lat. Tarraco), where he re- 
 
 leni 
 16. 
 
In Greece 
 and Asia 
 Minor. 
 
 Spartianus, 
 Hadrian, 13. 
 
 (For tlic 
 I'.luusinian 
 mysteries, 
 see Greece, 
 97 
 
 Rome, 205. 
 
 His laws. 
 
 SiKirlianus, 
 Uadriaii, 18. 
 
 508 Period of the Five Good Emperors 
 
 paired at his own expense a temple to Augustus, and held 
 a general assembly of the Spanish provincials. 
 
 (Afterward he visited Greece,) where like Hercules and 
 King Philip he had himself initiated into the Eleusinian 
 mysteries. He not only conferred many benefits on the 
 Athenians, but sat as judge in their public games. Then 
 he sailed for Sicily. After his arrival there, he climbed 
 Mount /Etna to view a sunrise, which from that spot was 
 beautiiied with the varied colors of the rainbow. Thence 
 he returned to Rome; but setting out immediately for the 
 Orient, he travelled through Athens, where he dedicated 
 the works he had begun, including a temple to the Olym- 
 pian Jupiter (Zeus) and an altar to himself. 
 
 In the same way, as he journeyed through Asia, he con- 
 secrated temples in his own name. In Cappadocia he en- 
 gaged many slaves for labor in the military camps. (Wher- 
 ever he went, he busied himself with winning the friendship 
 and alliance of foreign kings.) ... In his circuit of the 
 provinces he i^unished procurators and governors with such 
 severity that people believed he had himself incited persons 
 to accuse them. 
 
 In judicial affairs he made up his council, not of friends 
 and companions but of learned jurists,— Julius Celsus, Sal- 
 vius Julianus, Ncratius Priscus, and others,— only those, 
 however, whom the senate had approved. 
 
 Among his enactments the following are most note- 
 worthy : 
 
 In no city shall buildings be destroyed for the use of the 
 material in some other city. 
 
 To children of condemned persons a twelfth part of their 
 father's property shall be allowed. 
 
 Charges of treason shall not be admitted. 
 
 Bequests to the emperor from unknown persons shall be 
 
Hadrian's Laws 509 
 
 rejected, and none shall be received from known persons if 
 they have children. 
 
 As to hidden treasures, if one shall find such a treasure 
 on his ovra estate, he shall possess the treasure; if on an- 
 other's, he shall give half to the owner of the estate; if on 
 public ground, he shall divide equally with the imperial 
 treasury. 
 
 Slaves shall not be killed by their masters. Those who 
 deserve death shall be condemned by judges only. 
 
 The 'sale of men and women slaves as gladiators or for 
 vile purposes is forbidden, provided no sufficient reason for 
 such sale exists. 
 
 There shall be no houses of correction (ergastula) for 
 slaves or freedmen. 
 
 In case a master is assassinated in his own house, not all 
 his slaves shall be examined, but those only who are near 
 enough to the master to know something of the deed. 
 
 Though everywhere he erected countless buildings, he Public 
 
 wof ks 
 
 inscribed his name on none of them excepting the temple to 
 
 his father Trajan. At Rome he restored the Pantheon (of n^rl^^^l'g^ 
 
 Agrippa), the Saepta, the Basilica of Neptune, very many 
 
 sacred buildings, the Forum of Augustus, and the Baths of 
 
 Agrippa. All these works he dedicated with the names of 
 
 their founders. Under his own name he built a bridge 
 
 across the Tiber, and near it a mausoleum. 
 
 Hadrian was tall, well-built, and of robust constitution. Personal 
 He curled his hair with a comb, and wore his beard long to ^pf^^''^'^^^^' 
 cover the natural defects of his face. It was his habit to ^p^J^}^'^^\ 
 
 Hadrian, 20. 
 
 ride on horseback or to walk, and he constantly exercised 
 himself in arms and in throwing the javelin. While hunt- 
 ing he often killed a lion with his own hand; but once he 
 broke his collar-bone and a rib. The game he always 
 shared with his friends. At his dinners his guests were en- 
 
5IO Period of the Five Good Emperors 
 
 From his 
 parents and 
 teachers. 
 
 Marcus 
 
 Aurelius, 
 
 Meditations, 
 
 i. 2-9, 12, 14. 
 
 Harmony 
 with nature. 
 
 Meditations, 
 iii. 7. 
 
 76. iii. 13. 
 
 Ih. iv. 7. 
 
 lb. iv. 23. 
 
 tertained by tragedies, comedies, and farces, as well as by 
 harp music, reading, and poetry. His villa at Tibur he 
 built with such wonderful art that one could find in it 
 representations of celebrated places, as the Lyceum, the 
 Academy, the Prytaneum, Canopus, Tempe, — and that 
 nothing might be wanting, an imitation of the realm of 
 death. 
 
 IV. Some of the Thoughts of Marcus Aurelius 
 
 Antoninus 
 
 From the reputation and remembrance of my father I 
 learned modesty and manliness. 
 
 From my mother, piety and beneficence, and abstinence 
 not only from evil deeds, but even from evil thoughts; sim- 
 plicity, too, in my way of living, far removed from the 
 habits of the rich. 
 
 Never value anything as profitable to thyself which shall 
 compel thee to break thy promise, to lose thy self-respect, 
 to hate any man, to suspect, to curse, to act the hypocrite, 
 to desire anything which needs walls and curtains. 
 
 As physicians have always their instruments and knives 
 ready for cases which suddenly require their skill, so do 
 thou have principles ready for the understanding of things 
 divine and human, and for doing everything, even the small- 
 est, with a recollection of the bond which unites the divine 
 and human to each other. For neither wilt thou do any- 
 thing well which pertains to man without at the same time 
 having a reference to things divine; or the contrary. 
 
 Take away thy opinion, and then there is taken away the 
 complaint, "I have been harmed." Take away the com- 
 plaint, "I have been harmed," and the harm is taken away. 
 
 Everything harmonizes with me, which is harmonious to 
 thee, Universe. Nothing for me is too early or too late, 
 
The Harmony of all Things 511 
 
 which is in due time for thee. Everything is fruit to me 
 which thy seasons bring, Nature; from thee are all 
 things, in thee are all things, and to thee all things return. 
 
 Constantly regard the universe as one Hving being, hav- 
 ing one substance and one soul; and observe how all things 
 have reference to one perception, the perception of this one lb. iv. 40, 
 living being; and how all things act with one movement; 
 and how all things are the cooperating causes of all things 
 which exist. 
 
 A prayer of the Athenians: "Rain, rain, dear Zeus, lb. v. 7. 
 down on the plowed fields of the Athenians, and on the 
 plains." In truth we ought not to pray at all, or we ought 
 to pray in this simple and noble fashion. 
 
 How hast thou behaved hitherto to the gods, thy par- lb. v. 31. 
 ents, brethren, children, teachers, to those who looked after 
 thy infancy, to thy friends, kinsfolk, to thy slaves? Con- 
 sider if thou hast hitherto behaved to all in such a way 
 that this may be said of thee, — 
 
 Never has wronged a man in deed or word. 
 
 Let it make no difference to thee whether thou art cold Meditations 
 or warm, if thou art doing thy duty; and whether thou art 
 drowsy or satisfied with sleep; and whether ill-spoken of 
 or praised; and whether dying or doing something else. 
 For it is one of the acts of life — this act by which we die; 
 it is sufficient then in this act also to do well what we have 
 in hand. 
 
 Death is a cessation of the impressions through the lb. vi. 28. 
 senses, and of the pulhng of the strings which move the 
 appetites . . . and of service to the flesh. 
 
 All things are implicated with one another, and the bond lb. vii. 9. 
 is holy; and there is hardly anything unconnected with 
 any other thing. For things have been coordinated, and 
 
Do right on 
 principle. 
 
 Meditations, 
 viii. 43. 
 
 lb. X. 5. 
 
 lb. X. 10. 
 
 lb. X. 21. 
 
 lb. xi. 2g. 
 76., xi. 36. 
 
 Future life. 
 
 Meditations, 
 xxi. 5. 
 
 512 Period of the Five Good Emperors 
 
 they combine to form the same universe. For there is one 
 universe made up of all things, and one God who pervades 
 all things, and one substance and one law, one common 
 reason in all intelligent animals, and one truth. 
 
 Different things delight different people. But it is my 
 delight to keep the ruling faculty sound, without turning 
 away either from any man or from any of the things 
 which happen to men, but looking at and receiving all 
 with welcome eyes and using everything according to 
 its value. 
 
 Whatever may happen to thee, it was prepared for thee 
 from all eternity; and the implication of causes was from 
 eternity spinning the thread of thy being. 
 
 A spider is proud when he has caught a fly, and another 
 being when he has caught a poor hare, and another when 
 he has taken a little fish in a net, and another when he has 
 taken wild boars, and another when he has taken bears, 
 and another when he has taken Sarmatians. Are not 
 these robbers, if thou examinest their opinions? 
 
 "The earth loves the shower;" and the "solemn ether 
 loves;" and the universe loves to reproduce whatever is 
 about to be. I say then to the universe, "I love as thou 
 lovest." 
 
 Neither in writing nor in reading wilt thou be able to lay 
 down rules for others before thou shalt have first learned 
 to obey rules thyself. Much more is this so in life. 
 
 No man can rob us of our free will. 
 
 How can it be that the gods, after having arranged all 
 things well and benevolently for mankind, have over- 
 looked this alone, that some men and very good men, and 
 men who, as we may say, have had most communion 
 with the divinity, and through pious acts and religious 
 observances have been most intimate with the divinity, 
 
Death and Immortality 513 
 
 when they have once died should never exist again, but 
 should be completely extinguished? 
 
 How small a part of the boundless and unfathomable Ih. xii. 32. 
 time is assigned to every man! For it is very soon swal- 
 lowed up in the eternal. And how small a part of the 
 whole substance! And how small a part of the universal 
 soul! And on what a small clod of the whole earth thou 
 creepest! Reflecting on all this, consider nothing to be 
 great, except to act as thy nature leads thee, and to endure 
 that which the common nature brings. 
 
 Man, thou hast been a citizen in this great state (of the Ih. xii. 36. 
 world): what difference does it make to thee whether for 
 five years or for three? For that which conforms to the 
 laws is just for all. Where is the hardship then, if no tyrant 
 nor yet an unjust judge sends thee away from the state, 
 but nature, who brought thee into it? The same as if a 
 praetor who has employed an actor dismisses him from the 
 stage. "I have not finished the five acts, but only three." 
 Thou sayest well, but in life the three acts are the whole 
 drama; for what shall be a completed drama is determined 
 by him who was once the cause of its composition, and 
 now of its dissolution: but thou art the cause of neither. 
 Depart then satisfied, for he also who releases thee is 
 satisfied. 
 
 V. Some Teachings of Epictetus 
 
 When some one asked, how may a man eat acceptably Do every- 
 to the gods, he answered: If he can eat justly and con- acceptably 
 tentedly, and with equanimity, and temperately and *° *^® ^°^^' 
 orderly, will it not be also acceptable to the gods? But Epictetus 1. 
 when you have asked for warm water and the slave has 
 not heard, or if he did hear has brought only tepid water, 
 or he is not even found to be in the house, then not to be 
 
514 Period of the Five Good Emperors 
 
 All .ire 
 brothers, the 
 sons of God. 
 
 The Deity 
 oversees all. 
 
 lb. 14. 
 
 Souls much 
 nearer to 
 God than 
 material 
 things. 
 
 vexed or to burst with passion — is not this acceptable to 
 the gods? — How then shall a man endure such persons 
 as this slave? Slave yourself, will you not bear with your 
 brother? . . . Will you not remember who you are, and 
 whom you rule? that they are kinsmen, that they are 
 brethren by nature, that they are the offspring of Zeus?— 
 But I have purchased them, and they have not purchased 
 me. Do you see in what direction you are looking, that it is 
 toward the earth, toward the pit, that it is towards these 
 wretched laws of dead men? but toward the laws of the 
 gods, you are not looking. 
 
 When a person asked him how a man could be convinced 
 that all his actions are under the inspection of God, he 
 answered. Do you not think that all things are united in 
 one? I do, the person replied. Well, do you not think 
 that earthly things have a natural agreement and union 
 with heavenly things? I do. And how else so regularly 
 as if by God's command, when He bids the plants to 
 flower, do they flower? when he bids them to send forth 
 shoots, do they shoot? when He bids them to produce 
 fruit, how else do they produce fruit? when He bids the 
 fruit to ripen, does it ripen? when again He bids them to 
 cast down the fruits, how else do they cast them down? 
 and when to shed the leaves, do they shed the leaves? 
 and when He bids them to fold themselves up and to re- 
 main quiet and rest, how else do they remain quiet and 
 rest? And how else at the growth and wane of the moon, 
 and at the approach and recession of the sun, are so great 
 an alteration and change to the contrary seen in earthly 
 things? 
 
 But are plants and our bodies so bound up and united 
 with the whole, and are not our souls much more? and 
 our souls so bound up and in contact with God as parts of 
 
God Sees and Protects 515 
 
 Him and portions of Him; and does not God perceive 
 every motion of these parts as being his own motion con- 
 nate with himself? Now are you able to think of the 
 divine administration, and about all things divine, and 
 at the same time also about human affairs, and to be 
 moved by ten thousand things at the same time in your 
 senses and in your understanding, and to assent to some, 
 and to dissent from others, and again as to some things to 
 suspend your judgment; and do you retain in your soul 
 so many impressions from so many and various things, 
 and being moved by them, do you fall upon notions similar 
 to those first impressed, and do you retain numerous arts 
 and the memories of ten thousand things; and is not God 
 able to oversee all things, and to be present with all, and 
 
 to receive from all a certain communication? And is God can see 
 
 more than 
 the sun able to illuminate so large a portion of the All, and the sun. 
 
 to leave so little not illuminated, that part only which is 
 
 occupied by the earth's shadow; and He who made the 
 
 sun itself and makes it go round, being a small part of 
 
 himself compared with the whole, cannot He perceive 
 
 all things? 
 
 But I cannot, the man may reply, comprehend all these The Spirit 
 1 . T, 1 11 1 1 , is a good 
 
 thmgs at once. But who tells you that you have equal guide. 
 
 power with Zeus? Nevertheless he has placed by every 
 man a guardian, every man's spirit, to whom he has com- 
 mitted the care of the man, a guardian who never sleeps, 
 is never deceived. For to what better and more careful 
 guardian could He have intrusted each of us? When 
 then you have shut the doors and made darkness within, 
 remember never to say that you are alone, for you are not ; 
 but God is within, and your Spirit is within, and what 
 need have they of light to see what you are doing? To 
 this God you ought to swear an oath, just as the soldiers 
 
5i6 Period of the Five Good Emperors 
 
 do to Caesar. But they who are hired for pay swear to 
 regard the safety of Caesar before all things; and you who 
 have received so many and such great favors, will you not 
 swear, or when you have sworn, will you not abide by 
 your oath? And what shall you swear? Never to be 
 disobedient, never to make any charges, never to find 
 fault with anything that he has given, and never unwill- 
 ingly to do or to suffer anything that is necessary. Is this 
 oath like the soldier's oath? The soldiers swear not to 
 prefer any man to Caesar: in this oath men swear to honor 
 themselves before all. 
 
 Decree 
 of the 
 senate cited. 
 
 From an 
 inscription. 
 
 Resolutions 
 of the society 
 itself. 
 
 Admissions. 
 
 About $4. 
 
 VI. Regulations of a Burial Society 
 
 "Who may meet, assemble, and have a corporation; 
 those who shall be willing to pay a monthly contribution 
 for funerals, may meet in that association (collegium) and 
 may not convene more than once a month under guise of 
 that association, this session being for the sake of col- 
 lecting a fund from which the dead may be buried." May 
 it be favorable, fortunate and wholesome to the emperor 
 Caesar Trajan Hadrian Augustus and to the entire house 
 of the same, to us and ours, and to our association — both 
 well and earnestly shall we engage ourselves honorably 
 to escort the departure of the dead. Therefore we one and 
 all of us must be harmonious in making proper contribu- 
 tions in order that we may endure a long time. Thou too 
 who wilt desire to enter this association as a novice, first 
 read through the statute and then enter, lest thou com- 
 plain afterward or leave a controversy to thine heir. 
 
 It was unanimously adopted, that whosoever shall de- 
 sire to enter this association will give on score of entrance- 
 fee one hundred sesterces and one amphora of good wine, 
 likewise per mont " five asses. Furthermore it was adopted, 
 
A Burial Society- 
 
 Si? 
 
 that whoever in six consecutive months does not render 
 
 his dues and something human happen to him, no regard 
 
 shall be paid to his funeral, even if he has made a will. 
 
 Likewise it was adopted that whoever of our association Payments for 
 
 dies with his dues paid, to him shall go 300 sesterces from 
 
 our treasury, from which sum there shall be subtracted 
 
 on account of funeral 50 sesterces which shall be allotted 
 
 for cremation; the exequies shall be made on foot. . . . 
 
 Likewise it was voted that whatever slave in this as- Decease of 
 sociation shall die, and his body through the unfairness of bers. 
 his master shall not be given for burial and he shall have 
 made no record, he shall get an imaginary funeral. Like- 
 wise it was voted that whoever for any cause whatever 
 shall commit suicide, his funeral shall be ignored. 
 
 Likewise it was voted that whatever slave of this as- 
 sociation shall become free, he will have to give an am- 
 phora of good wine. Likewise it was voted: whoever 
 shall be director in his own year in the order of the list 
 for arranging a dinner, and he shall not observe it and not 
 do it, he will pay 30 sesterces into the treasury, his suc- 
 cessor will be obliged to give it, and he will have to restore 
 it in his place. 
 
 [The document contains many other resolutions.] 
 
 Emancipa- 
 tion gift. 
 
 VII. Letters of this Period 
 
 To Sarapion general 
 
 from Tarmuthis, the daughter Petition re- 
 
 of Phimon, vegetable-seller, belonging to the village of robbery.* 
 
 Bacchias, at present without a guardian. On the 4th of jyjrjujgan 
 
 the current month Pharmouthi, Taorsenouphis, the wife Greek 
 
 . Papyri, 74. 
 
 of Ammonius, also called Phimon, elder of the village of 114A.D. 
 Bacchias, although she had absolutely no ground of com- 
 plaint against me, came into my house and picked a sense- 
 
5i8 Period of the Five Good Emperors 
 
 Pharmouthi, 
 March 27- 
 April 25. 
 
 A soldier 
 
 to his 
 father. 
 
 Milligan, 90. 
 
 Second cen- 
 tury A.D. 
 
 less quarrel against me. Not only did she strip off my 
 tunic and mantle, but robbed me in the quarrel of the 
 sum which I had lying by me from the price of the vege- 
 tables I had sold, namely, 16 drachmas. And on the 5th 
 of the same month there came this woman's husband 
 Ammonius, also Phimon, into my house as if seeking my 
 husband. Seizing my lamp, he went up into my house 
 and stole and carried off a pair of bracelets of unstamped 
 silver of the weight of 40 drachmas, my husband being at 
 the time away from home. I beg therefore that you will 
 cause the accused to be brought before you for fitting 
 punishment. May good fortune attend you. 
 
 Tarmuthis about 30 years old, a mark on the right foot. 
 
 The 17 th year of the Emperor Caesar Nerva Trajanus 
 Augustus Germanicus Dacicus. Pharmouthi 6. 
 
 Apion to Epimachus his father and lord heartiest greet- 
 ings. First of all I pray that you are in health and con- 
 tinually prosper and fare well with my sister and her 
 daughter and my brother. I thank the lord Serapis that 
 when I was in danger at sea he saved me. Straightway 
 when I entered Misenum I received my travelling money 
 from Caesar, three gold pieces. And I am well. I beg you 
 therefore, my lord father, write me a few lines, first re- 
 garding your health, secondly regarding that of my brother 
 and sister, thirdly that I may kiss your hand, because you 
 have brought me up well, and on this account I hope to 
 be quickly promoted, if the gods will. Give many greet- 
 ings to Capito, and to my brother and sister, and to Seren- 
 illa, and my friends. I send you a little portrait of m.yself 
 at the hands of Euctemon. And my (military) name is 
 Antonius Maximus. I pray for your good health. 
 
 Company Athenonike. 
 
Correspondence 519 
 
 Serenus the son of Agathos Daemon greets you . . . and 
 Turbo the son of Gallpnius. 
 
 (Addressed) 
 
 To Philadelphia for Epimachus from his son Apion. 
 
 Give this to the (office of the) first cohort of the Apa- 
 m^ans to Julianus . . . paymaster from Apion, so that 
 (he may forward it) to Epimachus his father. 
 
 Theon to Theon his father, greeting. You did a fine A^boy to his 
 thing' You have not taken me away along with you to 
 
 , , 1 '^1 i. Milligan, 102. 
 
 the city! If you refuse to take me along with you to 
 
 Alexandria, I won't write you a letter, or speak to you, ^^-^"^^ ^°° 
 
 or wish you health. And if you do go to Alexandria, I 
 
 won't take your hand, or greet you henceforth. If you 
 
 refuse to take me, that's what's up! And my mother said 
 
 to Archelaus, "He upsets me; off with him!" But you 
 
 did a fine thing! You send me gifts, great ones, husks!! 
 
 They deceived us here on the 12th, when you sailed. Send 
 
 for me then, I beseech you. If you do not send, I won't l^^^^'^^^l'^^ 
 
 eat, won't drink! There now! I pray for your health. 
 
 Tubi 18. 
 
 (Addressed) Deliver to Theon from Theonas his son. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 I. ^Vhat proof does this correspondence with Pliny afford of 
 Trajan's interest in the welfare of the empire? of his energy and 
 activity? of his justice and humanity? Why did he forbid the or- 
 ganization of a fire-company (cf. a law of the Twelve Tables, p. 352)? 
 From the same correspondence what may we infer as to PHny's 
 qualifications for the governorship of a province? Why did he refer 
 everything to the emperor? Do you suppose that other governors 
 did the same? Was his interference in the affairs of the cities (mu- 
 nicipia) advantageous to the latter? In what case was PHny ready 
 to resort to oppression? 
 
520 Period of the Five Good Emperors 
 
 2. What is the meaning of this document connected with the en- 
 dowment of poor children? 
 
 3. What were the objects of Hadrian's travels? How did he im- 
 prove the army? What pubHc works did he build? Why did Hadrian 
 pry into the affairs of his friends? In what respects was his inquir- 
 ing disposition praiseworthy? What were Hadrian's chief laws? 
 What improvements did they make in the condition of freemen and 
 of slaves? How did he benefit the provinces? Did he pay more 
 attention to the provinces than to Rome? What public works did 
 he build? Describe the personal appearance and the private char- 
 acter of Hadrian. What is your opinion of the style of his biographer 
 (Spartianus)? Is it well connected and logical? 
 
 4. How does Marcus Aurelius make himself harmonious with 
 nature? What is his idea of right conduct? of future life? 
 
 5. What according to Epictetus should be the conduct of man 
 in relation to God? How does he prove that God sees all? How are 
 human beings related to one another and to God? 
 
 6. What was the object of this burial society? What senatorial 
 decree permitted such societies? 
 
 7. From these letters make out all the facts you can regarding life 
 in Egypt at this time. Whv are such documents found in Egypt 
 rather than elsewhere? 
 
CHAPTER XLI 
 
 EARLY HISTORY OF CHRISTIANITY 
 TO DIOCLETIAN 
 
 I. Teachings of Jesus 
 
 And seeing the multitudes, he went up into a mountain, ^eg^miing 
 and when he was set, his disciples came unto him: Sermon 
 
 And he opened his mouth, and taught them, saying, Mount. 
 
 Blessed are the poor in spirit: for theirs is the kingdom j^^^^^ew v. 
 of heaven. ^""' 
 
 Blessed are they that mourn : for they shall be comforted. Mdent 
 
 Blessed are the meek: for they shall inherit the earth. 
 
 Blessed are they which do hunger and thirst after right- 
 eousness: for they shall be filled. 
 
 Blessed are the merciful: for they shall obtain mercy. 
 
 Blessed are the pure in heart: for they shall see God. 
 
 Blessed are the peace-makers: for they shall be called 
 the children of God. 
 
 Blessed are they which are persecuted for righteous- 
 ness's sake: for theirs is the kingdom of heaven. 
 
 Blessed are ye, when men shall revile you, and persecute 
 you, and say all manner of evil against you falsely for my 
 sake. 
 
 II. The Death and Resurrection of Jesus: the 
 
 Apostles 
 
 In the latter days of the emperor Tiberius, in the consul- ^e J^^^^^ 
 ship of Ruberius Geminus and Fufius Geminus, on the tion. 
 
 521 
 
52 2 Early History of Christianity 
 
 Lactantius, 
 The Manner 
 in which the 
 Persecutors 
 died, ii. 
 
 Date of the 
 crucifixion, 
 March 23, 
 29 A.D. 
 Elsewhere 
 the day of 
 the month is 
 diSerently 
 stated. Pos- 
 sibly the 
 report of 
 Pontius 
 Pilate gave 
 Lactantius 
 his informa- 
 tion. 
 
 The apostles. 
 
 The charge 
 brought 
 against 
 them. 
 
 Tacitus, An- 
 nals, XV. 44. 
 
 tenth of the Calends of April, as I find it written, Jesua 
 Christ was crucified by the Jews. After He had risen again 
 on the third day, He gathered His apostles, whom fear 
 at the time of His arrest had put to fhght; and while He 
 sojourned with them forty days. He opened their hearts, 
 interpreted to them the Scripture, which hitherto had been 
 wrapped in obscurity, ordained and fitted them for the 
 preaching of His word and doctrine, and regulated all 
 things concerning the institutions of the New Testament. 
 When this was accomplished, a cloud and whirlwind en- 
 veloped Him and caught him up from the sight of men 
 into heaven. 
 
 His apostles were at that time eleven in number, to 
 whom were added Matthias, in place of the traitor Judas, 
 and afterward Paul. Then were they dispersed through- 
 out all the earth to preach the Gospel, as the Lord their 
 Master had commanded them. During twenty-five years, 
 until the beginning of the reign of the emperor Nero, they 
 occupied themselves in laying the foundations of the 
 Church in every province and city. And while Nero ruled, 
 the Apostle Peter came to Rome, and through the power 
 of God committed unto him, wrought certain miracles; 
 and by turning many to the true religion, he built up a 
 faithful and steadfast temple unto the Lord. 
 
 III. Persecution of the Christians by Nero 
 
 To get rid of the report (that he had ordered the fire), 
 Nero fastened the guilt and inflicted the most exquisite 
 tortures on a class hated for their abominations, called 
 Christians by the populace. Christus, from whom the 
 name had its origin, suffered the extreme penalty during 
 the reign of Tiberius at the hands of one of our procura- 
 tors, Pontius Pilate, and a most mischievous superstition, 
 
Beginning of Persecutions 523 
 
 thus checked for the moment, broke out not only in Judasa, 
 
 the first source of the evil, but even in Rome, where all 
 
 things hideous and shameful from every part of the world 
 
 find their centre and become popular. Accordingly an 
 
 arrest was first made of all who pleaded guilty; then, upon 
 
 their information, an immense multitude was convicted, 
 
 not so much of the crime of firing the city, as of hatred 
 
 against mankind. Mockery of every sort was added to Manner of 
 
 tticix cxC" 
 their deaths. Covered with the skins of beasts, they were cution. 
 
 torn by dogs and perished, or were nailed to crosses, or There seems 
 
 were doomed to the flames and burnt, to serve as a nightly ^° ^^\^. ^f^^, 
 
 ' o ^ some kmd of 
 
 illumination when daylight had expired. trial; but it 
 
 Nero offered his gardens for the spectacle, and was nofcon-^'"^ 
 exhibiting a show in the circus, while he mingled with the f^^r^spirit ^ 
 people in the dress of a charioteer or stood aloft on a car. and the 
 Hence, even for criminals who deserved extreme and were con- 
 exemplary punishment, there arose a feeling of compas- fajse te'sti- 
 sion; for it was not, as it seemed, for the pubHc good, but ^^'^y 
 to glut one man's cruelty, that they were being destroyed. 
 
 IV. Pliny's Inquiry Concerning them, and Trajan's 
 
 Answer 
 
 To the Emperor Trajan: 
 
 It is a rule. Sir, which I inviolably observe, to refer to The Chris- 
 you in all my doubts; for who is more able to remove my 
 scruples or to inform my ignorance? As I have never iersj^_ g!j\ 
 before been present at any trials of persons called Chris- 
 tians, I am unacquainted, not only with the nature of their 
 crimes and the degree of their punishment, but how far 
 it is proper to enter into an examination of them. . . . 
 
 Meanwhile the method I have followed toward those 
 who have been brought before me as Christians is this: 
 I asked them whether they were Christians; if they con- 
 
524 Early History of Christianity 
 
 fessed, T repeated the question twice, adding threats; and 
 if they still persevered, I ordered them to be immediately 
 punished. For I was persuaded, whatever the nature of 
 their opinions might be, a contumacious and inflexible 
 obstinacy deserved correction. . . . 
 
 They affirm the whole of their guilt, or their error, was 
 that they met on a certain stated day before it was light, 
 and addressed themselves in a form of prayer to Christ, 
 as to some god, binding themselves by a solemn oath, not 
 for the purpose of any wicked deed, but never to commit 
 any fraud, theft, or adultery; never to falsify their word, 
 nor deny a trust when they should be called upon to de- 
 liver it up; afterward, they said, it was their custom to 
 separate, and then reassemble, to eat in common a harm- 
 less meal. . . . 
 
 I deemed it expedient, therefore, to adjourn all further 
 proceedings, in order to consult you. For it appears to be 
 a matter highly deserving your consideration; more espe- 
 cially as great numbers must be involved in the danger of 
 these prosecutions, which have already extended, and are 
 still likely to extend, to persons of all ranks and ages and 
 even to both sexes. 
 
 Trajan to Pliny: 
 
 " Be just, The method you have pursued, my dear Pliny, in the 
 
 meddle." proceedings against those Christians who were brought 
 
 Letters, x. 98. before you is extremely proper, as it is not possible to lay 
 
 down any fixed rule by which to act in all cases of this 
 
 nature. But I would not have you enter officiously into 
 
 any inquiries concerning them. If they should be brought 
 
 before you, however, and the charge should be proved, 
 
 they must be punished, — yet with this restriction that in 
 
 case a person denies he is a Christian, and shall make it 
 
Harsher Persecutions 525 
 
 evident that he is not, by invoking our gods, let him be 
 pardoned upon repentance. 
 
 Informations without the accuser's name subscribed 
 ought not to be received in prosecutions of any kind; as it 
 is introducing a very dangerous precedent, by no means 
 agreeable to the equity of my government. 
 
 V. Persecution under Decius 
 
 This long peace, however, was afterward interrupted. The perse- 
 
 cutor IS 
 Decius appeared in the world, an accursed wild beast, punished. 
 
 to afflict the Church — and who but a bad man would Lactantius, 
 
 persecute religion? It seems as if he had been raised to f/^'fjj^,'^'^^^ 
 
 sovereign eminence, at once to rage against God and at Persecutors 
 
 , , . ... • ^ ii died, IV. 
 
 once to fall; for undertakmg an expedition against the 
 
 Carpi, who had then possessed themselves of Dacia and soldier'em- 
 
 Moesia, he was suddenly surrounded by the barbarians and \^^^\^'^~ 
 
 slain, together with a great part of his army. Nor could 
 
 he be honored with the rites of sepulture; but stripped 
 
 and naked, he lay, to be devoured by wild beasts and 
 
 birds — a fit end for the enemy of God. 
 
 To those chosen to superintend the sacrifices at the Certificate 
 
 of S£LCriuC6 
 
 village of Alexander-Island, from Aurelius Diogenes, the 
 
 son of Satabus, of the village of Alexander-Island, being creek^^' 
 
 about 72 years old, a scar on the right eyebrow. It has f^"^^,^"' 
 
 always been my custom to sacrifice to the gods, and now ^^.^ ^^^^.g_ 
 
 in your presence in accordance with the decrees I have cate is to 
 
 sacrificed and poured libations and tasted the offerings, the'bea^ 
 
 and I request you to counter-sign my statement. May 
 
 good fortune attend you. I, Aurelius Diogenes, have 
 
 made this request. (2nd hand) I, Aurelius Syrus, as a 
 
 participant have certified Diogenes as sacrificing along 
 
 with us. (ist hand). The first year of the Emperor Csesar 
 
 rer is 
 not a Chris- 
 tian. 
 
526 Early History of Christianity 
 
 Epeiph, 
 June 25- 
 July 24. 
 
 Gaius Messius Quintus Trajanus Decius Pius Felix Au- 
 gustus, Epeiph 2. 
 
 He decides 
 which party 
 is orthodox. 
 
 Eusebius, 
 Ecclesiastical 
 History, vii. 
 
 25- 
 
 VI. Aurelian's Decision of the Bishopric of Antioch 
 
 So then, as Paul had fallen from the bishopric as well 
 as from the orthodox faith, Domnus, as was said before, 
 succeeded him as Bishop of the Church of Antioch. But 
 as Paul entirely refused to leave the church-house, peti- 
 tion was made to the emperor Aurelian, and he made a 
 very just decision of the matter, by ordering the house 
 to be given up to those with whom the bishops of the 
 religion in Italy and Rome held intercourse. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. What ideal of life is presented in this selection? 
 
 2. What account does Eusebius give of the death and resurrection 
 of Jesus? Where may we find earlier accounts of these events? 
 What did the Apostles then do? Where did St. Peter go? 
 
 3. What is said to have been Nero's motive for persecuting the 
 Christians? What is the attitude of Tacitus toward the Christians? 
 Was this severe treatment a persecution of their religion or an ex- 
 cessive punishment for an alleged but unproved crime? 
 
 4. How does Pliny describe the Christians of his province? What 
 does he ask Trajan and what is the answer? 
 
 5. What account does Lactantius give of the Emperor Decius? 
 Why should the person mentioned in the certificate wish to prove 
 himself a pagan? 
 
 6. In what way is it significant that a pagan emperor should de- 
 cide a question between two rival Christian sects? Whom did he 
 consider the leading authorities in Christendom? 
 
CHAPTER XLII 
 
 THE ABSOLUTE MONARCHY 
 
 I. Valerius Diocletian 
 
 But when the stench of the body revealed the crime, 
 through the leaders and tribunes of the army Valerius 
 Diocletian, commander cf the bodyguard of the palace, 
 was chosen Emperor because of his wisdom ; he was a great 
 man, but nevertheless he had his faults; for example, he, 
 the chief of men, coveted the influence of gold-embroidered 
 garments, of shoes of purple and gems, and silks from the 
 far East. And while such vanities were unworthy of a 
 citizen and indicated a proud, vain spirit, they are not- 
 withstanding insignificant in comparison with what fol- 
 lows: For he was the first Emperor since Caligula and 
 Domitian who allowed himself to be called lord openly, 
 a;nd to be worshiped and invoked as a deity. Wherefore 
 as far as I can judge, I have come to the conclusion that 
 men of the humblest birth, especially when they have 
 reached the heights, are arrogant and very fond of display. 
 Such a man was Alarius of the time of our forefathers; he 
 was as eager for it as the starving are gluttonous when 
 suddenly revived by food. Hence it seems strange to me 
 that many assign haughtiness to the nobles who, mindful 
 of their patrician blood, have at least as compensation 
 for the trials by which they are agitated, something to 
 make them haughty. But these faults of Valerius have 
 been overshadowed by excellent traits; and though he 
 permitted himself to be called master, he acted as a parent; 
 
 527 
 
 Accession 
 and char- 
 acter. 
 
 Aurelius 
 Victor, Dio- 
 cletian (from 
 his Cmsars). 
 
 A ncient 
 World, 507 ff. 
 
 The opening 
 words refer 
 to the dis- 
 cover>' of the 
 death of Nu- 
 merianus, his 
 predecessor. 
 
528 
 
 The Absolute Monarchy 
 
 Carinus, 
 brother of 
 Numerianus, 
 had likewise 
 been emperor- 
 
 thus it is quite evident that the wise prince wished to prove 
 that barbarous deeds are harmful, not names. . . . 
 Maximianus. Need I recall that he associated with him in power many- 
 citizens and foreigners, for tJie sake of protecting and 
 extending the rights of the Roman Empire? For when he 
 learned that after the removal of Carinus, ^lianus and 
 Amandus had stirred up in Gaul a band of peasants and 
 robbers whom the inhabitants call Bagaudae, and had 
 devastated the fields far and wide and attacked many 
 cities, he immediately made Maximianus, his faithful 
 friend, emperor although the latter was not a cultivated 
 man. Afterward Maximianus added the cognomen Her- 
 culius to his name, because of his devotion to the cult of 
 the god Hercules, just as Valerius took the name of Jovius 
 from Jove; whence they also gave these names to those 
 auxiliary troops that distinguished themselves greatly in 
 the army. . . . 
 
 The two existing emperors associated with themselves 
 as Cassars, Julius, Constantius and Galerius, Maximianus, 
 whose family name was Armentarius. The former married 
 a step-daughter of Herculius, the latter a daughter of 
 Diocletian; both divorced their wives, just as Augustus 
 had done formerly when he had commanded Tiberius 
 Nero to marry his daughter Julia. All of these princes were 
 born in Illyricum; and though they were of little culture, 
 nevertheless since they were inured to the hardships of 
 the country and of the battle-field, they rendered good 
 service to the state. Hence it is evident that calamities 
 are the best teachers of goodness and wisdom, while on 
 the other hand, men who have never had troubles, are 
 prone to judge all men in accordance with their wealth 
 and have themselves but little insight. But the harmony 
 among the rulers proves conclusively that their natural 
 
 The Caesars. 
 
Reorganization of the Empire 529 
 
 qualities and the experience in military affairs which they 
 had gained under Aurelian and Probus, practically took 
 the place of those virtues that they did not have. Finally 
 they were honoring Valerius as a parent or even as a great 
 god; a thing which, whatsoever its nature, stands out in 
 relief in comparison with the usual crimes among relatives 
 from the founding of the city to our own time. 
 
 And because the difficulty of the wars, of which I have 
 spoken above, was felt more keenly every day, the two 
 Emperors and the two Caesars di\dded the empire as it 
 were among themselves. To Constantius were entrusted 
 all the Gallic provinces across the Alps; to Herculius Africa 
 and Italy; to Galerius, the shores of Illyricum even to the 
 Black Sea; Valerius retained for himself the rest of the 
 empire. Soon afterward therefore a great burden of taxa- 
 tion was laid upon a part of Italy. Heretofore all Italy 
 furnished the same sum by means of which army and 
 Emperor, who always or practically always had their 
 residence in Italy, were supported; then a new law was 
 introduced in regard to taxation. True, it was endurable 
 because moderate at first; but in these days the tax has 
 become an intolerable burden. . . . 
 
 With like zeal, the duties of peace were safeguarded by 
 w^ise and just laws; and the Emperors dispensed with the 
 officials called grain commissioners (frumentarii), men of 
 evil repute whose duties resembled most nearly those of 
 the Agents of to-day. These officials, who seem to have 
 been elected for the purpose of spying and reporting those 
 disturbances which arise in the provinces, and who basely 
 invented criminal accusations and robbed left and right, 
 were spreading fear everywhere, especially among those 
 farthest away from Rome. The grain supply of the city 
 and the safety of tributaries were carefully and anxiously 
 
 Aurelian; 
 
 Ancient 
 
 World, 504-6. 
 
 Probus, 
 
 emperor, 
 
 shortly after 
 
 Aurelian. 
 
 Division of 
 commands. 
 
 Administra- 
 tion. 
 
530 
 
 The Absolute Monarchy 
 
 I. e. Maxim- 
 ian. 
 
 Introduction. 
 
 From an in- 
 scription, 
 quoted by 
 Duruy, His- 
 tory uj Ro7ne, 
 vii. 401. 
 
 looked into; by recompensing merit on the one hand., and 
 by forbidding every shameful deed on the other, the Em- 
 perors were arousing an enthusiasm for right-conduct. 
 They observed the ancient faith reverently and piously. 
 Furthermore, Rome, with its seven hills, and other cities, 
 noticeably Carthage, Milan, and Nicomedia, were mar- 
 velously adorned with beautiful buildings. Yet these 
 Emperors, despite their good deeds, were not without 
 faults. Herculius, for instance, behaved in so licentious a 
 manner that he did not curb his passions even in the case 
 of hostages. Valerius showed but little faith in his friends, 
 doubtless through fear of discord, while he thought that 
 the peace of the rulers might be disturbed through false 
 reports. Also the strength of Rome, so to speak, was 
 maimed by diminishing the number of the pretorian co- 
 horts and of the people in arms; wherefore indeed many his- 
 torians say that he abdicated the Empire. For when he 
 was investigating the future, he learned from fate of the 
 internal calamities and of a crash as it were threatening 
 the Roman state; whereupon although still powerful, he 
 gave up the care of the state after he had reigned twenty 
 years; and with very great difficulty he compelled Her- 
 culius to do likewise. . . . And although the truth is 
 obscured because of the variety of opinions in regard to 
 the abdication, nevertheless we think that he assumed a 
 humble life because of his fine nature — a nature that 
 spurned ostentation. 
 
 II. Diocletian's Edict of Prices 
 
 All men know that articles of traffic and objects of daily 
 use have attained exorbitant prices, four or eight times 
 their true value, or even more than that; so that, through 
 the avarice of monopolists, the provisioning of our armies 
 
Edict of Prices 531 
 
 becomes impossible. We have determined therefore to 
 fix, not the price of these articles, which would be unjust, 
 but the amount which in each case they will not be allowed 
 to exceed. 
 
 Items 
 
 Rye (per bushel) . $o.4S Selection 
 
 Oats " " . . . . • • . .0.22 from his list 
 
 Common wine (per quart) 0.22 /j, 
 
 " oil " " 0.18 
 
 Pork (per fo.) 0.07 
 
 Beef " " 0.05 
 
 Mutton and goat's flesh (per fc.) . . . . .0.05 
 
 Lard, first quality 009 
 
 A pair of chickens 0.26 
 
 " " " ducks 0.17 
 
 A rabbit 0.17 
 
 Oysters (a hundred) o . 43 
 
 Eggs " " 0.43 
 
 Field-laborer's wages (and food) a day . . . o . 1 1 
 Mason or carpenter's wages (and food) a day . . o. 22 
 House painter's " " " " " . .0.32 
 
 Shepherd's " " " " " . .0.09 
 
 Barber's wages (per person) o. 09 
 
 Reading-master's wages (per month, one pupil) . . 0.22 
 To the rhetorician or sophist " " " . .1.09 
 
 " " lawyer for an inquiry i • 09 
 
 Woman's slippers 0.22 
 
 III. Persecution of the Christians by Diocletian 
 
 And now Diocletian raged, not only against his own Severest of 
 . ,. . . , .11 111 all persecu- 
 
 domestics, but mdiscrimmately agamst all; and he began tions. 
 
 by forcing his daughter Valeria and his wife Prisca to be Lactantius, 
 
 polluted by sacrificing. . . . Presbyters and other ofii- J^Sthe 
 
 cers of the Church were seized, without evidence by wit- Persecutors 
 
 nesses or confession, condemned, and together with their 
 
 families led to execution. In burning alive no distinction 
 
532 
 
 The Absolute Monarchy- 
 
 Failure of 
 
 persecution 
 acknowl- 
 edged. 
 
 Lactantius, 
 The Manner 
 in which the 
 Persecutors 
 died, xxxiv. 
 
 of sex or age was regarded; and because of their great 
 multitude they were not burnt one after another, but a 
 herd of them were encircled by the same fire; and servants 
 with millstones tied about their necks were cast into the 
 sea. . . . Orders also had gone to Maximian Herculius 
 and Constantius, requiring their concurrence in the execu- 
 tion of the edicts; for in matters even of such mighty im- 
 portance their opinion was never asked. A person of no 
 merciful temper, Herculius yielded ready obedience, and 
 enforced the edicts throughout his dominions of Italy. 
 Constantius, on the other hand, lest he should have seemed 
 to dissent from the injunction of his superiors, permitted 
 the demolition of churches — mere walls, capable of being 
 built up again — but he preserved entire that true temple 
 of God, which is the human body. 
 
 IV. The Toleration Edict op Galerius 
 
 Amongst our other arrangements, which we are always 
 making for the use and profit of the commonwealth, we 
 for our part had heretofore endeavored to set all things 
 right according to the ancient laws and public order of 
 the Romans, and to compass this also that the Christians 
 too who had left the persuasion of their own fathers should 
 return to a better mind; seeing that through some strange 
 reasoning such wilfulness had seized the Christians and 
 such folly possessed them, that, instead of following those 
 constitutions of the ancients which peradventure their 
 own ancestors had first established, they were making 
 themselves laws for their own observance, merely accord- 
 ing to their own judgment and as their pleasure was, and 
 in divers places were assembling sundry sorts of peoples. 
 
 In short, when a command of ours had been set forth 
 to the effect that they were to betake themselves to the 
 
Constantine 
 
 533 
 
 institutions of the ancients, many of them were subdued A change of 
 by danger, many also ruined; yet when great numbers nounced. 
 held to their determination, and we saw that they neither /j. 
 gave worship and due reverence to the gods, nor yet re- j^ndmt 
 garded the God of the Christians — we therefore in con- World, 514. 
 sideration of our most mild clemency, and of the unbroken 
 custom whereby we are used to grant pardon to all men, 
 have thought it right in this case also to offer our speediest 
 indulgence, that Christians may exist again, and may es- 
 tablish their meetings, yet so that they do nothing contrary 
 to good order. By another letter we shall signify to magis- 
 trates how they should proceed. Wherefore, in accordance He asks their 
 with this indulgence of ours, they will be bound to pray 
 their God for our good estate, and that of the common- 
 wealth, and their own, that the commonwealth may en- 
 dure on every side unharmed, and they may be able to 
 live securely in their own homes. ^. 
 
 V. The Battle of the Milvian Bridge 
 
 And now a civil war broke out between Constantine 
 and Maxentius. ... At length Constantine, with steady 
 courage and a mind prepared for every event, led his whole 
 force to the neighborhood of Rome, and encamped them 
 opposite the Milvian Bridge. . . . Constantine was di- 
 rected in a dream to cause the heavenly sign to be delin- 
 eated on the shields of his soldiers, and so to proceed to 
 battle. He did as he had been commanded, and he marked 
 on their shields the letter X with a perpendicular line 
 drawn through it and turned round thus at the top >^ 
 being a cipher of Christ. Wearing this sign, his soldiers 
 stood to arms. The enemies advanced but without their 
 emperor, and they crossed the bridge. The armies met 
 and fought with the utmost exertion of valor, and firmly 
 
 The mono- 
 gram of 
 Christ. 
 
 Lactantius, 
 The Manner 
 in which the 
 Persecutors 
 died, xliv. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 514 f. 
 
 The Greek 
 letter X is 
 equivalent to 
 our Ch; the 
 curious P in 
 the centre is 
 our R, mak- 
 ing Chx. 
 
534 
 
 The Absolute Monarchy 
 
 Edict of 
 Licinius, 
 Emperor, 
 312 A.D. 
 
 Lactantius, 
 The Manner 
 in which the 
 Persecutors 
 died, xlviii. 
 
 It purports 
 to be a re- 
 issue of an 
 "Edict of 
 Milan." 
 But tiie 
 existence of 
 the latter has 
 been seri- 
 ously ques- 
 tioned; cf. 
 Seeck, 
 Geschichte 
 des Unter- 
 gangs der 
 anliken Welt, 
 i- 495- 
 
 A ncient 
 
 World, 
 
 515 and n. i. 
 
 maintained their ground. . . . (Relying on a Sibylline 
 prophecy, Maxentius joined his army.) The bridge in 
 his rear was broken down. At sight of that the battle 
 grew hotter. The hand of the Lord prevailed, and the 
 forces of Maxentius were routed. He fled toward the 
 broken bridge; but as the multitude pressed on him, he 
 was driven headlong into the Tiber. This destructive 
 war was thus ended, and with great rejoicings Constan- 
 tine was acknowledged emperor by the senate and people 
 of Rome. 
 
 VI. The "Edict of Milan" 
 
 When we, Constantine Augustus and Licinius Augustus, 
 had happily met together at Milan, and were holding con- 
 sideration of all things which concern the advantage anfi 
 security of the state, we thought amongst other things 
 which seemed likely to profit men generally, we ought in 
 the very first place to set in order the conditions of the 
 reverence paid to the Divinity, by giving to the Christians 
 and all others full authority to follow whatever worship 
 any man has chosen; whereby whatsoever Divinity dwells 
 in Heaven may be benevolent and propitious to us, and 
 to all who are placed under our authority. Therefore we 
 thought it good with sound counsel and very right reason 
 to lay down this law, that no man whatever should be 
 refused any legal facility, who has given up his mind 
 either to the observance of Christianity, or to the worship 
 which he personally feels best suited to himself; to the end 
 that the supreme Divinity, whose worship we freely fol- 
 low, may continue in all things to grant us his wonted favor 
 and goodwill. Wherefore your Devotion should know 
 that it is our pleasure to abolish all conditions whatever 
 which appeared in former charters directed to your office 
 
Toleration; Uniformity 535 
 
 about the Christians, that every one of those who have 
 a common wish to observe the Christian worship may 
 now freely and unconditionally endeavor to observe the 
 same without any annoyance or disquiet. These things 
 we thought good to signify in the fullest manner to your 
 Carefulness, that you might know that we have given 
 freely and unreservedly to the said Christians authority 
 to practise their worship. And when you perceive that 
 we have made this grant to the said Christians, your 
 Devotion understands that to others also freedom for 
 their own worship and observance is likewise left open 
 and freely granted, as befits the quiet of our times, that 
 every man may have freedom in the practice of whatever 
 worship he has chosen, for it is not our will that aught be 
 diminished from the honor of any worship. 
 
 VII. The Nicene Creed 
 
 "We believe in one God, Father Almighty, Maker of Established 
 all things visible and invisible. And in one Lord Jesus council of 
 Christ, the Son of God, begotten of the Father; only- ■''^,'f^^jj 
 begotten, that is, of the substance of the Father, God of 
 God, Light of Light, Very God of Very God, begotten Eusebius. 
 not made, being of one substance with the Father: by Ancient 
 whom all things were made in heaven and on earth: Who " '''''''^' s^s. 
 for us men, and for our salvation, came down and was in- 
 carnate, and was made man; He suffered, and rose again 
 the third day; He ascended into heaven, and is coming 
 to judge both the quick and the dead. And (we believe) 
 in the Holy Ghost. The Holy Catholic and Apostolic 
 Church anathematizes all who say there was a time when 
 the Son of God w^as not; that before He was begotten He 
 was not; that He was made out of the non-existent; or 
 
536 The Absolute Monarchy 
 
 that He is of a different essence and of a different substance 
 from the Father; and is susceptible of variation or change. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. What blameworthy traits does Aurelius Victor find in Dio- 
 cletian? What good quahties does he mention? Describe Maximian. 
 How were the emperors and Caesars distributed over the empire? 
 Describe the administration. How does this view compare with that 
 of Lactantius (Ch. XLHI. i)? Why did Diocletian resign? 
 
 2. What was the object of the Edict of Prices? What difficulties 
 would naturally be encountered in enforcing it? How do the prices 
 compare with those of to-day? 
 
 3. What was the character of Diocletian's persecution? What 
 was the poHcy of Constantius with reference to it? 
 
 4. What led to the edict of Galerius? What are its terms? Did 
 he believe in the existence of the Christians' God? 
 
 5. What seems to have been Constantine's motive in decorating 
 the shields with the monogram of Christ? Did it contribute to the 
 victory? 
 
 6. What are the terms of the "Edict of Milan"? Were they 
 thereafter observed? 
 
 7. What are the main beliefs of the Nicene Creed? What doctrine 
 is here condemned? 
 
CHAPTER XLIII 
 
 SOME ASPECTS OF THE DECLINE 
 
 I. The Oppression of Diocletian 
 
 While Diocletian, that author of ill and deviser of His ruinous 
 misery, was ruining all things, he could not withhold his ^°^^'^^' 
 insults, not even against God. Partly by avarice and in xlflfan^'^r 
 part by timid counsels this man overturned the Roman »'» '^'^«'^* '^« 
 empire. For he made a choice of three persons to share died, vii. 
 the government with him; and thus the empire was quar- Ancient 
 tered, armies were multiplied, and each of the four princes '^^°''''^' si? ff. 
 strove to maintain a much more considerable military 
 force than any sole emperor had done in times past. There 
 began to be fewer men who paid taxes than there wxre 
 who received wages ; accordingly the means of the husband- 
 men were exhausted by enormous impositions; farms were 
 abandoned; cultivated grounds became woodland, and 
 universal dismay prevailed. Furthermore the provinces Oppressive 
 were di\"ided into minute portions; and many governors 
 and a multitude of inferior ofl&cers lay heavy on each worid^^^oL 
 territory and almost on every city. There were many 
 stewards of different degrees and many deputies of the 
 governors. Very few civil cases came before them, but 
 there were condemnations daily, and forfeitures were 
 frequently inflicted. There were taxes on numberless 
 commodities, and those not only often repeated but per- 
 petual, and in exacting them intolerable wrongs. 
 
 Whatever was imposed for the maintenance of the sol- 
 diery might have been endured; but through his insatiable 
 
 537 
 
538 Some Aspects of the Decline 
 
 The hoarding 
 of wealth 
 in the im- 
 perial treas- 
 ury. 
 
 Edict of 
 prices. 
 
 Passion for 
 building. 
 
 Killing men 
 for their 
 estates. 
 
 avarice Diocletian would never allow the sums of money 
 in his treasury to be diminished: he was constantly heap- 
 ing together extraordinary aids and free gifts, that his 
 original hoards might remain untouched and in\dolable. 
 When, too, by various extortions he had made all things 
 exceedingly dear, he attempted by ordinance to limit 
 their prices. Then much blood was shed for the veriest 
 trifles; men were afraid to expose aught for sale, and the 
 scarcity became more excessive and grievous than ever, 
 until in the end the ordinance, proving destructive to 
 multitudes, was from mere necessity abolished. 
 
 To this (oppression) was added a certain endless passion 
 for building, and on that account arose endless exactions 
 from the provinces for furnishing wages to laborers and 
 artificers, and supplying wagons and whatever else was 
 requisite to the works which he projected. Here public 
 halls, there a circus, here a mint, and there a workhouse 
 for making implements of war; in one place a habitation 
 for his empress, and in another for his daughter. Pres- 
 ently a great part of the city was quitted, and all men 
 were removed with their wives and children, as from a 
 town taken by enemies; and when those buildings were 
 completed, to the destruction of whole provinces, he said, 
 "They are not right, let them be done on another plan." 
 By such folly was he continually endeavoring to equal 
 Nicomedia with the city of Rome in magnificence. 
 
 I omit mentioning how many perished on account of 
 their possessions or wealth ; for such evils were exceedingly 
 frequent; and through their frequency they appeared 
 almost lawful. But this was peculiar to him, that when- 
 ever he saw a field remarkably well cultivated, or a house 
 of uncommon elegance, a false accusation and a capital 
 punishment were straightway prepared against the pro- 
 
Oppression 
 
 539 
 
 Drietor; hence it seemed as if Diocletian could not be 
 guilty of rapine without also shedding blood, 
 
 II. The Oppression Continues After Diocletian 
 
 And now this wrong of which we are going to speak, 
 how atrocious it is, from what impious disorder it is sprung, 
 how strange to Barbarians, how famihar to Romans I The 
 latter impose grievous exactions upon one another. WTiat 
 say I? Not on one another, for the thing would be sup- 
 portable if each suffered what he inflicted. But the really 
 crying e\-il is that the many are pillaged by the few, who 
 regard the public pri\'ileges as their particular booty, 
 who make private gain of the debts due the state treasury. 
 And the guilty ones are not the great alone, but the small 
 as well; not judges only, but their deputies. For where 
 are, I do not say the cities merely, but the municipia and 
 the \dllages, which have not as many tyrants as Curiales? 
 But they congratulate themselves perhaps on this name 
 of tyrant, because it seems powerful and honorable. This 
 is the characteristic of nearly all robbers, to rejoice and 
 boast if they get the reputation of being more inhuman 
 than they really are. What then is the place, I would ask, or 
 where are the leading citizens who do not devour the \"itals 
 of widows and of orphans and even of all the saints? For 
 the latter are treated as widows and orphans, either be- 
 cause they do not w^sh to defend themselves, trusting in 
 their faith, or because they are unable to do it, on accoimt 
 of their weakness and iimocence. No one then is safe, 
 except the great, no one is protected from these devasta- 
 tions and this universal brigandage, unless perhaps those 
 who resemble the thieves themselves. Moreover the 
 thing has come to such excess of wickedness that no one 
 but the bad can hope to be secure. 
 
 The many 
 are pillaged 
 by the few. 
 
 Salvianus, 
 Pro'cidence 
 God, V. 4. 
 
 oj 
 
 The Curiales 
 were them- 
 selves op- 
 pressed, and 
 m their turn 
 oppressed 
 those under 
 their author- 
 ity; Ancient 
 World, 520. 
 
 The condi- 
 tion de- 
 scribed in 
 this selection 
 belongs to 
 the fifth 
 centurj' — the 
 time of the 
 writer. 
 
540 Some Aspects of the Decline 
 
 Condition 
 of a certain 
 city of Eu- 
 bcea, about 
 loo A.D. 
 
 Die Chrys- 
 ostom, 
 Oration vii. 
 34 ff. 
 
 The speaker 
 is a leading 
 citizen of his 
 city. 
 
 A great part 
 of the empire 
 was falling 
 into a similar 
 condition. 
 
 III. The Depopulation of Eubcea 
 
 About two thirds of our land lies waste for want of cul- 
 tivators. I own many acres both in the mountains and 
 in the plain. If any one will cultivate them, they may do 
 it without cost; yes, I will gladly pay them money. It 
 is clear that the land will thereby increase in value, and 
 it will certainly be more pleasant to look upon. Waste 
 land, besides being useless, arouses pity and makes the 
 owner seem unfortunate. It appears to me advisable 
 therefore that you persuade as many citizens as possible 
 to occupy public lands of the city and to cultivate it — 
 whoever has capital more, and the poor man as much as 
 he can, that our land may come under the plow, and our 
 city be freed from two of the greatest evils, idleness and 
 poverty. Ten years they shall use the land without cost; 
 then after an estimate is made, they shall pay a small 
 quota of the grain but not of the cattle. If a foreigner shall 
 occupy the land, he shall have it five years free, and then 
 pay a rent double that of a citizen. And if a stranger 
 shall occupy two, hundred acres, he shall be given the 
 citizenship as an encouragement to as many as possible 
 to undertake such work. For now the land just outside 
 the gates lies waste and unsightly as a desert, wholly un- 
 like the neighborhood of a city, while inside the walls the 
 larger part of the ground is sown or pastured. . . . They 
 plant grain on the exercise ground and pasture their cattle 
 in the market-place, so that Heracles and many other 
 statues of the gods and heroes are hidden by the stalks; 
 and every morning the sheep of a certain statesman in- 
 trudes upon the market-place and crops grass by the 
 council chamber and the other public buildings; and stran- 
 gers who come here either ridicule or pity our city. 
 
Depopulation; Incipient Feudalism 541 
 
 IV. Edict or Pertinax Concerning Vacant Lands 
 
 In the first place he gave permission to occupy untitled Lack of cul- 
 and vacant lands throughout Italy and in the other coun- throughout 
 tries of the empire, as much as any one wished and was ^^^ ajd!"^^* 
 able to cultivate, even if it belonged to the emperor, on jjerodian ii 
 condition that the one who should care for it and till it 4- 6. 
 should become its owner. To such cultivators he granted 
 exemption from all taxes for ten years and eventually 
 unquaUtied ownership in perpetuity. 
 
 V. Tendency to Feudalism 
 
 Imperator Constantine Augustus and Caesar Julianus Imperial 
 to Eutychianus, Pretorian Prefect: "We hold that who- bidding 
 ever shall try to offer protection to the farming folk, what- sion^of^pro- 
 
 ever his social rank, whether a commander of either branch tection to 
 ' , rural 
 
 of military service, or count (comes) or proconsul or vice- laborers, 
 governor or Imperial prefect or tribune or of the rank ^'^ ' ' 
 of a municipal councillor or of any other rank whatso- code, xxIv'^a. 
 ever, — he shall know that he will make himself liable for ^^^i^^i 
 the payment of forty pounds of gold for the protection World, 522. 
 furnished to each and every landed estate, unless he 
 abandon this rashness hereafter. All therefore shall know 
 that those should be smitten with the aforesaid fine, who 
 have undertaken (to create) clientship of country folk, 
 but those also, who for the sake of defrauding the public 
 taxes have resorted to protections with the customary 
 fraud, will be liable to the twofold payment of the es- 
 tablished fine." 
 
542 Some Aspects of the Decline 
 
 Carthage 
 will serve 
 as an il- 
 lustration. 
 
 Salvianus, 
 Providence oj 
 God, vii. 1 6. 
 
 Immoral- 
 ities. 
 
 The state- 
 ment is 
 doubtless 
 excessive. 
 
 VI. An Example of the Moral Condition of the 
 
 Empire 
 
 I will content myself with speaking of this city, the 
 queen and mother, as it were, of all the cities of Africa, — 
 this city, the eternal rival of Rome, at first in arms, then 
 in courage, and finally in splendor and dignity! Carthage, 
 I say, the most formidable adversary of Rome, the Rome 
 as it were of Africa, which will suffice as an example and 
 as evidence, because she contains within herself every- 
 thing by which a state is constituted and administered. 
 There are all the means which prepare for the civil pro- 
 fessions, there are the academies of liberal arts, there the 
 schools of the philosophers, there the gymnasia of lan- 
 guages and manners. There too are military forces and 
 the commanders of the soldiery, there the proconsular 
 office, there a judge and permanent governor who rules 
 with the title of proconsul but with the power of a consul. 
 There are also all the official dignitaries who differ from 
 one another in name and rank, for every ward, for every 
 street, I may say, — procurators who govern every part 
 and division of so great a people. I am content with this 
 city as an example for judging the rest; and we may readily 
 understand the character of the others, lacking as they 
 do careful police regulations, whereas the governors of 
 Carthage possess the utmost authority. 
 
 And here I almost repent of the promise I have just 
 made, to pass by all other excesses of the Africans and to 
 speak chiefly of their impurities and blasphemies. I see 
 a city overflowing with vices, I see a city seething with 
 every kind of wickedness, thronging with people, throng- 
 ing still more with iniquities, full of riches, but fuller of 
 sins, where men surpass one another in the vileness of 
 
Moral Depravity 543 
 
 their evil passions, strong among themselves for supremacy 
 in greed and impurity, others enfeebled with wine or dis- 
 tended with gluttony, others crowned with flowers or 
 reeking with perfumes, all weakened by degrading forms 
 of liLxury, nearly all sunken in deadly errors, not all dizzy 
 with wine, it is true, but everyone drunken in sin. You 
 would say that the people had lost their sound condition, 
 their senses, their mental sanity, and were moving along 
 in crowds, not with certain step but in the manner of in- 
 toxicated Bacchantes. ... I mention the proscription 
 of orphans, the oppression of widows, the crosses of the 
 poor who daily groan before God, praying for an end to 
 their afflictions, and worst of all, forced by the unendur- 
 able bitterness of their lot, calling in the enemy, till finally 
 God has granted them to endure along with the rest the 
 affliction at the hands of the barbarians which formerly 
 they alone had endured at the hands of the Romans. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Eniunerate all the causes of decline mentioned in this selection. 
 Does the writer seem to treat the case fairly? 
 
 2. In what particular ways, according to Salvianus, were the many 
 pillaged by the few? Who especially were oppressed? 
 
 3. What was the condition of the part of Euboea described in this 
 selection? What is the value of the selection in the study of this 
 period? What probably caused the depopulation? 
 
 4. How did Pertinax try to remedy the evil? 
 
 5. How did the rural laborers seek to avoid their taxes, and how 
 did the government try to hold them to their duty? 
 
 6. Describe the prosperity of Carthage. What does Salvianus 
 say of its immoralities? Was this condition a cause of decline? 
 
CHAPTER XLIV 
 
 THE NORTHERN BARBARIANS 
 
 Physique- 
 Tacitus, 
 Germania, 4. 
 
 Country. 
 
 lb. 5. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 524 f. 
 
 I. The Germans: People and Country 
 
 They have fierce blue eyes, red hair, and large frames, 
 capable only of sudden effort. They endure labor and 
 service less patiently than we, and cannot support thirst 
 and heat. But their climate and soil have accustomed 
 them to cold and hunger. 
 
 The country, although very varied in appearance, gen- 
 erally consists of rough forests or foul swamps. . . . 
 Though fertile in crops, it bears no fruit trees; it is rich 
 in herds but they are generally stunted. Even their 
 cattle do not attain their natural beauty or the full growth 
 of their horns. They take pleasure in the size of their 
 herds; these are their sole form of wealth, and they are 
 very proud of them. Whether it is in mercy or anger that 
 the gods have denied them silver or gold I do not know; 
 nor could I definitely assert that Germany produces no 
 vein of gold or silver; for no one has explored. But they 
 are not affected in the same way that we are by its pos- 
 session and use. You may see there silver vases which 
 have been given as presents to their ambassadors and 
 chiefs; but they hold them as cheap as earthenware pots. 
 However, the tribes nearest to us have learnt through 
 familiarity with trade to value gold and silver; they can 
 recognize and pick out certain pieces of our money. The 
 people of the interior use the more simple and ancient 
 method of barter. They hke best the old coinage with 
 
 S44 
 
Tac. Germ. 6. 
 
 Warfare; Government 545 
 
 which they are familiar, with milled edges and with a These old 
 . ... ... coins con- 
 
 two-horse chariot stamped on it. They also prefer silver tained less 
 
 to gold. This is not a matter of taste; but a number of those of the 
 
 small silver coins is more useful for men who buy only writer's time, 
 
 cheap and common articles. 
 
 Even iron is not plentiful, as one may gather from the Arms and 
 
 r- 1 111 warfare. 
 
 nature of their weapons. Swords and long lances are 
 rarely used; they carry spears, or, as they name them, 
 " Frams " which have a short narrow head, but are so sharp 
 and handy that they use the same weapon as circumstances 
 demand for close and open fighting. The cavalry are 
 content with shield and spear; the infantry also shower 
 javeUns; each man carried several, and they can throw 
 them a very long way. They fight naked or in a light 
 plaid. They have no elaborate apparel, and merely paint 
 their shields with distinctive colors, of the brightest hue. 
 Few wear cuirasses, hardly any helmets or caps. Their 
 horses are distinguished neither for build nor for speed. . . • 
 
 II. Government 
 
 Kings they choose by family, generals by merit. But Kings, war- 
 the kings have not an unfettered power; and the generals priests.' 
 lead less by authority than by force of example, according j^,, q^^^ ^ 
 as they win praise for energy, conspicuous bravery and ^^^^^^^^ 
 daring. Powers of execution or imprisonment and even '^Vorid, 525. 
 of flogging are granted to none but the priests, nor are 
 they exercised as a penalty or at the general's command, 
 but at the bidding — so they imagine — of the tribal god 
 whom they believe to be present in the ranks. Statues 
 and certain symbols are taken down from the trees of the 
 grove and carried into battle. The troops of horse and 
 the wedge-battalions of infantry are formed not merely 
 at haphazard but by families and clans. In this lies their 
 
546 
 
 The Northern Barbarians 
 
 Women. 
 
 Women in 
 war. 
 
 Tac. Germ. 8. 
 
 Council of 
 chiefs and 
 assembly 
 of warriors. 
 
 lb. II. 
 
 chief incentive to bravery. Their dearest too are close at 
 hand; the women's cries and the wailing of the babies 
 reach their ears. It is their testimony that each man 
 respects, their praise he values most. They carry their 
 wounds to show to mother and to wife; nor are the women 
 frightened to number and examine the blows; during battle 
 they bring them food and encouragement. 
 
 There is a tradition that in some battles troops already 
 wavering and beginning to run have been rallied by the 
 women, who offer unceasing prayers, bare their breasts, 
 and point out that captivity lies waiting close at hand. 
 This the Germans fear far more anxiously for the women's 
 sake than for their own, and the strongest hold upon the 
 loyalty of these tribes is got by demanding as hostages 
 girls of noble family. Indeed they believe that there is in 
 women some divine spark of foreknowledge, and they do 
 not despise their advice or neglect their answers. . . . 
 
 On minor matters the chief men consult alone; on more 
 important business they all meet. They provide, however, 
 that all questions, the decision of which lies with the 
 people, may be previously discussed by the chiefs. Their 
 meetings are, except in case of chance emergencies, on 
 fixed days, either at new moon or full moon; such seasons 
 they believe to be the most auspicious for beginning busi- 
 ness. They reckon the number, not of the days as we do, 
 but of the nights. It is thus that they make their appoint- 
 ments and contracts. To them day seems to follow night. 
 Their love of liberty makes them independent to a fault; 
 they do not assemble all at once or as though they were 
 under orders; but two or three days are wasted by their 
 delay in arriving. They take their seats as they come, 
 all in full armor. Silence is demanded by the priests, to 
 whom are granted special powers of coercion. Next the 
 
Justice; ''Companionship" 547 
 
 king, or one of the chief men according to claims of age, 
 hneage, or military glory, receives a hearing, which he 
 obtains more by power of persuasion than by any right of 
 command. If the opinion expressed displeases, their mur- 
 murs reject it; if they approve, they clash their spears. 
 Such applause is considered the most honorable form of 
 assent. 
 
 At the meeting charges involving risk of capital punish- Punish- 
 ment may be brought. The punishment fits the crime. 
 They hang traitors and deserters on trees; cowards and 
 cravens and evil-livers they plunge into a muddy swamp 
 and put a hurdle on the top. These different penalties 
 imply the distinction that crimes in being punished ought 
 to be made public, while shameful offences ought to be 
 concealed. They have also for lighter offences propor- 
 tionate penalties; if convicted, they are fined a certain 
 number of horses or cattle. Part of the fine is paid to the 
 king or community, part to the injured man or his kinsmen. 
 In these same meetings they choose chiefs who administer 
 justice in the shires and villages. Each of these is accom- 
 panied by a hundred companions of the common people, 
 who give him both advice and authority. 
 
 III. "Companionship" 
 Thev do no business public or private except in arms. The youth 
 
 D6C0D36S £L 
 
 But their custom is that no one may carry arms until the man. 
 community has approved his ability. Then before the Tac. Germ. 
 whole assembly either one of the chief men or the father ^^■ 
 or some kinsman adorns the young warrior with shield 
 and spear. This panoply is their "toga," youth's first 
 honor. Before this he is a member of the household, now 
 a member of the state. Distinguished lineage or great 
 services done by ancestors sometimes win for mere boys 
 
548 
 
 The Northern Barbarians 
 
 The chief 
 gathers about 
 him a num- 
 ber of fol- 
 lowers, called 
 companions, 
 who fight 
 under his 
 leadership. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 525. 
 
 The com- 
 panions vie 
 with one 
 another in 
 valor. 
 
 Tac. Germ. 
 14. 
 
 the rank of a chief; but these take their places among the 
 other tougher warriors whom time has tried, and do not 
 blush to be seen in the ranks. Within the train itself too 
 there are degrees of honor, determined at the leader's 
 discretion. And great rivalry prevails — the companions 
 each striving to be first with their chief, the chiefs to have 
 the largest and most spirited companionship. Real dis- 
 tinction and strength belong to the chief who has around 
 him always a band of chosen warriors, to be a glory in 
 peace and a protection in war. To have a companionship 
 distinguished for its size and bravery brings fame and 
 glory not only among your own people, but among neigh- 
 boring tribes as well. Such trains are courted by legates, 
 and honored with gifts, and often decide the fortune of a 
 battle by the mere rumor of their presence. 
 
 When the fighting begins, it is shameful for a chief to be 
 outdone in bravery, and equally shameful for the com- 
 panions not to match the bravery of their chief; to survive 
 one's chief and to return from battle is a foul disgrace 
 which lasts as long as life. To defend him, to support 
 him, to turn one's brave deeds to his glory, this is their 
 chief oath of allegiance. The chiefs fight for victory, the 
 companions for their chief. Often youths of noble family, 
 if the community in which they were born is suffering the 
 torpor of prolonged peace, go and seek out some tribe 
 which happens to be at war. They hate peace; and fame 
 too comes more easily in times of danger. Nor can you 
 support a large companionship save by war and violence; 
 for they exact from their chief's liberality their charter 
 and their murderous invincible spear. Feasts, too, rough 
 though plentiful, are given for pay. The means of this 
 Hberality is won by war and plunder. It would be far 
 harder to persuade them to plow the fields and wait for 
 
Peace 549 
 
 the year's yield than to challenge the enemy and earn 
 a wage of wounds. Indeed, they thmk it dull and lazy 
 to get by the sweat of your own brow what may be won 
 by shedding some one else's blood. 
 
 rV. In Time of Peace 
 
 When they are not fighting, they spend little time in Idleness. 
 hunting, much more in doing nothing. They devote Tac. Germ. 
 themselves to sleeping and eating. Even the bravest and ^^" 
 most warlike are quite idle, for they give over the care of 
 house and fields to the women and the old men, and to all 
 the weaklings of the household. They themselves merely 
 lounge, for from a strange contradiction of character they 
 love idleness yet hate peace. It is usual for the tribe, man 
 by man, to contribute a voluntary gift of cattle or corn 
 for the chiefs. They accept this as an honor, and it meets 
 their needs. They take particular pleasure in gifts from 
 other tribes. These are sent not only by individuals, but 
 often by the community, and consist of picked horses, 
 massive armor, bosses and collars. In these days we have 
 also taught them to take money. 
 
 It is well known that none of the German tribes live Villages and 
 in cities. They cannot endure undetached houses. Their homes, 
 homes are separate and scattered, pitched at the call of jj ^5 
 river, plain or wood. They build villages, but not as we 
 do with the buildings all adjoining and connected. Each 
 man has an open space around his homestead, either as a 
 protection against risk of fire, or because they do not 
 know how to build otherwise. They make no use even of 
 quarry stones or tiles. For all purposes they use timber 
 roughly hewn with no attempt at beauty or comfort. 
 Some parts they carefully smear with earth so pure and 
 bright that it gives the effect of painting and colored de- 
 
55° 
 
 The Northern Barbarians 
 
 Clothing. 
 
 lb. 17. 
 
 Marriage. 
 
 Tac. Germ. 
 18. 
 
 signs. They often dig caverns under the earth and load 
 heaps of mud above them; these make a refuge for them 
 in winter and a storehouse for fruits. In such places as 
 these they temper the extreme cold; and if an enemy 
 comes he carries off what he finds in the open, while he 
 knows nothing of all that is hidden and buried; or else it 
 escapes just because there is no time to search for it. 
 
 They all wear for covering a plaid fastened with a brooch, 
 or, in default of that, a thorn. Without any other cloth- 
 ing they spend whole days lying on the hearth before the 
 fire. The wealthy are distinguished by a garment, which 
 does not flow loose, as with the Sarmatians and Parthians, 
 but fits close and shows the shape of each limb. They 
 also use the skins of wild beasts. Those nearest the Rhine 
 look comfortable in them, but the people of the interior 
 wear them with elaborate care, since they are not yet 
 civilized by commerce. They choose their animal, skin 
 it, and star the hide with the speckled fur of the beasts 
 found in the further ocean and the unknown sea. The 
 women have the same clothing as the men, except that 
 they more frequently wear linen garments, which they 
 ornament with purple stripes. The bodice has no sleeves, 
 and they leave the arms and forearms uncovered. . . . 
 Their observance of the marriage-tie is very strict, and 
 there is no point in their manners which deserves greater 
 praise. Almost alone among barbarians they are content 
 with one wife, with the exception of a very few. . , . 
 
 V. Family and Social Relations 
 
 The husband brings a dowry to the wife, not the wife 
 to the husband. The parents come to the wedding and 
 inspect the presents. These are not designed to please a 
 woman's taste, nor can a young bride wear them in her 
 
Family and Kin 551 
 
 hair: they are oxen, and a bridled horse or a shield with 
 spear and sword. This is the dowry which wins a ^vife, 
 and she in her turn brings the husband some gift of arms. 
 This represents to them our marriage bond, the mystic 
 celebrations, and all the gods of matrimony. A woman 
 must not think herself exempt from thoughts of bravery 
 or the chances of war. By the ceremony which begins her 
 wedded life she is warned that she comes to be her hus- 
 band's partner in toil and in danger, to suffer and to dare 
 with him alike in peace and war. This is plainly shown by 
 the yoked oxen, the bridled horse, and the gift of arms. 
 Thus she must live, and thus she must die. She is receiv- 
 ing a trust which she must keep worthily and hand on to 
 her children, a trust which her sons' wives may receive in 
 turn and pass on to their children. . . . 
 
 The family are bound to share the feuds as well as the Blood feud, 
 friendships of father or kinsman. But these feuds are Tac. Germ. 
 not irreconcilable. Even homicide has its price in a fixed '^' 
 tale of cattle or sheep; the whole family receives the rec- 
 ompense. This is a good policy for the community, since 
 feuds and freedom are dangerous side by side. In enter- 
 tainment and hospitality no people are more profuse or 
 generous. It is thought wrong to refuse shelter to any 
 living man. Each according to his means receives his 
 guests with a liberal spread. When his store fails, the 
 former host sets out with his guest and guides him to an- 
 other lodging. They proceed to the next house without 
 any invitation. Nor does this make any difference; their 
 welcome is no less warm. As far as the right of hospitality 
 is concerned, no one makes any distinction between friend 
 and stranger. On a guest's departure, should he ask for 
 anything, their custom is to grant it; and the guest on his 
 part feels just as free to ask. They like presents, but do 
 
552 
 
 The Northern Barbarians 
 
 Food and 
 drink. 
 
 lb. 22. 
 
 Intemper- 
 ance. 
 
 Tac. Germ. 
 
 23- 
 
 Public 
 
 shows; 
 
 gambling. 
 
 lb. 24. 
 
 not reckon them as a favor, nor feel under any obligation 
 in accepting them. 
 
 Immediately they rise from sleep, which they frequently 
 prolong into the day, they take a bath, usually of warm 
 water, as is natural where winter takes the lion's share 
 of the year. After the bath they take a meal. They have 
 separate seats and each his own table. Then they proceed 
 to business and often to feasts in full armor. No one is 
 ashamed to drink from dawn to dawn. As is natural 
 among drunkards, quarrels are frequent, and their brawls 
 are rarely settled without wounds and bloodshed. But 
 they also frequently consult at their feasts about the rec- 
 onciliations of feuds, the forming of family connections, 
 and the adoption of chiefs, and also upon peace and war. 
 At no other time, they feel, is the heart so open to frank 
 thoughts or so well warmed to great ones. Being as a 
 race without much cunning or experience, they still open 
 the secrets of their hearts in the freedom of jest. Thus the 
 mind of each is laid bare. On the morrow they discuss 
 the question again, thus preserving the advantages of 
 either state. They debate, while incapable of deceit, and 
 decide when they cannot be misled. 
 
 Their drink is a liquid made from barley or wheat fer- 
 mented into a faint resemblance of wine. Their food is 
 simple, wild fruits, fresh game, or curdled milk. They 
 simply satisfy their hunger without any refinement or 
 preparation. In drinking they are less temperate. If 
 you pander to their intemperance by supplying as much 
 as they want, their vices will conquer them as effectively 
 as any troops. 
 
 They have but one kind of public show; in every gather- 
 ing it is just the same. Naked youths who profess this 
 sport, fling themselves in dance among swords and levelled 
 
Slavery 553 
 
 lances. Practice has perfected their skill and skill their 
 grace; yet they do it not to make money or a living. Dar- 
 ing as the game is, its sole reward is the spectator's pleas- 
 ure. GambHng with dice, it is strange to find, they reckon 
 as a serious occupation. They play while sober, and 
 show such recklessness in winning and losing that when 
 all else fails, on the last throw of all they stake their lib- 
 erty and person. The loser goes into voluntary slavery. 
 Though he may be the younger and stronger, he suffers 
 himself to be bound and sold. This shows their wrong- 
 headed obstinacy; they call it themselves a sense of honor. 
 Slaves thus obtained they usually sell in the market, to 
 rid themselves of the shame of such a victory. 
 
 Their ordinary slaves are not employed, as ours are, Slaves, 
 on distinct duties in the establishment. Each has his /j. 25. 
 own hearth and home. The master fixes a certain measure 
 of grain or number of cattle to be paid as a sort of rent; 
 this forms the only obligation. All the household obliga- 
 tions are performed by the master's wife and children. 
 Slaves are very rarely beaten or condemned to imprison- 
 ment or taskwork. They are sometimes killed by their 
 masters, not, however, as a severe act of discipline, but 
 simply in a fit of passion, just ^s one might kill a private 
 enemy, except that it is legal to kill a slave. The position 
 of freedmen is not much higher than that of slaves. In 
 the household they rarely have any influence, in the state 
 never, except in those tribes which are ruled by kings. 
 There they rise even above the free-born and above the 
 nobles. In the other tribes the inferiority of freedmen 
 is a proof of freedom. 
 
 The lending of money and its multiplication by interest Economy, 
 is unknown to them. Ignorance proves a better preven- Tac. Germ. 
 tive than prohibition. The fields are held by village- 
 
554 
 
 The Northern Barbarians 
 
 FuneralSo 
 
 lb. 27. 
 
 communities in proportion to their numbers, and are 
 allotted to individuals according to rank. The extent of 
 the land makes the division easy. They never till the same 
 field two years in succession, yet there is always land to 
 spare. They do not labor to improve the richness or ex- 
 tent of the soil by planting orchards enclosing meadows 
 and irrigating gardens; their sole demand upon the land 
 is corn. Thus they do not divide the year into as many 
 seasons as we do. They distinguish winter, spring and 
 summer, and give them names; but they know neither the 
 name nor the blessings of autumn. 
 
 The funerals are not ostentatious. The only custom 
 they observe is that of using certain kinds of wood for the 
 cremation of famous men. They do not load the pyre 
 with garments or perfumes. The dead man's armor goes 
 into the flames and in some cases his horse as well. The 
 tomb is built of turf. They dislike a tall and elaborate 
 monument; it seems an honor that weighs heavy on the 
 dead. They soon cease from tears and mourning, but are 
 slow to forget their grief. "Women must weep" they 
 say "and men remember." 
 
 Physique. 
 
 Ammianus 
 Marcellinus 
 xxxi. 3. 
 
 Out-of-door 
 Ufe. 
 
 lb. 4. 
 
 A ficient 
 World, 533 f. 
 
 VI. The Huns 
 
 They are certainly in the shape of men, however un- 
 couth, but are so hardy that they require neither fire nor 
 well-flavored food, but live on the roots of such herbs as 
 they get in the fields, or on the half- raw flesh of any animal, 
 which they merely warm rapidly by placing it between 
 their own thighs and the backs of cheir horses. 
 
 They never shelter themselves under roofed houses, 
 but avoid them as people ordinarily avoid sepulchres as 
 things not fitted for common use. Nor is there even to be 
 found among them a cabin thatched with reed; but they 
 
The Huns 555 
 
 wander about roaming over the mountains and the woods, 
 and accustom themselves to bear frost and hunger and 
 thirst from their very cradles. And even when abroad 
 they never enter a house unless under the compulsion of 
 some extreme necessity; nor indeed do they think people 
 under roofs as safe as others. 
 
 They wear linen clothes, or else garments made of the Clothing. 
 skins of field-mice; nor do they wear a different dress Amm. Marc. 
 out of doors from that which they wear at home; but ^^^' ■^' 
 after a tunic is once put around their necks, however worn 
 it becomes, it is never taken off or changed till, from long 
 decay, it becomes actually so ragged as to fall to pieces. 
 
 They cover their heads with round caps, and their 
 shaggy legs with the skins of kids; their shoes are not made lb. 6. 
 on any lasts, but are so unshapely as to hinder them from 
 walking with a free gait. And for this reason they are not 
 well-suited to infantry battles, but are nearly always on 
 horseback, their horses being ill-shaped but hardy; and 
 sometimes they even sit upon them like women if they 
 want to do anything more conveniently. There is not a 
 person in the whole nation who cannot remain on his 
 horse day and night. On horseback they buy and sell, 
 they take their meat and drink, and there they recline on 
 the narrow neck of their steed, and yield to sleep so deep 
 as to indulge in every variety of dream. 
 
 And when any dehberation is to take place on any Council, 
 weighty matter, they all hold their common council on /j. 7. 
 horseback. They are not under the authority of a king, 
 but are contented with the irregular government of their 
 nobles, and under their lead they force their way through 
 all obstacles. 
 
 Sometimes when provoked, they fight; and when they Warfare, 
 go into battle, they form in a solid body, and utter all kinds ib. 8. 
 
556 
 
 The Northern Barbarians 
 
 /J. 9- 
 
 Perpetual 
 nomads. 
 
 Ih. lo. 
 
 Inconstant 
 and unre- 
 liable. 
 
 Amm. Marc, 
 xxxi. II. 
 
 of terrific yells. They are very quick in their operations, 
 of exceeding speed, and fond of surprising their enemies. 
 With a view to this, they suddenly disperse, then reunite, 
 and again, after having inflicted vast loss upon the enemy, 
 they scatter themselves over the whole plain in irregular 
 formations; always avoiding a fort or an intrenchment. 
 
 And in one respect you may pronounce them the most 
 formidable of all warriors, for, when at a distance, they 
 use missiles of various kinds tipped with sharpened bones 
 instead of the usual points of javelins, and these bones are 
 admirably fastened into the shaft of the javelin or arrow; 
 but when they are at close quarters they fight with the 
 sword, without any regard for their own safety; and often 
 while their antagonists are warding off their blows they 
 entangle them with twisted cords, so that, their hands 
 being fettered, they lose all power of either riding or 
 walking. 
 
 None of them plow, or even touch a plow-handle; 
 for they have no settled abode, but are homeless and 
 lawless, perpetually wandering with their wagons, which 
 they make their homes; in fact they seem to be people 
 always in flight. Their wives live in these wagons, and 
 there weave their miserable garments. . . . 
 
 In truces they are treacherous and inconstant, liable to 
 change their minds at every breeze of every fresh hope 
 which presents itself, giving themselves up wholly to the 
 impulse and inclination of the moment; and like brute 
 beasts, they are utterly ignorant of the distinction between 
 right and wrong. They express themselves with great 
 ambiguity and obscurity; have no respect for any religion 
 or superstition whatever; are immoderately covetous of 
 gold; and are so fickle and irascible, that they very often 
 on the same day that they quarrel with their companions 
 
Review 557 
 
 without any provocation, again become reconciled to 
 them without any mediator. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Describe Germany. What were its products? 
 
 2. Describe the government. What were the qualifications for 
 leadership? What function had the priests? What was the idea of 
 punishment? What was the German method of fighting? What 
 part in warfare did women take? Who composed the council? 
 What business came before it? Describe the public meetings of the 
 warriors. 
 
 3. Explain "companionship." What part had it in war? 
 
 4. How did the warriors live in time of peace? Where were their 
 homes situated? Describe their clothing. 
 
 5. Describe their marriage customs. Explain the blood feud. 
 How did they treat guests? What was their custom of eating at 
 meals and feasts? To what vices were they addicted? What was 
 the condition of their slaves? What were all the sources of their 
 subsistence? In what way were their funerals peculiar? 
 
 6. Describe the physique of the Huns. What was their opinion 
 of houses? What did they wear? What use did they make of horses? 
 What government had they? Describe their warfare. Compare 
 them with the Germans. Who wrote these selections, and how did 
 each obtain his information? 
 
CHAPTER XLV 
 
 ROMAN LIFE UNDER THE LATE EMPIRE 
 MAINLY FOURTH AND FIFTH CENTURIES A.D. 
 
 The ex- 
 periences of 
 two Christian 
 women. 
 
 St. Jerome, 
 Letter cxxvii 
 (written 412 
 A.D.). 
 
 The first 
 siege men- 
 tioned was 
 by Alaric in 
 408; the sec- 
 ond siege, 
 ending in the 
 capture of 
 Rome, was 
 in 410; An- 
 cient World, 
 529 f. 
 
 Principia was 
 a young lady 
 in the house 
 and under 
 the protec- 
 tion of Mar- 
 cella, an old 
 lady. The 
 latter soon 
 died from 
 the effects of 
 ker injuries. 
 
 I. Principia and Marcella in the Sack of Rome 
 
 BY THE Goths 
 
 Rome had been besieged and its citizens had been forced 
 to buy their lives with gold. Then, thus despoiled, they 
 had been besieged again so as to lose not their substance 
 only but their lives. My voice sticks in my throat; and 
 as I dictate, sobs choke my utterance. The City which 
 had taken the whole world was itself taken; nay more, 
 famine was beforehand with the sword and but few citizens 
 were left to be made captives. In their frenzy the starving 
 people had recourse to hideous food; and tore each other 
 limb from limb that they might have flesh to eat. Even 
 the mother did not spare the babe at her breast. . . . 
 
 Meantime as was natural in a scene of such confusion, 
 one of the blood-stained victors found his way into Mar- 
 cella's house. Now be it mine to say what I have heard, 
 to relate what holy men have seen; for there were some 
 such present, and they say you (Principia) too were with 
 her in the hour of danger. When the soldiers entered, she 
 is said to have received them without any look of alarm; 
 and when they asked her for gold, she pointed to her coarse 
 dress to show them she had no buried treasure. They 
 would not believe in her self-chosen poverty, however, 
 
 S.S8 
 
The Sack of Rome 559 
 
 but scourged and beat her with cudgels. She is said to 
 have felt no pain, but to have thrown herself at their feet 
 and to have pleaded with tears for you, that you might 
 not be taken from her. . . . Christ softened their hard 
 hearts and even among blood-stained swords natural affec- 
 tion asserted its rights. The barbarians conveyed both 
 you and her to the basilica of the Apostle Paul, that you 
 might find there either a place of safety or if not that, 
 at least a tomb. Hereupon Marcella is said to have burst 
 into great joy and to have thanked God for having kept 
 you unharmed in answer to her prayer. She said she was 
 thankful too that the taking of the City had found her 
 poor, not made her so, that she was now in want of her 
 daily bread, that Christ satisfied her needs so that she 
 no longer felt hungry, that she was able to say in word 
 and in deed. . . . "The Lord gave and the Lord hath Job i. 21. 
 taken away; blessed be the name of the Lord." 
 
 II. By Fire and Sword 
 
 I shudder when I think of the catastrophies of our time. Calamities 
 For twenty years and more the blood of Romans has been by the in- 
 shed daily between Constantinople and the Julian Alps. '^^<*^''s- 
 Scythia, Thrace, Macedonia, Dardania, Dacia, Thessaly, r'^'J^T"}^ 
 Achaia, Epirus, Dalmatia, the Pannonias — each and all Heliodoms; 
 
 of these provinces have been sacked and pillaged and 
 plundered by Goths and Sarmatians, Quades and Alans, 
 Huns and Vandals and Marcomanni. How many of 
 God's matrons and maidens, virtuous and noble ladies, 
 have been made the sport of these brutes! Bishops have 
 been made captive, priests and those in minor orders have 
 been put to death. Churches have been overthrown, 
 horses have been stalled by the altars of Christ, and relic3 
 of the martyrs have been dug up. 
 
 396A.D.). 
 
560 Roman Life Under the Late Empire 
 
 Vergil, 
 jEneid, ii. 
 369- 
 
 The empire 
 is falling. 
 
 Invasion of 
 the Huns 
 (here called 
 wolves) . 
 
 Vergil, 
 jEneid, vi. 
 625-7. 
 
 His mother's 
 care. 
 
 St. Jerome, 
 Letter cxxv 
 (to Rusticus; 
 411 A.D.). 
 
 Mourning and fear abound on every side 
 
 And death appears in countless shapes and forms. 
 
 The Roman world is falling; yet we hold up our heads 
 instead of bowing them. . . . The East, it is true, seemed 
 to be safe from all such evils; and if men were panic-stricken 
 here, it was only because of bad news from other parts. 
 But lo! in the year just gone by the wolves (no longer of 
 Arabia but of the whole North) were let loose upon us 
 from the remotest fastnesses of Caucasus and in a short 
 time overran these great provinces. What a number of 
 monasteries they captured ! How many rivers they caused 
 to run red with blood ! They laid siege to Antioch and in- 
 vested other cities on the Halys, the Cydnus, the Orontes, 
 and the Euphrates. They carried off troops of captives. 
 Arabia, Phoenicia, Palestine, and Egypt, in their terror 
 fancied themselves enslaved. 
 
 Had I a hundred tongues, a hundred lips, 
 A throat of iron and a chest of brass, 
 I could not tell men's countless sufferings. 
 
 And indeed it is not my purpose to write a history; I 
 only wish to shed a few tears over your sorrows and mine. 
 
 III. Advice to a Young Monk 
 
 I am told that your mother is a religious woman, a widow 
 of many years standing; and that when you were a child 
 she reared and taught you herself. Afterward when you 
 had spent some time in the flourishing schools of Gaul, 
 she sent you to Rome, sparing no expense and consoling 
 herself for your absence with the thought of the future 
 that lay before you. She hoped to see the exuberance and 
 glitter of your Gallic eloquence toned down by Roman 
 sobriety, for she saw that you required the rein more 
 than the spur. . . . 
 
Advice to a Monk 561 
 
 If on your part you desire to be a monk and not merely Disdain 
 
 to seem one, be more careful of your soul than of your things. 
 
 property; for in adopting a religious profession you have 
 
 renounced this once for all. Let your garments be squalid 
 
 to show that your mind is white, and your tunic coarse 
 
 to prove that you despise the world. But give not way to 
 
 pride lest your dress and language be found at variance. 
 
 Baths stimulate the senses and must therefore be avoided; 
 
 for to quench natural heat is the aim of chilling fasts. . . . 
 
 A frugal and temperate diet is good for both body and soul. 
 
 See your mother as often as you wish but not with other Avoid the 
 
 sociGtv of 
 W'omen, for their faces may dwell in your thoughts and women. 
 
 so — "a. secret wound may fester in your breast." The 
 
 maidservants who attend upon her you must regard as 
 
 so many snares laid to entrap you. . . . 
 
 If I wish you then not to live with your mother, it is 
 for the reasons above given, and most of all for the follow- 
 ing: If she offers you delicacies to eat, you will grieve her 
 by refusing them; and if you take them, you will add fuel 
 to the flame that already burns within you. . . . Never Keep your 
 take your hand or your eyes off your book; learn the cupied with 
 psalms word for word, pray without ceasing, be always a^'J^ifgion. 
 on the alert, and let no vain thoughts lay hold upon you. 
 Direct both body and mind to the Lord, overcome wrath 
 with patience, love the knowledge of the scripture, and 
 you will no longer love the sins of the flesh. Do not let 
 your mind become a prey to excitement, for if this effects 
 a lodgment in your breast, it will have dominion over you 
 and will lead you into the great transgression. Always 
 have some work on hand, that the Devil may find you 
 busy. . . . 
 
 Make creels of reeds or weave baskets of pliant osier. 
 Hoe your ground; mark out your garden into even plots; 
 
562 Roman Life Under the Late Empire 
 
 Do the fol- and when you have sown your cabbages or set your plants, 
 of manual Convey water to them in conduits; that you may see with 
 your own eyes the lovely vision of the poet : 
 
 Vergil, 
 Georgics, i. 
 108-10. 
 
 Proverbs xiii. 
 4- 
 
 Art draws fresh water from the hilltop near, 
 Till the stream, plashing down among the rocks, 
 Cools the parched meadows and allays their thirst. 
 
 Graft unfruitful stocks with buds and slips that you 
 may shortly be rewarded for your toil by plucking sweet 
 apples from them. Build also hives for bees, for to these 
 creatures the proverbs of Solomon send you, and you may 
 learn from the tiny creatures how to order a monastery 
 and to discipline a kingdom. Twist lines too for catching 
 fish, and copy books, that your hand may earn your food 
 and your mind be ever satisfied with reading. For " every- 
 one that is idle is a prey to vain desires." In Egypt the 
 monasteries make it a rule to receive none who are not 
 willing to work; for they regard labor as necessary not 
 only for the support of the body but also for the salvation 
 of the soul. 
 
 On the duty 
 of labor. 
 
 The editors 
 gratefully 
 acknowledge 
 the use of 
 Og?, Source 
 Book, 88 f., 
 for this 
 selection. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 547 f. 
 
 IV. From the Rule of St. Benedict 
 
 Idleness is the enemy of the soul. And, therefore, at 
 fixed times the brothers ought to be occupied in manual 
 labor; and again at fixed times in sacred reading. There- 
 fore we believe that both seasons ought to be arranged 
 after this manner, — so that, from Easter until the first 
 of October, going out early from the first until the fourth 
 hour they shall do what labor may be necessary. From 
 the fourth hour until about the sixth, they shall be free 
 for reading. After the meal of the sixth hour, rising from 
 the table, they shall rest in their beds with all silence; or 
 perchance he that wishes to read may read to himself in 
 
Rule of St. Benedict 563 
 
 such a way as not to disturb another. And the nona (the 
 second meal) shall be gone through with more moderately 
 about the middle of the eighth hour; and again, they shall 
 work at what is to be done until Vespers. But if the emer- 
 gency or poverty of the place demands that they be occu- 
 pied in picking fruits, they shall not be grieved; for they 
 are truly monks if they live by the labors of their hands, 
 as did also our fathers and the apostles. Let all things be 
 done with moderation, however, on account of the faint- 
 hearted. 
 
 In days of Lent they shall all receive separate books Regulations 
 
 . as to read- 
 
 from the Hbrary, which they shall read entirely through ing. 
 
 in order. These books are to be given out on the first day 
 
 of Lent. Above all there shall be appointed without fail 
 
 one or two elders, who shall go round the monastery at the 
 
 hours in which the brothers are engaged in reading, and 
 
 see to it that no troublesome brother be found who is 
 
 given to idleness and trifling, and is not intent on his 
 
 reading, being not only of no use to himself, but also 
 
 stirring up others. If such a one (may it not happen) be 
 
 found, he shall be reproved once and a second time. If 
 
 he do not amend, he shall be subject under the rule to 
 
 such punishment that the others may have fear. Nor 
 
 shall brother join brother at unsuitable hours. Moreover, 
 
 on Sunday all shall engage in reading, excepting those 
 
 who are assigned to various duties. But if any one be 
 
 so negligent and lazy that he will not or can not read, 
 
 some task shall be imposed upon him which he can do, 
 
 so that he be not idle. On feeble and delicate brothers 
 
 such a task or art is to be imposed, that they shall neither 
 
 be idle nor so oppressed by the violence of labor as to be 
 
 driven to take flight. Their weakness is to be taken into 
 
 consideration by the abbot. 
 
564 Roman Life Under the Late Empire 
 
 Advice to a 
 father 
 concerning 
 an infant 
 daughter. 
 
 St. Jerome, 
 Letter cxxviii. 
 
 Letter cvii. 
 
 In the 
 monastery. 
 
 Letter cxlvii. 
 
 V. The Training of a Nun 
 
 A girl should associate only with girls, she should know 
 nothing of boys and should dread even playing with 
 them. . . . Her mother's nod should be to her as much 
 a command as a spoken injunction. She should love her 
 as a parent, obey her as a mistress, and reverence her as 
 her teacher. . . . She should until she is grown up com- 
 mit to memory the psalter and the books of Solomon ; the 
 gospels, the apostles, and the prophets should be the 
 treasure of her heart. She should not appear in public 
 too freely or too frequently attend crowded churches. All 
 her pleasure should be in her chamber. She must never 
 look at young men or turn her eyes upon curled fops; and 
 the wanton songs of sweet-voiced girls, which wound the 
 soul through the ears, must be kept from her. The more 
 freedom of access such persons possess, the harder it is to 
 avoid them when they come; and what they have once 
 learned themselves they will secretly teach her and will 
 thus contaminate our secluded Danae by the talk of the 
 crowd. Give her for guardian and companion a mistress 
 and governess, one not addicted to much wine or in the 
 Apostle's word idle and a tattler, but sober, grave, indus- 
 trious in spinning wool, and one whose words will form 
 her childish mind to the practice of virtue. . . . 
 
 Let her not converse with people of the world. . . . 
 Let her not be present at the weddings of your slaves 
 and let her take no part in the noisy games of the house- 
 hold. ... By vigils and fasts she mortifies her body 
 and brings it into subjection. . . . And by a deliberate 
 squalor she makes haste to spoil her natural good looks. 
 
 It is usual in the monasteries of Egypt and Syria for 
 maidens and widows who have vowed themselves to God 
 
Oft-Wedded 565 
 
 and have renounced the world and have trodden its pleas- 
 ures under foot, to ask the mothers of their communities 
 to cut their hair; not that afterward they go about with 
 heads uncovered in defiance of the Apostle's command, 
 for they wear a close-fitting cap and veil. No one knows 
 of this in any single case except the shearers and the shorn; 
 but as the practice is universal, it is almost universally 
 known. The custom has in fact become a second nature. 
 
 VI. A Much Married Couple 
 
 The story I am about to relate is incredible; yet it is Twenty- 
 vouched for by many witnesses. Many years ago when and twenty- 
 I was helping Damasus, bishop of Rome, with his eccle- ^^ ^"^" 
 siastical correspondence, and writing his answers to the „ ^ 
 
 •^ '^ St. Jerome, 
 
 questions referred to him by the Councils of the East and Letter cxxiii. 
 
 West, I saw a married couple, both of whom were sprung St. Jerome 
 
 from the very dregs of the people. The man had already demnfLc°° 
 
 buried twenty wives and the woman had had twenty-two ^F'^ ^^'^" 
 , , , nages. 
 
 husbands. Now they were united to each other, as each 
 
 believed, for the last time. The greatest curiosity pre- 
 vailed among both men and women to see which of these 
 two veterans would live to bury the other. The husband 
 triumphed and walked before the bier of his oft-married 
 wife, amid a great concourse of people from all quarters, 
 with garland and palm-branch, scattering spelt as he 
 went along among an approving crowd. 
 
 VII. The Pagan Gods are Immoral 
 
 Hence it proceedeth that those gods never had care of They are 
 the lives and manners of such cities and nations as gave every kind 
 them divine honors ; but contrary wise gave free permission oi^^*'°°"°*" 
 to such horrible and abominable evils, to enter, not upon 
 their lands, vines, houses, or treasures, no nor upon the 
 
566 Roman Life Under the Late Empire 
 St. Augustine, body (which serves the mind) but upon the mind itself, 
 
 City of God, 
 
 ii. 6. the ruler of all the flesh, and of all the rest; this they ever 
 
 Ancient allowed without any prohibition at all. ... I know 
 
 World, 530. their followers will talk of certain secret traditions and, 
 I know not what, some closely muttered instructions, 
 tending to the bettering of man's life; but let them show 
 wherever they had any public places ordained to hear such 
 lectures (wherein the players did not present their filthy 
 gestures and speeches: nor where the Fugalia were kept 
 with all licentiousness, fitly called Fugalia, as the chasers 
 away of all chastity and honesty); but where the people 
 might come and hear their gods' doctrine concerning the 
 restraint of covetousness, the suppression of ambition, 
 and the bridling of luxury and riot. . . . Let them show 
 where these lessons of their instructing gods were ever 
 read or rehearsed; whether ever their worshippers were 
 used to hear of any such matters, as we used to do con- 
 tinually in our churches, erected for this purpose in all 
 places wheresoever the religion of Christ is diffused. 
 
 Their 
 interest in 
 humanity. 
 
 St. Augus- 
 tine, Cily of 
 God, ix. 7. 
 
 VIII. Angels 
 
 Worthily are those blessed immortals placed in those 
 celestial habitations, rejoicing in the participation of their 
 Creator, being firm, certain, and holy by His eternity, 
 truth, and bounty; because they love us mortal wretches 
 with a zealous pity and desire to have us immortally blessed 
 also, and will not have us sacrifice to them, but to Him 
 to whom they know both us and themselves to be sacrifices. 
 For we both are inhabitants of that in the Psalm: " Glorious 
 things are spoken of thee, thou City of God: " part whereof 
 is pilgrim yet with us and part assists us with them. From 
 that eternal city where God's unchanging will is all their 
 
 I 
 
Angels; Miracles 567 
 
 law: and from that supernal court (for there we are cared 
 for) by the ministry of the holy angels was that Holy 
 Scripture brought down unto us, which says, "He that 
 sacrifices to any but God alone, shall be rooted out." 
 This scripture, this precept is confirmed unto us by so 
 many miracles, that it is plain enough, to whom the blessed 
 immortals, so loving us, and wishing as themselves, would 
 have us to offer sacrifice. 
 
 IX. MlIL^CLES 
 
 But all miracles (done by angels or whatever divine Not to be 
 ^ • , 1 • r /^ J . doubted, 
 
 power), confirmmg the true adoration 01 one Ood unto us 
 
 (in whom only we are blessed), we beUeve truly are done ^ine, cf/y V 
 by God's power working in these immortals that love us ^<"^' ^- "• 
 in true piety. Hear not those that deny that the invisible 
 God works \asible miracles: is not the world a miracle? 
 Yet visible, and of His making. Nay, all the miracles 
 done in this world are less than the world itself, the heaven 
 and the earth and all therein, yet God made them all, 
 and after a manner that man cannot conceive nor com- 
 prehend. For though these visible miracles of nature 
 be now no more admired, yet ponder them wisely, and 
 they are more admirable than the strangest: for man is a 
 greater miracle than all that he can work. Wherefore 
 God that made heaven and earth (both miracles) scorns 
 not as yet to work miracles in heaven and earth, to draw 
 men's souls that yet affect \'isibilities, unto the worship 
 of His invisible essence. But where and when He \\-ill 
 do this. His unchangeable wiH can only declare; at whose 
 disposing all time past has been, and future time is. He 
 moves all things in time, but time moves not Him, nor 
 knows the future effects otherwise than present. Nor 
 
568 Roman Life Under the Late Empire 
 
 hears he our prayers otherwise than He forsees them ere 
 we pray; for when His angels hear them, He hears in them. 
 
 Criminal 
 charge 
 before the 
 governor of 
 
 Egypt. 
 
 The trial 
 about 400 
 A.D. 
 
 A papyrus. 
 
 Interesting 
 for the re- 
 ligious belief 
 of the age. 
 
 X. A Case of Grave Robbery 
 
 You have dug up the body of the dead which the city, 
 pursuant to a decree of the people, has buried and mourned. 
 You seem to me to have the heart of a beast, not of a 
 man — and really not even of a beast. For beasts assail 
 indeed living men but spare the dead. You however have 
 plotted against a corpse which has separated itself from 
 the race of men. Whence got you the effrontery to rob 
 of his last hopes the person laid to rest? Truly, by Zeus, 
 these were the last adornments allowed by the laws: they 
 were the gifts of the state to the dead body; they were 
 offerings of purification (which you have stolen). You 
 will atone for this deed with your head. 
 
 Heresies 
 forbidden. 
 
 Theodosian 
 Code xvi. 5, 5. 
 
 379 A.D. 
 
 XI. Edict of Theodosius Against Heretics 
 
 Let all heresies forbidden both by divine and imperial 
 laws forthwith cease. Whatsoever profane person lowers, 
 by acts worthy of punishment, the opinion of God, let 
 him entertain ideas destined to be hurtful to himself alone, 
 let him not publish what will be a hindrance to others. 
 Whoever causes wasting disease to bodies, redeemed by 
 venerable baptism, ... let him not ruin others by wicked 
 instruction. And all teachers and ministers of that per- 
 verse superstition, — whether by assuming sacred office 
 they defile the name of bishop or falsify religion with the 
 title of presbyter, or call themselves deacons when they 
 are not even held to be Christians, — let them abstain 
 from meetings devoted to an opinion long ago condemned. 
 Finally let the Rescript recently published at Sirmium 
 
Heresies; Education 569 
 
 be cancelled and let those things only abide with Universal Rescript was 
 
 . 1 !■ \ 1 1 • 1 1 1 (• 1 a. letter by 
 
 (Catholic) observance, which our ever memorable father the emperor 
 
 and we ourselves ha^'e ordered as destined to live forever fr'^uenT ^ 
 
 with equally specific command. f°™ °{ 
 
 ^ -^ ^ legislaUon. 
 
 XII. Miseries of the Schoolboy 
 
 O God, my God, what miseries I suffered there, and how The 
 I was made a subject of mockery, seeing that the end set is painful, 
 before my boyhood was to obey my teachers that I might g^ Augus- 
 prosper in the world, by learning to excel in those wordy ^^?^' Confes- 
 arts which lead to honor among men, and serve to gain 
 those riches which are not true wealth. To that end I 
 was put to school that I might learn my letters, in which 
 I, poor wTetch, could see no manner of use. But if I was 
 slow in learning them I was whipped. For this was the 
 way approved by our ancestors. For many, going through 
 this life before us, had built up the toilsome ways through 
 which we were compelled to pass with the labor and pain 
 which have been multiplied upon the sons of Adam. Mean- 
 while I came in contact with some who prayed to Thee, 
 and I learned something from them, and thought of Thee 
 as best I could, as some great One, who though we could 
 not see or touch Thee, couldst hear and help us. As a 
 boy accordingly I began to pray to Thee, who art my 
 refuge and my help. I taught my stammering tongue 
 to cry to Thee, and besought Thee, small as I was, with 
 no little earnestness that I might not be whipped at school. 
 And when Thou didst not answer my prayer — though 
 it was not Thy purpose to put me to confusion — my 
 whippings were matter for mirth to my seniors, even to 
 my parents, who certainly wished no ill to befall me, 
 though these punishments were a great and grave ill to 
 me. . . , 
 
Learning 
 
 under 
 
 compulsion. 
 
 Jb.i. 
 
 12, 19. 
 
 Through 
 the reading 
 of Cicero. 
 
 St. Augustine, 
 Confessions, 
 i. 4, 7 f. 
 
 The Horten- 
 sius has not 
 been pre- 
 served. 
 
 570 Roman Life Under the Late Empire 
 
 In my boyhood, for which my mother had less fear than 
 for my youth, I loved not my lessons, and I loved not to 
 be made learn them. But I was made learn them, and 
 that was good ; yet was I not doing good in learning them; 
 for I would not have learned them had I not been driver 
 to it, and no one is doing good whose will is not in what 
 he does, even though the thing he does is good. Nor were 
 they who made me learn doing good, but Thou, O God, 
 wast doing good to me through them. . . . 
 
 XIII. Converted to Philosophy 
 
 I was studying books which taught eloquence, in which 
 I desired to excel, seeking by means of the satisfaction of 
 human vanity an end that was itself evil and vain, when 
 in the usual course of reading I came to a book of one 
 Cicero, whose eloquence, though not his character, is 
 almost universally admired. This book of his is called 
 the Hortensius, and contains an exhortation to the study 
 of philosophy. That book changed my whole attitude, 
 changed the prayers which I offered to Thee, and made 
 all my desires and aspirations different from what they 
 had been. All at once every hope that was set on vanity 
 seemed worthless, and I desired with an incredible in- 
 tensity of emotion the immortality with which philosophy 
 is concerned, and I began to rise up that I might return 
 unto thee. For it was not to the polishing of my speech 
 that I used it, which was what I was ostensibly buying 
 with the funds provided by my mother — for my father 
 had died two years before and I was now in my nineteenth 
 year. It was not to the polishing of my speech that I 
 used it, and what impressed me was not the style but the 
 subject-matter. 
 
 How I burned, O my God, how I burned to flee from 
 
Teaching 571 
 
 things earthly unto Thee, and I knew not Thou wast 
 deahng with me. For with Thee is wisdom; and the love 
 of wisdom has in Greek the name "philosophy" — to the 
 pursuit of which that work inflamed me. . . . 
 
 XrV. The Sorrows of a Schoolmaster 
 
 I decided to depart to Rome and to teach there rather The stu- 
 dents of 
 than in Carthage. And how I was brought to this decision Carthage are 
 
 I will not omit to confess unto Thee, seeing that even in " " ^ " 
 
 such things Thy deep ways with us and Thy most present ^ne Con/^s- 
 
 mercy toward us are to be meditated and declared to "''"•^' "^- ^' 
 
 14. 
 
 others. My reason for wishing to go to Rome was not 
 that I was promised, by my friends who urged this course 
 on me, larger gains and greater dignity, though doubtless 
 these things also weighed with me in the state of my mind 
 at the time. The chief and almost the sole cause was that 
 I had heard that the students there were less turbulent, 
 and were restrained by a stricter discipline, and were not 
 permitted to break in rudely, at their pleasure, into the 
 class room of a teacher whose lectures they were not at- 
 tending; and indeed were not admitted at all unless he 
 chose. In Carthage, on the other hand, the students en- 
 joy an excessive and disgraceful licence. They break in 
 rudely and disturb almost violently the order which a 
 teacher has established for the advantage of his pupils. 
 And they inflict much injury upon others with an amazing 
 recklessness, which deserves to be punished by law, were 
 it not sanctioned by custom. They are indeed the more 
 miserable in that they do by a kind of licence that which 
 Thy laws will never legitimate, and they think they are 
 doing it with impunity, when the very blindness with 
 which they do it is itself punishment. So I was obhged 
 as a teacher to suffer from others the kind of conduct I 
 
572 Roman Life Under the Late Empire 
 
 Those of 
 Rome are 
 dishonest 
 rogues. 
 
 lb. V. 12, 22. 
 
 had avoided as a student, and therefore it was that I 
 wished to go where those who knew told me that such 
 things w^ere not done. , . . 
 
 I had however eagerly begun to do that for which I 
 had come hither, namely to teach in Rome the rhetorical 
 art, and as a beginning I gathered in my own house a few 
 pupils to whom and through whom I was beginning to 
 get known. When lo, I found that things were done in 
 Rome which I had not suffered in Africa! It is true, the 
 violent disturbances there caused by the wild set were 
 not here customary; but "all at once," I was told, "in 
 order to avoid paying their fees, a number of youths agree 
 to transfer themselves to another teacher, traitors to their 
 pledge, holding money dear and justice cheap." These 
 I hated in truth from my heart, but not with a "perfect 
 hatred" for I hated more the loss I was to suffer from 
 them than the fact of their doing these iniquities to any 
 one at all. . . . 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. What was the condition of Rome described in this selection? 
 Tell the story of Principia and Marcella. 
 
 2. How did the invading barbarians treat the country and the 
 people? What parts of the empire suffered most? 
 
 3. How did this young monk get his education? What course of 
 life does St. Jerome recommend to him? What should be his studies? 
 In what manual labor should he engage? 
 
 4. What labors does the rule of St. Benedict prescribe? What 
 attention should be given to study? 
 
 5. What training should a girl receive who was to enter a convent? 
 What should she study? 
 
 6. What was St. Jerome's opinion of second marriages? What 
 strange case does he comment on? 
 
 7. In St. Augustine's opinion did the gods of Rome help or hinder 
 morality? 
 
 8. What part did he think the angels take in human affairs? 
 
Review 573 
 
 Q. What view of miracles does he hold? 
 
 ID. What idea of death is contained in this document? What is 
 the tone of this address to the accused. 
 
 11. Give the terms of the imperial edict against heresies. 
 
 12. What did St. Augustine study in school? What was his feel- 
 ing toward his work? What rehgious experience had he as a child? 
 Why, in his opinion, was he accomplishing no good in his studies? 
 
 13. What was the object of his later study? How was he converted 
 to philosoph}'? What opinion of Cicero does he express? How old 
 was he at this time, and on whom did he depend for his education? 
 
 14. From this selection write all you can concerning the schools, 
 pupils, and teachers of this period. 
 
CHAPTER XLVl 
 
 THE MOHAMMEDANS AND THE PRANKISH 
 
 POWER 
 
 God. 
 
 The Koran. 
 
 Man. 
 
 lb. 
 
 A ncient 
 World, SS2 f. 
 
 Fight for 
 the true 
 faith 1 
 
 lb. 
 
 All who were 
 not of the 
 Mohamme- 
 dan faith 
 were termed 
 infidels ("the 
 unfaithful"). 
 
 I. Mohammedan Religion 
 
 Say, God is one God; the eternal God; he begetteth 
 not, neither is he begotten: and there is not any one like 
 unto him. 
 
 By the fig and the olive; and by Mount Sinai, and this 
 territory of security; verily we created man of a most ex- 
 cellent fabric; afterward we rendered him the vilest of 
 the vile: except those who believe, and work righteous- 
 ness; for they shall receive an endless reward. What, 
 therefore, shall cause thee to deny the day of judgment 
 after this? Is not God the most wise judge? 
 
 And fight for the religion of God against those who 
 fight against you; but transgress not by attacking them 
 first, for God loveth not transgressors. And kill them 
 wherever ye find them, and turn them out of that whereof 
 they have dispossessed you; for temptation to idolatry is 
 more grievous than slaughter; yet fight not against them 
 in the holy temple, until they attack you therein; but if 
 they attack you, slay them there. This shall be the re- 
 ward of infidels. But if they desist, God is gracious and 
 merciful. Fight therefore against them, until there be 
 no temptation to idolatry, and the religion be God's; but 
 if they desist, then let there be no hostility, except against 
 the ungodly. 
 
 These shall be near unto God in the gardens of delight, — 
 
 574 
 
Future Life 575 
 
 a crowd of the former generations and a few of the latter The reward 
 generations, upon inwrought couches, reclining thereon, faithful, 
 face to face. Youths ever-young shall go unto them /j. 
 round about with goblets and ewers and a cup of flowing 
 wine. Their heads shall ache not with it, neither shall 
 they be drunken ; and with the fruits of the sorts they shall 
 choose, and the flesh of the birds of the kinds they shall de- 
 sire. And damsels with eyes of pearls laid up we will give 
 them as reward for that which they have done. Therein 
 shall they hear no vain discourse or accusation of sin, but 
 only the saying, "Peace! Peace!" and the people of the 
 right hand — what shall be the people of the right hand? 
 They shall dwell among lote-trees without thorns, and 
 bananas loaded with fruit, and a shade ever-spread, and 
 water ever-flowing, and fruits abundant unstayed and 
 unforbidden, and couches raised. . . . 
 
 They (the wicked) shall dwell amidst burning wind and ^j"^^!^^''* 
 scalding water, and a shade of blackest smoke, not cool wicked, 
 and not grateful. For before this they were blest with jb. 
 wordly goods, and they persisted in heinous sin, and said, 
 "When we shall have died and become dust and bones, 
 shall we indeed be raised to life, and our fathers the former 
 generations?" Say, verily the former and the latter 
 generations shall be gathered together for the appointed 
 time of a known day. Then ye, O ye erring, lying people, 
 shall surely eat of the tree of bitter fruit, and fill therewith 
 your stomachs, and drink thereon boiling water, and ye 
 shall drink as thirsty camels drink. This shall be their 
 entertainment on the day of retribution. 
 
 II. The Do-Nothing Kings 
 
 Although the line of the Merwings actually ended with 
 Hilderic, it had nevertheless for some time previously 
 
576 
 
 The Prankish Power 
 
 Decline of 
 the Mero- 
 vingians 
 
 (Merwings). 
 
 Eginhard, 
 Life of Karl 
 the Great, i f. 
 
 Ancient 
 World, SSI f. 
 
 Charles 
 M artel 
 
 (Karl, father 
 of Pippin). 
 
 Ancient 
 World, 552. 
 
 been so utterly wanting in power that it had been able 
 to show no mark of royalty except the empty kingly title. 
 All the resources and power of the Kingdom had passed 
 into the hands of the prefects of the palace, who were 
 called the "Mayors of the Palace," and by them the 
 supreme government was administered. Nothing was 
 left to the King. He had to content himself with his royal 
 title, long hair, and hanging beard. Seated in a chair of 
 state, he used to display an appearance of power by receiv- 
 ing ambassadors on their arrival, and by giving them 
 on their departure, as if on his own authority, those 
 answers which he had been taught or commanded to 
 give. . . . 
 
 Whenever he went anywhere he used to travel in a wagon 
 drawn by a yoke of oxen, with a rustic oxherd for chari- 
 teer. In this manner he proceeded to the palace, and to 
 he pubHc assemblies of the people held every year for the 
 espatch of the business of the kingdom, and he returned 
 home again in the same sort of state. The administration 
 of the kingdom, and every matter which had to be under- 
 taken and carried through, at home and abroad, was 
 managed by the Mayor of the Palace. 
 
 At the lime of the deposition of Hilderic the office of 
 Mayor was filled by Pippin, the father of King Karl. The 
 office seemed now to be almost hereditary; for Pippin's 
 father, Karl, had also held it, and with great renown, since 
 he had quelled throughout all Frank-land those usurpers 
 who had tried to assume independent authority. He had 
 also utterly defeated the Saracens, who were at that time 
 attempting to establish themselves in Gaul, in two great 
 battles, the first in Aquitaine, near the city of Poitiers, 
 and the second near Narbonne on the river Birra, and 
 had compelled them to retire into Spain. . . . 
 
Charles the Great 577 
 
 III. Charlemagne: War and Diplomacy 
 
 Great and powexful as was the realm of the Franks, Conquests, 
 
 which Karl had received from his father Pippin, he never- Eginhard, 
 
 theless so splendidly enlarged it by these wars that he Greai!%. 
 almost doubled it. 
 
 For previously the Eastern Franks had only inhabited The Karl 
 
 that part of Gaul which lies between the Rhine and the here^'^referred 
 
 Loire, the ocean and Balearic Sea, and that part of Ger- ^° '^ Charle- 
 
 ' ^ magne. 
 
 many situated between Saxony and the Danube, the Rhine , . 
 and the Saal, which latter river divides the Thuringi from World, 554-9. 
 the Sorabi. The Alemanni and Bavarians also belonged 
 to the Frankish confederation. But Karl, by the wars 
 which have been mentioned, conquered and made tribu- 
 tary first, Aquitania and Gascony, and the whole range 
 of the Pyrenees mountains, as far as the river Ebro, which, 
 rising in Navarre and flowing through the most fertile 
 lands of Spain, mingles its waters with the Balearic Sea 
 beneath the walls of Tortosa; then the whole of Italy, 
 from Aosta to lower Calabria, where are the boundaries 
 of the Greeks and Beneventines, an extent of more than 
 a thousand miles in length, then Saxony, which is indeed 
 no small portion of Germany, and is thought to be twice 
 as wide as the part where the Franks dwell, and equal 
 to it in length; then both Pannonias, and Dacia which 
 lies on the other bank of the Danube; also Istria, Liburnia, 
 and Dalmatia, with the exception of the maritime towns, 
 which for friendship's sake and on account of a treaty he 
 allowed the Emperor at Constantinople to hold; lastly, all 
 the wild and barbarous nations which inhabit Germany 
 between the Rhine and the Vistula, the ocean and the 
 Danube, who speak a very similar language, but are 
 widely different in manners and dress. Chief among these 
 
578 
 
 The Prankish Power 
 
 ^liances. 
 
 Eginhard, 
 Karl the 
 Great, i6. 
 
 Relations 
 with Persia. 
 
 The eastern 
 emperor. 
 
 were the Welatabi, Sorabi, Abodriti, and Baemanni, for 
 with these there was fighting; but the rest, who were more 
 numerous, quietly surrendered. 
 
 The renown of his Kingdom was also much increased 
 by the friendly alliances he cultivated with different kings 
 and nations. Alfonso, king of Gallicia and Asturias, was 
 so bound to him by the ties of friendship that, when he 
 sent him letters or messengers, he used to command that 
 he should be spoken of as being Karl's man. The Kings 
 of the Scots, too, were by his munificence so devoted to 
 his will, that they ever spoke of him as their Lord, and of 
 themselves as his lieges and servants. Letters are still 
 extant from them to him which show that this sort of 
 relationship existed between them. 
 
 Haroun, King of the Persians, who, with the exception 
 of India, ruled over nearly all the East, was held by the 
 King in such hearty friendship that he valued Karl's 
 esteem above all other Kings and princes of the world, and 
 thought that he alone was worthy to be honored by his 
 regard and munificence. When the officers sent by King 
 Karl with offerings to the most sacred sepulchre and place 
 of the resurrection of our Lord and Saviour came to Haroun 
 and announced the pleasure of their master, he not only 
 gave them permission to do as they desired, but granted 
 that that revered and sacred spot should be considered 
 as belonging to King Karl. When the ambassadors set 
 out on their return, he sent with them his own envoys, who 
 conveyed to the King strange and curious gifts, with 
 garments and spices and other rich products of the East, 
 just as he had sent him a few years before, upon his 
 request, the only elephant he then possessed. 
 
 The Emperors at Constantinople, Nicephorus, Michael, 
 and Leo, of their own accord, also sought his friendship 
 
His Activity; Personal Appearance 579 
 
 and alliance, and sent to him several embassies; and since 
 by assuming the Imperial title he had laid himself open 
 to the grave suspicion of wishing to deprive them of Em- 
 pire, he made with them the most binding treaty possible, 
 that there might be no occasion of offence between them. 
 But the Romans and Greeks always viewed with distrust 
 the power of the Franks; hence arose the Greek proverb 
 "Have a Frank for a friend but not for a neighbor." 
 
 Illustrious as the King was in the work of enlarging Buildings. 
 his kingdom and in conquering foreign nations, and though Eginhard, 
 so constantly occupied with such affairs, he nevertheless Great! 17. 
 began in several places very many works for the advantage 
 and beautifying of his Kingdom. Some of these he was 
 able to finish. Chief among them may be mentioned, as 
 deserving of notice, the Basilica of the Holy Mother of 
 God, built at Aachen, a marvel of workmanship; and the 
 bridge over the Rhine at Mainz, five hundred paces in 
 length, so broad is the river at that place. . . . 
 
 IV. Personal Appearance and Habits 
 
 The person of Karl was large and robust, and of com- His ap- 
 manding stature, though not exceeding good proportions, p®*''*°"- 
 for it appears that he measured seven feet in height. The jfaH^^hf' 
 top of his head was round, his eyes large and animated, ^'"'^"^ 22. 
 his nose somewhat long, his hair white, and his face bright 
 and pleasant; so that, whether standing or sitting, he 
 showed very great presence and dignity. Although his 
 neck was thick and rather short . . . still the fair pro- 
 portions of his limbs concealed these defects. His walk 
 was firm, and the whole carriage of his body was manly. 
 His voice was clear, but not so strong as his frame would 
 have led one to expect. His health was good until the 
 last four years of his life, when he was attacked with 
 
580 The Prankish Power 
 
 frequent fevers, and latterly walked lame on one foot. 
 Even in illness he leaned more on his own judgment than 
 on the advice of physicians, whom he greatly disliked, 
 because they used to recommend him to leave off roasted 
 meats, which he preferred, and to accustom himself to 
 boiled. 
 Exercise. He took constant exercise in riding and hunting, which 
 
 lb. was natural for a Frank, since scarcely any nation can 
 
 be found equal to them in these pursuits. He also de- 
 lighted in the natural warm baths, frequently exercising 
 himself by swim.ming, in which he was very skilful, no 
 one being able to outstrip him. It was on account of the 
 warm baths there that he built the palace at Aachen, 
 living there constantly during the last years of his life 
 and until his death. He not only invited his sons to bathe 
 with him, but also his chief men and friends, and occa- 
 sionally even a crowd of his attendants and guards, so 
 that at times one hundred men or more would be bathing 
 together. 
 Dress. He wore the dress of his native country — that is the 
 
 jh. 23. Prankish; on his body a linen shirt and linen drawers; 
 
 then a tunic with a silver border and stockings. He 
 bound his legs with garters and wore shoes on his feet. 
 In the winter he protected his shoulders and chest with a 
 vest made of the skins of otters and sable. He wore a 
 blue cloak, and was always girt with his sword, the hilt 
 and belt being of gold and silver. Sometimes he wore a 
 jewelled sword but only on great festivals, or when re- 
 ceiving foreign ambassadors. He thoroughly disliked the 
 dress of foreigners, however fine, and he never put it on 
 except at Rome, — once at the request of Pope Adrian, 
 and again a second time, to please his successor. Pope Leo. 
 He then wore a long tunic, chlamys and shoes made after 
 
His Education 581 
 
 the Roman fashion. On festivals he used to walk in pro- 
 cessions clad in a garment woven with gold, and shoes 
 studded with jewels, his cloak fastened with a golden 
 clasp, and wearing a crown of gold set with precious stones. 
 At other times his dress differed little from that of a private 
 person. 
 
 V. Education and Religion 
 
 He was ready and fluent in speaking, and able to ex- Ability to 
 
 SD6fl.k 
 
 press himself with great clearness. He did not confine 
 himself to his native tongue, but took pains to learn foreign ^-^^" ^^^ ' 
 languages, acquiring such knowledge of Latin that he ^''^^'^ ^s- 
 used to repeat his prayers in that language as well as in 
 his own. Greek he could better understand than pro- 
 nounce. In speaking he was so voluble that he almost 
 gave one the impression of a chatterer. He was an ardent 
 admirer of the liberal arts, and greatly revered their pro- 
 fessors, whom he promoted to high honors. In order to 
 learn grammar, he attended the lectures of the aged Peter 
 of Pisa, a deacon; and for other instruction he chose as 
 his preceptor Albinus, otherwise called Alcuin, also a 
 deacon — a Saxon by race, from Britain, the most learned 
 man of his day, with whom the King spent much time in 
 learning rhetoric and logic, and more especially astronomy. 
 He learned the art of computation, and with deep thought 
 and skill very carefully calculated the courses of the 
 planets. 
 
 Karl also tried to write, and used to keep his tablets He could 
 1 • • 11 1 1 -11 r 1 • 11 °°t wnte. 
 
 and writmg books under the pillow of his couch, that 
 
 when he had leisure he might practice his hand in forming 
 letters; but he made little progress in a task too long de- 
 ferred, and begun too late in life. 
 
 The Christian religion, in which he had been brought 
 
sSa 
 
 The Fninkish Power 
 
 l£s religion. 
 /."'. 26. 
 
 far the 
 Church of 
 St. Pet«r. 
 
 Eginhard. 
 KtHtki 
 «>«< 17. 
 
 Crowned 
 Emperor 
 by the pope. 
 
 E^inhard. 
 Kari tkt 
 
 up from infancy, was held by Karl as nio5t s-uuxl. and he 
 w orshipped in it with the greatest piety. For this reason 
 he built at Aachen a most beautiful church, which he en- 
 riched with gold and sil\'er and candlesticks, and also 
 with lattices and doors of solid brass. When ccdumi^ and 
 marbles for the building wuld not be obtained from else- 
 where, he had them brought from Rome and Ravenna, . . . 
 
 VT. His Rex.\tioks with the Pope 
 
 He held the Church of the blessed Peter the .\postle, 
 at Rome, in far higher regard than any other place of 
 sanctity and \-eneration, and he enriched its treasury with 
 a great quantity of gv^ld. sil\-er. and precious stones. 
 
 To the Pope he made many and rich presents; and 
 nothing lay nearer his heart during his whcJe reign than 
 that the city of Rome should attain to its ancient iro- 
 pK»rtance by his seal and patnonage. and that the church of 
 St. Peter should, through him, not only be in safe keeping 
 and protection, but should also by his wealth be ennobled 
 and enriched beyond all other churches. Although he 
 thought so much of this, it was only four times, duriiig the 
 forty-se\-en years of his reign, that he had leisure to go to 
 Rome for praN'er and supplication. 
 
 The kist \-isit he paid to Rome was not only for the 
 .iKn-e re^asons. but also because the Romans had dri\-en 
 Pope Leo to ask his assistance — for they had grie\xiusly 
 ill treated him; indeed, his eyes had been plucked out. and 
 his tongue cut off. 
 
 Karl therefore went to Rome, and st.ii>-ed there the whole 
 winter in order to reform and quiet the Church, which 
 was in a most disturbed state. It was at this time that he 
 recei\-ed the title of Emperc^r and .\ugustus. to which at 
 first he was so a\-erse that he remarked that had he known 
 
Crowned Emperor 583 
 
 the intention of the Pope, he would not have entered the 
 church on that day, great festival though it was. 
 
 He bore very quietly the displeasure of the Roman Reference 
 Em{)erors, who were exceedingly indignant at his assump- emperors at 
 tion of the Imperial title, and overcame their suUenness nopig^/^"^'" 
 by his great magnanimity, in which, without doubt, he 
 greatly excelled them, sending them frequent embassies, 
 and styling them his brothers in his letters to them. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. What is the Koran? What is the Mohammedan idea of God? 
 What is the command of the Koran as to unbeUevers? What idea 
 of heaven does it present? 
 
 2. Describe the "Do-Nothing" kings. 
 
 3. Summarize the conquests of Charlemagne. What were his re- 
 lations with other states? What seems to have been the political 
 condition of the world at this time? What public works did Charle- 
 magne build? 
 
 4. Describe his appearance and habits. 
 
 5. What was the extent of his education? What was his religious 
 character? 
 
 6. Give an account of his relations with Rome and the Pope. 
 What were the circumstances of his coronation? Why should the 
 eaistern emperors be indignant at this event? Who was the author 
 of this selection, and how did he get his information? 
 
 ■3 » 
 
k I 1 
 
 . « t 1 V t. • V fc- 
 
 f O (* ^ r. f , c' » f 
 
 ( I ( ' ■ t ■ 4 .; I 
 
INDEX 
 
 Achaean, league, 297-301; war, 
 
 392-6 
 Achilles, shield of, 81-4 
 Acrocorinthus, 290 
 Acropolis, 163 
 Actium, battle of, 455 f. 
 Admetus, 233-5 
 ^■Ediles, 450 
 Mneid, 317 
 iEscHYLUS, 69; selections, 169- 
 
 74 
 ALCiEus, 69; selections, 143 f. 
 Alcestis, 233-5 
 Alcibiades, 223-7; family and 
 
 person, 223 f.; character and 
 
 education, 224-6; marriage, 
 
 226; peculiarities, 226 f. 
 Alcinous, palace of, 85-7 
 Alexander, contrasted with 
 
 Philip, 273; empire of, 276-82; 
 
 character of, 280-2; burial of, 
 
 306 
 Alexandria, 303-6 
 AUia, battle of, 362 f. 
 AuMiAxus Marcellixus, 322; 
 
 selection, 554-7 
 Amon, Ammon, hymn to, 12 f. 
 Amphictyony, 95 
 Anaxagoras, 181 
 Angels, 566 f. 
 Annalists, Roman, 314 
 Antigonus, 299 
 Antium, 373 
 Antony, M., 455-7 
 
 Apollo, temple at Delphi, 94 f.; 
 
 prayer to, 194 
 Apollonidas, speech of, 300 
 Apostles of Jesus, 522 
 Appian, 321; selections, 379 f., 
 
 417-21, 425-31, 434 f-, 438, 
 
 442, 446-8, 455 f. 
 Appius Claudius, 376 
 Arabia, products of, 22 
 Aratus, 299 
 Archaeology, 67 
 Aristagoras, at Sparta, 153-6; ai: 
 
 Athens, 156 f. 
 Aristides, 176 f. 
 Aristophanes, 70; selections, 
 
 196-202, 228-33 
 Aristotle, 72 f.; selections, 97- 
 
 loi, 116 f., 123-139, 176, 178, 
 
 294-6 
 Armenia, 251 f. 
 Army, Roman, 374 f. 
 Arrian, 75, 321; selection, 280 f. 
 Artaphernes, 162 
 Asbembly, Athenian, 196-200; of 
 
 Pel. allies, 228; curiate, 336; 
 
 centuriate, 344 
 Assyria, 31-3 
 Astronomy, Babylonian, 39; 
 
 Greek, 306 f. 
 Athens, under kings, 123 f.; 
 
 timocracy, 1 24 f . ; tyranny, 
 
 130-6; democracy of Cleis- 
 
 thenes, 137-40; Aristagoras at, 
 
 156 f.; affected by fall of 
 
 585 
 
586 
 
 Index 
 
 Miletus, i6o; in war with 
 Persia, 162-74; and Delian 
 confederacy, 175-9; under Per- 
 icles, 180-210; in Pelop. war, 
 211-40; under Spartan su- 
 premacy, 247-57; at war v'ith 
 Philip, 266-9; life in, 283-96 
 
 Attalus, 303 
 
 Augustan Age, 316, 464-74 
 
 Augustine, St., 323; selections, 
 566-8, 569-72 
 
 Augustus, 464-75 
 
 Aurelian, 526 
 
 AuRELius, M., 321; selections, 
 510-3 
 
 Avesta, 3; selections, 63-5 
 
 Babylon, 33 
 
 Babylonia, 27-41 
 
 Barbarians, northern, 544-57 
 
 Battle, of Marathon, 165-7; 
 Salamis, 169-74; Mantinea, 
 261-4; Issus, 276 f.; AlHa, 
 362 f.; Heraclea, 367; Lake 
 Trasimene, 383-6; Actium, 
 455 f.; Milvian Bridge, 533 f. 
 
 Beka, epitaph of, 20-2 
 
 Benedict, St., rule of, 562 f. 
 
 Bible, selections, 45-54, 521 
 
 Blood feud, 551 f. 
 
 Britain, 490 f. 
 
 Brutus, 447 
 
 Burial society, 516 f. 
 
 C^SAR, Julius, 314; selections, 
 444 f., 450-4; consulship, 442 f. 
 campaigns in Gaul, 443-6; as 
 dictator, 446-50; death, 447- 
 9; municipal law of, 450-4 
 
 Calendar, farmer's, 404 
 Callimachus, 163-7 
 Callinus, selection, 141 
 Camillus, 364 f. 
 Campania, 330 f., 372-4 
 Campus Martius, 472 f. 
 Canuleian Law, 354 f. 
 Capua, 330 
 Carians, 77 
 Carthage, at war with Greeks, 
 
 241-3; with Rome, 379-88; 
 
 treaty of, with Rome, 361 f.; 
 
 moral condition of, 542 f. 
 Cassiterides Islands, 43 
 Cassius, Spurius, 349, 447 
 CatiUne, 437-42 
 Cato, 314; manner of hfe, 411 f.; 
 
 maxims, 412-4; political life, 
 
 414; selections, 405-9 
 Catullus, 315 f.; selection, 461 f. 
 Censors, 355 f.; discipUne of, 
 
 377 f- 
 
 Census, 342-4, 453 f. 
 
 Cephalus and Socrates, 290-4 
 
 Chalcis, charter of, 194-6 
 
 Chariot race, 189-91 
 
 Charlemagne, 577-83 
 
 Charles Martel, 576 
 
 Cheirisophus, 254 f. 
 
 Cheops, 6 
 
 Choral songs, 229-31 
 
 Christ, 521; monogram of, 533 f. 
 
 Christianity, writers on, 322 f.; 
 early, 521-6; persecuted by 
 Diocletian, 531-3; under Con- 
 stantine, 534-6; in late em- 
 pire, 558-73; of Charlemagne, 
 
 581-3 
 Cicero, 315; opposes Catiline, 
 
Index 
 
 587 
 
 437-9; selections, 348-5°, 439" 
 42 
 
 Cineas, 368 
 
 City-state, 97-102 
 
 Classes, laboring, in Egypt, 22- 
 6; social, in Rome, 335; cen- 
 sus, 342-4 
 
 Claudius, 368 f., 480-2 
 
 Claudius Marcellus, 473 f. 
 
 Cleisthenes, 137-9 
 
 Cleon, 213-7 
 
 Cleopatra, 455-7 
 
 Clients, 335 f. 
 
 Colonization, Greek, 103-9; Ro- 
 man, 337, 372-4 
 
 Comitia Curiata, 350 f. 
 
 Constantine, 533-6 
 
 Constantius, 528-30 
 
 Consuls, 348 f., 397 f. 
 
 Contract, of marriage, 308 f.; of 
 apprenticeship, 495 f. 
 
 Corcyra, 218 
 
 Corinth, council at, 271 f.; sack 
 
 of, 395 i- 
 Council, at Sparta, 116 f.; of 
 
 Areopagus, 128 f.; Hellenic, 
 
 167 f.; at Corinth, 271 f.; of 
 
 Huns, 555 
 Crete, civilization of, 77-80 
 Critolaus, 392-4 
 Curiae, 334 f. 
 
 Darius, empire of, 55-7; achieve- 
 ments of, 57-9; invades Hel- 
 las, 162-74. 
 
 Datis, 162 
 
 Decius, persecutes Christians, 
 
 525 f- 
 Decline of Rome, 537-43 
 
 Delos, 212; confederacy of , 175-9 
 Deluge, Chaldean account of, 
 
 33-8 
 
 Demes and tribes, 138 f. 
 
 Demetrius, 246 
 
 Demosthenes, the orator, 72; 
 selections, 266-9; the general, 
 221 f. 
 
 Denarius, 375 f. 
 
 Maeus, 395 
 
 Dictator, 349 f.; Sulla as, 431; 
 Caesar as, 446-54 
 
 Dio Cassius, 321; selections, 
 358 f., 446-74 
 
 Dio Chrysostom, 320; selec- 
 tion, 540 
 
 Diocletian, 527-32, 537-9 
 
 DiODORUS, 73 f., 315; selections, 
 44 f., 78, 88 f., 241-3, 277-80, 
 328 f., 376 
 
 Diogenes Laertius, 75; selec- 
 tions, 147-9 
 
 Dionysius I, of Syracuse, 
 
 241-3 
 
 Dionysius, the writer, 316; se- 
 lections, 332, 334-8, 349-53. 
 362 f. 
 
 Domitian, 490 f. 
 
 Draco, 1 24 f. 
 
 Druids, 444-6 
 
 Ebed-Tob, 47 i- 
 
 Economy, Greek, 103-6 
 
 Education, of girls and women 
 at Sparta, 112 f.; of youths at 
 Sparta, 113 f.; "Good Old 
 Education," 231-3; pubhc, 
 294; branches of, 295; late 
 Roman, 563, 569-72 
 
588 
 
 Index 
 
 Eginhard, 324; selections, 576- 
 
 83 
 Egypt, 5-26, 303 
 Epaminondas, 258-64 
 Epic Age, 81-7 
 Epictetus, 320 f.; selection, 
 
 513-6 
 Ercte, Mt., 380-2 
 Erectheum, 239 
 Eryx, Mt., 381 f. 
 Etruscans, 328 
 
 Eubcea, depopulation of, 540 f. 
 Eumenes, 299 f. 
 
 Euripides, 70; selections, 233-6 
 EusEBius, 323, 535 f. 
 
 EUTROPIUS, 321 
 
 Fabius Pictor, 313 f., 344 
 Farming, among Greeks, 103-5; 
 
 scientific, 405-8; in Roman 
 
 empire, 541 
 Fasti, 317 
 Festus, 372 
 
 Flamen of Jupiter, 339 f. 
 Florus, 321; selection, 436 
 Forum, 473 
 
 Freedman, rise of, 491-3 
 Funeral, 351; orations, 401-3; of 
 
 Germans, 554 
 
 Galienus, 528-30 
 
 Games, secular, 468-71 
 
 Gauls, sack Rome, 362-5; con- 
 quered by Caesar, 443 f . ; cus- 
 toms of, 444-6; given right to 
 offices, 480-2 
 
 Gellius, Aulus, 320; selections, 
 
 339, 356, 371 f-, 377 i; 409, 
 424 f. 
 
 Geography, Greek, 306-8 
 
 Germany, country and people, 
 544 f.; government, 545-?; 
 companionship, 547-9; dress, 
 550; society, 550-4 
 
 Gladiatorial shows, 483 
 
 Golden House, 482 f. 
 
 Goths, 558-60 
 
 Gracchus, Tiberius, 417-21; 
 Gaius, 421-5 
 
 Greece, sources for, 67-76; 
 Cretan and Mycenaean civili- 
 zations, 77-80; epic age, 81-7; 
 myth and religion, 88-96; 
 constitutional growth, 97-102; 
 economy and colonization, 
 103-10; early poets and phil- 
 osophers, 141-51; during Ionic 
 revolt, 152-61; in war with 
 Persia, 162-74; from Persian 
 to Pelop. war, 175-210; in 
 Pelop. war, 211-40; during 
 fourth century, 241-96; Hel- 
 lenistic, 297-311 
 
 Guilds, 339 
 
 Gylippus, 221 
 
 Gymnasium, at Alexandria, 306 
 
 Hades, descent of Ishtar to, 38; 
 
 Odysseus visits, 89-94 
 Hadrian, 505-10 
 Hamilcar Barca, 380-2 
 Hammurabi, 28-31 
 Hannibal, 383-7 
 Hebrews, 48-54 
 Hecateus, 152 
 Hellas, see Greece 
 Hellenistic Age, 297-311 
 Helots, 1 14-6 
 
Index 
 
 589 
 
 Heraclea, battle of, 367 f. 
 Heretics, edict against, 568 f. 
 Herodian, 321, 541 
 Herodotus, i, 70 f.; selections, 
 
 6-8, 40 f., 45, 59-63, 74, 117- 
 
 20, 152-60, 162-9 
 Hesiod, 68 f.; selections, 103-6 
 Hippias and Hipparchus, 134-7 
 Hipponicus, 226 
 Hittites, 8-10, 12 
 Homer, 68; selections, 81-7, 
 
 89-94 
 Horace, 317; selection, 470 f. 
 Hortensian law, 358-60 
 Huns, 554-7 
 
 Husband and wife, partners, 285 
 Hymn to Apollo and Diana, 
 
 470-2 
 
 Iliad, 68; selections, 81-5 
 
 Inscriptions, Greek, 194-6; Ro- 
 man, 450-4, 494 f-, 505, 516 f. 
 
 Ionic Revolt, 152-61 
 
 Ischomachus and Socrates, 283- 
 96 
 
 Italy and her people, 326-33 
 
 Jerome, St., 323; selections, 
 
 558 f., 560 f., 564 f. 
 Jerusalem, siege of, 485-7 
 Jesus, 521 
 Jews, destroj' themselves, 485-7; 
 
 see Hebrews 
 JosEPHUs, 318; selection from, 
 
 485-7 
 Jurors, Athenian, 200-2 
 Justin, selections, 270-4 
 Juvenal, 318; selection, 498- 
 
 500 
 
 Karl (Charlemagne), conquests, 
 577 f.; buildings, 579; per- 
 sonal appearance, 579-81; ed- 
 ucation and religion, 581 f.; re- 
 lations with Pope, 582 f. 
 
 Kings, see Monarchy 
 
 Koran, 574 f. 
 
 Lacedaemonian confederacy, 212 
 
 Lactantius, 322; selections, 
 521 f., 525, 531-5, 537-9 
 
 Latium, 329 f., 372 
 
 Laws, of Hammurabi, 29-31; of 
 Solon, 127-9; of Twelve Ta- 
 bles, 351 f.; Valerian-Hora- 
 tian, 353; Canuleian, 354 f.; 
 Licinian, 356-8; Ogulnian, 
 358; Hortensian, 358-60; 
 of Caesar, 450-4. 
 
 Letters, Epicurus to a child, 309; 
 Isias to Hephaestion, 309 f.; of 
 introduction, 495; to a young 
 man, 497; to a dilatory son, 
 497; invitation, 497; petition 
 regarding robbery, 5 1 7 f . ; a 
 soldier to his father, 518; a boy 
 to his father, 519; of Eusebius, 
 535 f.; of St. Jerome, 558-60. 
 
 Licinian laws, 356-8 
 
 Licinius Crassus, 435 f. 
 
 LiVY, 316; selections, 338-46, 
 348-50, 354-60, 372-5, 383-6 
 
 Lucretius, 315; selections, 457- 
 61 
 
 Lycurgus, 11 1-3 
 
 Lysander, 228 f. 
 
 Macedon, rise of, 266-75; under 
 Alexander, 276 ff. 
 
590 
 
 Index 
 
 Mantinea, battle of, 261-4 
 
 Marathon, battle of, 165-7 
 
 Marcella, 558 f. 
 
 Marius, Gaius, 425-8 
 
 Marriage contract, 308 f., 565 
 
 Massalia (Marseilles), 107 f. 
 
 Mausoleum of Augustus, 473 
 
 Maximianus, 528-30 
 
 Mayors of the Palace, 576 
 
 Media, 55-8 
 
 Merovingians, 575 f. 
 
 Miletus, destruction of, 159 f. 
 
 Military rule at Rome, 417-31; 
 in conflict with republic, 433- 
 56 
 
 Military tribunes, 355 
 
 Miltiades, 163-7 
 
 Milvian Bridge, battle of, 533 f. 
 
 Minos, 77 f. 
 
 Miracles, 567 f. 
 
 Mithra, 64 f. 
 
 Mohammedans, 574-83 
 
 Monarchy, Oriental, 6-12, 27- 
 33, 50-3, 55-9; Greek, 83, 
 85-7, 100 f., 117-9, 123 f.; 
 Macedonian, 266-82; early 
 Roman, 334-47; from prin- 
 cipate to, 480-501; Good Em- 
 perors, 502-20; absolute, 527- 
 
 36 
 Money, 375 f.; making by 
 
 Greeks, 294 
 Monk, advice to, 560-2 
 Mummius, 394-6 
 Municipia, 371 f. 
 Murdia, eulogy on, 494 f. 
 Museum at Alexandria, 305 
 Music, 288-90; instruments of, 
 
 224 f.; decline of, 289 f.; Ro- 
 
 man taste for, 409-1 1 ; earliest, 
 
 460 
 Mycenae, civilization of, 77-80 
 Mytilenasans, 213-7 
 
 Natural History, 318 
 
 Navigation, Phoenician, 43-7; 
 Greek, 105 f. 
 
 Nebuchadnezzar, palace of, 32 f. 
 
 Nepos, 74, 315; selection, 258-61 
 
 Nero, his tastes, 482 f.; his ad- 
 ministration, 483 f.; persecutes 
 Christians, 522 f. 
 
 Nicene creed, 535 f. 
 
 Nicias, 221 f. 
 
 Nile, 5f.; hymn to, 13-5 
 
 Numa Pompilius, 338-42 
 
 Nun, training of, 564 f. 
 
 Octavius (Augustus), 454-74 
 
 Odeum, 188 f. 
 
 Odysseus, 85, 89-94 
 
 Odyssey, 68; selections, 85-7, 
 
 90-4, 307 
 Ogulnian law, 358 
 Oracle, 94 f., 159 
 Orestes, 189-91 
 Osiris, 17 
 Ostia, 329 f. 
 Ovid, 317; selection, 340 
 
 Paean, 220 
 
 Painting, early Italic, 376 f. 
 
 Palace of Alcinous, 85-7; at 
 Persepolis, 278-80; at Alex- 
 andria, 305; Nero's, 482 f. 
 
 Pan, shrine of, 163 
 
 Papyri, Greek, 309 f., 495-?, 
 517-9, 525 f- 
 
Index 
 
 591 
 
 Parilia, 334 
 
 Paterculus, Velleius, 317; 
 
 selection, 475 
 Paphlagonians, oath of, 467 f. 
 Patricians, 335 
 Pausanias, 75; selections, 239 f., 
 
 394-6 
 
 Peiraeus, building of, 175; 
 Thrasybulus at, 248 f. 
 
 Peisistratus, 130-4 
 
 Peloponnesian league, 111-21, 
 297 f.; constitution of, 119-21 
 war, 211-40 
 
 Pericles, age of, 180-209; family 
 and education, 180 f.; states- 
 manship, 1 8 1-5; public works, 
 185-9; oil Athenian character, 
 206-9 
 
 Perioeci, 114-6 
 
 Persepolis, sack of, 277 
 
 Persia, 59; empire, 55-65; cus- 
 toms, 59-64; war with Greece, 
 162-74; conquered by Alex- 
 ander, 276-80; and Charle- 
 magne, 578 
 
 Petronius, 318; selection, 491-3 
 
 Pheidias, 188 
 
 Pheidippides (Philippides), 162 f. 
 
 Philip, master of Greece, 266-70; 
 organizes supremacy, 270-3; 
 achievements, 273-5 
 
 Philosophers, 141-S1; Thales, 
 147-9; Pythagoras, 149 f.; So- 
 crates, 225, 290-4; Plato, 288- 
 90; banished from Rome, 409; 
 see Aurelius, Epictetus 
 
 Phcenicians, 42-7 
 
 Phyle, 247-51 
 
 Pindar, 69; selection, 146 f. 
 
 Plato, 72; selections, 109, 236-9, 
 
 288-94 
 Plebeians, 335; win rights, 350 f., 
 
 353-60 
 Plethrum, 305 
 Puny the Elder, 318; selection, 
 
 375 f- 
 
 Pliny the Younger, 320; selec- 
 tions, 488-90, 502-5, 523-s 
 
 Plutarch, 74; selections, 111-3, 
 114-6, 175 f-, 180-9. 223-8, 
 243-6, 276 f., 339 f-> 363-9, 
 411-5, 417 f., 421-3, 426-31, 
 
 433-7, 443-9 
 Plutocracy, growth of, 397-415; 
 
 at Rome, 417-31 
 Poets, 141-51; Callinus, T41; 
 
 Tyrtaeus, 141-3; Alcaeus, 143 f. 
 
 Sappho, 145 f.; Pindar, 146 f.; 
 
 Horace, 317; Ovid, 317; Ver- 
 gil 317 
 Polemarchus and Socrates, 291 f. 
 Polybius, 73, 314; selections, 
 
 297-303, 326 f., 330, 361 f-, 
 
 380-3, 387, 389-94, 397-404, 
 
 410 f. 
 Polycrates, 254 
 Pompey, 433-7 
 Pope Leo, 582 f. 
 Po Valley, 326 
 Prayer, 193 f-, 290; of Augustus, 
 
 468 f.; of matrons, 469 f. 
 Precepts, Egyptian, 15-20 
 Priene, 302 f. 
 Principate, founding of, 464-79; 
 
 to monarchy, 480-500 
 Principia, 558 f. 
 Propylaea, 189 
 Proscriptions, of Sulla, 429-31 
 
592 
 
 Index 
 
 Ptolemy, 301 
 Publicola, 348 
 Punic wars, 379-88 
 Pyramids, 6-8 
 Pyrrhus, 365-70 
 Pythagoras, 149 f. 
 
 Quirites, 469 
 
 Rameses II, 8-12 
 
 Regulus, 379 f. 
 
 Religion, Egyptian, 10-15; Baby- 
 lonian and Assyrian, 33-40; 
 Hebrew, 48-54; Persian, 59- 
 61, 63-5; Greek, 88-96; early 
 Roman, 337-42, 349; later, 
 401-4; origin of, 457-9; under 
 Augustus, 467-71; under Ti- 
 berius, 478; Mohammedan, 
 574 f.; Christian, see Chris- 
 tians. 
 
 Republic, early Roman, 348-78; 
 during Punic wars, 379-416; 
 transformation to principate, 
 
 417-63 
 
 Rex Sacrorum, 349 
 
 Rhetoricians, banished from 
 Rome, 409 
 
 Rhodes, 302 
 
 Rome, 331 f.; under kings, 334- 
 7; becomes supreme in Italy, 
 361-78; during Punic wars, 
 379-416; from republic to 
 principate, 417-63; under prin- 
 cipate, 464-501; under Good 
 Emperors, 502-20; under 
 absolute monarchy, 527-36; 
 decline of, 537-43; late, 558-72 
 
 Romulus, 334-8 
 
 Salamis, battle of, 169-74 
 Sallust, 314; selection, 426 
 Salvianus, 324; selections, 539, 
 
 542 f. 
 Sappho, 69; selections, 145 f. 
 Sardis, taken by Greeks, 157 f.; 
 
 Greek spies at, 168 f. 
 Sargon, 27 f. 
 
 Schoolboy, miseries of, 569 f. 
 Schoolmaster, sorrows of, 571 f. 
 Senate, Roman, 336, 349, 398 f., 
 
 480-2 
 Seneca, 318 
 
 Sermon on the Mount, 521 
 Sertorius, 434 
 Servants, training of, 287 f.; 
 
 funerals, 517; of Germans, 553 
 Servile war, 434-6 
 Servius Tullius, 342-6 
 Sextius, 357 f. 
 Shipbuilding, 242 f. 
 Sicily, expedition to, 218-40; 
 
 tyrant and Hberator of, 241-6 
 Sicyon, 299 
 Sidon, 42 f. 
 Socrates, and Alcibiades, 225 f.; 
 
 defense of, 236; dialogue with 
 
 Ischomachus, 283-8; visits 
 
 Cephalus, 290-4 
 Solomon's Temple, 50-3 
 Solon, 69; social conditions be- 
 fore, 123 f.; elegy of, 125 f.; 
 
 laws of, 127-9; journey abroad, 
 
 129 f. 
 Sophocles, 70; selections, 189- 
 
 94 
 
 Sources, introduction to, oriental, 
 1-4; Greek, 67-76; Roman, 
 313-26 
 
Index 
 
 593 
 
 Sparta, rise of, 1 11-21; Arista- 
 goras at, 153-6; supremacy of, 
 
 247-57 
 Spartacus, 434-6 
 Spartianus, 322; selections, 
 
 505-10 
 Stadium, 308 
 
 Stone quarries of Syracuse, 222 f. 
 Strabo, I, 74, 316 f.; selections 
 
 from, 5 f., S3, 42, 43, 55, 94-6, 
 
 107-9, 149, 281, 303-7, 327 f-, 
 
 328-32, 472-4 
 Suetonius, 320; selections, 442 f. 
 
 449, 454, 464 i; 478, 480, 
 
 482 f., 484 f. 
 Sulla, 428-31 
 
 Syracuse, 220 f.; tyrant of, 241-6 
 Syria, 42-54 
 
 Tacitus, 318 £.; selections, 474, 
 476-8, 480-4, 490, 522 f., 544- 
 
 55 
 Tarentum, 106 f., 365 f. 
 Tarquinius, L., 346 
 Temple, Erechtheum, 239 f.; of 
 
 Capitoline Jupiter, 345 f.; 
 
 Olympian Jupiter, at Athens, 
 
 508 
 "Ten Thousand," retreat of, 
 
 251-5 
 
 Thales, 147-9 
 
 Thebes, attempt to gain su- 
 premacy, 258-64; and Philip, 
 271 
 
 Themistocles, 175 
 
 Theodosius, 541, 568 f. 
 
 Theramenes, 228 f. 
 
 Thessaly, 267 
 
 "Thirty," 247-51 
 
 Thrasybulus, 247-51 
 Thucydides, 71; selections, 
 
 78 f., 120 f., 176, 177, 206-9, 
 
 211-23 
 Tiberius, princeps, 475-9 
 Tiglath-Pileser I, 31 f. 
 Timoleon, 243-6 
 Titus Lartius, 349 
 Titus, princeps, 488-go 
 Tombs, spoliation of, 15, 568; 
 
 decoration of, 340 f. 
 Trajan, correspondence with 
 
 Pliny, 502-5, 523-5 
 Trasimene, battle of lake, 
 
 383-6 
 
 Treaty, earliest recorded, 8-10; 
 between Eleians and Heraeans, 
 121; with Ptolemy, 301; be- 
 tween Rome and Carthage, 
 361 f. 
 
 Tribes, 334 f. 
 
 Tribunes of plebs, 350 f. 
 
 Tyrant, of Athens, 130-7; of 
 Syracuse, 241-6 
 
 Tyre, 42 f., 45-7 
 
 Tyrt^us, 69 
 
 Valens, 321 
 
 Valerian-Horatian laws, 353 
 Valerius Flaccus, 411 f. 
 Velleius Paterculus, 317 f.; 
 
 selection, 475 
 Vergil, 317; selections, 474, 560, 
 
 562-4 
 Vespasian, 484 f. 
 Vestal Virgins, 340; election of, 
 
 477 
 Vesuvius, eruption of, 488-90 
 Via Appia, 276 
 
594 
 
 Index 
 
 Victor, Aueelius, 321 f.; selec- 
 tions, 527-31 
 
 War, Oriental, 27 f., 31 f., 56 f.; 
 of Ionic revolt, 152-61; be- 
 tween Greece and Persia, 162- 
 74; Peloponnesian, 211-40; 
 between Alexander and Da- 
 rius, 276-82; Punic, 379- 
 
 88; Achaean, 392-6; servile, 
 434-6 
 Women, Greek, 283-8; Roman, 
 378; German, 546 f. 
 
 Xenophon, 71 f., 251-5; selec- 
 tions, 113 f., 22S f., 247-57, 
 261-4, 283-8 
 
 Xerxes, 167-19 
 

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