Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2023 with funding from Columbia University Libraries https://archive.org/details/someaccountofbun00cumb SOME ACCOUNT OF THE BUNJARRAH CLASS. BY N. R. CUMBERLEGH, Eso., DISTRICT SUPERINTENDENT OF POLICE, BASIM, BERAR. Hombuy: PRINTED AT THE EDUCATION SOCIETY’S PRESS, BYCULLA. 1882. z Muttooriahs.—There are four divisions of this class, viz., Pandey, Doobey, Chobey, and Tewarri, and these names show their claim to be considered Brahmins has some foundation in fact. They wear the sacred thread, know the Gaiiri munter, and to the present day abstain from meat and liquor, subsisting entirely on grain and vegetables. They always had a sufficiency of the Charun class and Jangurs in their Koorees to perform all necessary manual labour, and would not, them- selves, work for a remuneration otherwise than by carry- ing grain, which was and still is their legitimate occu- pation; but it was not considered undignified to cat wood and grass for the household. To this day there is not one Muttooriah Kooree, or even moving Tanda, wherein the Charun element will not be found. The Muttooriahs appear to have come from Muttra (Bindrabun) and as Commissariat carriers with Aurang- zebe’s force. They are ignorant of their origin, and are not allowed to mix with Deccani Brahmins, perhaps because of their habits, and it is probable, that on their arrival they either took the name of the village they came from, or were given it by the residents of these parts to distinguish them from other Brahmins. Dress.—Muittooriah and Lubhana males are fairer than the Charuns, and both wear the sacred thread ; the latter always calling themselves Muttooriahs when asked their class. Both wear expensive and _ better jewelry than the Charuns, and their dhotis have a silk border, and are not made of the common dhotur cloth always worn by a Charun. It is not possible to decide to which of these classes a male belongs, unless one insists on knowing his Gote, or family, when their divi- 3 sion becomes clear. But the female Muttooriah is distinguished at a glance,—by the absence from the shoulders or Lynga,—of the bundles to be shown pre- sently as the distinguishing mark of a Lubhana. The Muttooriah females wear a cholee, skirt, and sarz, the latter being tucked into the skirt, then taken up over the head and used as a dooputia. Married women tie their hair into a bundle on the top of the head and fix it with a comb; they fasten a silver chain in the hair, which is brought down and attached to a silver 7ika on the forehead, and it is then taken to each ear, to which it is attached; a piece of black thread also drops from the Yika, to which a gold bead is tied, and this hangs down on the nose. ‘They also wear toe rings, a silver Hasli, and a Doolurri with black beads ; this latter being put on at marriage. Unmarried girls wear their hair plaited, and either tied up at the nape of the neck or hanging loose, and may not wear toe rings. Marriage.—A girl is considered a reproach to her family if not married before attaining 7 years of age, and bride and bridegroom must be of tender years. The boy’s father sends a Brahmin or Hajjam to the oirl’s, asking his daughter in marriage, of which the Naik of the Kooree is informed. A Punchayet forms in which all the four denominations are represented, and the bride’s father names the sum he intends to claim before marriage; but the Punchayet, taking the status of the contracting parties into consideration, eventually fixes this amount. The messenger then returns with this decision, and the boy’s father, assembling a Pun- chayet, agrees to the demand, and,sends back his mes- 4, senger to say so. Having delivered his message, this, man now returns accompanied by two males of the bride’s Kooree, carrying a present of seven areca nuts, seven pieces of turmeric, a few grains of rice, some hookoo (a dye) and one rupee,—and the first ceremony commences. A married woman of the bridegroom’s family, dressed in quite clean clothes, and holding up the corner of what must be a silk sari, receives the present init. Itis then transferred to a thah (brass-plate) and minutely examined, when, if found correct, all the married women of the Kooree are called, who surround the thai and sing, and then it may be removed. Ballaji is now worshipped, and the bride-, groom’s father gives a feed of Gheewar to the whole Kooree: this is flour mixed with water thrown into fried ghee, and it is eaten with sugar; this, an indispen- sable dish, is followed by curry and rice generally. The two men who came with the messenger are now given Rs. 13-8 for the bride; half the sum agreed on for the father; and Rs. 2 a piece, and the betrothal ceremony is complete; the girl cannot now, at any period of her life, marry any one but this boy. A Ma- rathi Brahmin being now called to the bride’s Auoree, fixes the date for the marriage, and a messenger is sent to warn the bridegroom’s father, who then feeds his own Aooree inmates with Poorees (a cake), and the messenger then receives the second moiety of the sum previously fixed, Two mundwas, or temporary sheds, are erected—one at each Avoree—and everything is put in hand for the marriage. The day previous to the formation of the procession, the bridegroom puts on new clothing, and sits down on a Chabootra (raised platform) inside his mundwa. The sister or, 5 sister-in-law for choice, in default some other female of his family, brings a ¢thali containing some bruised turmeric and a little rice and places it before the boy ; then some member of each family puts a little of the rice on the boy’s forehead and turmeric on his feet, and leaves a rupee as a nuzzar (present). The next day, the boy, being placed on horseback, is accompa- nied by every adult who can find leisure, to the bride’s Kooree. Pals have been erected here to accommodate the whole party, and directly the bride’s father has made obeisance to the bridegroom, and seen all com- fortably housed, he goes home and sends a puggree and dvoputta for the boy, which must at once be put on. The boy now sends asilk sari, a Doolurrt (an ornament) and a bracelet composed of beads and rupees strung on silk, for the bride, which are put on her, with exception of the Doolurri,—retained to be added to her attire by the Brahmin at the marriage ceremony. A feast is now given to all present. Next morning the bride- groom sends a string of beads,—called T’himni,—a comb, five small wooden boxes containing turmeric powder, red lead, &c., witha sari, and he then enters the mund- wa and sits on a wooden stool placed near a hollow in the ground called Home, on the other side of which is a similar seat in readiness for the bride—the father bringing her in, joins bride’s and bridegroom’s hands saying © Kunnid Din,” or daughter given, anda Brah- min knots the bride’s and bridegroom’s clothes together, placing one rupee, a piece of turmeric, and a few erains of rice in this knot; he stains another corner of their dooputtas with turmeric, and knots these also,— the second knot implying they are married for hfe. The boy and girl now walk three times round the Home, 6 and then go to the bride’s house, walk round a curtain four times, return to the mundwa, and change seats ; her relatives now present their nwzzars, which belong ex- clusively to the bride, and with which she purchases ornaments. The bride is now taken to the ‘* Janosa,”’ as the boy’s encampment is called, and the ceremony 1s over. There is nothing peculiar in the after-ceremonies attendant on the bride’s departure, but when she arrives at the bridegroom’s Kooree, two small brass lotas are given her, in which she fetches water and returns them to the boy’s female relatives, who mix this with other water previously drawn, and the girl, to this period considered of no caste at all, becomes a Muttooriah.. Food is cooked with this mixed water, and the bride and bridegroom are formally received into the AKooree. Funeral Ceremonies.—Should a male die before the sacred thread has been put on him, the body is buried; if after, burnt. An unmarried gir] is buried, a married burnt. LuspyAnas.—The Lubhdna or Chuttriis traditionally descended from one Mota, of whom they only know the followiug:—Mota and Mola, of unknown parent- age, were cowherds employed by Krishnaji Rajah, who seems to have been deposed, when Mota married, his brother remaining a bachelor to his death. Mota had 11 sons, viz.:—1l, Pdleah; 2, Bohdreea; 3, Jhdd ; 4, Lhak; 5, Dhauki ; 6, Kdéhdrbhat; 7, Gothi; 8, Puchori ; and the names of the last three sons are lost. Péleeah had four sons—1, Seoleah ; 2, Rubdeah ; 8, Mogher ; 4, Doréha, 7 Bohdreea had six—1, Dhurbdsi; 2, Kutchkud ; 3, Alldvut ; 4, Kussdévut ; 5, Kastruth ; 6, Neezleeah. Jhad had six also—1, Galaie; 2, Basi; 3, Bhudwut ; 4, Azddeeah ; 5, Shahdri; 6, Datla. Thik, Dhanhi, Kédkarbhdét, Puchori had no issue, and are now lost. Gothi had three sons—1, Bdta; 2, Theetreeah ; 3, Thalabut. That the Lubhanas also came to the Deccan as Commissariat carriers with a Mogul army is known, but they do not satisfactorily fix the date. Dress.—All these families eat together and inter- marry. The dress of the males has been noticed above, that of the females is not unlike a Muttooriah woman’s either. Unmarried girls are allowed skirts when three years of age; at ten two small bundles are given them, containing a nut, some cowrees and rice, which are knotted to two corners of the dooputta and hung over the shoulder, one in front and one behind. This de- notes maidenhood. These bundles are considered sacred, are always knotted to the dooputta in wear, and are only removed to be tucked into the waist at the girl’s marriage, where they are worn till death. These bundles alone distinguish the Lubhdna from the Mut- tooriah woman. Marriage.—The Lubhina marriage is very similar to the Muttooriah, already described, and the only feature worth noticing is the transfer of the bundles above-mentioned, which closesthe ceremony. Widows are not allowed re-marriage, and have to break their ornaments at their husband’s death. Should an illicit 8 intercourse be found out, the woman, with her para- mour, is put out of caste, and turned out of the Kooree. A woman is only unclean for three days after the birth of a child. Death.—Children above one year of age are burned, below that age buried. On the death of a male, relatives only observe one day of grief; a feast is given, and this is repeated on the 12th day, the 6th month, and first anniversary. Cuiruns.—We now come to the most numerous, and by far the most interesting class, the Charuns, on whose history, customs and manners much might be written; and it is certain we cannot know too much of this class if we would cope with them on anything like favourable terms; for they are not only dacoits, kidnappers, and cattle thieves professionally, but, as themselves put it, ‘‘ forgetting their old traditions, they have deteriorated, and are now burglars and petty thieves as well.” There are five divisions of this class, viz., 1, RdAtore ; 2, Ponwar; 3, Chohan ; 4, Tooreevso, Burthia, or Jadho. But there are so many sub-divisions, Gotes, and Paras, that the Appendix will best show these ramifications; though more than is therein could be supplied, it has not been considered necessary to go further; for, indeed, the numerous families into which these are again divided, especially the large Bhuhia family, would overcrowd the Appendix, and be caleu- lated to confuse; whilst if we know a man’s Para (household name) it may suffice to enable us to trace from it all we care to know. As an example, the Nendwut family, which is by far the most criminal, the most often in our Courts, and with its pride in its 9 tradition may be suppressed but never reformed, would be shown thus :— Class, Chdérun; Division, Rdhtore; Sub-division, Bhukia ; Gote, or family, K/umdrod ; Para, or house- hold name, Yainsod ; Branch of, Nenawut. Origin and traditions.—From their own statements, Rdhtores seems to have originally come from Jodhpore ; Ponwars from Dardnagri near Indore; and close to Ujain, the reputed capital of Rajah Bikramajit ; Cho- hans from a place they call Meet, very probably Mee- rut; Zoorees from Thawurgurh, probably one of the Rajput names for Delhi in former days; whilst the Burtlia, or Jadho class was picked up, as presently no- ted, through a criminal intercourse, which they are reluctant to admit, between a Gorhama (Ponwar) girl and a Marathi Brahmin. To enter on the traditional lore of the Charun class and not try to exhaust it would be a mistake; therefore the Meghdwut and Khumdrod should speak for the Bhukia class, and one story told by the others of their ancestors will perhaps read best in the form of a narrative, following as nearly as possible the manner in which those concerned tell their history. The Meghdwut account is :— ‘‘There were three men, one each of the Réhtore, “< Ponwadr, and Chohain castes, who lived at Nondndi- * Bard-Jhangi ; neither of them having children, they *‘ went together to Mdhdkdli’s temple at Chittoregurh, “and promised to sacrifice a buffalo each if the god- *‘dess would give them heirs. In course of time, a ‘‘son was born to each man, and these children were ‘« sent at the age of fifteen years to redeem their father’s ‘‘promise. A buffalo may not be killed in sacrifice B 10 ‘by the Rajput class, and their castemenhearing of this “put the three children out of caste. Leaving their “homes in indignation, these three lads went in search “of employment; had wandered about 12 koss, and ‘¢ were seated in a Kunbi’s field, when its owner asked “them to fell certain trees, promising them a fair ‘remuneration. He went home for a time, and on ‘shis return finding the lads had pulled the traes up ‘* by their roots and blistered their hands, he laughed ‘‘at them, and said the trees should have been felled, ‘not uprooted, and called them Gdanwdrs. The lads ‘¢then refused payment and left the Kunbi in anger. ‘¢ Having gone some distance, they sat down again and ‘‘were crying at the failure of their first attempt “to do something for themselves, when Guru Ndnuck, ‘passing by aud enquiring why they cried, said “come along with me, you are not Gédnwéars, but <¢ Gorhs, a name now used for Charuns to distinguish ‘*them from Lubhanas. The lads followed the Guru, ‘‘and presently they met the Oodeypuri Baba, who ‘*jomed them, andall journeyed together to Gokulnagri. “Here, Guru Ndnuck found employment for them ‘‘with Avrishnajt Rajah, and telling them to stay at ‘ Gokulnagri till he returned, started on one of his ‘* proselytizing expeditions. These lads served Krish- “‘ naji as cowherds for twelve years, and when he was ‘‘on the point of death, the Rajah gave the Rahtore ‘‘Jad a wife. Presently Guru Ndnuck returned, ‘accompanied by the Oodeypuri Baba and his servant ‘* Murdana,” (for an account of this man see the Dharee family) ‘ to look up his disciples, and then all ‘left Gohkulnagrt together. On their road they found - ‘‘a Brahmin had built a house in the dry bed of a 11 ‘river and was living in it with his wife and two ‘* daughters, and this man, on being asked why he ‘‘lived in the bed of a river, said, his Shastras “had taught him, that when his daughters had ‘arrived at puberty before marriage it was a proper “thing to do, in order that before they could ‘‘ disgrace him, the first flood would relieve the “whole family from the troubles of this life. Guru ‘* Nanuck persuaded the Brahmin to marry his “daughters in an adjoining field to the Ponwdr and ** Chohan lads, who he represented were Rajputs by “birth. The marriage took place under a Gorh “¢ tree, ’—asecond reason assigned for the name assumed by the Charuns ;—‘*‘ the Brahmin and his wife then left “their daughters, and all the rest then journeyed ‘together. Presently meeting a Tooree lad, who said “he lived at Walli- Chandi, had been put out of caste “and wanted employment, this lad was induced to “join them, and journeying on, they arrived at an “encampment of Lubhdnas as night was setting in, *‘and here they halted. Staying here some time, the ** Tooree lad was married, and also became a disciple of “ Guru Ndénuck. The Guru setting out on another ‘‘expedition, the lads elected to remain with the ** Lubhdnas’—hence, probably, the indiscriminate use of the term Lubhana or Lumbhdani, which has been applied alike to Charun and Lubhana. The Guru seems now to have taken final leave of hig disciples, for they do not mention him again, and say he left the following orders with them:—** He instructed them that before a marriage ceremony they should say— «¢ Koli awe, Koli jawe, ** Koli mai, jogh sumbhal ; 12 «* Moong yewra, dohoro, «*Tulli yewri, Kumas ; ‘ Doholo Ghoro, haslo ; « Patlya swad. “ Goosain Bala Sudda Sida ! ‘* Immediately after which the bridegroom’s left arm « should be pierced with a red-hot needle in the name © of the Oodeypurt Baba, and that before the proces- ‘© sion formed, the bridegroom should tie a rupee in ‘‘ his puggri in the name of Guru Ndnuck, to be after- ‘‘ wards expended in sweetmeats.’’ This is still done. The Khumdrod’s story. goes to the favourite Mota and Mola again, claimed as ancestors by any number of criminal classes. ‘© Mota and Mola were brothers, whose parentage is ‘‘ unknown, and were brought up by Krishndji Rajah. ‘On the Rajah’s death he made over Mola to his wife ‘© Radhika, as an adopted son, and Mota never married. « Mota, the brother importuned Rédhika, and she gave ** him a wife, and then Radhika ordered the five reign- ‘‘ing Rajabs each to give her one married son, and ‘** these couples she gave to Mola to be his adopted ** children, and from these five couples the Charuns are “descended. Mola and his family with Mota were ‘“‘ taken to Kurtdpur by Rddhika, and taught the Sikh ‘‘ religion by Guru Ndnuck, also learning the occupa- ** tion of carriers. Taking a portion of the Lubhana history, the K/um- drods try to ignore their ignoble birth mentioned below. The Meghawuths then say, the common ancestor of all Bhukias,— Bhika, had three sons viz., Mersi, Molasi and Deda, and that the Khumdrods are descended from 13 the brother of Deda’s concubine,—probably a Jdngur ; whereas the Khumdrods allow Bhika four sons, one of whom was necessarily Khumdar. The Meghdwuth statement is the correct one, and the Khumdrods are really descendants of Jdngurs. To resume the narra- tive—the origin of the Burthias is thus given, alike by the Rahtore, Chohdn, Ponwar and Tooree :— ‘A Gorhdama (Ponwdar) owed money toa Shurbuila *‘(Ponwar) and being pressed for payment, left his “daughter with the Jhurbulla’s family as a pledge of *¢ faith, and, saying he would only see her face again: ‘‘ when he could pay up in full, went away in search “of employment. Presently Bawun Bhut, a Marathi ‘* Brahmin, to whom the Jhurbulla owed money, asked ‘‘for payment, and was told bis debt could not be ‘liquidated until the Gorhdma’s had been settled. ‘¢The Brahmin refused to leave the Kooree, and a cri- ‘‘minal intimacy springing up between the Brahmin “and the Gorhdma girl, a Punchayet was called, and ‘¢ the eleven Gotes of the Lubhana class, the four then ‘‘existing families of the Charun (fdhlore, Ponwar, <¢ Chohdnand Toree) with one of the Dharee assembled “under a Burh tree to discuss the matter. The Brah- ‘min was sentenced to marry the Gurhdma girl, **to join the Charun family, and fined Rs. 17, or one ‘‘ rupee for each Gote and family represented in the «* Punchayet,—the seventeenth rupee beme returned ** to the Brahmin on his marriage with the girl, and ‘his branch of the Charun family was named Burthia «from the tree under which they assembled. The ‘** twelve sons the Brahmin had, by this girl, represent “this class in the present day.’ These will be found in the Appendix. 14 Chdruns’ arrival in the Deccan.—The Charuns evi- dently came to the Deccan with Asiph Jan, com- monly called A siphkhan, the Wuzeer of Shah Jehan, and in the year 1630 a.p. or thereabouts. Bungi and Shungi, the Rahtore Naiks (for family see Appendix), and Bhugwdnddss the Burthia being the leaders or Naihs. It is said by themselves that the two former Naiks had 1,80,000 bullocks between them, and Bhugwan- dass 52,000, and that they were the Commissariat carriers of Asiph Jdn’s force, with whom they did not return to Upper India, but elected to remain in the Deccan. Feud between Rahtores and Burthias— Bhungi and Jhungi experiencing some difficulty in foddering their cattle during the march, complained to Asiph Jan, who gave them an order engraved in gold on copper, which was as follows :— ‘* Runjan ka pani, ‘* Chuppur ka ghans, ‘* Din ko teen khoon muaf: s¢ Aur Jahan Asiph Jan ké Ghoré ‘¢ Wahan Bhungi-Jhungi ké bael.” This is in the possession of the descendant of Bhungt Naik, who is recognized by the Hyderabad Court as the Head Naik of the Bunjarrah class, and on whose death the successor receives a khillut from H. H. the Nizam. Bhugwdnddss asking for a similar order was refused, and after the campaign showed his dis- pleasure, when a fead between the Rahtores and Bur- thias resulted. One day, Bhungi Naik, when return- ing from the Hyderabad Durbar, was attacked by Bhugwéndass and killed The Réhtores complained to 15 the Nizam, and were told to take their revenge, and this they did so well, that a party, headed by Narain Bhungi, a son of the deceased, killed Bhugwdnddss with a hundred of his followers. The Burthias scored next, when they killed a number of Adhtores and captured their standard. This was a gift from the Nizam, who annually presented Bhungi’s descendants with eight thans of khadi for a new standard. When last heard of, this old standard was in the possession of Muttz Naik, a descendant of Bhugwdnddss, whose Kooree wags some where near Muchlii Bunder in the Madras Presidency. Autti, though, is a Bhdédéwut-Burthia, whilst Bhugwandéss was an Hdldéwut, so that heirs male must have failed, or Alutti could not be the representative, as he is, of Bhugwiénddss. Narain Bhungi, living in the Nurst talooka of H. H. the Nizam’s Dominions, is the Bhungi representative now; whilst Aamu Naik, the Izardar Patel of Yaoliin the Wun District (Hyderabad Assigned Districts), represents the Jhung: family. Dress.x—The dress of the males is well known, and is only a coarse dhoti, a dooputta and puggri, the latter is often red, the other clothing is white ; a Kutele | Kurdora is also worn, and very frequently a white kurta as well. Up to twelve years of age a Charun girl only wears a skirt, with a dooputia thrown over her back, the latter is tucked into the waist in front, and being carried over the left arm round the back, it is then taken over the head; the right arm being more or less exposed; metal beads strung on thread are also tied. under each ankle. At twelve she acquires the plain brass bangles (as distinguished from 16 the Wdnkri) on her ankles, wears a choli, and is now considered marriageable. Her parents may now adorn her with any of the ornaments worn by a Charun woman with the exception of the curved anklet,—only put on after marriage, — and called the Wdnkri; and the bone, or ivory ornaments worn between the shoulder and elbow, 7. e. she may wear them on the forearm, but not above the elbow tillafter marriage. They wear a neck- lace of red glass beads, hanging loosely round the neck, one of black beads tied tightly around the neck, ear- rings, and may plait their hair to just above the ear, where a silver bell-shaped ornament is attached, the hollow part of which is filled with sheep’s wool dyed red, and they may also wear a nose-ring; in fact any thing and every thing a Charun woman cares to, with the two exceptions above noted. All Charuns may eat together, and all will eat from the hands of the Muttooriah or Lubhana, A Lubhana may eat from a Muttooriah’s, and a Muttooriah woman may eat Rukhe-roti from a Lubhana’s, or flour with which only water has been mixed, and a Lubhana woman may eat the same from the hands of a Charun, but the males may not. Marriage.— The four Bhukia Gotes may not inter- marry, nor the Banod Gotes either, and it is customary for all Charuns to seek a wife from some other division than their own. Between the betrothal and marriage’ of a Charun girl, she may not eat and drink in the bridegroom’s house, or show her face to him or any of his relatives. Charuns do not marry till they have attained puberty. Birth.—The woman lives apart in a separate hut in the Kooree,—run up for her use for the time,—and is 17 unclean for five days after her confinement. On the sixth she washes the feet of all the children in the Kooree, feeds them, and then returns to her husband’s hut. When a child is born in a (moving) Yanda the same is observed, and for five days she walks alone after the Tanda, encamping a little distance from it when the halt is called. Language.—The Charun language seems a corrup- tion of Marwarri, and a Charun and Marwarri, each speaking his own language, can understand each other. The Marwarris of Jeypur and Jodhpar do not speak exactly the same lingo, and it is said by themselves that in every day’s march through Marwar a different patois is met: similarly the Muttooriah and Lubhana dialects being very much alike, the Charun differs slightly from both, but all havea Marwar sound. Take the following as an example :— BuNJARRAH. Marwarri. | Muttooriah. Lubhana. Charun. DAO is ci DALOMNaN ae SOO. eee: Balakiones Balak. SUC e ra ts. Janam ...| Jallam ...| Jallam_ ...| Jallam. Blessing ...... Asirwad...| Asirw4d ...| Assis ...... Assis. Calamity ...... Bupata, or} Bupata, or| Afut ...... Biput, Buk- Afut. Afut. hut, Afut Censure ...... 1B forte Bef. Dost? Dosvenay. Dos. To feed ...... Jewana ...| Jewana ...| Khora- Jemana. dena. NOV ey, Ee ee Lutoeanees <2 dit iy Aver ee eee ara Rees, Rarr. What do you) Tukaho | Tukaho | Tukain ka-| Tukain ka- say ? kahi ? kahi? hechhi? | hochho? Cc 18 Widowhood.—The younger brother has a claim on his deceased elder brother’s wife, and may marry her by simply assembling a Punchayet, giving a feast, and saying he will do so, taking her tohishut. But the bro- ther may not care to do so, or she may refuse. In the first event, should she have a son by the elder brother (a daughter gives no claim) the effects are equally divided, and the brother must support her till re- marriage, which the Chédruns allow. In the second event, if the brother is willing, the widow simply receives food and clothing at the brother’s hands, and in either event she can only re-marry with the brother’s consent, when he receives Rs. 75 from her husband, and Rs. 5 formerly taken for Bhungi Naik, is given to the Naik of her Yanda or Kooree. Should the widow elope, the brother chooses ten or twelve associates to go and ‘sit in Dhurna,’’ as the Hindu puts it,—or squat down in front of any hut she may be in, to be fed and liquored up till the abovementioned sum is paid, when she may marry her paramour. She can however elect to livein sin, and then it is said the claim is forfeited; but then a secund claim or peralty sets in, amounting to exactly the same, and the widow would be given back to the brother or his claim settled: for ona refusal to liqui- date his claim, a Punchayet forms, which orders the paramour to marry the widow, and pay the sum claimed by the brother, to the Punchayet,—leaving it optional to pay the brother or the Punchayet the required sum. And under any circumstances all the food, liquor and tobacco consumed by the deputation must be defrayed by the paramour. Infanticide and Human Sacrifice.—It is believed in- - fanticide, which at one time obtained to a great extent, 19 has been stopped, but the following statement of a kidnapped child some eleven or twelve years of age, re- ferring as it does to human sacrifice may be interesting. The wording has been retained as far as possible, but uninteresting portions are omitted. After explaining how he was kidnapped, and the tip of his tongue cut off to give him a defect in speech, the Kunbi lad, taken from Sahungurhi, in the Bhundara District of the Cen- tral Provinces, went on to say ‘‘ that the Tanda encamp- “ed for the night in the jungle. In the morning a ‘woman named Gungi said the devil was in her, ‘‘and that a sacrifice must be made. On this four men ‘* and three women took a boy to a place they had made ‘for Poojah. They fed him with milk, rice and goor, ‘‘and then made him stand up, when Gungi drew a ‘* sword and approached the child, who tried to run *‘ away ; caught and brought back to this place, Gungi, “holding the sword with both hands, and standing ‘Son the child’s right side, cut off his head with “one blow. Gungi collected the blood and sprinkled “it onan idol; this idol is made of stone, is about ‘nine inches high, and it has something sparkling *‘on its forehead. The Zanda marched that day and ‘‘for four or five days consecutively without another ‘sacrifice, but on the fifth day a young woman came “to the Yanda to sell curds, and, having bought some, “the Bunjarrahs asked her to come in the evening and ‘seat with them. She did come, and after eating with ‘the women, slept inthe Zanda. Harly next morning ‘* she was sacrified in the same way as the boy had been, *‘ but it took three blows to cut off her head; it was done ‘by Gungi, and the blood was sprinkled on the same ‘idol. About a month ago, Seetaram, a Gond lad, 20 ‘¢ who had also been kidnapped and was in the Yanda, ‘told me to run away as it had been decided to offer *‘ me up in sacrifice at the Jewthi festival, Tran away.” It is not easy to determine satisfactorily to one’s under- standing, what the child did see,—if not what he de- scribed ; nor can any reason be assigned why the child should run away, ask for protection, and make this voluntary statement if untrue,—the more especially as he had been wandering about some days, and could not tell exactly where the Yanda he had escaped from was encamped, and certainly had no idea of causing injury to any one. Found wandering by a Bhat to whom he told the above, he was taken to the nearest police station, and there repeating his story, a very searching and rather protracted inquiry was held, which, however, determined nothing; whilst it did not disprove the child’s statement. Did not the Gonds and Kolambs in former years sacrifice a child instead of the goat now killed before the heap of grain first reaped at the harvest ? I have often been told that they did, and if so, we can hardly say a class admitted to have been addicted to murder for witchcraft,—and that in very recent days,—cannot have committed human sacrifice? ‘The above statement was made in 1871, and had such practices been of frequent occurrence we must have heard more regarding them. I think, we may say they do not obtain now, but the possibility of one such crime being committed now and then should, I believe, be recognized. Rehgion—The Charuns are Deists in reality, they say they look on Guru Nanuck as the propagandist of their religion, but have nothing in common with a 21 Sikh, and as they worship Hindu gods, it is very doubtful whether the class now recollects any of the tenets of the religion professed by the Sikhs. In fact they choose their own Guru now, as shown below, or do without one. There are men known to me who have taken their Guru from the Nandair shrine, who dress like a Sikh, conform to their customs, and pro- fess the Sikh religion, and these men are living in Tandas with the Charuns who worship the gods below named. One andall reverence the name of Guru Nanuck, whilst they worship Balldji, Muriai, or Ma- hakali, Toojda Devi, Seva Bhaid, Mithu Bhukia, and Suttiz. They have lesser gods also, and the Burthias add Sevadass to the list, as do other denominations living in the Telingah Country. Seva Bhaid was the first and only holy man of their own class, whose tem- ple at Pohora is visited by .thousands during the Das- sera festival, whilst Mithu Bhukid was anotorious free- booter. The oath they least like to take is by Sevd Bhaid, but the most binding would be found in adding superstitious awe thereto in the following manner :— The man to be sworn, places his right hand on the bare head of his son and heir; in his left he grasps a cow’s tail, and then, swearing him by Sevd Bhaia there is a chance he will not perjure himself: whilst he fears injury in person—through his ndm-leni wallah, and murrain in his cattle should he break his oath. If he can break this oath he will not keep faith in anything. But Chdruns have a Guru, or spiritual teacher, and there are Bhuguts also whom they consult; the bad Bhugut, called the Jénta, and the good Bhugut, called Nimbu-Kdtna. Sometimes the Guru is chosen from the Oodasees, or Byragis, and now and then from the 22 Nandair shrine, but usually from: the Goosains, the divisions of which are :— Dwarka. Juggurnathi. Bhudrinétht. Rdmeshwir. ey liruth eee Dan. 1. Giri. 1. Suruswuthi. 9. Asram. 2. Arun. 2. Purwuth. 2. Bharti. 3. Sagur. 3. Pur After spending a certain time under instruction, the Chela, or disciple, returns to his Kooree, and never sees his Guru again, or mentions his name in any one’s hearing. The principal good Bhuguts are :— 1. Hénia-Burhwa. 2. Sutwia-Burha. 3. Kalha- Burhwa. 4. Bhuduria. The first three are brothers, and are all at the Kugl temple in H. H. the Gaekwar’s dominions. This tribunal is the most esteemed; other Jdéntas’ decisions are taken to it on appeal; it is, or was their Appellate Court, and its decisions might not be questioned. 5. Suka Bhaia, the poojari at the Pohora temple in the Basim District in Berar, and all the above are classed with Nimbu-Kdtnas. The principal Jdntas, or bad Bhuguts, are :— 1. Choha—a Khetdwut, residing at Bittergaon in the Basim District. 2. Heeria—a Bhukia, of Thawar Naick’s Kooree, which was formerly at Kanoli-Bara, 9 kos south of Nagpur. 3. LTara-Bhéwa—a Bhukia, who seems to have dis- appeared now. 23 4. Nur Sing—a Bhukia, in Hutti Naik’s Kooree, about 30 miles north of Raipur. 5. Hema—a Bhukia, of Chapa Naik’s Vanda, for- merly at Gurhsul, 9 kos west of Nagpur. Khema-Khetdwut, who was frequently consulted, is now dead. Bunjarrahs therefore worship Hindu gods; havea Guru if they choose, and there is the good and the bad Bhugut for them to consult when they like. The Nimbu-Kdtna is a total abstainer from meat and liquor ; he fasts once a week, on the day assigned to the god he worships and most venerates, usually Mchadeo ; is highly respected, and never panders to vice. But the Janta is of a different type, and the following will show the devilry enacted when a deputation visits one to enquire the cause of an ob- stinate ailment, cattle murrain, a sudden death, or other misfortune, out of which the Charun endeavours to make capital, And it must be remembered that other causes, such as personal dislike was often the sole incentive for such inquiry: when it will be understood that the life of any woman was in the hands of any unscrupulous, disreputable, avaricious man: for if the following does not show premeditation, collusion, and villany of no ordinary type, an honest ring is wanting. A woman is often called a Dakun, or witch, spite- fully, and when this word has been used, the husband or nearest male relative is regularly bullied into con- sulting a Jéntdé. But take this case. Some one has been ill for a week, an avaricious husband or brother will begin to whisper foul play; will suggest some one, who knows an exorcising charm, be sent for; the name 24: Dahun will then be heard, and the wise man arriving will mutter an incantation like the following, which the Bunjarrahs say is calculated to alleviate suffering, or destroy the witch’s spell. A betel pan is given to the sufferer, and the wise man says :— «Pan, Pan, maha pan : ‘«¢ Choona, Kutha, Beer musdn ; “* Khawé (fullané) ka pan,— ce Toot Kulaja, tyacha pran U *«*An! An! mata pithé se An! ‘¢Bandh! bandh! Beer Hmaum ko bandh ! «© Suliman Peer, Pyghumber ki dhui! “¢ Chele muntri, Jshwurt Badsha ! “Choo tee Perhaps because it is an odd jumble some have faith in the above, yet it is rarely admitted to have done good, for in that case what follows would be lost, there is money to be touched, cattle can be acquired, and on such easy terms what Charun would forego such a chance! The incantation having had no soothing effect, the sufferer’s relatives send for their Naik, mention who they suspect of witchcraft (for a woman is always named) or simply say the sufferer is under the influence of a Dékun, and they wish him to send a deputation to some Jéntaé Bhugut to enquire of him who is the sorceress. One male adult is usually chosen from each family resident in the Kooree, and they are despatched to a Chdérun Jadntd forthwith, accompanied by the convener of the deputation. On the road this party buries a bone, or some other arti- cle, and the Jdntdé is presently made to name the article, and say where it was buried. And now WO 5) begins the bye-play, for the Jadnidis a wise man, and recollecting that ‘“‘ no Dakun is no fee,” he will not take any risks by entering on the matter at once, but bids the deputation rest, and come to him for consul- tation on the following day. Next day, time having been allowed any one to prime the Jéntdé throughout the night, and name the obnoxious woman, &c., the Jantdé begins by telling each man his name, class, gote, and parah; that they came to enquire because of a certain person’s illness (naming the person) and orders them to bring the necessaries by nightfall. These consist of sweet oil, red lead, panch-khaja (goor, dates, cocoanut, chironji and till seed) and liquor. The men of the Bhugut’s Koeree come and beat the Nagara (a large drum) and sing, and the J/énté lights a wick, the relative of the sufferer places a rupee by this, and it is taken up by the Jdntd, who, holding it in his hand, begins to sway about and to make contortions of his face and body, whilst the goddess Muriai is supposed to have entered his body. He is now in- spired; puts dewn the rupee, and states the day and hour at which the sick man was first seized with illness; mentions its nature, and indignantly inquires why tho deputation buried a certain article (naming it) at a cer- tain place (describing it) on their road. Sometimes the deputation will require no further proofs of inspiration from the Janté, when he proceeds to further business, but if they are not satisfied a goat in kid is brought, the Jdénta is made to mention the sex of, and any distinguishing marks on the kid, the goat is then killed, and should he have guessed aright, the Jéntd proceeds to mention the names of people residing in the Koeree, whence the deputation came, their children, D 26 and any valuable or prized cows or bullocks. The sufferer’s representative is informed what family he married into, and he then presents his nazzar, for- merly fixed at Rs. 25, but often more than double this sum in present days. The Janta now takes to song, and during his chaunt introduces the names of the families residing in the Kooree other than the one to be mulcted, and giving them all vile abuse, disposes of them. He now assumes an ironical appearance ; extols the virtues of a certain family; becomes face- tious, and praises the representative of that family then before him, who. immediately puts the Jdénta numberless questions regarding his own family, his connections, worldly goods, what gods he worships ; asks who is the witch, who taught her sorcery, and how and why she practised it in this particular instance. But the Jdntad has been properly coached, has a good memory, and his answers are correct, shadow, as slave to the married wife, the Jdngur woman doing all the dirty work, but never cooking for her lord’s household, whilst she eats separately and after every one else. All others, males and females, may be, and often are, sold to more wealthy men than the kidnapper, and are sent to tend cattle, draw water and cut wood and grass for their master, all of which is generally done cheerfully, and if satisfaction is given, the master will presently defray his Jéngur’s marriage expenses, if a male, and thus acquire a second slave. The classes mostly kidnapped seem to be the Koshi, Gowlt, Kunbi, and Kol, but any child not a Mang, Dher, or Chambar, is acceptable. A Jdngur can only marry a Jdngur, and his descendants are all Jéngurs to the seventh generation,—when they marry into the Chdrun family, on which they take the name of the Gote into which they marry. Buta male Jéngur when arriving at puberty frequently refuses to continue a slave, and runs off with some Jangur girl to some dis- tance where his master is unlikely to hear of him,— the name however adheres to him for life, his children inherit it, and so do all his descendants to the seventh generation. There are thousands of Jdngwrs now, and though not done so openly as formerly, our daily ex- perience shows Bunjarrahs kidnap to some extent, and that they are especially fond of the profitable crime of cattle stealing. A Jangur woman may never wear the Wédnkri, and is distinguishable at a glance from a Chdérun. Chdruns and Dharees are notorious dacoits and road workers; they are burglars very often, steal- ers of grain and cotton from standing crops, of cattle, almost in the presence of the owner; will whip up and carry away goats from feeding flocks ; break into pens 32 of goats and take what they require; they have been caught and sentenced for shop-lfting in a bazaar at night ; and in one known instance for cutting away the strings wherewith a bundle was tied toa cart, and making off with the bundie,—in fact more what one would expect from a Tdéhunkar or a Kyhari: they have indeed degenerated, and, formerly known as clever dacoits and robbers, have now become petty thieves. All Bunjarrahs move out of the Kooree, if only a few hundred yards, and encamp in the open at the Dassera, and after this festival some Yandahs start on their carrying expeditions, but this is rare, for most start after the Dewalli. We know that most criminal tribes worship Mahakalt at the Dassera festival, and for this purpose the temple at Pohora is visited yearly at this time by thousands of Bunjarrahs, and it is generally understood that after this worship the omens will be taken, and a general outline be decided on for the working season. Some decide on the route to Dumda, ai wheat mart; some go to Hyderabad, in the Deccan, and other parts of H. H. the Nizam’s dominions; whilst some prefer settling down in villages adjacent to a bazaar town on harvesting pretences—but what the members of the Kooree will do has generally been decided on immediately after the Dassera, and though the programme may be modified during the season, it is pretty generally adhered to. In former days Berar Bunjarrahs, of whom alone any description is attempt- ed, had almost the monopoly of the carriage of salt into Berar, the Central Provinces, and the Deccan generally, the extension of Railway lines took this from them, and their only great mart now is Dumdain the Raipur District of the Central Pro- 33 vinces, where the larger Zuandas mostly go twice during the season for the purchase of wheat, and it is during these expeditions, a 7anda requires most watch- ing in order to prevent kidnapping and cattle stealing with occasional dacoity ; whilst those dotted about in villages around bazaar towns most frequently commit dacoities, robberies, and petty thefts. A Tanda leav- ing Berar will generally break up when it has crossed the Wardha; practice every dodge it can think of, to hoodwink us whilst absent, but endeavour to return to us the same in number as it left. Sometimes the Naik says a portion of his Yanda wants to stay for harvest- ing ata village on the banks of the Wardha, and eight or ten men may be allowed to halt here,—and become the outlying picket, able frequently in one night, certainly in from eighteen to thirty hours, to run cattle, Jaéngurs, or other acquisitions, as brought to them by their confe- derates, into their old Kooree, where a few old men and women with a few lads have generally been left. This detachment generally prefers a village betwixt two bazaar towns, when it is also able to work on its own account, and will strive to keep the police misinformed of the movements of the party which has perhaps gone on to Dumda in one body, or been allowed to break up into small parties travelling separately along the same route and within a day’s march of each other: all these par- ties will be composed of young and able-bodied men and women, with just an old deceiver here and there to do any talking to the authorities en route—the women being frequently used as messengers, and to run stolen property, which is hidden under their petticoats. Sometimes having left its picket, the larger party will only go ona few miles, halt again and drop another E 54 party between two bazaar towns, and when once settled down in this way, whilst the Yanda commands a large tract of country, and each party is under a distinct Naik, it is frequently forgotten that all these so called Naiks and separate parties are really members of one Vanda, and are working in unison to the detriment of a large community. Other Yandas after throwing out its pickets will decide to go on to Dumda, when it will endeavour to break up into par- ties of eight or ten men,—each party being one march of about five miles ahead of the other, and in this manner a moving Tanda of say only 100 men can cover fifty miles of country to and from Dumda; none of these parties will be seen communicating, but they do so freely during the night time, and the ground occupied by the foremost party is taken up by the next almost directly it has moved on. In fact hardships most difficult to meet are created or invented directly the Wurdah has been crossed, the Naik says scarcity of grass, &c., prevents their keeping together ; that there are different interests in the Zanda, he wants to, and must be allowed to go on at once in order to arrive at Dumda by a certain date, but others want to stay for a certain bazaar (held close by), saying they are sure to pick up a load, but he cannot wait their pleasure ; others say they only left the Kooree in company with the Naik, who knowing they had no cattle could not expect them to do anything but harvesting,—besides what necessity is there for so long a journey when the Kunbis of the village they are at want hands for the harvesting, and have promised them employment. These are matters in which we cannot very well inter- fere, and the wretched scamps work their wicked will i hel O.. ~ter-™ 35 in the end. They almost deserve to, for their imagina- tion is always very fertile, and whilst they are clever schemers, perhaps they are one of our most independent and manly criminal tribes, as indeed they have hitherto been one of our boldest. If the ceremonies formerly gone through by Chdéruns and Dhdrees, and even now sometimes practiced prior to the commission of serious road crime and village dacoity be added, we shall perhaps have enough to remember Bunjarrahs by in the future,—when they have settled down as cultivators of the soil, or when extended cultivation over areas now waste necessitates their ‘“‘ moving on” to more distant wilds. Poojah to Mithoo Bhukia.—A hut was usually set apart in each Kooree, sacred to Mithoo Bhukia, an old freebooter, and kept entirely for devotional pur- poses. A flagstaff was erected in front of it, on which a white rag flew. It is believed this freebooter lived in the Central Provinces, and that his exploits | did not extend beyond those provinces and the Deccan, whilst it is known his success engendered the respect felt for him by the class, and that he is worshipped only by the dacoit now, as the most clever, never- detected dacoit handed down by their ancestors. The worshipper washes, cooks, puts on clean clothing, and taking some of the cooked food on a thali, in which he also places some frankincense, approaches the flag- staff with some fire and a lotah of water in his other hand. He ignites the frankincense, and smokes the flagstaff and then the hut calling on Mithu Bhuhia, leaves the frankincense on a chubootra in this hut, and goes home to his meal. The preliminary ceremonies now to be narrated are in present days often neglected, 36 but after a successful haul, the after-ceremonies are rarely forgotten. Having talked it over previously, and decided on the gang to be used, all selected assemble at this hut at night; an image of Suits is produced and placed on the ehabootra; ghee is then put into a kvolia or small earthen cup, into which a wick shaped thus A is placed. This being lit, an appeal to Suté: is made for an omen, and the purpose for which they are assembled being mentioned, the wick is watched, and should it droop, as such a wick must in time, the omen is propitious; they then sulaam and start at once for their raid. They may not return to their homes after this poojah, and should neither speak each other, or answer if challenged; for then the charm is broken, and they ought to return to take the omens again or give up that particular dacoity altogether. The gang looks for omens on the road, and these are construed very much as they were by the 7iugs of the Upper Provinces in former days, and in fact by most of our criminal tribes —sneezing, a hare erossing their path, a jackal howling either in front or to the left hand, an owl screeching in front, are all considered unlucky signs or bad omens, and there are some 50 omens, good or bad, any one of which may impress them with a certamty of suc- cess, or entail theirreturn. If successful the property is buried m the jungle, and they return home as expeditiously as they can, but generally leave a false track to ineulpate others, or hide their own route. When the hue and ery has subsided the property is dug up, it is decided what portion shall be set aside for Mithoo Bhukia, and of the balance the Kooree Naik receives two shares if he has participated in the 37 crime, otherwise nothing; the man who struck the first blow, or who it may be decided did most towards their common object also receives two shares, and all the rest one share. With Mithoo Bhukia’s share a goat or two, rice, flour, and lhquor is bought, some plausible reason assigned for a feast, the Naik taking this on himself, and all the malesin the Kooree, or Yanda, are invited. All being assembled, a spokesman rises with a thalz in his hand, containing some of the cooked food, some liquor and frankincense ; he thanks Mithoo Bhukia for gratifying their wishes, and pouring the liquor down at the flagstaff, he leaves the burning frankincense on the chabootra inside the hut; he then makes an obeisance, says ‘“ the offering has been accepted,” and all assembled thank Mithoo Bhukia for accepting their gift. A portion of the food is now sent to the women and children, and the males sit down to their feed. Women salaam to the flagstaff, but under no pretence may they enter this hut, and they are excluded from the ceremonies described above. The Charuns have no image of Mithoo Bhukia, but nearly every one has one of Sutiz, and all one of Muriat, whom they dread as well as reverence. In the above the Dhalias have not even been mention- ed, because these notes were intended to be confined to the four divisions of the Bunjarrah class; there are, however, Charun Mangs, Chumars, &c., as before mentioned, whose identity is swallowed up in the great Charun family for which they work, and every Koorce or Tanda of any size at all has its low caste residents, who are treated with contempt by their masters, and are hardly worthy of mention at all,—wanting as they 38 do the independence of character common to the four divisions described. Mooltanis and Mookheerees have been called Bunjar- rahs also, but have nothing in common with them, and perhaps because Mooltanis also carry grain and Mook- heerees carry wood this confusion has arisen. The former are dacoits and cattle-lifters, the latter wood- cutters, who also commit dacoity at times when not in British Territory,—both are Mussalmans. There are many other carrying classes mentioned by Colonel Stewart in his notes on these classes some years ago, any one of which has quite as much pretension to be called a Bunjarrah as has a Mookheeree or a Mooltant. The following extract will show how very little was known of the Buyarrah class even in 1869, although they had been living in our midst for many years. Colonel Wilks, in writing of them, says:— “Much has been conjectured and little ascer- “tamed regarding this extraordinary class of men, ‘‘ whose habits and history were at that period ** entirely unknown to the English army. Hvery man “and many of the women were armed with a great ** variety of weapons, and though moving with their ‘‘ whole train of women and children, who could ‘* scarcely be classed among the zmpedimenta, proved ‘* themselves capable, in several instances, not only of ‘¢ military defence, but of military enterprise, as was ** particularly evinced in the slaughter and plunder ‘of the lower fort of Cabal-droog. Further north “* they are known by the name of Brinjarries, a supposed ‘** Persian compound designating their office with the “army; in the south they are called Lumbhanies, but ** no conjecture has been hazarded regarding this name, 39 *‘and they have not even a tradition regarding their “origin!!!” There are a number of grain-carrying classes, and these have collectively received the name of Brinjarries, and each of these could be called a Brinjarrie class, such as a Mookheeree or Mooltani Brinjarrie, but to call them Bunjarrahs would bea misnomer,—the former taking their name from their occupation of grain-carriers ; the latter itis believed from the Urdu word 5's" (bunjdr) waste land, which itself is only a corruption of the Sanscrit q=qq (bundhia) barren, and this perhaps because they live in hamlets run up in waste land and jungle tracts. The Hindu traders so well known in the Deccan by the name of Wunjarries might as well be called Bunjarrahs as can a Mookheree or a Mooltani, and it has been endea- voured to show that originally this class sprang from Brahmin, Chuttree and Rajput strains, and that, joined by the Dharee or Bard class, these four divisions represent the Bunjarrah class in the present day, These Dharees appear to have originally sprung from the great Sansya class of the Upper Provinces, whose ancestor was also Moldnoor or Moldna-noor ; and the Burthia sub-division which wishes to rank higher than the rest of the Chdrun family, has evidently no claim to such an honor,—for their own name of Burthia or Jidho clearly shows their intriguing ancestor was not a Brahmin, but belonged to the Yddu, JSddu or Jddon Rajput class of Rajputana. It has been shown also that the Chdrun tradition points to the Rajput lads joining the Lubhdnas, staying with them, learning and adopting their occupation of carrying grain, and this may account for the indiscriminate application of the term Lumbhani to distinguish a Bunjarrah from other 40 Brinjarries. The word is evidently a corruption of Lubhdna, and is therefore not applicable to the whole class. The whole of the Chdrun family when carrying erain for an army, place a twig of some tree in their puggree to show they are on the war-path; in fact the neem, Which is always used on such occasions when obtainable, was invariably used and would be now if they had occasion to fight to the death on any social matter, or under any supposed grievance. Bun- jarrahs with all their faults are undoubtedly the finest, most independent, and certainly most interesting cri- minal class we have in Berar, and thinking these few notes, collected during rather a lengthened residence amongst them, might be considered interesting, and in some small measure tend towards the class itself being better understood, I have been induced to print them. If this aim be accomplished, and this manly class raisedin the estimation of my reader, my time will have been well spent. N. R. CUMBERLEGE, District Superintendent of Police, Basim, Berar. APPENDIX. 42, ‘posooq 4) _ (‘UMLIOUY ‘OT “qemyZOO 9 |G FOMUTCH “6 ‘maysnyg ‘¢|e& . ¢ ‘“wayuUNe *9 ‘naydooy *g ‘quapumey pps 8 | (0) Posy “¢ ‘BYDOIyOY *f, ‘pomeg ‘¢| 2 z “oNYysuog ‘ip uf ‘uBMYyUG “9 *pojyutiny +g | > a (Peoqsuol 7g | ‘quavlep ‘eg *posurey, *T) © ® | ‘qnavdvH "G . 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