THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA THE COLLECTION OF NORTH CAROUNIANA CB J13f2 2I0N BAPTIST CHLWCH >• ^5 QC o CO < CD ^: Oi UNIVERSITY OF N.C. AT CHAPEL HILL 00032195277 r <> This book must not be token from the Library building. /; ^ V i >y^a'iIiiliL} l£;li sU ^-I'A^^a'Uu u \ y ^ ') i^m MS^iii '; I18©W» PICTORIAL BIOGRAPHY OF ANDREW JACKSON EMBELLISHED WITH NUMEROUS ENGRAVINGS, (many of -WBIOH AEE COLOEED by hand by the best ARTI8T8.) REPRESENTING BATTLE SCENES, ETC. ETC. FROM DESIGNS BY BENSON J. LOSSINO, OEOOiTE, AND OTHERS. BY JOHN FROST, LL.D. SOLD ONLY BY DISTRIBUTING AGENTS. LOUIS YILLE, KY. PUBLISHED BY BILL & BROTHER, 1860. IV PREFACE. which there is no controversy, viz : his brilhant mili- tary career. In the narrative of his political life, little more has been attempted than a succinct statement of facts. Later biographers will be enabled to do him ampler justice, by tracing the beneficial effects of his political measures into remoter times. For the events of the Creek war, and the defence of New Orleans, the writer is chiefly indebted to the copious and able biography of General Jackson written by his friend Major Eaton, whose access to the best means of information is undoubted. The other authorities are cited in the work. The pictorial embellishments of the book are chiefly from the pro- lific pencil of Mr. Croome, whose merits are well known to the public. The author has found his esteem and reverence for the character of General Jackson to be constantly increasinir, with the extent of the researches which th^s work has required him to make ; and he believes, that popular as the subject of this memoir always has been, his favour with the American people is destined still to increase, so long as the Republic shall con- tinue to exist. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. EARLY LIFE. Parentage and Birth of Jackson, 16 ; Death of his Father, 17 ; Revo- lution 18. CHAPTER II. SERVICES IN THE REVOLUTION. Partisan Warfare, 21; Marion, 22: Sumpter, 23 ; Death of Hugh Jack- son, 24 ; Fall of Charleston, 25 ; Waxliaw Massacre, 29 ; Affair at Armsaour's Mill, 31 ; Affair at Hanging Rock, 35 ; Rocky Mount, 43 ; Jackson's first battle, 44 ; Battle of King's Mountain, 4'J ; Mrs. Jack- son removes to North Carolina, 49 ; Battle of Cowpcns, 53 ; Battle of Guilford, 59 ; Heroic conduct of Jackson, 62 ; Death of Jackson s Mother, 67 ; Battle of Eutaw, 71 ; Close of the Southern War, 72. CHAPTER III. PROFESSIONAL LIFE. Jackson studies Law, 74 ; Settles at Nashville, 75 : Marriage with Mrs. Robards, 80. CHAPTEH IV. INDIAN WAR— LEGISLATIVE AND JUDICIAL LIFE. Jackson in Congress, 82 ; in the Senate, 82 ; Acquaintance with Mr. Livingston, 83 ; Elected Commander-in-chief, 85 ; Jackson appointed a Judge of the Supreme Court in Tennessee, 86 ; His firmness as a Judge, 89 ; Resigns, 90 ; Aaron Burr's Conspiracy, 91 ; Indian Wars, 95 ; Tennessee becomes a State, 97 ; Jackson assists in forming the Constitution of Tennessee, 97. CHAPTER V. COMMENCEMENT OF THE CREEK WAR. Jackson offers his services to the Government, 100 ; Takes an Army to Natchez, 101 ; Ordered to disband his Troops, 103 ; Refuses to obey, 104; His Conduct Approved, 107; Intrigues of Tecnmsch, 108; Mas- sacre at Fort Mimms, 113 : Raising of Volunteers, 115 ; Scarcity o. Provisions, 126. VI CONTENTS. CHAPTER YI. TALLUSHATCHEE. Battle of Tallushatchee, 135; Adoption of Lincoyer, 137. CHAPTER VII. TALLADEGA. Forced March, 141 ; Battle of Talladega, 145 ; Relief of Fort Strother, 147; Dinner of Acorns, 149; Soldiers Mutiny, 150; Famine, 153; Mutiny quelled, 157. CHAPTER VIII. HILLABEE TOWNS— DESERTIONS AND MUTINY— GEOR- GIA VICTORIES. Hillabee Deputies, 160 ; Destruction of the Iliilabees, 161 ; Mutiny, 162 ; Letter to the Rev. Mr. Blackburn, 163; Letter to the Army, 167; Jackson's Address, 172 ; Arrival of General Cocke, 179 ; Coffee's Brigade, 180 ; Governor Blount, 187 ; General Roberts Cashiered, 193 ; Arrest of Kearley, 193 ; Lilliard's Regiment, 196 ; Georgia Victories, 198. CHAPTER IX. EMUCKFAW. Colonel Carroll, 203 ; General Coffee, 204 ; Indian Spies, 206 ; Bat- tle of Emuckfavv, 208; Carroll's Charge, 211; Letter to General Pinckney, 213. CHAPTER X. ENOTICHOPCO. Ruse of Jackson, 216; Battle of Enotichopco, 219; Firmness of Jack- son, 222 ; Effects of the Battle, 222 ; Volunteers Discharged, 225. CHAPTER XI. TOIIOPEKA. The last Mutiny, 229 ; Battle of Tohopeka, 231 ; Death of Major Mont- gomery, 233 ; Wounded Warrior, 237 ; Effects of the Battle, 239 ; Address to the Troops, 240. CHAPTER XII. CONCLUSION OF THE CREEK WAR. March to the Hickory Ground, 244 ; Pursuit of Indians, 244 ; Surrender of Wcatherford, 247; Voluiitoers Discharged, 251 ; Treaty with the Creeks, 253 ; Speech of Big Warrior, 257. CONTENTS. VU CHAPTER XIII. PENSACOLA. Hostility of the Spaniards, 263 ; Letter to the Spanish Governor, 205 ; Nicholl's Proclamation, 271 ; Attack on Fort Bowyer, 273 ; Jackson's Proclamation, 275 ; Attack on Pensacola, 279 ; Storming of the Battery, 281 ; Capture of Pensacola, 281 ; Destruction of the Barrancas, 282. CHAPTER XIV. NEW ORLEANS-BATTLE OF THE TWENTY-THIRD OF DECEMBER. Designs of the British, 289 ; Disaffection of the Inhabitants, 291 ; Com- mittee of Safety, 292 ; Governor Claiborne, 297 ; Situation of New Orleans, 299; Jackson's Force, 301; Governor Shelby's Patriotism, 302; Fortifications, 305; Gunboat Action, 309 ; Loss of the Seahorse, 310; Commodore Patterson, 311 ; Address to the Troops, 312 ; Con- duct of the Legislature, 317 ; Declaration of Martial Law, 318; Judge Hall, 322 ; Landing of the British, 323 ; Plan of March, 327 ; Night Action of the 23d December, 328 ; Jackson's Attack, 337 ; Defeat of the British, 338; Fortifying, 339 ; Effects of the Battle, 341. CHAPTER XV. NEW ORLEANS-BATTLE OF THE FIRST OF JANUARY The Invading Army, 345 ; Jackson's Preparations, 347 ; Lafitte, 348 , Baratarians, 349 ; British Offers eluded, 352 ; Lafitte joins the Ameri- cans, 353 ; British attack the works, 357 ; Colonel Henderson killed, 359;' British erect Batteries, 361; Attempt on Jackson's Life, 361 ; Battle of January 1st, 361 ; Defence of the Swamp, 363 ; Jackson's Second Line, 367 ; Reinforcements, 3^9 ; Defence of the Right Bank, 371 ; Battle of the 8th of January, 373 ; Havoc among the British, 379 ;' Fall of Packenham, Keane, and Gibbs, 378 ; Retreat of the British, 379 ; Death of Colonel Rennie, 380 ; Action on the Right Bank, 380; Loss of the British, 385; Burying the Dead, 389 ; Retreat of the British, 393 ; Bombardment of Fort St. Philip, 395 ; Jackson's Return to New Orleans, 397 ; Peace announced, 401 ; Army Dis- banded, 405 ; Return to Nashville, 406. CHAPTER XVI. THE SEMINOLE WAR. Jackson appointed Commander-in-chief of the Southern division, 410; Visit to Washington, 411 ; Visit to New Orleans, 413 ; Indian Treaty, 415; Conditionof Florida, 417; Indian Depredations, 421 ; Destruc tion of the Negro Fort, 425 ; M'Krimmon's Rescue, 427 ; Surprise of Lieutenant Scott, 429 ; Gaines enters Florida, 431 ; Jackson takes Vm CONTENTS. the command, 439 ; Fort Gadsden built, 441 ; Capture of St. Marks, 445 : Ambrister taken, 447 ; Arbuthnot and Ambrister executed, 453 ; Occupation of Florida, 459 ; Jackson Visits Washington, 461 ; His Justification, 462. CHAPTER XVII. JACKSON AT THE HERMITAGE. Jackson appointed Governor of Florida, 467 ; Nominated for the Presi- dency, 469 ; Election of Mr. Adams, 471 ; Jackson renominated, 473 ; Elected President, 477. CHAPTER XVIII. FIRST PRESIDENTIAL TERM. Inaugural Address, 483 ; First Cabinet, 487 ; Congress of 1829, 488 ; Message, 490 ; United States Bank, 492 ; Debate on the Constitu- tion, 495 ; Internal Improvements, 497 ; Second Message, 499 ; Re- jection of Van Buren by the Senate, 505 ; Veto of Bank Bill, 507 ; Nullification, 509 ; Proclamation, 511 ; Calhoun's position, 513. CHAPTER XIX. SECOND PRESIDENTIAL TERM. Outrage on the President, 521 ; Removal of the Deposites, 525 ; French Indemnity, 527 ; Attempt to Assassinate the President, 523 ; Ex- punging Resolutions, 531 ; Farewell Address, 534. CHAPTER XX. - LAST DAYS OF JACKSON. Character of Jackson, 537 ; Correspondence with Commodore Elliott, 546 ; Jackson's Last Will, 548 ; His Death-bed, 553 ; His Example, 554 ; Closing remarks, 558. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. Paok. Frontispiece — Equestrian Portrait, Title — Medallion Portrait . 13 Early Life of Jackson 19 Tail-Piece 20 Jackson with Marion and Davie 23 Marion and his men . . 25 General Lincoln 26 Charleston .... 32 Sir Henry Clinton 35 Lord Rawdon 41 Attack on the hollow square at Hanging 40 Lord Cornwallis 50 Removal of the Waxhaw Settlers 52 General Greene 65 Battle of Cowpens 64 Jackson defying the British officer 73 Riding the circuit . . , 80 Marriage of Jackson 81 Lidian War scene . , , 87 Surrender of Russell Bean . 105 The sick Soldier 110 Tecumseh .... 1 1 1 Massacre at Fort Mimras 195 Indian Runner 129 Bringing in Prisoners Engravers Armstrong and Pease. A. Spencer. B. F. Waitt. Devereux. B. F. Waitt. J, Downes. B. F. Waitt. cc Rock . Devereux. II u It u u B. F. Waitt. Devereux. u H. Bricher. Devereux. B. F. Waitt. H. Bricher Devereux. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 131 133 136 139 143 130 155 159 173 175 186 194 199 201 207 209 217 227 229 231 233 237 238 243 245 247 248 254 255 260 261 263 209 274 283 Lincoyer Battle of Tallushatchee Adoption of Lincoyer The Dinner of Acorns . Battle of Talladega Soldiers concocting Mutiny Jackson quellijig the INIutiny Hillabee Deputies Scalping .... General Jackson reviewing the Volunteers Allcorn abandoning the campaign Arrest of Lieutenant Kearley . Burning of an Indian Village Mounted Rifleman Spies reporting Battle of Emuckfaw Battle of Enotichopco Log Cabin The last Mutiny Plantiiig the Cannon Battle of Tohopeka Indian Prophet . Young Creek Warrior General Jackson ill Pursuit of Indians . Weatherford Surrender of Weatherford . General Harrison Big Warrior Treaty with the Creeks Indian Village Death of Lieutenant Murray Arrival of British ships at Pensacola Attack on Fort Bowyer Blowing up of the Barrancas H. Bricher. Devereux. J. Downes. S. F. Baker. J. Downes. S. F. Baker. Devereux. B. F. Waitt. Devereux. (C B. F. Waif Devereux. B. F. Waitt Devereux. J. Dowries. Devereux. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. X] 285 280 288 293 303 30-1 305 307 309 313 319 324 325 331 342 344 346 348 356 358 365 368 373 .srs 378 381 387 392 395 403 406 408 409 Retreat of the British . . , . Landing of Creeks Jackson in 1815 Jackson conferring with the Committee of Safety Eobarkation of Tennessee Troops Jackson descending the Mississippi Fortifying of New Orleans British Fleet off Pensacola Blowing up of the Seahorse General Jackson addressing the Volunteers Jackson declaring Martial Law Arrival of the British Fleet Departure of the Troops for New Orleans Night Action of the 23d of December Napoleon ..... Head-Piece to Chapter XV. Artillery ..... Lafitte ..... English soldiers throwing up battery . . Gun-deck ..... General Jackson and the Cotton Merchant Erection of Morgan's battery General Packenham's Band Death of General Packcnhara Fall of General Gibbs Death of Colonel Rennie Battle of 'New Orleans Burying the Dead .... Bombardment of Fort St. Philip Jackson's Farewell Address to the Army at Orleans .... Return to Nashville .... Jackson and the Soldiers The War-drum .... J. Downes. (( Devereux. B. F. Wain. u Devereux. J. Downes. a u Devereux. S. F. Baker. Devereux New J. Downes. H. Bricher, Devereux. B. F. Waitt. S. F. Baker. Devereux. au LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 412 JNladison ...... B. F. Waivv. 414 .Tackson's Visit to New Orloaiis . . Devereux. 419 Monroe . . . . . . B. F. Waitt. 423 Francis Hillishago .... Devereux. 427 Rescue of M'Krimmon .... " 430 Indians attack Lieutenant Scott's party . " 437 General Jackson addressing the Soldiers of Tennessee " 441 Rebuilding of Fort Gadsden ... " 443 Conflict of the Advanced Guard with the Indians " 449 Trial of Ambrister ..... « 456 John Quincy Adams . . . . B. F. Waitt. 46 1 Reception of Jackson . . . . S. F. Baker. 465 Jackson at the Hermitage , . 472 Henry Clay ..... Lossing. 478 Tail-Piece ..... Devereux. 480 General Jackson in 1829 . . . . S. F. Baker. 481 Emblems ..... Devereux. 496 Daniel Webster ..... Lossing. 505 Martin Van Buren . . . . B. F. Waitt. 514 John C. Calhoun ..... Lossing, 618 United States Capitol . . . . H. Bricher. 529 Attempt to assassinate General Jackson . . S. F. Baker. 535 General Jackson in his last days . . '' 540 James K. Polk ..... « 5G0 Emblems ..... Devereux. CHAPTER I. EARLY LIFE. The period has arrived when the character and ac- tions of Andrew Jackson can be reviewed by all parties of his countrymen with can- dour and fairness. He has passed to that tribunal where all must appear, to give an ac- count of the work which they have performed in this state of ))cing. Sustained by a consciousness of patriotic and honourable intentions, and by the hope of mercy through the Redeemer, he died in the assured hope of a glorious im- 14 EARLY LIFE. mortality. His countrymen mourned his loss with unaffected and universal sorrow, and are now fully able to realize that he was a man of that character and calibre of which one example in an age is all that we can hope for. As time rolls on he will be more highly appreciated. Another war Avitli England, and another threatened dismemberment of the Union, whenever they come, will cause men to look back upon the past, and to wish that another Jackson might arise to guide our armies, and preserve the unity of the Re- public. But such events are not necessary to direct at- tention to his merits. The eager spirit of inquiry which is beginning to show itself respecting the past history of the country and its leading men, will cause every action of Jackson's life to be thoroughly scrutinized. And they will bear the scrutiny. It will appear that he was thoroughly disinterested and patriotic in every public act ; that he was so admirably just and noble in his private relations that he became in every circle where he moved the delight of his friends ; that he had, like a true and faithful American statesman, a thorough faith in the people, a thorough sympathy with the people; and that through these qualities, he bc;came, more than any other since the Father of his Country, the favourite hero of the people. The present attempt to sketch the leading events of his life has been undertaken from a conviction of his real greatness, and from the writer's assent to the doctrine which is thus eloquently laid down by one who has made heroes his study : " Universal history, the history of what man has Hrroinnlishnd in this world, is at bottom, the History GREAT MEN. 15 of the Great Men who have worked here. They were the leaders of men, these great ones ; the mo- dellers, patterns, and, in a wide sense, creators of whatsoever the general mass of men contrived to do or to attain ; all things that we see standing accom- plished in the world are properly the outer material result, the practical realization and imbodiment, of thoughts that dwelt in the Great Men sent into the world : the soul of the whole world's history, it may justly be considered, w ere the history of these. " Great men, taken up in any way, are profitable company. We cannot look, however imperfectly, upon a great man, without gaining something by him. " He is the livino; light-fountain, which it is jrood and pleasant to be near. The light which enhghtens, which has enlightened the darkness of the world : and this not a kindled lamp only, but rather as a natural luminary shining by the gift of Heaven ; a flowing light-fountain, as I say, of native original insight, of manhood and heroic nobleness; in whose radiance all souls feel that it is well with them." If the doctrine of Carlyle is applicable as a general rule, it is specially applicable in the case of Jackson. His life is full of instruction for his countrymen. It speaks volumes in proof of the genial influence of free institutions in developing real genius and pro- viding for it a grand theatre of action. The unpro- tected orphan, without family, friends, fortune, or even a finished education, rising by regular gradations, and always by the unsought suflfrages of his countrymen, from a private station to the highest civil and military rank which the nation could bestow, aflbrds a subject 16 EARLY LIFE. of proud contemplation to the American patriot, and a lesson full of instruction for every child of the re- public. This broad fact is not more instructive than the many details which it embraqes. The several actions in Jackson's life aflbrd examples for the guidance of his countrymen. They show the irresistible strength which heaven has granted to an honest purpose. They show the homage which men pay to an iron will, based upon the consciousness of right intentions. They show the value of moral courage. They show that the safe- guard of the republic consists in a right understanding between its really great men and the millions whom they are destined to lead on to victory and national prosperity. The biography of such men as Andrew Jackson is a profitable study. The multiplied wrongs inflicted upon the people of Ireland by their haughty rulers, the fearful oppression which for ages they had endured, are matters familiar to the most superficial reader of their history. Their sufferings at home caused the eyes of many of the Irish patriots to be turned at an early period to the American colonies ; and numbers availed themselves of the asylum offered by the wilds of America, to se- cure peaoe to themselves and their children. Among the emigrants from the Emerald Isle, previous to the war of Independence, was Andrew Jackson, the father of him whose actions form our theme. He arrived at Charleston in the year 1765, accompanied by his wife. DEATH OF JACKSON'S FATHER. 17 and two sons, Hugh and Robert, both quite young. He fixed his residence at the Waxhaw settlement, dis- tant from Camden about forty-five miles ; where he purchased a plantation, and where he hoped to spend his old age in peace. It was here, on the 15th of March, 1767, that his third son, Andrew, was born. The father was not destined to behold even the earlier glories of the future hero of the w est ; about the close of the year which witnessed the birth of his youngest son, he passed to brighter scenes in another and hap- pier world. By this sudden bereavement, the care of educating the three boys devolved upon Mrs. Jackson ; a lady who appears to have been eminently qualified for the task. The two elder children, who were intended for a situa- tion in life similar to that occupied by their father, re- ceived their education at a country school, where they acquired only the simpler branches of learning. But Andrew, her youngest and darling child, was intended by his fond parent to fill a more conspicuous station in life. Her plans, however, tvere far from being realized in his future career of glory ; although the position for which she intended him was one of honour and useful- ness. His superior abilities pointed out a professional life as the one best suited to his nature ; and the pious mother decided that he should be educated for the pulpit. Under the tuition of a gentlemen named Hum- phries, who taught an academy in the Waxhaw meet- ing-house, Andrew commenced his classical studies. He pursued them for some time with ardour and suc- cess, until the commencement of the American Revolu- tion disturbed his peaceful avocations, and from the 18 EARLY LIFE. academy he was suddenly hurried into those fearful and bloody scenes which marked the partisan warfare of the Carolinas. In this severe school he was to receive the training which gave him that unflinching military courage, and stout, unfailing promptitude of action which characterized his after life. We may figure to ourselves the future pioneer of the west in those his early days, relieving the monotony of his classical stu- dies by fi-equent excursions in the surrounding forests ; where the rifle and the hunting-knife became his boy- hood's playthings; the parroquets and wild deer of those Carolinian woods the targets of practice for that unerring aim which was afterward to make him the dread of the murderous savage. He was now com- mencing that rough training which was to be perfected in the Revolutionary contest. Born but two years after the Stamp Act was passed, his childhood had passed away while the statesmen of America had been contesting the great questions on which the Revolution was based, and conducting it in the council chamber to that point when recourse was had to the final arbiter of national quarrels, the sword. The battle of Lex- ington had been fought, and the echo of its din had reached the wilds of the Waxhaws without exciting immediate alarm. Later, tlic defeat of the British at Charleston had been borne to the distant cottage of our hero's mother, on the wings of rumour, and had brought the cheering assurance that for the present her fire- side would be safe from the brutality of British soldiers. Next came the news that Independence was declared ; and the young heart of Jackson exulted in the con- sciousness that he had a country. No longer a mere HOSTILITIES WITH ENGLAND. 19 colonist, he Avas destined to be a free citizen of the soil on which he was born ; and when the din of arms came nearer, and the foot of the invader was already on Carolinian ground, he had become old enough and strong enough to shoulder the partisan rifle, to mount his horse, and become one of those wild rangers of the forest whose ubiquity and valour were alike the dread of Tarleton, Rawdon, and CornwalUs. r^' n^'/^^^ Jackson accompanying Marion and Davie in :he Southern War CHAPTER II SERVICES IN THE REVOLUTION, HE storm which for many years had been gathering in the pohtical liorizon of the colonies of America, and whose first fury burst upon the devoted heads of tlie patriots of Lexington, ^ began in 1778 to agitate the southern portion of the confederacy; and the peaceful pursuits of the inhabitants were relinquished for the din of arms. While many of them, influenced PARTISAN WARFARE. 21 by fear or interest, turned a deaf ear to the demands of patriotism and joined the royal standard, the sons of Mrs. Jackson ranged themselves under the banner of their country, and staked their lives and their all in the struggle for liberty. Their natural ardour, and attachment to the American cause, was not a little increased by the remembrance of the injuries suffered by their ancestors j and to their zeal for freedom was added a deep and abiding detestation of British ty- ranny. Their grandfather had been one of the de- voted Irish patriots, who vainly struggled to free their country from the yoke of the oppressor ; and at the siege of Carrickfergus he had laid down his life for his country. His wrongs and his melancholy fate had formed the frequent subject of the mother's eloquent descriptions ; and the lofty patriotism and fervent de- votion to the cause of civil liberty with which she inspired her sons, laid the foundation of that elevated and heroic character which marked the subsequent career of Jackson. While Generals Lincoln, Gates, and Greene com- manded in succession the main force of the Americans in the Carolinas, which had now become the chief the- atre of war, the detachments who harassed the ene- my in partisan warfare were under the direction of Marion, Sumpter, Pickens, and Davie. These leaders were engaged in breaking up tlfr smaller forts of the British, or in repairing losses sustained by action. The troops which followed their fortunes, on their own or their friends' horses, were armed with rifles, in the use of which they had become expert ; a small portion only who acted as cavalry being provided with 22 SERVICES IN THE REVOLUTION. sabres. When they approached the enemy they dismounted, leaving their horses in some hidden spot to the care of a few comrades. Victorious or vanquished, they flew to their horses, and thus im- proved victory or secured retreat. Their marches were long and toilsome, seldom feeding more than once a day. Their combats were like those of the Parthians, sudden and fierce, their decisions speedy, and all subsequent measures equally prompt. " Marion," says Lee in his memoirs, " was about forty-eight years of age, small in stature, hard in visage, healthy, abstemious, and taciturn. Enthusiastically attached to the cause of liberty, he deeply deplored the doleful condition of his beloved country. The com- mon weal was his sole object ; nothing selfish, nothing mercenary soiled his ermine character. Fertile in stratagem, he struck unperceived ; and retiring to those hidden retreats, selected by himself, in the mo- rasses of Pedee and Black River, he placed his corps not only out of the reach of his foe, but often out of the discovery of his friends. A rigid disciplinarian, he reduced to practice the justice of his heart ; and during the difficult course of warfare through which he passed, calumny itself never charged him with vio- lating the rights of person, property, or of humanity. Never avoiding danger, he never rashly sought it ; and acting for all around him as he did for himself, he risked the lives of his troops only when it was neces- sary. Never elated by prosj^erity, nor depressed by adversity, he preserved an equanimity which won the admiration of his friends, and exacted the respect of his enemies." SUMPTER AND MARION. 23 Marion and his men. " Sumpter," says the same authority, " was younger than Marion, larger in frame, better fitted in strengtli of body to the toils of war, and, hke his compeer, de- voted to the freedom of his coimtry. His aspect was manly and stern, denoting insuperable firmness and lofty courage. He was not over scrupulous as a sol- dier in the use of means, and apt to make considerable allowances for a state of war. Believing it warranted by the necessity of the case, he did not occupy his mind with critical examinations of the equity of his measures, or of their bearings on individuals ; but in- discriminately pressed forward to his end — the des- truction of his enemy and the liberation of his country. In his military character he resembled Ajax ; relying 24 SERVICES IN THE REVOLUTION. more upon the fierceness of his courage than the results of unrelaxing vigilance and nicely adjusted combina- tion. Determined to deserve success, he risked his own Kfe and the lives of his associates without re- serve. Enchanted with the splendour of victory, he would wade in torrents of blood to attain it. This general drew about him the hardy sons of the upper and middle grounds, brave and determined like him- self, familiar with difficulty, and fearless of danger." Pickens and Davie, with less experience in war than Marion and Sumpter, were equally brave, deter- mined, and devoted to the cause of liberty ; they per- severed to the last, and contributed greatly to that success which was the first object of their eflforts.* It was to this partisan force that Andrew Jackson be- came attached in his first campaign. This was the school in which the future hero of Talladega and To- hopeka received the rudiments of his military educa- tion. His eldest brother, Hugh, preceded him in en- tering on the hfe of a soldier. After the fall of Sa- vannah, December, 1778, the British invaded South Carolina (1779), and Hugh attached himself to a com- pany commanded by Captain Davie, aft:erwards Colo- nel Davie, which joined the army of General Lincoln, engaged in the defence of the state. In the unsuc- cessful attack of General Lincoln on the British at Stono (20th June, 1779), Hugh Jackson lost his Hfe. He died, however, not from wounds, but from the ef- fects of heat and fatigue. In the succeeding campaign (1780), the war was •Lee's Memoirs. SURRENDER OF CHARLESTON, 25 GeneraJ Lincoln. brought to the very doors of Mrs. Jackson's residence, in consequence of the surrender of Charleston by General Lincoln (May 12th.) This blow, for the mo- ment, completely paralyzed all the Southern States, and carried dismay into every part of the union. So confident was Sir Henry Clinton of ultimate success in completely conquering the Southern States, if not the Northern, that after accepting the parole of the 26 SERVICES IN THE REVOLUTION. prisoners of war taken at Charleston, he issued pro- clamations requiring them all to take up arms in the ro3'al cause, threatening heavy vengeance in case of their refusal. In the meanwhile he had undertaken three expeditions, with the object of clearing the coun- try of all the remaining forces of the Americans — the first and most considerable under Lord Cornwallis, towards the frontiers of North Carolina ; the second to the district called Ninety-Six, on the southwest side of the river Santee ; and the third up the Savan- nah river, towards Augusta, where General Lincoln had left a garrison. Lord CornwalUs had not gone far, when he received intelligence that Colonel Buford, who had arrived too late to be able to throw succour into Charleston, had taken post on the banks of the Santee, with a consi- derable body of horse and foot. He instantly detached his ablest and most savage cavalry officer. Colonel Tarleton, who made a march of one hundred and five miles in fifty-four hours, surprised Buford at the Wax- haws, and completely routed his band. Buford, a few of the cavalry, and about one hundred infantry, eflfected their retreat ; the remainder surrendered, and were nearly all butchered by order of the inhuman Tarleton. This affair was bitterly remembered du- ring the rest of the war under the name of " Tarle- ton's Quarter.'''' A British writer, in speaking of it, says, " Tarleton, who was a sort of partisan officer, who made war like a guerilla, and whose legion was composed of the desperadoes of the army, never pre- served that degree of discipline which was common to the rest of the army : his own character, the charac- WAX HAW MASSACRE. 29 ter of his men, and the desperate, dare-devil service on which they were abnost constantly employed, were irreconcilable with the milder spirit and gentler habits of troops of the line, kept constantly under the eye of the commander-in-chief and staff. On the present occasion, their victory seems to have been disgraced by a slaughter, w hich was the less pardonable, as their own loss was so very trifling, amounting only to five killed and fifteen wounded." The wounded survivors of this dreadful massacre* were brought into the Waxhaw meeting-house, and taken care of by the inhabitants ; and Andrew Jack- son's mother and himself were among the most active and humane in this labour of love and patriotism. Chnton's two other detachments saw no enemy on their march ; but they received the submission of the inhabitants, who either gave their paroles to the com- manding officers, or took the oath of allegiance. The events which succeeded the massacre at the Waxhaws, are thus described by Lee : " The calm which succeeded this sweeping success of the enemy continued uninterrupted ; and Cornwallis, shortly after Buford's defeat, advanced a coi*ps of light infantry to the Waxhaw settlement, inhabited by *"By the official report, 113 were killed, 150 so badly wounded as to be paroled on the ground, most of whom died, and 53 being capable of moving, graced the entry of the sanguinary corps into Camden, at which place Lord Cornwallis had arrived. In the an- nals of our Indian wars, nothing is to be found more shocking ; and this bloody day only wanted the war-dance and the roasting fire to have placed it in the records of torture and death in the west." — Lee'9 Memoirs. 30 SERVICES IN THE REVOLUTION. citizens whose love of country remained unshaken even by these shocks. " This settlement is so called from the Waxhaw creek, which passes through it, and empties itself mto the Catawba. Brigadier Rutherford, of North Caro- hna, hearing of the advance of this corps, assembled eight hundred of the militia, with a determination to protect the country. His troops can scarcely be said to have been armed ; they generally had fowling pieces instead of muskets and bayonets, pewter instead of lead, with a very trifling supply of powder. Informa- tion of this assemblage being sent to Camden, the Bri- tish detachment was recalled, and this valued settle- ment, rich in soil, and abounding in produce, was for this time happily released. The repose which the dis- trict enjoyed, in consequence of the abandonment of the station at the Waxhaws, was of short duration. So ardent was the zeal of the disaffected, and so per- suaded w^ere they that the rebellion in the south was crushed, that their desire to manifest their loyalty could not be repressed. " A large body of loyalists collected under Colonel Moore, at Armsaour's Mill, on the 22d of June; among whom were many who had not only taken the oath of allegiance to the state, but had served in arms against the British army. Rutherford lost no time in taking his measures to bring Moore to submission. But so destitute was he of ammunition, that only three hundred men could be prepared for the field. This detachment was intrusted to Colonel Locke, who was ordered to approach the enemy and watch his motions, while Rutherford continued to exert himself in pro- AFFAIR AT ARMSAOUR'S MILL. ',][ curing arms for the main body to follow under his own direction. Moore, finding an inferior force near to him, deter- mined to attack it, in which decision he was gallantly anticipated by Locke, who perceiving the enemy's pur- pose, and knowing the hazard of retreat, fell upon Moore in his camp. Captain Fall, with the horse, led, and rushing suddenly, sword in hand, into the midst of the insurgents, threw them into confusion, which advantage Locke pressed forward to improve, when he suspended the falling blow in consequence of Co- lonel Moore proposing a truce for an hour, with the view of amicable adjustment. During the negotiation, Moore and his associates dispersed, which appears to have been their sole object in proposing the suspension of hostilities. The cheerinjT intelliijence of the unmolested ad- vance of the three detachments to Augusta, Ninety- SLx, and Camden, the establishment of submission and professions of loyalty, which were every where prof- fered by the inhabitants, crowned by the destruction of Buford, extirpating all continental resistance, con- firmed the long indulged persuasions in the breast of Sir Henry Clinton, that he had reannexed Georgia and South Carolina to the British empire. He now determined, as his final act, to bolt doubly his con- quest. On the 3d of June he issued his last procla- mation, undoing of his own accord a very important condition estabhshed in his first, without consulting, much less receiving, the assent of the party who had accepted the terms proflfered therein. He declared to the inhabitants who had, in pursuance of his pledged 32 SERVICES IN THE REVOLUTION. Sir Henry Clinton. faith, taken parole, that with the exception of the mi- litia surrendered at Charleston, such paroles were not binding after the 20th of the month, and that persons so situated should be considered as liege subjects, and thenceforward be entitled to all the rights, and sub- jected to all the duties of this new state ; not forgetting to denounce the pains and penalties of rebellion against those who should withhold due allegiance to the royal government. This arbitrary change of an CORNWALLIS SUCCEEDS CLINTON. 3:J understood contract afTected deeply and afflicted sorely all to whom it applied ; and it was in conse- quence, as its injustice merited, fatal to the bright prospect, so gratifying to the British general. It de- monstrated unequivocally that the hoped for state of neutrality was illusory, and that every man capable of bearing arms, must use them in aid or in opposi- tion to the country of his birth. In the choice to be made, no hesitation existed in the great mass of the people ; for " our country " was the general acclaim. The power of the enemy smothered for a while this kindling spirit ; but the mine was prepared ; the train was laid; and nothing remained but to apply the match to produce the explosion. Sir Henry Clinton, having secured the conquered state, as he fondly be- Heved, embarked on the 6th with the greater part of his army for New York, leaving Cornwallis with four thousand regulars to prosecute the reduction of the Southern States. Succeeding Clinton in his civil, as well as military powers, his lordship was called from the field for the purpose of establishing the many ar- rangements which the altered condition of the state required. Commercial regulations became necessary, and a system of police for the government of the in- terior was indispensable. Previous to his departure from Camden, he had advanced a body of Highlanders, under Major M'Ar- thur, to Cheraw Hill, on the Pedee, for the purpose of preserving in submission the country between that river and the Santee, and for communicating readily with his friends in North Carolina, especially with the Highland settlement at Cross Creek. Throutrh the 34 SERVICES IN THE REVOLUTION. agency of Major M' Arthur, a regular correspondence was established with the loyalists ; they were advised of his lordship's determination, as soon as the ap- proaching harvest furnished means of subsistence, to advance with his army into North Carolina, when he should count upon their active assistance ; and in the meanwhile they were exhorted to continue passive under the evils to which they were exposed. At the same time, recruiting officers were employed in South Carolina and Georgia, by whose exertions the provin- cial regiments were considerably augmented. These preliminary measures for the invasion of North Caro- lina being in execution, his lordship repaired to Charleston, leaving Lord Rawdon in command of the army. Meanwhile Major Davie returned to the coun- ty of Mecklenburgh as soon as he was recovered from the wounds received in the attack of Stono, and as- sembling some of his faithful associates of that district, took the field. Hovering near the British posts, he became ac- quainted with the intended movement of a convoy, with various supplies from Camden, to the enemy^s post of Hanging Rock, which, amounting only to a small company of infantry, was within the power of Davie's force. He made a rapid and long march in the night, and having eluded the hostile patrolcs, gained the route of the convoy, five miles below Hang- ing Rock, before the break of day. Here he halted in a concealed position. In a few hours the convoy appeared, and Davie, falling vigorously upon it, in- stantly overpowered its escort. The wagons and stores were destroyed ; the prisoners, forty in number, AFFAIR AT HANGING ROCK. 35 Lord Rawdon. were mounted on the wagon horses, and escorted by the major, were safely brought within our hues. About the same time, Captain Huck, of Tarleton's legion, had been detached by Lieutenant-Colonel Turn- bull, commanding at Hanging Rock, to disperse some of the exiles of South Carolina, who had lately re- turned to the state, and were collectinc RAISES TROOPS. 101 Nashville, prepared to advance to the place of their destination; and although the weather was then exces- sively severe, and the ground covered with snow, no body of men could have displayed greater firmness. The general was with them everywhere, inspiring them with the ardour which animated his own bosom. The cheerful spirit with which they submitted to hardships and bore privations, at the very outset of their milita- ry career, as well as the order and subordination they so readily observed, were happy presages of what might be expected, when they should be directed to face an enemy. On the 7th of January, 1813, in the heart of winter, these hardy sons of Tennessee embarked upon their voyage of more than a thousand miles. The earth was covered with snow ; the rivers were full of run- ning ice. Unappalled by the difficulties of the navi- gation, undismayed by the dangers with which they were surrounded, they overcame every obstacle, sailed down the Cumberland, the Ohio, and the Mississippi, and on the 15th of February, they landed at Natchez. Here Jackson was instructed to remain, until he should receive further orders. Having chosen a healthy site for the encampment of his troops, about two miles from Washington, Jackson devoted himself to the most important duty of a commanding-ireneral — the organization and disci- pline of his army. Having none but volunteer troops around him — ^young men educated in unrestrained freedom, accustomed to no other words of authority but their own commands to their obedient slaves, his task was difficult indeed. But by his example, his 1 102 COMMENCEMENT OF THE CREEK WAR. porsiiasive eloquence appealing to their honour and patriotism ; by his inflexible justice, and unwavering firmness, those young men were made cheerfully to submit to the privations of the camp, and the disci- pline of military life. They loved their general ; they had faith in his capacity, his justice and his bravery. By the magic of love and faith, a band of raw recruits were soon converted into an enthusiastic, well-trained, and invincible army. What must have been the mortification of this lit- tle patriotic band, when the order unexpectedly came for their discharge ? The clouds of war in the south having blo^vn over, the Secretary of War wrote to General Jackson, " On the receipt of this letter, you will consider the corps under your command as dis- missed from the public service, and take measures to have delivered to Major-General Wilkinson, all arti- cles of public property which may have been put into its possession." A deeper wound could not have been inflicted on a patriotic spirit than this cruel and unexpected order of government. By great exertions and personal sac- rifices Jackson had called together, organized, and dis- ciplined a band of ardent youth, eager to devote themselves to the cause of their country. Suddenly, and without cause, they are ordered to be discharged, and sent home without arms, without tents, without provisions, or camp equipage of any kind. One hun- dred and fifty of them were on the sick report. Their homes were far distant, they had to march through a country without roads, without the means of shelter or subsistence, and filled with hostile Indians. To A SEVERE TRIAL. 103 disband them under such circumstances, to find their way home as they could, through a savage and wilder- ness country, was to subject them to the certain hor- rors of the tomahawk, disease, and famine. But the order was plain and direct. Whenever it met him, under whatever circumstances, the corps under his command was to be dismissed from the pub- lic service. What was to be done? He called a council of field officers, who advised obedience to the order. An ordinary man, the mere slave of routine and detail, would have complied ; followed strictly the letter of his order without consideration of circum- stances, abandoned his army, and retired in disgust. Great as was the astonishment which the decision of his officers excited in the general, it produced a still higher sentiment of indignation. " What !" said he, " shall the word of Andrew Jackson be forfeited ? Did I not promise to be a father and a friend to these young men, when, in obedience to my call, they flocked to the standard of their country ? What did I pro- mise to the daughters of Tennessee, that cold and snowy day, last December, when we struck our tents, and took up the line of march ? Did they not gather around me with tears in their eyes and say, ' General ! General ! I trust my father to you — my husband — my son — General ! I know you w ill take care of them — I know you will see that justice is done them, and that they come safely back home — General, I have faith in you, and I know you will not disappoint me.' Shall I now dismiss them to wander through a savage wilderness, without subsistence or means of defence — or shall I abandon them in their frail condition to 104 COMMENCEMENT OF THE CREEK WAR. enlist at once in Wilkinson's army, whose recruitmg officers are already among us to entice them away? It shall not be done. I will march them back as they came, and dismiss them like honourable soldiers on the ground where they first assembled." The resolution thus taken, he lost no time in com- municating to the Secretary of War. When General Wilkinson, to whom the public property was directed to be delivered, learned that the determination had been taken to march the troops back, and to take with them so much of that property as should be neces- sary to their return, he admonished Jackson, in a let- ter of solemn and mysterious import, of the awful and dangerous responsibility he was taking on himself by that measure. General Jackson replied that his con- duct, and the consequences to which it might lead, had been deliberately weighed, and that he was pre- pared to abide the result. Wilkinson had previously given orders to his officers to recruit from Jackson's army ; they were advised, however, on their first ap- pearance, that those troops were already in the service of the United States, and that thus situated, they should not be enlisted. The quarter-master was ordered to provide con- veyance for the sick and baggage, and ostensibly com- menced to execute the order ; but, as the event proved, he was merely amusing the general by a show of com- pliance. Perceiving his object, Jackson seized upon the wagons which were in camp, eleven in number, and commenced his march homeward. " When about to take up the line of march, the surgeon reported one young man as dying, and that THE SICK SOLDIER. 105 The sick soldier. it was useless for him to cumber the already overload- ed wagons. 'So long as there is Hfe in him,' says Jackson, ' he shall go.' He gave up his own horse for the sick, as did his staff, and marched on foot. When the young man who was reported to be dying recovered from his swoon, he exclaimed, ' Where am I?' 'On your way home, my good fellow,' said Jackson, who w'as trudging along through the mud by his side. The young man immediately revived, and began to mend from that hour; and when they reached Nashville, the good general had the pleasure to restore him safe and sound to his mother."* In order to defray the unavoidable expenses of the march, he borrowed five thousand dollars on his oion private credit. On arriving at Nashville, he commu- nicated to the president of the United States, the course he had pursued, and the reasons that induced it. His * Garland's Eulogy. 106 COMMENCEMENT OF THE CRLER WAR. conduct was approved of, the expenses incurred di- rected to be paid, and the troops were paid up to the time of their discharge at Nashville. The conduct of Genera] Jackson on this occasion, in refusing to obey the orders of government, has been considered as an act of disobedience more worthy to be blamed than praised. But those who thus regard it, have not a just view of the question. When the officers of government issue their orders to a command- ing general on a remote field of operations, where their knowledge of localities is limited, and their means of communication slow and uncertain, they assume a certain state of things to exist, on which their orders are predicated. But when the commands of govern- ment reach the officer whose duty it is to execute them, the actual posture of affiiirs may be wholly dif- ferent from what was anticipated, and an execution of them may cause harm rather than good to the public service. In such a case, it is presumed that the com- manding officer has so much of the confidence of his government, as to warrant him in assuming the re- Bponsil)ility of varying the execution of his orders to suit the actual state of things, and throwing himself on the justice and magnanimity of his country for justi- fication. It is true that this is a difficult and delicate task to perform. None but a most extraordinary man can venture on it. It requires a clear and compre- hensive intellect to see throufrh and understand the real circumstances in which he is placed, a bold and firm heart to execute what the judgment approves. Such a man was Andrew Jackson. He who, when a boy in the dungeon of Camden, did not four to speak DECISION OF GOVERNMENT. 107 the truth, would not, when a man, under the most try- mg circumstances, fail to act the truth. Vv hen government issued their orders to disband his army, it was on the supposition that he had not left the borders of Tennessee. Neither had he, at that time J for it was dated January 7th, two days before he started from Nashville. Little did they know, how- ever, of the promptness and energy of the man they had to deal with. Instead of finding him linoferincr on the Cumberland, their orders found him at the ter- mination of his march, at the point where he was ordered to await further instructions, with an army already organized, equipped, and disciplined for ser- vice. When, therefore, they came to understand the grounds on which he had declined full obedience to their commands, they not only approved, but justified his conduct, and promptly paid the five thousand dol- lars he had borrowed at Natchez, on his own respon- sibility, to sustain his troops on their homeward march. Although shamefully treated, and sought to be dis- graced by the machinations of jealous rivals, Jackson was not, hke ordinary men, disgusted and driven from the service of his country. WTien he arrived at Nashville, he again offered himself and his brave vo- lunteers to the war department, and asked to be marched to the northern frontiers, that they might wipe out there the recent disgrace of the treachery and defeat of General Hull. " I have a few stand- ards," says he, " with the American eagle upon them, that I long to plant on the ramparts of Maiden." No disappointments could discourage him — no ill-treat- 108 COMMENCEMENT OF THE CREEK WAR. ment could disgust him, while the cause of his country called for his services.* Though his country professed not to need those services along the Canada lines, it was not long be- fore he was called to defend the borders of Tennessee from the tomahawk of the ruthless savage. The celebrated Indian, Francis, better known as the Prophet, who was actively engaged in stimulating the northern tribes to hostilities against the United States, sent his brother Tecumseh to the nations of the south, to communicate his wishes and brine; them into his plans. The Prophet, as he was called, claimed to be specially commissioned by the Great Spirit to expound his will to the Indian nations ; and his authority was universally acknowledged by his brethren. He suc- ceeded in exciting a universal feeling of enmity to the United States, and instigated the Indians to the most savage warfare. Tecumseh arrived in the Creek nation early in 1812, and immediately endeavoured to persuade the chiefs to take up the hatchet. They dechned, however, to make war against the United States, from whom the nation annually received valu- able presents and other substantial assurances of friend- ship. Defeated in this quarter, Tecumseh next tried his influence with the young men of the tribe; and there he met with more success. They listened eagerly to his descriptions of the wrongs suffered by their countrymen from the whites, and their spirits warmed into enthusiasm under his stirring appeals to them to rise, and take a full measure of vengeance. * Garland's Eulogy. OPERATIONS OF TECUMSEH. 100 They were also promised the support of Great Britain, and were encouraged to hope for an easy victory. This ardour, however, was repressed by the artful chief, who represented to them the great importance of preserving perfect secrecy until the moment should arrive for a general attack. Having established a perfect organization of the Creek nation, independent of and unknown to ' the chiefs, Tecumseh returned home, to assist his brother in carrying his plans into effect. Before these preparations were completed, however, an incident occurred which precipitated the Creeks into open war. A constant communication being noAv kept up between the northern and southern Indians, parties were continually passing between their countries, by whom depredations were often committed upon the frontier settlers. Several persons w^ere barbarously murdered in the summer of 1812, near the mouth of the Ohio ; and shortly afterwards, the savages put to death several whole families, within the state of Tennessee. Colonel Hawkins, the United States Agent, demanded that the murderers should be punished; and the chiefs, who continued friendly to the government, ordered them to be put to death ; and several were actually executed. This act of the chiefs excited the fury of the young warriors to such a de- gree, that they could no longer restrain their hatred for the whites, and broke into open war. The peace- fully inclined among them were compelled to seek re- fuge with the white inhabitants, and the hostile party commenced the most horrible of all warfares upon the unprotected frontier settlements. They were insti- gated to the commission of these acts, not only by the 110 COMMENCEMENT OF THE CREEK WAR. Tecumseh. persuasions of Tecumseh, but by the emissaries of England and Spain. From the same sources they procured abundant suppUes of arms and ammunition, and received promises of donations equal or superior in value to those which they had been in the habit of receivino- from the government of the United States. MASSACRE AT FORT MIMMS. 1 ] :J The first effects of these infernal machinations were felt by the people of Mississippi, then a thinly settled territory, and totally unprovided with the means of efficient resistance. As a sort of frontier guard, or protection against the roving parties of savages who frequently plundered the settlers, a garrison of one hundred and fifty men had been stationed in what was known as the Tensaw Settlement. A small forti- fication had been erected at Tensaw, called Fort Mimms, in which the troops were stationed. At the commencement of the hostile movements among the Indians, the inhabitants of the settlement took refuge in the fort, increasing the number of its inmates to three hundred and seventy souls. Against this post the Creeks resolved that their first blow should be struck. On the 30th of August, about one thousand warriors, armed to the teeth, and stimulated by lust and vengeance, attacked the fort with indescribable fury. The garrison made a gallant resistance, but their desperate bravery availed nothing against such a disparity of numbers. Major Beasley, the com- mander, with his little band of soldiers, fell beneath the tomahawks of the savages, whose merciless enmity spared neither women nor children from the general slaughter. Those of the inmates of the fort who were unable to aid in its defence, had taken refuge from the balls in an old building within the walls. When the savages burst through the gates, they set fire to this building, and its unhappy inmates perished horribly in the flames. The enemy, however, paid dearly for his inhuman triumph. The gallant band of heroes under Major Beasley killed more than their o^^n number, ■'114 COMMENCEMENT OF THE CREEK WAR. notwithstanding the superior force they had to con- tend with ; and these brave men reposed in death upon mountains of the slain foemen. Seventeen per- sons only of the garrison escaped to tell the melan- choly tale. The recital of their story roused the whole people of the west to the danger which threatened them, and produced a universal cry for vengeance. The peo- ple of Tennessee, not immediately exposed to the ravages of the enemy, but sympathizing widi their unfortunate brethren of Mississippi, took energetic measures to afford them relief. A numerous collec- tion of respectable citizens, who convened at Nash- ville, on the 18th of September, 1813, for the purpose of devising the most effectual means of affording pro- tection to their brethren in distress, after conferring with the governor, and General Jackson, strongly advised the propriety of marching a sufficient army into the heart of the Creek country; and accordingly recommended this measure with great earnestness to the legislature, which a few days afterwards com- menced its session. That body immediately enacted a law authorizing the executive to call into service thirty-five hundred of the militia, to march against the Indians ; and to guard against all difficulties, in the event of the general government omitting to adopt them into their service, three hundred thousand dol- lars were voted for their support. Additional reasons were at hand why active ope- rations should be commenced with the least possible delay. The settlers were all hastening to the interior, and every day brought intelligence that the Creeks, RAISING OF VOLUNTEERS. 113 collected in great force, were bending their course to- wards the frontiers of Tennessee. The anxiety felt on the occasion was greatly increased from an appre- hension that General Jackson would not be able to command. He was the only man known in the state who was believed to be qualified for discharging the arduous duties of the station, and who could carry with him the complete confidence of his soldiers. He was at this time seriously indisposed, and confined to his room, with a fractured arm, occasioned by a pistol ball receivedinthe duel with Dickinson; but, although this apprehension was seriously indulged, arrange- ments were in progress and measures industriously taken to prepare and press the expedition with every possible despatch. The governor issued an order to General Jackson, who, notwithstanding the state of his health, had de- termined to assume the command, requiring him to call out and rendezvous at Fayetteville, in the shortest possible time, two thousand of the militia and volun- teers of his division, to repel any invasion that might be contemplated. Colonel Coffee, in addition to five hundred cavalry already raised and under his com- mand, was authorized and instructed to organize and receive into his regiment any mounted riflemen who mijrht make a tender of their services. Having received these orders, Jackson directed Colonel Coffee, with his cavalry, to hasten on to the neighbourhood of Huntsville, and occupy some ehgible position for the defence of the frontier, until the in- fantry could arrive; the latter, consisting partly of those volunteers who had descended the Mississippi to 116 COMMENCEMENT OF THE CREEK WAR. Natchez, were called upon and directed to appear at Fayetteville, on the 4th of October, 1813, equipped and armed for active service. He pointed out the im- perative necessity which demanded their services, and urged them to be punctual ; for their frontiers were threatened with invasion by a savage foe. " Already," said he, "are large bodies of the hostile Creeks marching to your borders, with their scalping-knives unsheathed, to butcher your women and children ; time is not to be lost. We must hasten to the fron- tier, or we shall find it drenched in the blood of our citizens ! The health of your general is restored — he will command in person." When the voice of their beloved commander was thus heard, the sons of Tennessee hastened to his standard. He who had stood by them and brought them safely home six months before, could not foil to procure their services whenever called for. We may well imagine that the women vied with the men in their zeal and alacrity. " Go, my son ! go, my hus- band ! Jackson, your father and friend, calls you — your country is in danger — go, help him to chastise the savages — he will take care of you, and bring you safely back home, or lay you surrounded with glory on the field of battle. He did not forsake you — do not you forsake him."* Every exertion was now made to hasten the pre- parations for a vigorous campaign. The necessary orders were issued to the quarter-master, and the contractors. When the day of rendezvous had ar- * Garland's Eulogy. ADDRESS TO THE TROOPS. 117 rived, the general not being sufficiently recovered of his wound, sent by his aid-de-camp, Major Reid, an address, to be read to the troops, accompanied by an order for the estabUshment of the pohce of the camp. In this address he pointed to the unprovoked injuries that had been so long inflicted by this horde of merci- less and cruel savages, and entreated his soldiers to evince that zeal in the defence of their country, which the importance of the moment so much required. His address was as follows : " We are about to furnish these savages a lesson of admonition; — we are about to teach them that our long forbearance has not pro- ceeded from an insensibility to Avrongs, or inability to redress them. They stand in need of such warning. In proportion as we have borne with their insults, and submitted to their outrages, have they multiplied in nmiiber, and increased in atrocity. But the mea- sure of their offences is at length filled. The blood of our women and children, recently spilled at Fort Mimms, calls for our vengeance ; it must not call in vain. Our borders must no longer be disturbed by the war-whoop of these savages, or the cries of suf- fering victims. The torch that has been lighted up, must be made to blaze in the heart of their own coun- try. It is time they should be made to feel the weight of a power, which, because it was merciful, they believed to be impotent. But how shall a war so long forborne, and so loudly called for by retribu- tive justice, be waged ? Shall we imitate the example of our enemies, in the disorder of their movements, and the savageness of their dispositions ? Is it wor- thy the character of American soldiers, who take up 118 COMMENCEMENT OF THE CREEK WAR. arms to redress tlie wrongs of an injured country, to assume no better model than tluit furnished them by barbarians? No, fellow-soldiers; great as are the grievances that have called us from our homes, we must not permit disorderly passions to tarnish the re- putation we shall carry along with us ; we must and will be victorious ; but we must conquer as men who owe nothing to chance, and who, in the midst of vic- tory, can still be mindful of what is due to humanity ! " We will commence the campaign by an inviolable attention to subordination and discipline. Without a strict observance of these, victory must ever be uncer- tain, and ought hardly to be exulted in, even when gained. To what but the entire disregard • of order and subordination are we to ascribe the disasters which have attended our arms in the north during the present war ? How glorious it will be to remove the blots which have tarnished the fair character be- queathed us by the fathers of our revolution ! The bosom of your general is full of hope. He knows the ardour which animates you, and already exults in the triumph, which your strict observance of discipline and good order will render certain." For the police of his camp, he announced the fol- lowing order : " The chain of sentinels will be marked, and the sentries posted, precisely at ten o'clock to-day. " No sutler will be suffered to sell spirituous liquors to any soldier, without permission in writing from a commissioned officer, und(3r the penalties prescribed by the rules and articles of war. " No citizen will be permitted to pass the chain of CAMP ORDERS. 1 1 lf-posses- sion. Our soldiers will lie with their arms in their hands ; and the moment an alarm is given, they will move to their respective positions, without noise and without confusion ; they will be thus enabled to hear ADDRESS TO HIS SOLDIERS. 123 the orders of their officers, and to obey them with promptitude* " Great reliance will be placed by the enemy on the consternation they may be able to spread through our ranks by the hideous yells wdth which they com- mence their battles ; but brave men will laugh at such efforts to alarm them. It is not by bellowings and screams that the wounds of death are inflicted. You will teach these noisy assailants how weak are their weapons of warfare, by opposing them with the bayo- net ; what Indian ever withstood its charse ? what arms, of any nation, ever withstood it long ? " Yes, soldiers, the order for a charge, will be the signal for victory. In that moment your enemy will be seen fleeing in every direction before you. But in the moment of action, coolness and deliberation must be regarded ; your fires made with precision and aim ; and when ordered to charge with the bayonet,, you must proceed ta the assault with a quick and firm step ; without trepidation or alarm. Then shall you behold the completion of your hopes in the discomfiture of your enemy. Your general, whose duty as well as inclination is to watch over your safety, will not, to gratify any wishes of his own, rush you unnecessarily into danger. He knows, however, that it is not in assailing an enemy that men are destroyed ; it is when retreating and in confusion. Aware of this, he will be prompted as much by a regard for your lives, as for your honour. He laments that he has been compelled, even incidentally, to hint at a retreat when speaking to freemen and soldiers. Never, until you forget all that is due to yourselves and your country, will you have 124 COiMMExN CEMENT OF THE CREEK WAR. any practical understanding of that word. Shall an enemy, wholly unacquainted with military evolution, and who rely more for victory on their grim visages, and hideous yells, than upon their bravery or their weapons ; shall such an enemy ever drive before thenx the \\ ell-trained youths of our country, whose bosoms pant for glory, and a desire to avenge the ^^•rongs they have received 1 Your general will not live to behold such a spectacle ; rather would he rush into the thick- est of the enemy, and submit himself to their scalping- knives. But he has no fears of such a result; he knows the valour of the men be commands, and how certainly that valour, regulated as it will be, ^^\\] lead to victory. With his soldiei-s he will face all dangers, and with them participate in the glory of conquest." Having thus prepared the minds of his men, and brought to their view the kind of foe with whom they were shortly to contend, and having also instructed General White, who commanded .the advance of General Cocke's regiment, to form a junction with him, and to hasten on all the supplies in his power to command, he again put his army in motion to reach the enemy. Two runners now arrived from Turkey Town, who had been despatched by Path-Killer, a chief of the Cherokees; they brought information that the enemy from nine of the hostile towns were assembling in great force near the Ten Islands; and solicited that immediate assistance should be aOorded the friend- ly Creeks and Cherokees in their neighbourhood, who were exposed to such imminent danger. Jackson re- plied to the Path-Killer, by his runners, that he should FAILURE OF THE CONTRACTORS. l2o proceed directly for the Coosa, and solicited liiin to be diligent in making discoveries of the situation and collected force of the savages, and to give him (lie result of his enquiries. *' The hostile Creeks," he remarked to him, "will n )t attack you until they have had a brush with ijie ; and that, I think, will pat them out of the notion of fighting for some time." He concluded his message by requesting him to send to the army provisions of any kind, or information where any might be had which would support life. He had advanced but a short distance, when famine obliged him to stop. The contractors who had been so much relied on were unable to furnish the neces- sary supplies for the army. Jackson, impelled by necessity, took the contract from them, and at the in- stance of Major Rose, of the quarter-master's depart- ment, gave it to Mr. Pope, of Madison county, upon whose means and exertions it was thought confidence could be placed. To the other contractors he wrote, informing them of the change that had been made, and the reasons which had induced it. '• I am advised," 3aid lie, " that you have candidly [udian runner. 12(5 COMMENCKMENT OF THE CREEK WAR. acknowledged that you have it not in your power to execute the contract in which you have engaged. Do not think 1 mean to cast any reflection — very far frcm it. I am exceedingly pleased with the exertions you have made, and feel myself under many obliga- tions of gratitude for them. The critical situation of affairs when you entered into the contract being con- sidered, you have done all that individuals in ;'"0ur circumstances could have performed. But you must be weW convinced that any approbation which may be felt by the commander of an army for past ser- vices, ought not to become the occasion of that army's destruction. From the admissions you have been candid enough to make, the scarcity which already begins to appear in camp, and the difficulties you are likely to encounter in effecting your engagements, I am apprehensive I should be doing injustice to the army I command were I to rely for support on your exertions — great as I know them to be. Whatever concerns myself, I may manage with any generosity or indulgence I please ; but in acting for an army, I have no such discretion. I have therefore felt myself compelled to give the contract in which you are con- cerned to another, who is abundantly able to execute it, on condition he indenmify you for the trouble you have been at." This arrangement being made, the army continued its march, and General Jackson, to prevent further delays, wrote to various sources, calling, in the most pressing manner, for supplies. He wrote thus to the Governor of Georgia, with whose forces it was pro- posed to act in concert ; to Colonel Meigs, agent to SCARCITY OF PROVISIONS. 1'27 tlie Cherokees, and to Generals Cocke and White. Having arrived within a few miles of the Ten Islands, he was met by old Chinnaby, a leading chief of the Creek nation, and sternly opposed to the war party. The troops were here again detained a day, for the purpose of obtaining small supplies of corn from the neighbouring friendly Indians. This scanty acquisition, affording subsistence for the present, encouraged his hopes for the future, as a means of temporary resort, should his other resources fail. In a few days more he reached the islands of the Coosa. In a letter to Governor Blount of Tennessee, from this place, speaking of the difficulties with which he was assailed, he observes : — " Indeed, sir, we have been very wretchedly supplied — scarcely two rations in succession have been regularly drawn ; yet we are not despondent. Whilst v>e can procure an ear of corn apiece, or anything that will answer as a substi- tute for it, we shall continue our exertions to accom- plish the object for which we were sent. The cheer- fulness with which my men submit to privations and are ready to encounter danger, does honour to the government whose rights they are defending. " Every means within my power for procuring the requisite supplies for my army I have taken, and am continuing to take. East, west, north, and south have been applied to with the most pressing solicitation. The Governor of Georgia, in a letter received from him this evening, informs me that a sufficiency can be had in his state ; but does not signify that he is about to take any measures to procure it. My former con- tractor has been superseded : no exertions were spared 128 COMMENCEMENT OF THE CREEK WAR. by him to fulfil his engagements ; yet the inconveni- ences under which he laboured were such as to ren- der his best exertions unavailintj. The contract has been offered to one who will be able to execute it : if he accepts it, my apprehensions will be greatly dimi- nished." Previous to his departure from Thompson's Creek, General Jackson had detached Colonel Dyer, with in- structions to attack and destroy the Indian town of Littafutches, on Canoe Creek. The expedition was entirely successful, and twenty-nine prisoners fell into the hands of the victors. Colonel Dyer rejoined the main army on the 28th of October. The advance of the East Tennessee militia, not having yet come up, Jackson despatched another ex- press to General White, on the 31st of October, urging him to effect a speedy junction, and to bring with him all the bread-stuffs it should be in his power to procure ; pointing out to him, at the same time, the great inconvenience and hazard to whicli he had been already exposed by the want of punctuality in himself and General Cocke. Owins to that cause, and the late failure of his contractors, he represented his army as placed, at present, in a very precarious situation, and as dependent in a great measure for its support on the exertions which he and General Cocke might be pl(Mised to make; but assured him at the same time, that, !et circumstances transpire as they might, he would still endeavour to effect his purpose ; and, at all events, was resolved to hasten, with every prac- ticable despatch, to the accomplishment of the object for which he had set out. Believing the co-operation COMPLETES HIS A R R A N G EM E N is 1'29 Bringing in Prisoners and Cattle. of the East Tennessee troops essential to this end, they were again instructed to join him without delay ; for he could not conceive it to be correct policy, that troops from the same state, pursuing the same object, should constitute separate and distinct armies, and act without concert, and independently of each other. He entertained no doubt but that his order would be promptly obeyed. The next evening a detachment which had been sent out the evening before returned, bringing with them, besides some corn and beeves, several negroes and Indians, prisoners of the war party. Thus, amidst dangers, disappointments, and diffi- culties, which by any other man would have been con- sidered insurmountable, did General Jackson com- i:30 COMMENCEMENT OF THE CREEK WAR. mence the Creek \var. An English writer* speaking of this war says that " it was the most glorious ex- ploit of this wonderful man. It was a campaign meriting greater praise than ten thousand lives like that of Wellington ; and yet a campaign, which, before his time, had never yet been heard of in England." In commencing the narration of the events of the war, he says, he " need not bespeak the reader's wonder and admiration; for the man who will not admire here, is hardly worthy of the name of man." He "de- sires the English reader to prepare himself for a series of transactions wholly incredible, were they not at- tested by piles of official documents, the authenticity of which no man can dispute." ' William Cobbrt, M. P. for Okiliiun. Lincoyer CHAPTER VI. TALLUSHATCHEE. TMPATIENT of the delay, General Jackson proceetka through trackless forests and across almost impenetrable swamps, determined at all hazards, to cut his Avay to the enemy, and end the war bv a sudden and fatal blow. 132 TALLUSHATCriEE. Though almost destitute of provisions, with few men, but poorly equipped, yet he turned not aside to the right hand nor to the left to wait for reinforcements or to seek supplies. On the 2d of November, the old chief, Chinnaby, brought the information to Jackson that a considerable; number of the enemy had posted themselves at Tallushatchee, an Indian town on the south side of the Coosa, about thirteen miles distant. General Coffee was immediately detached, with nine hundred men, consisting of part of his brigade of ca- valry and corps of mounted riflemen, with instructions to attack and defeat or disperse the enemy at Tallus- hatchee. Guided by a friendly Indian, Coffee crossed the Coosa at the Fish Dams, about four miles above the Islands, and encamped on the southern side of the river. Early the next morning he proceeded to execute his orders. Having arrived within a mile and a half, he formed his detachment into two divisions, ordering one of them under Colonel Allcorn to march to the rioht of the town, while he with the other division passed to the left ; the fronts of the two divisions to unite beyond the town and thus effectually enclose it, and prevent the escape of the enemy. The Indians, hearing by their spies of the approach of the Americans, began to prepare for action, which was announced by the beating of drums, mingled with their savage yells and war-whoops. An hour after sunrise the action was commenced by two companies of spies, who had gone within the circle of alignment for the purpose of drawing the Indians from their buildino-s. No sooner had these companies exhibited BATTLE OF T A L L US 11 A TC HEE. 135 their front in view of the town, and given a few scat- tering shot, than the enemy formed and made a violent charge. Being compelled to give way, the advanced guard were pursued until they reached the main body of the army, which immediately opened a general fire, and charged in their turn. The Indians retreated, firing, until they got around and into their buildings, where an obstinate conflict ensued, and where those who maintained their ground persisted in fighting as long as they could stand or sit, without manifes^ting fear or soliciting quarter. The number of the enemy killed was one hundred and eighty-six. Eighty-four women and children were taken prisoners," towards whom the greatest humanity was shown. Not one of the warriors escaped to carry the news— a circum- stance heretofore unknown. Of the Americans, five were killed and forty-one wounded. Two of these were killed with arrows, which, on this occasion, formed a principal part of the arms of the Indians j each one having a bow and quiver, which he used after the first fire of his gun, until an opportunity oc- curred for reloading. Having buried his dead, and provided for his wounded. General Coffee, late on the evening of the same day, united with the main army, bringing with him about forty prisoners. Of the residue, a pari were too badly wounded to be removed, and were therefore left, with a suflicient number to take care of them. Those which he brought in received every comfort and assistance their situation demanded, and, for safe- ty, were immediately sent into the settlements. " Among these there was an infant boy, who had 136 TALLUSHATCHEE. Adoption of Lincoyer. been found unhurt, suckling the Hfeless breast of his Indian mother. Jackson requested the captive women to take care of the child. They refused ; ' All his re- ADOPTION OF LINCOYER. 137 lations,' they said, ' are dead — kill him too !' Oh ! how those words thrilled through the heart of the orj)han' general ! ' All my relations, also,' thought he, ' are dead !' He took the infant to his own tent — with his own hands he fed him with sugared water — he sent him home to Nashville to become the adopted child of the Hermitage — with the aid of his willing wife he reared that boy to manhood, educated him' to business, engaged all his affections — and when Lincoyer died, that affectionate and childless couple wept over his grave and remembered him as a son."* From the manner in which the enemy fought, the killing and wounding others than their warriors was not to be avoided. On their retreat to their village after the commencement of the battle, they resorted to their block-houses, and strong log dwellings, whence they kept up resistance, and resolutely maintained the fisht. Thus min^jled with their women and children, it was impossible they should not be exposed to the general danger; and many were injured, notwith- standing every possible precaution was taken to pre- vent it. In fact, many of the women united with their warriors, and contended in the battle with fearless bravery. " Thus ended the battle of Tallushatchee, — a name that will ring sadly in the ear of every surviving Creek to the end of time. The terrors of that field, will, however, be remembered by all, both white and red, with mingled emotions, for it bears immortal testimony to the humanity, as well as the military genius of Jackson." t * Bolles's Eulogy. * Ibid. 9 ^^ 138 TALLUSIIATCHEE. The country^ into the midst of which General Jack- •son had now penetrated, being filled with bands of hostile Indians, it was necessary to secure a commu- nication with the settlements, by establishing garrisons at proper intervals along the road. He accordingly took measures to establish a permanent depot, on the north bank of the Coosa, at the Ten Islands, to be protected by strong picketing and block-houses. Well knowing that it would greatly weaken his army to occupy in his advance the different points neces- sar}' to the safety of his rear, it was desirable to unite as soon as possible with the troops of East Tennessee. To effect this, he again, on the 4th of November, de- spatched an express to General White, who had pre- viously arrived at Turkey Town, a Cherokee village, about twenty-five miles up the same river, urging him to unite with the main army as soon as possible, and again entreating him to procure and forward provi- sions; to bring with him such as he had on hand ; and to endeavour to form some certain arrangement which might ensure a supply in future. Receiving no answer from General White, he despatched another express on the 7th. No certain intellijrence had as yet been received of any considerable collection of the enemy. The army w as busily engaged in fortifying and strengthen- ing the site fixed upon for a depot, to which the name of Fort Strother had been given. The Dinner nf Acorns. CHAPTER VII. TALLADEGA, ATE on the evening of the 7th of November, a runner arrived ' j from Talladeora, a fort of the > '1J friendly Indians, distant about thirty miles below, with in- formation that the enemy- had, that morning, encamped - L.i| before it in great numbers, and would certainly destroy the fort, and all within it, unless immediate assistance could be afforded. Jack- 140 TALLADEGA. son determined to lose no time in extendi ni^ the relief which was solicited. Understanding that General White was on his way to join him, he despatched another messensjer to meet him, directinor him to reach Fort Strother in the conrse of the ensuing night, and protect it in his absence. He then gave orders for taking up the line of march, with twelve hundred in- fantry, and eight hundred cavalry and mounted rifle- men; leaving behind the sick, the wounded, and all his basf^ao-e, with a force which was deemed sufficient for their protection, until the reinforcement from Turkey Town should arrive. The friendly Indians who had taken refuge in this oesieged fort, had involved themselves in their present perilous situation from a disposition to preserve their amicable relations with the United States. To suffer them to fall a sacrifice from any tardiness of move- ment, would have been unpardonable ; and unless re- lief was immediately extended, it might arrive too late. The same spirit which induced the general to hazard his reputation in protecting his countrymen at Natchez, induced him, without hesitation, to extend protec- tion to those faithful natives, whose fate was identi- fied with the success or defeat of the American arms. Acting under these impressions, the general deter- mined to move forward instantly to their assistance. By midnight, everything was in readiness ; and in an hour afterward the army commenced crossing the river, about a mile above the camp, each of the mounted men carrying one of the infantry behind him. The river at this place was six hundred yards wide, and it being necessary to send back the horses for the FORCED MARCH. 141 remainder of the infantry, several hours were con- sumed before a passage of all the troops could be ef- fected. Nevertheless, though thus deprived of sleep, they continued the march with animation ; and by evening the next day, had arrived within six miles of the enemy. In this march, Jackson used the utmost precaution to prevent surprise ; marching his army, as v.as his constant custom, in three columns, so that, by a speedy manoeuvre, they might be thrown into such a situation as to be capable of resisting an attack from any quarter. Having judiciously encamped his men on an eligible piece of ground, he sent forward two of the friendly Indians, and a white man, named Mayfield, who had for many years been detained a captive in the nation, and was now acting as interpreter, to re- connoitre the position of the enemy. About eleven o'clock at night they returned with information that the savages w^ere posted within a quarter of a mile of the fort, and appeared to be in great force ; but that they had not been able to approach near enough to ascertain either their numbers or precise situation. Within an hour after this, old Chinnaby arrived from Turkey Town, with a letter from General White, stating, that after having taken up the line of march, to unite at Fort Strother, he had received orders from General Cocke to change his course, and proceed to the mouth of the Chautugu Creek. It was most dis- tressinor intelliuence ; the sick and wounded had been left with no other calculation for their safety and de- fence, than that this detachment of the army, agree- ably to his request, would, by advancing upon Fort 142 TALLADEGA, Strother, serve the double purpose of protecting his rear, and enabling him to advance still iarther into the enemy's country. The information which was now received proved that all those salutary anticipations were at an end, and that evils of the worst kind might be the consequence. Intelligence so disagreeable, and so unexpected, filled the mind of Jackson with appre- hensions of a serious and alarming character ; and, dreading lest the enemy, by taking a different route, should attack his encampment in his absence, he de- termined to lose no time in brin2;in2: him to battle. OrJers were accordingly given to the adjutant- general to prepare the line ; and, by four o'clock the next morninfT the armv was ao^ain in motion. The infantry proceeded in three columns ; the cavalry in the same order, in the rear, with flankers on each wing. The advance, consisting of a company of ar- tillerests with muskets, two companies of riflemen, and one of spies, marched about four hundred yards in front, under the command of Colonel Carroll, inspector- general, with orders, after commencing the action, to fall back on the centre, so as to draw the enemy after them. At seven o'clock, having arrived within a mile of the enemy, the colu.nns were displayed in order of battle. Two hundred and fifty of the cavalry and mounted rifle:nen ^vcre placed in die rear of the centre as a corps de reserve. General Hall's brigade occu- pied the right — General Roberts' the left, and were ordered to advance by h.^ids of compnnies. The cavalry were ordered, after having encircled the enemy by uniting the fronts of their colunms and keeping their rear connected with the infantrv, to face and BATTLE OF TALLADEGA. 145 press inwards towards the centre, so as to leave the enemy no possibihty of escape. About eight o'clock, the advance having arrived within eighty yards of the shrubbery, which covered the margin of a small rivulet, received a heavy fire, which they instantly returned with much spirit. Agreeably to their instructions, they retired towards the centre, but not before they had dislodged the ene- my from his position. The Indians, now screaming and yelling hideously, rushed forward in the direction of General Roberts' brigade, three companies of which, alarmed by the number and yells of their opponents, gave way after the first fire. To fill the vacancy oc- casioned by this retreat, Jackson ordered up the regi- ment of volunteers commanded by Colonel Bradley ; but, finding the advance of the enemy too rapid to admit of their arrival in time, he was coniprJIed to order the reserve to dismount and fill the clmsm. This order was executed with great promptitude and gallantry, and the enemy in that quarter speedily re- pulsed. The militia who had retreated, seeing the spirited manner in which the reserve so promptly sup- plied their places, rallied, and recovering their former position in the line, aided in checking the advance of the savages. The engagement now became general, and in fifteen minutes the enemy were seen flying in every direction. On the left they were met and re- pulsed by the mounted riflemen. On the right a part of them escaped through the opening between the right wing of the cavalry and the infantry, which should have been filled by Bradley's regiment, and 146 TALLADEGA. were pursued with great slaughter to the mountains, a distance of three miles. Jackson, in his report of this action, bestows high commendation on the officers and soldiers. "Too much praise," he observes in the close of it, " cannot be bestowed on the advance, led by Colonel Carrol, for the spirited manner in which they commenced and sustained the attack ; nor upon the reserve, com- manded by Lieutenant-Colonel Dyer, for the gallantry with which they met and repulsed the enemy. In a word, officers of every grade, as well as privates, rea- lized the high expectations I had formed of them, and merit the gratitude of their country." " Thus did this gallant little army, scarcely pausing to eat their meager rations, but appeasing their hun- ger as they could with a handfid of parched corn, or a few acorns snatched from the ground as they hur- ried on, rush ever forward, and ere the besieging force were aware of the presence of an enemy, they were wholly surrounded, and the thunderbolt of war over- whehned them with sudden destruction."* In the battle of Talladega the force of the enemy was one thousand and eighty, of whom two hundred and ninety-nine were left dead on the ground, and it is beheved that many were killed in the lligiit, who were not found when the estimate was made. Proba- bly few escaped unhurt. Their loss on this occasion as stated since by themselves, was not less than six hundred : that of the Americans was fifteen killed and eighty wounded, several of whom afterwards died. * Bollcs's Eulo2v. RELIEF OF FORT STR OTHER. ] 47 Jackson, after collecting his dead and wounded, ad- vanced his army beyond the fort, and encamped for the ni(,dit. The Indians wiio had been for several days shut up by the besicirors, thus fortunately libe- rated from the most dreadful apprehensions and se- verest privations, having for some time been entirely without water, received the army with all the demon • strations of gratitude that savages could give. Their manifestations of joy for their deliverance presented an interesting and affecting spectacle. Their fears had been greatly excited, for it was the very day when they were to have been assaulted, and when every soul Avithin the fort must have perished. All the pro- visions they could spare from their scanty stock they sold to the general, who, purchasing with his own mo- ney, distributed them among the soldiers who were almost destitute. With great regret Jackson found himself unable to follow up his victory. The condition of the posts in his rear, the want of provisions, the desertion (for no milder name can be applied to these proceedings) of General Cocke, compelled him to hasten back. The enemy thus gained time to recover from their conster- nation, and to reassemble their forces. The cause which prevented General White from acting in obedience to his order, and arrivincr at Fort Strother at a moment when it was so important, and when it was so confidently expected, was as yet un- known to the general ; the only certainty upon the subject was, that for the present it wholly thwarted his views, and laid him under the painful necessity of returning, instead of penetrating father into the en- 148 TALLADEGA. emy's country. This mystery, hitherto inexphcable, was some time after explained, by a view of the order of General Cocke, under which White, being a briga- dier in his division, chose to act, rather than under Jackson's. General Cocke stated to him that he had called a council of officers, who had unanimously de- cided not to follow Jackson, but to cross the river, and proceed against the Creek settlements on the Tal- lapoosa. This decision meeting with Cocke's appro- bation, he directed White fortlnvith to unite witli him at his encampment. The only aim of Cocke in this proceeding seems to have been to thwart the views and arrest the successes of Jackson ; and perhaps jealousy, in no inconsiderable degree, was the moving spring to his conduct. Both were major-g Mierals from the state of Tennessee, sent on the same im- portant errand, to check an insolent foe, w'ho had practised the most cruel and unprovoked outrages. Jackson was the senior officer of the Tennessee forces, and of course claimed the ri<>ht of commandinor the whole that were in service. Cocke considered himself as possessing a command independent of Jackson. This circumstance produced division, and a collision of orders, when all should have been union and harmony, and, as we shall see, was the means of greatly lengthening the war. Having buried his dead with the honours of war, and provided litters for the wounded. General Jackson reluctantly commenced his return march on the morn- ing succeeding the battle. In this short march the soldiers were reduced to the last extremity for want of provisions. " A soldier in the rear of the army DINNER OF ACORNS. 149 perceived Jackson seated under an oak tree, leisurely eating.* ' Well,' thoMLiht he, 'the general has taken good care of himself, and left the poor soldier to starve. I '11 go and beg a morsel of bread.' ' Yes,' said the general, 'I never turn away the hungry;' and offering a handful of acorns, added, ' I will most cheerfully di- vide with you such food as I have.' The soldier gazed with tearful and mute admiration on his now tlu'ice beloved chief, and marched on with a more cheerful heart. There is nothing the soldier will not endure, when shared by his leader."t The general confidently hoped, from the previous assurances of the contractors, that by the time of his return to Fort Strother, sufficient supplies would have arrived there ; but, to his inexpressible uneasiness, he found that not a particle had been forwarded since his departure, and that, what had been left, was already consumed. A scanty supply of beef, taken from the enemy, or purc'i; sed of the Cherokees, was now the only support aflforded. Thus left destitute, Jackson, w^ith the utmost cheerfulness of temper, repaired to the bullock-pen ; and of the oflal there thrown away, provided for himself and staff, what he was pleased to call, and seemed really to think, a very comfortable repast. While General Jackson remained wholly unnioved by his own privations, he was filled with solicitude and concern for his army. His utmost exertions, un- ceasingly ap])lied, were insufficient to remove the suf- ferings to which he saw them exposed ; and, though *Sec Dage 127. f Garland's Eulogy. 150 TALLADEGA. Soldiers coiiCi_icliiig -Mutiny. they were by no means so great as they themselves represented, yet were undoubtedly such as to be se- verely felt. " The general had now to contend with a more formidable enemy even than famine — mutiny in his own camp. The main body of the army con- sisted of two reo-iments — the rejTimcnt of volunteers that had followed him to Natchez the winter before — and a regiment of drafted mihtia. The militia, dis- gusted with the neglect and ill-treatment they had received, instigated by their ofliccrs, and seized with the home-fever, resolved to quit the camp, and return to Tennessee. Apprised of their design, Jackson drew up the regiment of volunteers in their front, and or- dered them to fire whenever the mutineers com MUTINY. 15] nicnced their march. Awed by this act of boldness, the militia returned to their duty. " What was the mortification of the general, next morning, to find the volunteers thcmseh^s in a state of rebellion ! Those very men whom he would not abandon in their hour of need, were now ready to abandon him, their camp, and their duty. Unappalled by this rapid succession of calamities, the ready mind and prompt will of Jackson did not fail him. The militia, whose rebellion had been conquered but the day before, were now drawn up to oppose this new mutmy; and so stern and resolute were their counte nances, that the volunteers thought it best to desist from their purposes, and return to camp."* From this time the militia manifested a much more obedient and patriotic disposition than the volunteers,- who, having adopted a course which they discovered must finally involve them in dishonour if it should fail, were exceedingly anxious for its success, and that it might have the appearance of being founded on justice. On this subject the pretensions of the cavalry were certainly much better established; as they were en- tirely without forage, and without any prospect of soon obtammg any. They petitioned, therefore, to be per- mitted to return into the settled parts of the country, pledging themselves, by their platoon and field-ofiicers, that if sufiicient time were allowed to recruit the ex- hausted state of their horses, and to procure their winter clothing, they would return to the performance of their duty whenever called on. The general, un- * Garland's Eulogy. 152 TALLADEGA. able from many causes to prosecute the campaign, and confiding in the assurance given, granted the prayer of their petition, and they immediately set out on their return. About this time General Jackson's hope of being able to maintain the conquests he had made, began to be confirmed by letters just received from the contractors, and principal wagon-masters, stating that sufficient supplies for the army were then on the road, and would shortly arrive; but discontents, to an alarming degree, still prevailed in his camp. To allay them, if possible, he hastened to lay before the division the information and letters he had received ; and, at the same time, invited the field and platoon-ofiicers to his quarters, to consult on the measures to be pur- sued. Having assembled them, and well knowing that the flame of discontent, which had so lately shown itself, was only for the present smothered, and might burst forth in serious injury, he addressed them i'l an animated speech, in which he extolled their patriotism and achievements ; lamented the privations to which they had been exposed, and endeavoured to reanimate them by the prospect of speedy relief, which he ex- pected with confidence on the following day. He spoke of the conquests they had already made, and of the dreadful consequences that must result should they now be abandoned. " AV'hat," continued he, " is the present situation of our camp? a number of our fellow-soldiers are wounded and unable to help themselves. Shall it be said that we are so lost to humanity as to leave them in this condition ? Can any one, under these circum- SCARCITY OF PROVISIONS. 153 Stances and under these prospects, consent to an abandonment of the camp; of all that 'wc have ac- qun'cd in the midst of so many dilhculties, privations, and dangers ; of what it will cost us so much to re- gain ; of what wc never can regain, — our brave wounded companions who will be murdered by our unthinking, unfeeling inhumanity ? Surely there can be none such ! No, we w ill take with us when we go, our wounded and sick. They must not, — shall not perish by our cold blooded indifierence. But why should you despond ? I do not, and yet your wants are not greater than mine. To be sure, we do not live sumptuously : but no one has died of hunger, or is likely to die ; and then how animating are our pros- pects ! Large supplies are at Deposit, and already are officers despatched to hasten them on. Wagons are on the way ; a large number of beeves are in the neighbourhood: and detachments are out to bring them in. — All these resources surely cannot fail. I have no wish to starve you — none to deceive you. Stay contentedly, and if supplies do not arrive in two days, we will all march back together, and throw the blame of our failure where it should properly lie ; un- til then, we certainly have the means of subsisting ; and if we are compelled to bear privations, let us re- member that they are borne for our country, and are not greater than many, perhaps most armies have been compelled to endure. I have called you together to tell you my feelings and my wishes ; this evening think on them seriously ; and let me know yours in the morning." Havinor retired to their tents and deliberated on the 154 TALLADEGA. measures most proper to be adopted in this emergency, the officers of the volunteer bricjade came to the con- elusion that " nothing short of marching the army im- mediately back to the settlements could prevent those difficulties and that disgrace which must attend a for- cible desertion of the camp by his soldiers." The of- ficers of the militia determined differently, and report- ed a willingness to maintain the post a few days lon- ger, that it might be ascertained w hether or not a suf- ficiency of provisions could be had. "If it can, let us proceed with the campaign; — if not, let us be marched back to where it can be procured." The general, who greatly preferred the latter opinion, was nevertheless disposed to gratify those who appeared unwilling to submit to further hardships ; and with this view or- dered General Hall to march the volunteers to Fort Deposit, and after satisfying their wants, to return, and act as an escort to the provisions. One-half of the brigade however, unwilling to be outdone by the militia, consented to remain, and the other half pro- ceeded alone. On this occasion he could not forbear to remark, that men for whom he cherished so strong an allection, and for whom he was willing to sacrifice every thing but honour, desiring to abandon him at a moment when their presence was so particularly ne- cessary, filled him with emotions which the strongest language was too feeble to express. "I was pre- pared," he continued, " to endure every evil but dis- grace, and as I never can submit to this myself, I can give no encouragement to it in others." Two days had now elapsed since the departure of the volunteers, and no supplies had arrived. The mi- tp?t<^- QUELLS THE MUTINY. l,~^ litia with great earnestness demanded a performance of the pledge winch had been given them, that they should be marched back to the settlements. From .nformation lately received, Jackson was confident that rehef was not far distant ; but having pledged him- self, he could use no arguments or entreaties to de- tam them any longer, and immediately took measures for complying w.th their wishes and the promise he had made them. This was to him a moment of the deepest dejection. While thus pondering on the gloomy prospects, he lifted up his hands and ex- claimed with a look and manner which showed how much he felt, "If only two men w.ll remain with me I wiU never abandon this post." Captain Gordon, ot the spies, facetiously replied, "You have one, <.ene- ■ ral let us look if we can't find another;" and imme- diately, with a zeal suited to the occasion, undertook, with some of the general's staff, to raise volunteers and m a htlle while, succeeded in procurin.. one hundred and nine, who declared a determinatfon to remain and protect the post. The general then set out towards Deposit with the remainder of the army, who were made distinctly ,o understand that, on meeting supplies, they were to return and prosecute the campaign. They did meet supplies, not far from the camp; but, so far from re tiimmg, they seemed more determined to o-o forward Going alone among his men, to appease Them by ar- gument and remonstrance, Jackson found the spirit of mutiny so prevalent and determined, that he seized sti?! !i' ?°'^.°"' '" *^°"' ^^""^ ■'"S^''^' ""''' being still without the use of his left arm, levelled the 158 TALLADEGA. weapon across the neck of his horse, and proclaimed that the first man who moved in the ranks should be shot down. Mute astonishment seized on the whole army — no one moved — no one spoke. What was one emaciated and wounded man to a thousand — one musket to a thousand in the hands of unerring marks- men ? It was not fear that awed these brave men, but astonishment and admiration at the daring, the magnanimity, and heroic self-sacrifice of the man that stood before them. A murmur of applause ran along the lines, and they signified their willingness to return.* Tt is very certain that but for the firmness of the gene- ral at this critical moment, the campaign would for the present have been broken up, and would probably never have been recommenced. * Garland's Eulogy. Hillabee Deputies. CHAPTER VIII. HILLABEE TOWNS — DESERTIONS AND MUTINY — GEORGIA VICTORIES. SHORT time after the victory at Talladega, General Jackson re- ceived deputies from the Hillabee tribes. 160 HILLABEE DEPUTIES. who had formed the principal strength of the enemy, offering to make peace ; and expressing their wilhng- " ness to agree to any conditions he might think proper to impose. He informed them, in answer to their re- quest, that the war had only been waged to defend the frontiers from the aojorressions of the Indians, and to bring to a proper sense of duty a people to whom his government had ever shown the utmost kindness, and who, nevertheless, had committed against her citizens the most unprovoked depredations ; and that it would end only when it should become certain that this object was attained. " Upon those," continued he, " who are disposed to become friendly, I neither wish nor intend to make war ; but they must afford evidences of the sincerity of their professions \ the prisoners and property they have taken from us and the friendly Creeks must be restored ; the instigators of the war, and the murderers of our citizens, must be surrendered ; the latter must and will be made to feel the force of our resentment. Long shall they remember Fort Mimms in bitterness and tears." These propositions would doubtless have been ac- ceded to, had not the course pursued by General Cocke broken off all the negotiations. That ofEcer was informed by General .Tackson of the applications of the Hillabecs, and the nature of the answer he had sent to them ; but he had previously detached General White, with orders to proceed against and destroy their towns. Tie commenced his march on the 1 1 th of November ; his force consisting of a regiment of mounted infantry under Colonel Rurch, a battalion of DESTRUCTION OF THE HILLABEES. 161 cavalry under Major Porter, and three hundred Chcro- kees commanded by Colonel Morgan. On his route he passed and destroyed the towns of Little Oakfusku and Genatga, consisting, the first of thirty, the second of ninety-three houses. The town called Nitty Chop- toa was preserved, in the supposition that it might be useful at some future period. On the 17th, after marching more than one hundred miles, he arrived in the vicinity of a town containing a considerable force of Indians. Colonels Burch and Morgan were sent forward by General White, with the infantry and Cherokees, to surround the town and prevent any of the enemy from escaping. They not only executed their orders, but captured it before the arrival of the rest of the detachment, without losing a single man. Sixty of the Hillabee warriors were killed, and about two hundred and fifty of their women and children taken prisoners. The fact of such slaughter being committed among them, while the American troops sustained no loss, and had not even a man injured, can only be accounted for by the supposition that the Hillabees considered it dishonourable to fight with those with whom they were negotiating for peace. Regardinsj the detachment under General White as a part of Jackson's army, and believing the attack upon them to have been made by his direction, they lost confidence in him, and refused ever afterwards to make any terms of peace. From this time they would never give or receive quarter, preferring death to submission, and revenging upon those who fell into their power the treachery, as they deemed it, of the American general. 182 MUTINY. In the meantime General Jackson proceeded to Deposit and Ditto's Landing, where the most effectual means in his power were taken with the contractors for obtaining regular supplies in future. There also he learned that the whole of the detachment from Tennessee had been received by the president into the service of the United States, and he began to think that the difficulties he had hitherto encountered would not recur, and that now his operations could no more be impeded by a want of supplies. He was mistaken. The volunteers at Deposit were only restrained from breaking out into open mutiny by an animated ad- dress of the general, who, having assembled them to- gether, painted in the most glowing colours, all the consequences that were to be apprehended, if from any defection of theirs, the campaign should be aban- doned, or ineffectually prosecuted. On his return to Fort Strother, he found the volun- teers, now that they no longer had any reason to cla- mour for bread, were as noisy and earnest in calling for their discharge. They insisted that having volun- teered to serve one year out of two, they would be entitled to their discharge on the tenth of December, that being the termination of a year from the day they had first entered the service ; and that although they had been a greater part of the time disengaged and unemployed, that recess was, nevertheless, to be taken into computation. Jackson replied that the law of Congress under which their services had been accept- ed could contemplate nothing less than actual active service of twelve months out of twenty-four ; and until LETTER TO MR. BLACKBURN. 16.3 that was performed, he could not, unless specially au- thorized, undertake to discharge them. Foreseeing the consequences which might result if they persisted in their refusal to serve beyond the 10th of December, the general began to provide other means for a continuance of the campaign, that, even if they all deserted him, he might still be prepared to act. Accordingly, he ordered General Roberts to re- turn and fill up the deficiencies in his brigade, and despatched Colonel Carroll and Major Searcy into Tennessee, to raise volunteers to serve six months, or during the war. He also wrote pressing letters to many respectable and influential men, exhorting them to contribute their assistance to the accomplishment of this object. To a letter just received from the Re- verend Gideon Blackburn, assuring him that volun- teers from Tennessee would eagerly hasten to his re- lief if they knew their services were wanted, he replied, "Reverend Sir, — Your letter has been just re- ceived : I thank you for it ; I thank you most sincere- ly. It arrived at a moment when my spirits needed such a support. " I left Tennessee with an army, brave, I believe, as any general ever commanded. I have seen them in battle, and my opinion of their bravery is not changed ; but their fortitude — on this too I relied — has been too severely tested. Perhaps I was wrong in believing that nothing but death could conquer the spirits of brave men. I am sure I was ; for my men I know arc brave, yet privations have rendered them discontent- ed : that is enough. The expedition must neverthe- less be prosecuted to a successful termination. New 164 LETTER TO MR. BLACKBURN. volunteers must be raised to conclude what has been so auspiciously begun by the old ones. Gladly would I save these men from themselves, and ensure them a harvest which they have sown ; but if they will aban- don it to others, it must be so. " You are good enough to say, if I need your as- sistance, it will be cheerfully afforded. I do need it greatly. The influence you possess over the minds of men is great and well founded, and can never be better applied than in summoning volunteers to the defence of their country, their liberty, and their religion. While we fight the savage, who makes war only because he delights in blood, and who has gotten his booty when he has scalped his victim, we are, through him, contending against an enemy of more inveterate character, and deeper design, who would demolish a fabric cemented by the blood of our fathers, and en- deared to us by all the happiness we enjoy. So far as my exertions can contribute, the purposes, both of the savage and his instigator, shall be defeated ; and, so far as yours can, I hope — I know, they will be em- ployed. I have said enough — I want men, and want them innnediately." Knowing that the discontents could only bo finally dispelled from the minds of his troops by active em- ployment, and anxious to prosecute the campaign as soon as possible, he wrote (Dec. 6th) to General Cocke, desiring him to unite with him immediately, at the Ten Islands, with fifteen hundred men. He assured him that the mounted men who had returned to the settlements for sub.sistencc, and to recruit their horses, would arrive by tlie r2th of the month. He wished COLONEL MARTIN'S LETTER. 165 to commence his operations directly, " knowing they would be prepared for it, and well knowing they would require it." In the meantime, the volunteers, through several of their officers, continued to press on the consideration of the general, the subject of their term of service, and claimed to be discharged on the 10th instant. From Colonel Martin, who commanded the second regiment, he received a letter, dated the 4th of December, 1813, in which was attempted to be detailed their whole ground of complaint. He began by stating that much as it pained him, he felt himself bound to disclose a very unpleasant truth; that on the 10th the service would be deprived of the regiment he commanded. He seemed to deplore with great sensibility the scene that would be exhibited on that day, should opposition be made to their departure ; and still more sensibly, the consequences that would result from a disorderly abandonment of the camp. He stated they had all thought themselves finally discharged on the 20th of April last, and never knew to the contrary until they saw the order of the 24th of September, requiring them to rendezvous at Fayetteville, on the 4th of Oc- tober; for the first time they had learned that they owed further services, their discharge to the contrary notwithstanding. " Thus situated, there was consider- able opposition to the order; on which the officers generally, as I am advised, and I know myself in par- ticular, gave it as an unequivocal opinion, that their term of service would terminate on the 10th of De- cember. " They therefore look to their general, who holds 166 MUTINY. their confidence, for an honourable discharge on that day ; and that in every respect, he will see that justice be done them. They regret that their peculiar situa- tions and circumstances require them to leave their general at a time when their services are important to the common cause. It would be desirable," he continued, " that those men who have served with ho- nour, should be honourably discharged, and that they should return to their families and friends, without even the semblance of disgrace ; with their genera] they leave it to place them in that situation. They have received him as an affectionate father, whilst they have honoured, revered, and obeyed him ; but having devoted a considerable time to the service of their country, by which their domestic concerns are greatly deranged, they wish to return, and attend to their own affairs." Although this communication announced the deter- mination of only a part of the volunteer brigade, he had already abundant evidence that the defection was but too general. The difficulties which the general had heretofore to encounter, from the discontents of his troops, might well induce him to regret the threat- ened reappearance in his camp of the spirit of insubor- dination. That he might, if possible, prevent it, he hastened to lay before them the error and impropriety of their views, and the consequence involved, should they persist in their purpose. " I know not," he observed, " what scenes will be exhibited on the 10th instant, nor what consequences are to flow from them here or elsewhere ; but as I shall have the consciousness that they are not impu- LETTER TO THE ARMY. ItJ? table to any misconduct of mine, I trust I shall have the firnmess not to shrink from a discharge of my duty. " It will be well, however, for those who intend to become actors in those scenes, and who are about to hazard so much on the correctness of their opinions, to examine beforehand, with great caution and de- liberation, the grounds on which their pretensions rest. Are they founded on any false assurances of mine, or upon any deception that has been practised towards them? Was not the act of Congress, under which they are engaged, directed by my general order, to be read and expounded to them before they enrolled themselves ? That order will testify, and so will the recollection of every general officer of my division. It is not pretended that those who now claim to be discharged, were not legally and fairly en- rolled, under the act of Congress, on the 6th of Febru- ary, 1812. Have they performed the service required of them by that act, and which they then solemnly undertook to perform ? That required one year's service out of two, to be computed from the day of rendezvous, unless they should be sooner dischiiiged. Has one year's service been performed ? This cannot be seriously pretended. Have they then been dis- charged? It is said they have, and by me. To account for so extraordinary a belief, it may be ne- cessary to take a review of past circumstances. " More than twelve months have elapsed since we were called upon to avenge the injured rights of our country. We obeyed the call ! In the midst of hardships, which none but those to whom liberty is 168 LETTER TO THE ARMY. dear could have borne without a murmur, we de- scended the Mississippi. It was believed our services were wanted in the prosecution of the just war in which our country was engaged, and we were prepared to render them. But, though we were disappointed in our expectations, we estabhshed for Tennessee a name which will long do her honour. At length, we re- ceived a letter from the secretary of war, directing our dismission. You will recollect the circumstances of wretchedness in which this order was calculated to place us. By it we were deprived of every article of public property ; no provision was made for the pay- ment of our troops, or their subsistence on their return march ; whilst many of our sick, unable to help them- selves, must have perished. Against the opinion of many, I marched them back to their homes before I dismissed them. Your regiment, at its own request, was dismissed at Columbia. This was accompanied by a certificate to each man, expressing the acts under which he had been enrolled, and the length of the tour he had performed. This it is which is now attempted to be construed 'a final discharge;' but surely it cannot be forgotten by any officer or soldier, how sacredly they pledged themselves, before they were dismissed, or received their certificates, cheerfully to obey the voice of their country, if it should resummon them into service ; neither can it be forgotten, I dare hope, for what purpose that certificate was given ; it was to secure, if possible, to those brave men who had shown such readiness to serve their country, certain extra emoluments, specified in the seventh section of the act under which they had engaged, in the event LETTER TO THE ARMY. 169 they were not recalled into service for the residue of their term. " Is it true then that my solicitude for the interest of the volunteers, is to be made by them a pretext for disgracing a name which they had rendered illustrious ? Is a certificate designed solely for their benefit to become the rallying word for mutiny ? strange pursuit of feeling and of reasoning ! Have I really any power to discharge men whose term of service has not ex- pired ? If I were weak or wicked enough to attempt the exercise of such a power, does any one believe the soldier would be thereby exonerated from the obliga- tion he has voluntarily taken upon himself to his government ? I should become a traitor to the im- portant concern which has been entrusted to my management ; while the soldier, who had been de- ceived by a false hope of liberation, would be still liable to redeem his pledge ; I should disgrace myself without benefitting you. " I can only deplore the situation of those officers who have undertaken to persuade their men that their term of service will expire on the 10th. In giving their opinions to this effect, they have acted indis- creetly, and without sufficient authority. It would be the most pleasing fact of my life to restore them with honour to their families. Nothing would pain me more, than that any other sentiments should be felt towards them, than those of gratitude and esteem. On all occasions it has been my highest happiness to promote their interest, and even to gratify their wishes, where with propriety it could be done. When in the lower country, believing that, in the order for 170 LETTER TO THE ARMY. their dismissal, they had been improperly treated, I even solicited the government to discharge them finally from the obligations into which they had en- tered. You know the answer of the secretary of war; — that neither he, nor the president, as he be- lieved, had the power to discharge them. How then can it be required of me to do so ? " The moment it is signified to me by any compe- tent authority, even by the Governor of Tennessee, to whom I have written on the subject, or by General Pinckney, who is now appointed to the command, that the volunteers may be exonerated from further ser- vice, that moment I will pronounce it with the great- est satisfaction. I have only the pawer of pronounc- ing a discharge — not of giving it in any case, a dis tinction which I would wish should be borne in mind. Already have I sent to raise volunteers oji my own responsibility, to complete a campaign which has been so happily begun, and thus far, so fortunately prosecuted. The moment they arrive, and I am as- sured that, fired by our exploits, they will hasten in crowds on the first intimation that we need their ser- vices, they will be substituted in the place of those who are discontented here; the latter will then be permitted to return to their homes with all the honour which, under such circumstances thev can carry along with them. But I still cherish a hope that their dis- satisfaction and complaints have been greatly exagge- rated. I cannot, must not believe that the 'Volunteers of Tennessee,' a name ever dear to fame, will dis- grace themselves and a country which they have hon- oured, by abandoning her standard as mutineers and ANOTHER MUTINY. 17J deserters ; but should I be disappointed and compelled to resign this pleasing hope, one thing I will not re- sign — my duty. Mutiny and sedition, so long as 1 possess the power of quelling them, shall be put down ; and even when left destitute of this, I will still be found in the last extremity, endeavouring to discharge the duty I owe my country and myself." He also addressed the platoon officers in the same style ; but discontent was too deeply rooted, and by designing men had been too artfully fomented to be removed by argument or entreaty. At length, on the evening of the 9th of December, 1813, General Hall hastened to the tent of General Jackson, with the in- formation that his whole brigade was in a state of mutiny, and making preparations to depart forcibly. This was a measure which every consideration of policy, duty, and honour, required Jackson to oppose ; and to this purpose he instantly applied all the means he possessed. He immediately issued the following general order : " The commanding general being informed that an actual mutiny exists in his camp, all officers and soldiers are commanded to put it down. The officers and soldiers of the first brigade will, without delay, parade on the west side of the fort, and await further orders." The artillery company, with two small field- pieces, being posted in the front and rear, and the militia, under the command of Colonel Wynne, on the eminences, in advance, were ordered to prevent any forcible departure of the volunteers. The creneral then rode alontj the line, and addressed them by companies, in a strain of impassioned elo- 11 172 JACKSON'S ADDRESS. quence. He feelingly expatiated on their former good conduct, and the esteem and applause it had secured them ; and pointed to the disgrace which they must heap upon themselves, their families, and country, by persisting, even if they could succeed, in their present mutiny. He told them, however, that they should not succeed, but by passing over his body ; that, even in opposing their mutinous spirit, he should perish honourably — by perishing at his post, and in the dis- charge of his duty. " Reinforcements," he continued, " are preparing to hasten to my assistance ; it cannot be long before they will arrive. I am, too, in daily expectation of receiving information whether you may be discharged or not — until then, you must not, and shall not retire. I have done with entreaty — it has been used long enough. I will attempt it no more. You must now determine whether you will go, or peaceably remain ; if you still persist in your deter- mination to move peaceably off, the point between us shall soon be decided." At first they hesitated : he demanded an explicit and positive answer. They still hesitated, and he commanded the artillerist to prepare his match ; he, himself, remaining in front of the volunteers, and within the line of fire, which he in- tended soon to order. Alarmed at his apparent deter- mination, and dreading the consequences involved in such a contest, "Let us return," was murmured along the fine, and soon after this step was determined upon. The officers now came forward and pledged themselves for their men, who either nodded assent, or openly ex- pressed a willingness to retire to their quarters, and remain without further tumult, until information was DANGER TO THE FRONTIER. 173 Scalping. received or the expected aid should arrive. Thus passed away a moment of the greatest peril, pregnant with important consequences. This ever memorable scene took place on the 10th of December, 1813. One year from the first rendez- vous of the volunteers had certainly expired ; but there had not been a year's service; for they had not been in service from the 1st of May to the 4th of October, 1813; so that there remained five months of the year's service to come. The general was right in his construction of the agreement; but, besides this, to have forsaken the campaign in such a manner, would have been ruinous in the extreme ; the savage enemy not yet subdued, but exasperated to the last degree, would have assailed the unprotected frontiers, and 174 VOLUNTEERS ORDERED TO NASHVILLE. have deluged them Mith the blood of the defenceless citizens ; burning, murdering, and scalping, would have been daily events on the border. Though the volunteers were thus prevented from putting their design into immediate execution, the general soon discovered that it was not wholly abandoned, and that nothing could be expected from their future services. He accordingly deter- mined to rid himself, as soon as possible, of men whose presence served only to keep the spirit of dis- content alive, in the camp. An order was given to General Hall to march them to Nashville, and do with them as he should be directed by the Governor of Tennessee. Previous, however, to promulgating this order, he resolved to make another effort to retain them — to make a last appeal to their honour and patriotism. For this purpose, having assembled them before the fort on the 13th of December, the day after the arrival of General Cocke, he directed his aid-de- camp to read to them the following address : — " Volunteers of Tennessee ! On the 10th of De- cember, 1812, you assembled at the call of your coun- try. Your professions of patriotism and ability to endure fatigue, were at once tested by the inclemency of the weather. Breaking your way through sheets of ice, you descended the Mississippi, and reached the point at which you were ordered to be halted and dismissed. All this you bor6 without murmuring. Finding that your services were not needed, the means for marching you back were procured ; every difficulty was surmounted, and as soon as the point from which, you embarked was regained, the order for your dismis- RECAPITULATION OF VICTORY. 177 sal was carried into effect. The promptness with which you assembled, the regularity of your conduct, your attention to your duties, the determination manifested on every occasion to carry into effect the wishes and will of your government, placed you on an elevated ground. You not only distinguished yourselves, but gave to your state a distinguished rank with her sis- ters; and led your government to believe that the honour of the nation would never be tarnished when entrusted to the holy keeping of the ' Volunteers of Tennessee.' In the progress of a war, which the implacable and eternal enemy of our independence in- duced to be waged, we found that, without cause on our part, a portion of the Creek nation was added to the number of our foes. To put them down, the first glance of the administration fell on you, and you were again summoned to the field of honour. In full pos- session of your fonner feelings, that summons was cheerfully obeyed. Before your enemy thought you in motion, you were at Tallushatchee and Talladega. The thunder of your arms was a signal to them, that the slaughter of your countrymen was about to be avenged. You fought, you conquered ! barely enough of the foe escaped to recount to their savage associates your deeds of valour. You returned to this place, loaded with laurels and the applauses of your country. " Can it be that these brave men arc about to be- come the tarnishers of their own reputation ! — the de- stroyers of a name which does them so much honour. Yes, it is a truth too well disclosed, that cheerfulness has been changed for complaints : — murmurings and discontents alone prevail. Men who a little while 178 ADDRESS TO THE ARMY. since were olTering up prayers for permission to chas- tise the merciless savage, who turned with impatience to teach them how much they had hitherto been in- debted to our forbearance, are now, when they could so easily attain their wishes, seeking to be discharged. The heart of your general has been pierced. The first object of his military affections, and the first glo- ry of his life were the volunteers of Tennessee ; the very name recalls to him a thousand endearing recol- lections. But these men, these volunteers, have be- come mutineers. The feelings he would have indulged, your general has been compelled to suppress — he has been compelled by a regard to that subordination so necessary to the support of every army, and which he is bound to have observed, to check the disorder which would have destroyed you. He has interposed his authority for your safety, — to prevent you from disgracing yourselves and your country. Tranquillity has been restored in our camp — contentment shall also be restored — this can be done only by permitting those to retire whose dissatisfaction proceeds from causes that cannot be controlled. This permission will never be given. Your country will dispense with your services, if you have no longer a regard for that fame, which you have so nobly earned for yourselves and her. Yes, soldiers you who were once so brave, and to whom honour was so dear, shall be permitted to return to your homes, if you desire it. But in what language, wlicn you arrive, will you address your fa- mihes and friends ? Will you tell them that you abandoned your general, and your late associates in arms, within fifty miles of a savage enemy, who equally ARRIVAL OF GENERAL COCKE. 179 delights in shedding the blood of the innocent fe- male and her sleeping babe, as that of the ^varrior contending in battle ? Lamentable, disgraceful tale ! If your dispositions are really changed, if you fear an enemy you so lately conquered, this day will prove it. I now put it to yourselves ; — determine upon the part you will act, influenced only by the suggestion of your own hearts, and your own understandings. All who prefer an inglorious retirement shall be ordered to Nashville, to be discharged as the president or the governor may direct. Who choose to remain and unite with their general in the further prosecution of the campaign, can do so, and w ill thereby furnish a proof that they have been greatly traduced ; and that although disaffection and cowardice has reached the hearts of some, it has not reached theirs. To such my assurance is given, that former irregularities will not be attributed to them. They shall be immediately organized into a separate corps, under officers of their own choice ; and in a httle while it is confidently be- lieved an opportunity will be afforded of adding to the laurels you have already won." This address failed to produce the desired eflfect. One only. Captain Williamson, agreed to remain. General Hall was accordingly instructed to march his brigade to Nashville, and await such instructions as he might receive from the president, or the Governor of Tennessee. General Cocke had arrived on the 12th with fifteen hundred men ; but it was found from his report that no part of his troops were brought into the field under the requisition of the President of the United States : ^y-,' 180 GENERAL COFFEE'S BRIGADE. and that the term of service of the greater part of them would expire in a few days ; and of the whole in a few weeks. In consequence of this he was ordered into his district, to comply with that requisition, and to carry with him and discharge near their homes, those of his troops, whose term of service was nearly ended. The reason of this w^as explained to the bri- gade in an address, in which they were entreated, when they should have obtained the necessaries which a winter's campaign would require, to return into the field, and aid in completing what had been so success- fully begun. Colonel Lilliard's regiment, consisting of about e'lsht ■', "Tiundred men, whose term of service would not expire in less than four weeks, was retained to assist in de- fending Fort Strother, and keeping open the commu- nication with Deposit until the expected reinforcements should arrive. The brigade of mounted men under General Coffee, who had been allowed to return soon after the battle of Talladega, reassembled at Huntsville on the 8th of December. Only eight hundred presented themselves, of whom but six hundred could be prevailed upon to move towards the Indian country. The evil iniluence of the example set by the infantry was soon evident among the cavalry. They insisted upon their right to a discharge, having enlisted at the same time as the infantry. The riflemen, also, alleged tiiat their stipulated term of service had expired, and manifested a decided indisposition to proceed. General Coffee was prevented by sickness from commanding his brigade in person ; but he ordered them to march im- GENERAL COFFEE'S BRIGADE. 181 mediately to head-quarters. They proceeded as far as Ditto's Landing ; but the greater number refused to cross the river, and commenced a disorderly return. Those ^vho continued to perform their duty, were halted at Deposit, to await the orders of General Jackson. Their conduct at that place was disorderly and mutinous ; and General Coffee, despairing of effecting anything with such troops, informed General Jackson of their conduct and demands. He also for- warded to the general a petition which had been ad- dressed to him by the rifle regiment. The command- er-in-chief addressed a severe letter to the malcon- tents, receiving and answering their petition, and reminding them of their promise to return to the service. " The signers of that address," observes the gene- ral, " commence by saying, ' that jealousy is prevailing in our camp, with respect to the understanding between themselves and the government relative to the service required of them ; and believing it to be its policy to act fairly, are of opinion that a full explanation of their case will have a good effect in promoting the cause in which they are engaged.' " What can have given rise to this jealousy I am at a loss to conjecture ; for surely no unfair practices were ever used by their government to get them into the service, nor to keep them in it longer than they had engajjed to remain. How lonjT that was can be DO O easily determined by the law under which they were accepted. This was open to all, and must be pre- sumed to have been understood by all. But for a complete answer, I send you, and refer you to the written pledges of both the field and platoon-officers, 182 JACKSON'S LETTER. before they returned to recruit their horses, and obtain their winter clothing. As they seem completely to have forgotten, I will remind them of all they contain — of their assurances given, that, if what they asked were granted, they would return at the shortest possible notice, prepared and willing to go through the \\ inter service, or to the end of the campaign. Sensible of their necessities, and confiding fully in the promises they made, and signed with their own names, I per- mitted them, on the 22d ultimo, to return into the set- tlements for the purpose of procuring fresh horses, and additional clothing ; and required them, to which they readily agreed, to rendezvous in Madison on the 8th instant. They have returne.l ; and now, when every calculation is made upon their services, agreeably to the pledges that have be^n given, they send (instead of coming,) this address. Under these circumstances what ' explanation of their case' do they want ? What explanation do they expect their general to give them ? Barely to remind them of their written pledges, without attempting any exposition of the law under which they have engaged, is surely a sufficient answer. An exposition of it will not be attempted by me ; not only because it is considered unnecessary, i)ut because my opinion on it has been already frequently given. " They, however, further remark, that ' they are returning like deserters, souring the minds of the people against the government and the officers, which will prevent others from entering into the service of their country, and paralyze the spirit of every citizen of Tennessee.' That they are returning home, not only ' like deserters,' but in the real characters of such. JACKSON'S REMARKS. 183 is indeed a lamentable truth. That they are also en- deavouring to sour the minds of the people against the government and the officers, and that this attempt will most probably be successful, and prevent many from entering the service, is, I am fearful, too true. But in the name of God, to whom is this to be ascribed — to the government or to their general ? or rather is it not more justly chargeable to themselves, who, having entered the camp from patriotic motives, as they say, — having engaged w ith their government, and pledged themselves to their general, to prosecute the campaign and avenge the injured rights of their country, forget both that engagement, and that pledge, and all their boasted patriotism, at a moment when their services are the most confidently expected, and the most eminently needed. " I cannot conceive how the idea has arisen, that they are attempted to be detained without their con- sent. To say nothing of the length of service really required by the law under w hich they were accepted ; have not the field officers given their written consent to remain during the winter, or until the campaign be completed ? Have they not also given a pledge for their men, and their officers commanding companies and platoons ; and have not those company and platoon officers too, given a similar assurance for themselves and their men ? Let them look to these pledges and blush at their conduct. " They also remark, ' If any tender of services for a longer time than a tour of duty (three months), has been made to the general government, we beg leave to say, it was without our consent or knowledge ; and 184 JACKSON'S REMONSTRANCE. we are convinced that in all contracts that are binding, both parties must fully understand and consent thereto. We wish to be permitted to return home, and to re- turn under such circumstances as will entitle us to be praised instead of blamed, by those who so gallantly led us to battle.' "To this I give answer, that no tender for any specified term of service was ever made to the general government by me, or by any other within my know- ledge. As regards their laiu remark^ that men, to be bound by a contract, must understand and consent to it, it will be a sufficient answer that those who volun- teer their services under a public law, are presumed to understand fully all its provisions ; or, at any rate, that those who sign an instrument drawn up by them- selves, cannot reasonably be supposed ignorant of its contents, or unwilling to abide by its terms. But they must be lukewarm patriots indeed, who in the mo- ment of danger and necessity can halt in the discharge of their duty, to argue and quibble on the construction of laws and statutes. " As to their wish ' to be praised instead of cen- sured,' I am at a loss to conceive how such a senti- ment should hold a place in the breasts of men who are about to abandon the cause of their country, at such a moment as this, and under such engagements. Even if it be possible for such men to desire praise, from their present conduct they cannot expect it. Before they can have determined to enter upon such a course, they must undoubtedly have prepared their minds to meet all the contumely and contempt that an indignant country can heap upon such wind-blown THE GOVERNOR'S LETTER. 1S5 patriots ; who, when at home, clamoured so vociferous- ly about her injured rights, and having taken up arms to defend them, abandon them at a moment when they are most in danger. A grosser ahment than praise must be the proper nutriment for such minds. If it were possible that any doubt could exist under the law by which their services were engaged, has not the utmost certainty been produced, by their own written undertakings subsequently made ? But on the ques- tion, whether their country, at this time, needs their services in the field, there can be no doubt. And is patriotism to be measured by months, and weeks, and days ? Is it by such a computation that the volunteer embarked in his country's defence hopes to entitle himself to the thanks of that country, when her rights are assailed, and his efforts can protect them ? Be it so ; let it be even granted that these men's engage- ments have expired under the law ; — has their sacred pledge in writing, and has their love of country ex- pired ? If these cannot bind them to a faithful per- formance of their duty, I know of nothing by which I can hope to hold them." He also forwarded to them a letter which he had just received from the Governor of Tennessee. This letter recommended what had already been done ; to dismiss — not discharge, the volunteers, because the latter was not in the power of either of them : — nor was their dismission to be given because founded in right ; but because under existing circumstances their presence would not prove beneficial, but highly inju- rious. This letter was sent to the volunteers of Cof- fee's brigade, accompanied with these remarks : — 186 DEPARTURE OF ALLCORN'S REGIMENT. Allcorn abandoning the Campaign. " I have just received a letter from Governor Blount which I hasten to transmit to you, that you may avail yourselves of whatever benefits and privileges it holds out. - You will perceive that he does not consider he has any power to discharge you, — neither have I : — but you have my permission to retire from the service if you are still desirous of doing so, and are prepared to risk the consequences." No sooner were these letters read to the soldiers than they abandoned the campaign, and with their colonel, Allcorn, at their head, notwithstanding their pledged honour, the advice of their general, the en- treaties of General Cofibe, and an eloquent speech of ADVICE OF GOVERNOR BLOUNT. 1ST the Reverend Mr. BLackburn, commenced their march to the settlements. The brigade of militia under Genera] Roberts, Avho had remained at Fort Strother, insisting that they had onl}^ enhsted for three months, desired to be dis- charged on the 4th of January. Jackson, however, demurred at this construction of the case: as they liad been mustered into the United States service under the act for raising a mihtia force to serve for six months, unless sooner discharged by the president. He therefore refused to permit them to depart. The regiment of Colonel Liiliard, belonging to General Cocke's division, would be entitled to a discharge on the 14th ; when the force at Fort Strother would be almost dissolved. General Cocke had been previously ordered by the governor to raise twenty-five hundred men to reinforce the army : but that order not having been fulfilled. General Jackson urged the governor to take more efficient measures for increasinsr the streno-th of the army. Governor Blount, discouraged by the disaffection of the men, and the ill-success of General Cocke, recommended that the campaign should be abandoned until the general government should give substantial aid. Jackson replied by deprecating such a course as calculated to injure the reputation and endanger the safety of Tennessee, and to defeat the plans of General Pinckney, to whom the United States government had committed the management of the Creek war ; he continues : — " Had your wish that I shoiikl discharge a part of my force and retire with the residue into the settlements assumed the form of a positive order, it might have 12 LSS ANSWER TO THE GOVERNOR. furnished me some apology for pursuing such a course ; but by no means a full justification. As you would have no power to give such an order, I could not be inculpable in obeying, with my eyes open to the fatal consequences that would attend it. But a bare re- commendation, founded, as I am satisfied it must be, on the artful suggestions of those fireside patriots who seek, in a failure of the expeditions, an excuse for their own supineness ; and upon the misrepresentations of the discontented from the army, who wish it to be believed that the difficulties which overcame their patriotism are wholly insurmountable, would afford me but a feeble shield against the reproaches of my country, or my conscience. Believe me, my respected friend, the remarks I make proceed from the purest personal regard. If you would preserve your reputation, or that of the state over which you preside, you must take a straight-forward, determined course ; regardless of the applause or censure of the populace, and of the fore- bodings of that dastardly and designing crew, who, at a time like this, may be expected to clamour continu- ally in your ears. The very wretches who now beset you with evil counsel, will be the first, should the measures which tliey recommend eventuate in disas- ter, to ctdl down imprecations on your hc^ad, and load you with reproaches. Your country is in danger: — apply its resources to its defence ! Can any course be more plain ? Do you, my friend, at such a moment as the present, sit with your arms folded, and your heart at ease, waiting a solution of your doubts, and a definition of your powers ? Do you wait for special instructions from the secretarv of war, which it is im- ANSWER TO THE GOVERNOR. 189 possible for you to receive in time for the danger that threatens ? How did the venerable Shelby act under similar circumstances ; or rather, under circumstances by no means so critical ? Did ho wait for orders to do wliat every man of sense knew — what every patriot felt — to be right ? He did not ; and yet how highly and justly did the government extol his manly and en- ergetic conduct ! and how dear has his name become to all the friends of their country ! "You say that, having given an order to General Cocke to bring his quota of men into the field, your power ceases ; and that, although you are made sen- sible that he has wholly neglected that order, you can take no measure to remedy the omission. Widely different, indeed, is my opinion. I consider it your imperious duty, when the men called for by your order, founded upon that of the government, are known not to be in tlie field, to see that they be brought there ; and to take immediate measures with the officer, who, charged with the execution of your order, omits or neglects to do it. As the executive of the state, it is your duty to see that the full quota of troops be constantly kept in the field for the time they have been required. You are responsible to the government ; your officer to you. Of what avail is it to give an order if it be never executed, and may be disobeyed with impunity ? Is it by empty orders that we can hope to conquer our enemies, and save our defenceless frontiers from butchery and devasta- tion? Believe me, my valued friend, there are times when it is highly criminal to shrink from responsibility, or scruple about the exercise of our powers. There 190 ANSWER TO THE GOVERNOR. are times when we must disregard punctilious eti- quette, and think only of serving our country. What is really our present situation ? The enemy we have been sent to subdue, may be said, if we stop at this, to be only exasperated. The commander-in-chief. General Pinckncy, who supposes me by this time prepared for renewed operations, has ordered me to advance, and form a junction with the Georgia army ; and, upon the expectation that I will do so, are all his arrangements formed for the prosecution of the campaign. Will it do to defeat his plans, and jeo- pardize the safety of the Georgia army ? The general government, too, believe, and have a right to believe, that we have now not less than five thousand men in the heart of the enemy's country ; and on this opinion are all their calculations bottomed ; and must they all be frustrated, and I become the instrument by which it is done ? God forbid ! " You advise me too, to discharge or dismiss from service, until the will of the president can be known, such a portion of the militia as have rendered three months' service. This advice astonishes me even more than the former. I have no such discretionary power; and it would be impolitic and ruinous to use it, if I had. I believed the militia who were not spe- cially received for a shorter period, were engaged for six months, unless the objects of the expedition should be sooner attained ; and in this opinion I was greatly strengthened by your letter of the 15(11, in which you say, when answering my inquiry upon this subject, * the militia are detached for six months' service ;' nor did I know or suppose you had a different opin- ANSWER TO THE GOVERNOR. 19i ion until the arrival of your last letter. This opinion must, I suppose, acrrceably to your request, be made known to General Roberts's brigade, and then the con- sequences are not difficult to be foreseen. Every man belonging to it will abandon nie on the 4th of next month ; nor shall I have the means of preventing it but by the application of force, which under such cir- cumstances I shall not be at liberty to use. I have laboured hard to reconcile these men to a continuance in service until they could be honourably discharged, and had hoped I had in a great measure succeeded ; but yo'ur opinion, operating with their own prejudices, will give a sanction to their conduct, and render use- less any further attempts. They will go, but I can neither discharge nor dismiss them. Shall I be told, that, as they will go, it may as well be peaceably per- mitted ? Can that be any good reason why I should do an unauthorized act ? Is it a good reason why I should violate the order of my superior officer, and evince a willingness to defeat the purposes of my go- vernment ? And wherein does the ' sound policy' of the measures that have been recommended consist? or in what way are they ' likely to promote the public good V Is it sound policy to abandon a conquest thus flir made, and deliver up to havoc, or add to the number of our enemies those friendly Creeks and Che- rokees, who, relying on our protection, have espoused our cause, and aided us with their arms ? Is it good policy to turn loose upon our defenceless frontiers five thousand exasperated savages, to imbrue their hands once more in the blood of our citizens ? What ! retro- gade under such circumstances! I will perish first. No, 192 EFFECT OF JACKSON'S LETTER. I will do my duty. I will hold the posts I have estab- hshed until ordered to abandon them by the com- mandinij treneral, or die in the strusfirle : — lonij since have I determined not to seek the preservation of life at the sacrifice of reputation. " But our frontiers, it seems, are to be defended — and by whom ? By the very force that is now recom- mended to be dismissed ; for I am first told to retire into the settlements, and to protect the frontiers ; next, to discharge my troops ; and then, that no measures can be taken for raising others. No, my friend, if troops be given me, it is not by loitering on the fron- tiers that I will seek to give protection ; they are to be defended, if defended at all, in a very different manner; — by carrying the war into the heart of the enemy's country. All other hopes of defence are more visionary than dreams. What then is to be done ? I '11 tell you what. You have only to act with the energy and decision the crisis demands, and all will be well. Send me a force engaged for six months, and I will answer for the result, — but withhold it, and all is lost, — the reputation of the state, and yours and mine along with it." This remonstrance of Jackson changed the in- tentions of Governor Blount, who directed two thousand five hundred militia from the second brigade, under General .Johnston, to join the army without delay. General Cocke was also instructed to hasten the exe- cution of his orders, and to march his men to head- quarters as soon as possible. Meanwhile, many of the militia of General Roberts had deserted, and returned to Tennessee. This ollicer GENERAL ROBERTS CASHIERED. 19.1 was, therefore, ordered to repair to that state, and en- deavour to obtain a sufficient number of new levies to supply their places. He was also instructed to use every exertion to complete the number of his brigade. He succeeded in raising nearly two hundred men, with whom he arrived near the camp on the 27th of De- cember. He went alone to General Jackson, to ascer- tam whether they would be permitted to return home after three months' service ; that beinix the time for which they had engaged. Jackson informed him that his stipulations would be strictly con^^plicd with ; but when Roberts returned to his men, he found that they had been seized with distrust, in consequence of his conduct, and had resolved to set out for home. He went to the camp, when General Jackson ordered him to parade his reinforcement. He then acknow- ledged what had happened, and offered to follow them, and bring them back. He overtook them twenty miles from Fort Strother ; but they persisted in their resolution to return. General Jackson ordered him to cause them to be aiTCsted, and brought to the camp, or put into confinement. Many of them returned, and disclosed the fact, that their conduct was owing to the advice of Roberts, who was cashiered by order of a court-martial. Apprehensive that the brigade of militia would at- tempt to leave the camp on the 4th of January, the general issued an order forbidding all persons to pass the sentries without written permission, under the pe- nalties of desertion. Notwithstanding this order, on the morning of the 4th, the sentinels were discovered to he absent i'rom their posts. Jackson ordered 194 ARREST OF KEARLEY. Arrest of Lieutenant Kearley. Lieutenant Kearley, who commanded the guard, to be arrested ; but he refusixl to sub-nit to the order. The guards, and Captain Gordon's company of spies, ^vere ordered to arrest him at all hazards. His men manifested a disposition to defend him, when General Jackson ordered Kearley to deliver his sword to him. He refused ; on which the general levelled a pistol at him, and would have killed him upon (he spot, when the friends of the lieutenant persuaded him to yield. Meanwhile, the militia, with the exception of part of one company, left ihe Ibrt, and proc(>eded homeward. ADDRESS TO LILLIARD'S REGIMENT. 195 Lieutenant Kearley, having expressed himself sincerely penitent, was pardoned by his general, and restored to his rank. The force at Fort Strother was now reduced to the regnnent of Colonel Lilliard, whose term of service expired on the 14th of January; two companies of spies under Captain Cxordon and Russell; and the ar- tillery coinpany. The reinforcements which were preparing in Tennessee had not yet reached him; and • there being little prospect of their arrival for some weeks, the general determined to make an attempt to persuade the regiment of Lilliard to remain Uventy days longer, with the view of striking a blow at the enemy, who were assembling in considerable force below. He therefore caused the following address to be read to that regiment. " Major-General Cocke having reported that your term of service will expire on the 14th, I assume no claim on you beyond that period. But, althoucrh I cannot demand as a right the continuance of your services, I do not despair of being able to obtain them through your patriotism. For what purpose was it that you quitted your homes, and penetrated the heart of the enemy's country ? Was it to avenge the blood of your fellow-citizens, inhumanly slain bv that enemy —to give security in future to our extended and un- protected frontier, and to signalize the valour by which you were animated? Will any of these objects be attamed if you abandon the campaicrn at the time vou contemplate? Not one! Yet an^opportunity shall be afforded you, if you desire it. If you have been 196 ADDRESS TO LILLIARD'S REGIMENT. really actuated by the feelings, and governed by the motives, which your commanding general supposes influenced you to take up arms and enter the field in defence of your right?, none of you will resist the ap- peal he now makes, or hesitate to embrace with eager- ness the opportunity he is about to aflbrd you. " The enemy, more than half conquered, but deri- ving encouragement and hope from the tardiness of our operations, and the distractions which have un- happily prevailed in our camp, are again assembling below us. Another lesson of admonition must be furnished them. They must again be made to feel the weight of that power which they have without cause provoked to \\ar; and to know that although we have been slow to take up arms, Ave will never again lay them from our hands, until we have secured the objects that impelled us to the resort. In less than eight days I shall leave this encampment, to meet and fight them. Will any of you accompany me? Are there any amongst you who at a moment like this will not think it an outrage upon honour for her feelings to be tested by a computation of time ? What if the period for which you tendered your services to your country has expired, — is that a consideration with the valiant, the patriotic, and the brave, who have appeared to redress the injured rights of that country, and to acquire for themselves a name of irlory? Is it a consideration with them, when those objects are still unattained, and an opportunity of ac- quiring them is so near at hand ? Did such men enter the field like hirelings — to serve for pay alone ? Does all regard for their country, their families, and them- ADDRESS TO LILLIARD'S REGIMENT. 197 selves, expire with the time for which their services were engaged ? Will it be a sufficient gratification to their feelings, that they served out three months without seeing the enemy, and then abandoned the campaign when the enemy was in the neighbourhood, and could be seen and conquered in ten days ? Any retrospect they can make of the sacrifices they have encountered, and the privations they have endured, can afford but little satisfaction under such circum- stances ; — the very mention of the Creek war must cover them with the blushes of shame and self-abase- ment. Having engaged for only three months, and that period having expired, are you bound by no- thing else ? Surely, as honourable and high-minded men, you must at such a moment as the present feel other obligations than the law imposes. A fear of the punishment of the law did not bring you into camp ; — that its demands are satisfied will not take you from it. You had higher objects in view — sojne greater good to attain. This your general believes : nor can he believe otherwise, without doing you great injustice. "Your services are not asked for longer than twenty days; and who will hesitate making such a sacrifice, when the good of his country, and his own fame, are at stake ? Who, under the present aspect of affairs, will even reckon it a sacrifice ? When we set out to meet the enemy, this post must be retained and defended: if any of you will remain and render this service, it will be no less important than if you had marched to the battle ; nor will your general less thankfully acknowledge it. Tuesday ncAl, the line of 19S GEORGIA MILITIA. march will be taken up : and in a few days thereafter the objects of the excursion will be effected. As pa- triotic men, then, I ask you for your services ; and thus long I have no doubt you will cheerfully render them. I am well aware that you are all anxious to return to yoin- families and homes, and that you are entitled to do so ; yet stay a little longer — go with me and meet the enemy, and you can then return not only with the consciousness of having performed your duty, but with the glorious exultation of having done even more than duty required." In ansvv'er to this address. Colonel Milliard replied, that having been called upon by the several captains in his retrrn to make a statement of those in their respective companies who were willing to remain be- yond the period of their engagement, it appeared that none would consent to do so except Captain Hamilton and three of his men. General Jackson therefore or- dered Colonel Lilliard to march on the 10th to Fort Armstrong, and thence to Knoxville, when the troops would be discharged by General Cocke. While General Jackson was thus embarrassed and prevented from accomplishing any important service, by the desertion of his troops, the enemy had sufTered severe losses from the gallantry of the militia of Geor- gia. Governor Early of that state, on the 8lh of No- vember, called the attention of the legislature to the necessity of making provision for defence against the Creeks. Pursuant to his recommendation, a considera- ble force of militia was called out, and placed under the command of Brigadier-General Floyd. On the 29th of the same month, General Floyd marched BATTLE OF AUTOUSSEE. 199 -i Burning of Indian villages. against the Indian town of Autoussee, situated on the Tallapoosa river, eighteen miles from the Hickory Ground. At this place were assembled the warriors of eight towns, composing a very formidable force. The army of General Floyd consisted of nine hun- dred and fifty militia, and about three hundred friendly Indians. The attack was made early on the morning of the 29th, and was succeeded by a fierce contest of three hours' duration. The enemy were entirely de- feated, and forced to abandon their town, leaving two hundred warriors dead upon the field. Four hundred houses were burnt to the ground, and the whole was accomplished with a loss of only eleven men. On the •200 ECCANACHACA BURNT. first of January, 1814, General Jackson received infor- mation of another brilliant victory, gained by General Claiborne. On the 23d of December, that officer at- tacked Eccanachaca, or the Holy Ground, an Indian mihtary depot, situated on the Alabama river. The prophets, Weatherford, Francis, and Sinquister, resi- ded at this town. The enemy were driven from their post, losing about forty warriors, and the town was reduced to ashes. Another village, eight miles distant, was destroyed on the following day. These victories struck terror into the ranks of the enemy, and by inspiring the militia with confidence in themselves, materially contributed to the subsequent victories. CHAPTER IX EMUCKFAW. s^OLONEL CARROLL, who had been deputed by Gene- ral Cocke to raise the re- inforcements, having been unable, by using every ex- ertion, to obtain volunteers for six months, was obliged to complete his number with mounted men, engaged to serve for sixty days. General Jackson was unwilling to set the dan- gerous precedent of engaging troops f jr so short a 202 EMUCKFAW. period ; but the urgency of the case admitted of no delay, and he was obhged to acquiesce in the arrange- ment. General Pinckney had requested him to act in concert with the forces from Georgia ; and it was to this end that he manifested so much anxiety to re- tain Lilliard's regiment. The departure of that corps defeated his plans ; but he still hoped to accomplish something with his new troops, in aid of General Clai- borne, who was encamped on the Alabama river, eighty-hve miles above Fort Stoddart. The newly raised volunteers assembled at Iluntsville, where they remained, waiting until supplies should be received at head-quarters sufficient for their support. Could they have proceeded directly on, they would have reached the general early enough to enable him to proceed against the enemy, before the period at vvhicli Lilliard's regiment would have been entitled to a discharge. General Jackson strained every nerve in order to ac- complish this end, urging Colonel Carroll to make ac- tive exertions to send forward all the provisions in the hands of the contractors, and to hasten the arrange- ments for procuring larger supplies. So important did he consider this junction, that he was willing to sub- ject himself to considerable hazard, rather than not effect it. To Colonel Carroll he wrote, on learning that he was on his way with his newly raised troops: " I am happy to hear of your success in procuring volunteers. 1 shall receive with open arms those who, in this hour of need, so gallantly come forth to uphold the sinking reputation of their state. I am more anxious than ever to recommence operations, and indeed they have become more necessary than LETTER TO COLONEL CARROLL. 203 ever; yet I cannot move without supplies. As this will meet you near where the contractors are, you will be better able to ascertain than I can inform you when that happy moment will arrive; and, I pray you' use your best exertions to have it brought about with the least possible delay. Until supplies, and the means ot transportation can be furnished to justify another movement from this place, it will be better that you remam where your horses can be fed. I say this, upon the supposition that this will be shortly done; but were it certain that the same causes of delay which have so long retarded our operations were still to con- tinue, I would, at every risk, and under every respon- sibility, take up the march, as soon as the troops now with you could arrive. For such a measure I should seek my justification iu the imperiousness of the circumstances by which I am surrounded; and 'ollowers"'""''' "'"'" '"'^''''"' *'"''' "'«' enterprise of my "Partial supplies have arrived for my use at Fort Armstrong, which will be ordered on to-morrow. This with the scanty stock on hand, will at least keep us from starving a fey weeks, until we can quarter upon ^he enemy or gain assistance from the country below General Claiborne, who is encamped eighty-five miles above FortStoddart, writes me, that arrangements are made to send supplies up the Alabama to the junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosa. Upon such resources will I depend, sooner than wait until my army wastes away, or becomes through inaction unfit for service." All his exertions, however, were insufficient to ac- complish the desired end ; and he was obliged to dis- •304: EMUCKFAW. miss Lilliard's regiment, and await the arrival of sup- plies. On the 2d of January, 1814, Colonel Carroll arrived at head-quarters, and reported his proceedings to the general. The number of the new volunteers being only eight hundred and fifty, Colonel Carroll was directed to have them formed into two regiments, under officers of their own choice ; and an order was put into his hands for General Coffee, who was then at Hunts ville, requiring him to march them to Fort Strother on the 10th instant. That officer, learning that those troops were unwilling that he should have the command of them, expressed a wish to General Jackson that it mi^ht not be assio-ned him ; in conse- quence of which, and their own request, the commander- in-chief had determined that after the arrival in camp there should be no intermediate commander over them between their colonels and himself. The volunteers were made acquainted with this arrangement. When General Coffee received the instructions which General Jackson had sent him, he immediately ordered Colonels Perkins and Higgins, who had been chosen to the command of the two regiments, to march them directly for head-quarters. They, however, re- fused to obey the orders of General Coffee, to march on the 10th of January ; and did not arrive in camp until the 13th. They alleged, in their own justifica- tion, that Coffee was not their rightful commander, and they were not bound to obey his orders. He conse- quently charged them with disobedience, and demanded their arrest. This must have been granted had they not yielded to the advice of more prudent friends, and apologized for their unsoldierlike and insulting conduct. MARCH TO ENOTICHOPCO. 205 Having received this reinforcement, General Jackson resolved to march immediately against the Indians. He had received advices on the 5th from Captain M'Alpin, commanding temporarily at Fort Armstrong, that his post was menaced with an attack by the war- riors of fourteen or fifteen Creek towns. He had also been informed by General Pinckney that General Floyd was about to march to the Tallapoosa, and re- commended to make a movement against such of the hostile tov\ns as were near his camp. Accordingly, on the 15th, the mounted men were advanced three miles from Fort Strother ; and, on the next day, being joined by the remainder of the army, they marched for Talladega, where they arrived on the 18th. Here they were reinforced by about two hundred Cherokees and friendly Creeks. The whole force of General Jackson now consisted of eleven hundred and thirty men, including officers. At Talladega he received another letter from the com- mandant at Fort Armstrong, assuring him that there was no doubt that that post would shortly be attacked by a force of nine hundred men, who were assembled near the mouth of Emuckfaw creek, in a bend of the Tallapoosa river. He also received information from General Pinckney that General Floyd would march the next day from Cowetaw, and establish a post at Tuckabatchee in ten days. He immediately set out, and arrived at Enotichopco, a small Hillabee village, on the 20th. This village was twelve miles from Emuckfaw. The spies being unacquainted with the country, General Jackson was compelled to move with 206 EMUCKFAW. great caution ; which the want of disciphne and sub- ordination among his troops rendered very difficult. On the next morning he marched from Enotichopco. and took tie most direct route to the enemy's camp. Two Indians were seen about two o'clock, but suc- ceeded in making their escape. In the evening several large trails were discovered, all tending to one point. Convinced that he was close to the encampment of the enemy, Jackson encamped his little army in a hollow^ square, on an eligible site, upon the eminences of Emuckfaw, sent out his spies, posted his pickets, doubled hU sentinels, and made every arrangement to guard against a night attack. Three Indians were seen and fired on about ten o'clock, and one of them killed. About midnight the spies came in and re- ported that they had discovered a large encampment of Indians about three miles distant, and that they were apprised of the approach of the army. On the morning of the 22d, before daylight, the alarm guns of the sentinels, succeeded by shrieks and savage yells, gave notice of the attack of the savages. The camp fires had been kept up all night, and the Indians supposed that they w^ould have little to do but to pick off the general and his men by the light of their own fires. " To their utter astonishment, how- ever. General Jackson used darkness as a mantle to cover his men from their view, while his camp fires being built just f.ir enough beyond the hollow square to compel the Indians as soon as they arrived within good rifle range, to come w^ithin the circle of light, where blinking they could see nothing, while the lurid glare of light encircling the camp, exposed their bodies BATTLE OF EMUCKFAW. SjiieS reporting 'ike so many red targets, to the American rifle from *he dark square within, where stood the hero and his 'itfle band with the imponderable elements of hght and darkness pressed into his service to make him '-)ual to the enemy."* The flash of the rifle disco- ered the position of the marksman, and the savages ■^xtmguishing the fires, commenced a furious assault on the left flank, commanded by Colonel Higgins, which was met and opposed with great firntness.' General Cofl*ee, and Colonels Carroll and Sitter, in- stantly repaired to the point of attack, and by exhor- tation and the performance of deeds of heroic daring, encouraged the men to a performance of their duty. The battle raged for half an hour; the brunt of which bemg against the left wing, it became considerably * Cartwright's Eulogy. rJ» EMUCKFAW. weakened. It being now sufficiently light to ascertam correctly the jx)sition of the enemy, Captain Ferril's company was ordered to reinforce the left wing ; with the whole of which General Coffee charged and drove the enemy in confusion from the field. The Indians fled about two miles, and many of them were slain. The Americans had five killed and twenty wounded. Having returned from the pursuit, General Coffee was detached with the friendly Indians and four hun- dred men, with orders to destroy the enemy's encamp- ment, unless he should find it too strongly fortified. Having ascertained that the position was strong, and not to be taken without artillery. Coffee returned to the camp. He had scarcely done so, when a severe fire was opened on the pickets, posted on the right, accompanied by the horrible war- whoop. General Coffee requested peranission to turn the enemy's left flank ; which was granted, and two hundred men or- dered to follow him. This detachment being taken from different corps, he placed himself at their head, and moved briskly forward. Taking advantage of their leader's position in front, those in the rear began to drop off one by one, without his knowledge, until there were only fifty-four men left M'ith him. With this little band he proceeded to execute his design, and vigorously attacked a superior number of the enemy. He found them occupying a ridge of open pine tiukber covered with low underwood, wliicn afforded them many opportunities for concealment. To depiive them of this advantage, which they are very dexter*, vis in taking, Coflfec ordered his men to dismount ai.n charge them. This order was promptly obeyed ; l^wx CARROLL'S DECISIVE CHARGE. 211 the enemy, driven back by the charge, took refuge on the margin of a creek covered with reeds, where^they lay concealed. In this gallant charge General Coffee was wounded through the body, and his aid. Major Donelson, killed by a ball through the head; three of his men also fell. The Indians having intended the attack on the right as a feint, now with t) eir main force, which had hitherto been concealed, made a violent onset on Jack- son's left, which they expected to find weakened and in disorder. Jackson, however, who had apprehended their^esign, was prepared to meet them. The left wina had b^en ordered to remain firm in its position ; and when the first gun was heard in that quarter, he repaired thither in person, and strengthened it by or- dering up additional forces from the right. The first advance of the enemy, though sudden and violent, was sustained with firmness, and opposed with great gal- lantry. The assailants now maintained the battle by quick and irregular firing from behind logs, trees, shrubbery, and whatever could afford conc^ealment i behind these they would fire, then throw themselves on the ground and reload, when they would again rise and discharge their guns. After sustaining their fire in this way for some time, a charge to dislodge them from their position was ordered ; and the whole line, led by Colonel Carroll, by a most brilliant and steady movement, broke in upon them, threw them into confusion, and drove them from the ground. In the meantime, General Cofl:ee was making every exertion to drive the savages on the right from the fastnesses into which they had retreated^ b"t, finding 212 ENOTICHOPCO. that tliis could not be done without great hazc,rd and considerable loss, he determined to try the effect of a stratagem, and began to retire towards the place where he had first dismounted. This expedient produced the desired effect. The enemy, presuming.it to be a re- treat, and to have been adopted in consequence of the severe firing they had heard on the left wing, now for- sook their hiding-places and pursued rapidly. Coffee immediately availed himself of the opportunity thus afforded of contending with them again in open fight ; and a severe conflict commenced, and was obstinately maintained about an hour, during which time the loss on both sides was nearly equal. At this critical juncture, when several of the detachment had been killed, many wounded, and the remainder of the little Spartan band exhausted by fatigue; the dispersion of the enemy being effected on the left, a reinforcement was despatched by Seneral Jackson, which, making its appearance on the enemy's left flank, put an end to the contest. General Coffee, though severely wounded, instantly ordered a charge ; when the enemy, foreseeing their doom, fled in consternation, and were pursued with dreadful slaughter. Forty-five warriors were slain. Thus drew to a close a day of almost continual fighting. Having brought in and buried the dead, and dressed the wounded, preparations were made to guard against an attack by night. The next day. General Jackson, having effected, as he believed, the main ob- jects of the expedition, a diversion in favour of General Floyd, who was supposed to be carrying on his ope- rations lower down on the Tallapoosa, and the relief of F'ort Armstrong, prepared to return to Fort Strother. LETTER TO GENERAL PINCKNEY. 21:] General Jackson, m his letter to Major-General Pinckncy, said that " many causes concurred to make such a measure necessary, as I had not set out pre- pared, or with a view to make a permanent estabhsh- ment. I considered it worse than useless to advance and destroy an empty encampment. I had, indeed, hoped to have met the enemy there ; but having met and beaten them a little sooner, I did not think it ne- cessary or prudent to proceed any farther — not neces- sary, because I had accomplished all I could expect to effect by marcliing to their encampment ; and because, if it was proper to contend with and weaken their forces still farther, this object would be more certainly attained, by commencing a return, which, having to them the appearance of a retreat, would inspirit them to pursue me. Not prudent — because of the number of my wounded ; of tho reinforcements from below, which the enemy might be expeoied to receive ; of the starving condition of my horses, they having had neither corn nor cane for two days and nights ; of the scarcity of supplies for my men, the Indians who joined me at Tal- ladega having drawn none, and being wholly destitute ; and because, if the enemy pursued me, as it was likely they would, the diversion in favour of General Floyd would be more complete than effectual." Determined by these considerations, Jackson ordered litters to be formed for the transportation of the sick and wounded, and the other preparations to be made for a return march. Everything being ready, it was conimcnced at half-past ten o'clock next morning, January 23d, and continued without interruption until near night ; when they reached Enotichopco, having passed safely 214 E M U C K F A W on the way a dangerous defile, occasioned by a hurri- cane. Expecting to be pursued and attacked, the army marched in order of battle : the sick and wounded bein^ placed in the centre. Every precaution was taken to guard against an attack during the night. A breast- work was thrown up, sentinels doubled, spies sent out, and eveiy arrangement made to repel any hostile at- tack. Thus guarded, they safely passed the night, though from certain signs the general M'as sure that the savages had been in pursuit all day, and that then they could not be far distant. CHAPTER X ENOTICHOPCO. ^HE night at Enotichopco was spent in mo- mentary expectation of an attack ; but it wore away without any attempt on the part of the savages to renew the battle. This unusual circumstance in Indian war- fare, led the general to conjecture that an ambuscade had been prepared, and that an attack would be made on him while crossing the creek in his front ; which, being 216 ENOTICflOPCO. deep, and the banks rugged, and thicldy covered with reeds, afforded many advantages for such a design. Near the crossing-place was a deep ravine, formed by the projection of two hills, overgrown with thick shrubbery and brown sedge, which afforded every convenience for concealment, wliilst it entirely pre- vented pursuit. Along this route the army had passed in advancing ; through it it would naturally be ex- pected to return ; and here it was believed an ambus- cade would be formed, if any were intended. To guard against this, Jackson determined to take a different route. Accordingly, early in the morning, he secretly despatched a few pioneers to seek another crossing- place below. A convenient one was soon discovered about six hundred yards below the old one ; and thither the general now led his army, having pre- viously formed his front and rear-guards, and his right and left columns, with the sick and wounded in the centre. Before taking up the line of march he issued a general order, pointing out the manner in which the men should be formed in the event of an attack on the front or rear, or on the flanks, and particularly cau- tioning the officers to halt and form accordingly, the instant the alarm gun should be heard. A handsome slope of open woodland led down to the new ford, where, except immediately on the margin of the creek, which was covered with a few reeds, there was nothing to obstruct the view. The front guards and part of the columns had passed without interruption ; the wounded were also over, and the artillery just entering the creek, when the alarm gun was heard in the rear. BATTLE OF EN OTIC HOP CO. 2] 9 The Indians, learning by their spies that the route of the army had been changed, quitted the defile where they had expected to commence the assault, and ad- vancing on the rear guard, attacked a company under the command of Captain Russell. This company, though assailed by a vast multitude, returned the fire, and gradually retired until it reached the rear . guard ; the centre column of which, according to ex- press instructions given, were in such a case to face about and act as the advance; whilst the right and left columns should be turned on their pivots, so as to fall on the flanks and rear of the enemy, and thus ren- der his destruction sure. The right colunm of the rear guard was commanded by Colonel Perkins, the left by Lieutenant-Colonel Stump, and the centre co- lumn by Colonel Carroll. General Jackson w^as in the middle of the creek when the firing and yelling com- menced. Having instructed his aid to form a line for the protection of the wounded, who were but a short distance in advance, and afterwards to turn the left column, he himself proceeded to the right for a similar purpose. But what w^as the astonishment of the ge- neral, who the day before saw these troops fight like veterans, now to behold the right and left columns of the rear guard, after a feeble resistance precipitately give way, bringing with them confusion and dismay, and by their hasty and irregular flight obstructing the passage over which the principal strength of the army was to pass. This shameful retreat was extremely disastrous, and was only prevented from being fatal by the determined bravery of a few. The greater part of the centre column followed the example of the -20 fcNOTICHOPCO. Other two, and precipitated themselves into the creek, leaving not more than twenty-five men, who, being formed by Colonel Carroll, maintained their ground as long as it was possible to maintain it. The artil- lery company, commanded by Lieutenant Armstrong, and composed of young men of the first families, who had volunteered their services at the commencement of the campaign, formed with their muskets before the only piece of ordnance they had, and hastily dragged it from the creek to an eminence from which they could play to advantage. Before they could place it in the desired position, a yell from the savages and a shower of bullets warned them to prepare for their defence. The Indians endeavoured to charjje and take it ; but the young men formed before it with their muskets and resolutely defended it. These yo^mg men, the few who remained with Colonel Car- roll and the gallant Captain Quarles, who soon fell at their head, with Russell's company of spies, the whole numbering not more than one hundred, maintained with the utmost firmness a contest for many minutes against a force at least five times greater than their own, and checked the advance of a foe already greatly inspirited from the consternation his first shock had produced. Every man who there fought seemed to prefer death to flight. The six-pounder was dragged to the top of the eminence, and turned upon the Indians. The rammer and pricker of the gun, having been left in the haste of the moment upon the limber, private Constantino Perkins rammed the cartridge home with the butt of his musket, and private Craven Jackson picked it with BATTLE OF EN OTI C PIO P C O. 221 his ramrod, primed with a musket cartridge, and fired. This drew the fire of the savages upon them ; and be- fore they could again load and fire, the brave Lieuten- ant Armstrong, their commander, fell badly wounded in the groin. By his side fell Captain Hamilton, who having been abandoned by his men at Fort Strother, with his two brothers and his aged father, had attach- ed himself to the artillery company as a private, and in that capacity sho^ved how deserving he was to command by the fidelity with which he obeyed. Ly- ing upon the ground and supposed to be dying, the thouo^hts of the brave Armstrons were still for his country. Unable himself to aid them, he called to his men, " My brave fellows, some may fall ; but you must save the cannon." He was answered with a shout for vengeance ; and as Perkins and Jackson, using their former plan, again fired, many were the warriors that breathed their last. In the meantime. General Jackson and his stafif had been enabled, by great exertions, to restore some- thincj like order. The columns were again formed, and put in motion ; and small detachments had been sent across the creek to support the little band that there maintained their ground. The enemy, perceiving the columns advancing, and being warmly assailed on their left flank by Captain Gordon at the head of his company of spies, who had hastened from the front and re-crossed the creek, were in turn panic-struck, and fled in confusion, leaving their blankets behind them. Detachments were ordered in pursuit, who, in a chase of two miles, destroyed many and dispersed the remainder. 222 ENOTICHOPCO. It was some time before Jackson, though making the greatest exertions, could restore order. In addi- tion to the assistance received from his staff, who were everywhere encouraging the timid and seeking to arrest the flight of the columns, he derived much help from the activity of General Coffee. That offxer, in consequ nee of the severe wound he had received at Emuckfaw, had the day before been carried in a litter. Understanding that an attack was expected, he that morning mounted his horse and aided during the ac- tion v,ith his usual calm and deliberate firmness. To encourage the men. General Jackson, pointing to Ge- neral Coffee, exclaimed, "We'll conquer the enemy; the dead have risen and come to our aid." Not only Coffee, but all the officers of his brigade, who, having been abandoned by their men, had formed themselves into a corps, and followed the army as privates, ren- dered manifest now the value of experience. This was not the moment for fancied rules of etiquette. The very men who, a little time before, would have dis- dained advice, and spurned an order from any but their own commanders, did not scruple now to be regu- lated by those who seemed possessed of the power to extricate them from their danger. The hospital surgeon. Dr. Shelby, the adjutant-general, Sitler, Captain Gordon, and many others, particularly dis- tinffuished themselves in the battle. It is scarcely necessary to remark, however, that, but for General Jackson, everything must have gone to ruin. On him all hopes were rested. In that mo- ment of confusion he was the rallying point, even for the spirits of the brave. Firm and (energetic, and, at EFFECTS OF THE BATTLE. 223 .ht £a.f le time, perfectly self-possessed, his example and />,. authority alike contributed to arrest the flying, and giv'c confidence to those who maintained their ground. Cowards forgot their panic and fronted danger, when they heard his voice and beheld his manner ; and the brave would have formed around his body a rampart with their own. In the midst of showers of balls, of which he seemed unmindful, he was seen performing the duties of subordinate officers, rallying the alarmed, stopping them in their flight, forming his columns, and inspiriting them by his example. An army, suddenly dismayed, was thus rescued from the destruction that lately appeared inevitable. Jackson's whole loss in the several ensraofements on the 22d and 23d of January, was only twenty killed and seventy-five wounded, some of whom, how- ever, afterwards died. The loss of the enemy could not be accurately ascertained : one hundred of their warriors were found dead ; but this must fall conside- rably short of the number really killed. The number of the wounded cannot be conjectured. All the effects designed to be produced by the ex- cursion were now produced. If an attack was medi- tated against Fort Armstrong, it was prevented. A most fortunate diversion was made in favour of Gene- ral Floyd. The number of the enemy was diminished, and the confidence they had derived from the vexatious delays which Jackson was made to experience de- stroyed. Discontent was kept out of his army ; while the troops who would have been exposed to it were beneficially employed. The enemy's country was ex- 14 224 E N T I C II O P C . plored, and a road cut to the point where, it was pro bable, their force would be concentrated when driven from the country below. But, perhaps, the greatest good that resulted from the expedition, was the effect produced on the minds of the people at home, from whom was to be collected a force sufficient to termi- nate the war. The enemy did not again harass the march of the little army. It was continued until the 27th, when they arrived at Fort Strother, full of the confidence which is inspired by success. This success was justly due to the courage, energy, and military talent of General Jackson. To his in- domitable spirit and incorruptible patriotism may be ascribed the final triumph of the American arms, and the subsequent security of the frontiers against savage depredations. If, when the patriotic impulses which originally animated the Tennessee troops gave place to mutinous discontent ; w hen the jealousy of his brother officers frustrated his plans for crushing the hostile force ; when the very executive of the state of Ten- nessee was disposed to abandon the ground w hich had been so galhmtly won at Talladega, and the prospect of starvation stared the little band at Fort Strother in the very face ; if, at these times, the mind of Jackson had succumbed, and his resolution been shaken — who can imagine — who can fix the bounds of the desolation which would inevitably have ensued! But his reso- lution once fixed, could not be moved ; and his firm adherence to the path of duty saved his country, and crowned his manly brow with a wreath of never-fading laurels. VOLUNTEERS DISCHARGED. 22.5 Sliortly after lie returned to Fort Strother, the time 01 service of the sixty-day volunteers being nearly ex- pired, they were dischargel{''^^^ Retreat of the British from Peiisacola on the approach of Jackson. of the principal means of defence rendered its main- tenance by the Americans extremely hazardous. Other reasons combined to induce a change in the designs of the general. ' The Spaniards had been taught a lesson which would probably operate to re- strain them from affording further assistance to the British : and the departure of the latter excited ap- prehensions that they might again return to Fort Bowyer, and make another attack upon that impor- tant, though weakly defended post. Jackson therefore resolved to evacuate Pensacola, and take a position whence he would be able to strike a blow at the enemy, whenever occasion should offer. On the 9th of No- vember, he restored the town and forts to the Spaniards, and took up the line of march for Mobile. The loss 286 PENSACOLA. Landing of Creeks. suffered by tlie American forces in the expedition against Pensacola was astonishingly small. Not a man -svas killed, and but fifteen or twenty wounded. Among the latter were Captain Laval, and Lieutenant Flournoy, who lost one of his legs by the fire of the Spanish battery. Captain Laval was left at Pensacola, where he received every attention from the governor. The hostile Creeks, who had assembled in con- siderable numbers at Pensacola, and who had dis- persed at the appearance of General Jackson, had chiefly taken refuge on board of the British fleet, which conveyed them to the Apalachicola river, where they were landed, and furnished with the means of defence. Jackson, aware of the importance of destroying their strength before they were able to commit any further ravages upon the Americans, sent INTajor Blue, of the thirty-ninth regiment, at the head of one thousand mounted men, to demolish their towns, and effectually PENSACOLA AND TOULON. 287 break their organization. Tiiis service being performed, he was ordered to return to Mobile. To the capture of Pensacola by Jackson, " we find a corresponding measure in the history of his great contemporary in arms, the emperor of the French. At Toulon, Napoleon Buonaparte, who w^as then only a Heutenant of artillery, assumed the authority of act- ing against orders proclaimed by his superiors, and which, in his own language, had he failed ' would have forfeited his head.' Although General Jackson did not disobey orders, as was the fact with Buonaparte, still he entered a neutral town, relying on his know- ledge that Pensacola had forfeited all the ridits of neutrality ; and in this he risked his fame and reputa- tion, if not his life. In the two cases there is a parallel, which shows that a truly great mind is not narrowed down and confined to those limits which the law in all its potency is pleased to circumscribe. There are times when the necessity of the crisis (of \\ hich a commanding general should judge) sweeps away the barriers which the law 1ms established for ordinary life, as though they were but cobwebs in the place of legal fetters ; and there are times, too, when the con- duct of a commander could not be sustained unless he violated the law. The cases of Toulon and Pensacola are in point; and although the responsibility be great, still the stretch of mind and the depth of intellect must fathom it." * * Wright's Eulogy. Jackson in 1815, from a portrait by Sully. CHAPTER XIV. NEW ORLEANS— BATTLE OF THE TWENTY-THIRD OF DECEMBER. HE general peace which had been concluded among the powers of Europe in April, 1814, and which had resulted in consijrninfj Na- poleon to Elba, enabled England to concentrate her whole military and naval power upon our shores. In addition to the warlike movements on our northern and western frontiers, the whole line of our seaboard was invaded at various DESIGNS OF THE BRITISH. 289 point?;, from the Passamaquoddy to the Mississippi. Baltimore was attacked — Havre de Grace was burned — Alexandria was pillaged, and our National Capitol itself was destroyed ! The Senate Chamber and the Hall of Representatives — the President's House and the buildings for the heads of departments — the library of the nation and the records of the government — the works of science and the labours of art — were all in- volved in one general conflagration by the torch of the invading foe ! And the disciplined Vandals of Europe, who had perpetrated these outrages, together with an inmiense swarm ^"om the same hive, by the way of the West Indies, were advancing upon New Orleans, with a watchword that proclaimed to a brutal soldiery that the wealth of the city, and the wives and daughters of its inhabitants, should be given up to the ravaging cupidity and despoiling lust of the victors.* General Jackson was at first uncertain with respect to the operations of the enemy; but he soon saw that the city of New Orleans, from its wealth, its important position, its exposed situation, and the reported disaf- fection of a large part of its population, would be se- lected as the point of attack. Information received by the general during the progress of the operations hi Florida, had represented the West Indian arma ment to be in a state of forwardness which indicated an early movement. As soon, therefore, as he had provided for t!ie security of Mobile, he determined to proceed to the capital of Louisiana. The fact that there was no general officer in the United States ser- * Lewis's Eulogy. 290 NEW ORLEANS. Vice in his district to wliom he could commit the cotiimand of the eastern portion of It, delayed his journey for a time. On the 22d of November, how- ever, Brigadier-General Winchester arrived in the Alabama, and Jackson started for New Orleans. Ge- neral Coffee, and Colonel Hinds of the Mississippi dra- goons, were ordered to proceed to a point near to the city, where they could be ready to march to its defence at the shortest notice. On the 1st of December Gene- ral Jackson arrived in the city, which he found wholly unprepared for defence, and many of its inhabitants, including not a few high in office, disinclined to assist him in his efforts to protect it. Fortunately, in Go- vernor Claiborne, the executive of Louisiana, Jackson possessed a devoted and efficient auxiliary, who imme- diately entered upon his arduous task with a deter- mination that want of success should not be owing to any dereliction on his part. The attention of the general had been directed to the condition of New Orleans ever since his appoint- ment to the command of the military district in wliich it was situated. The difficulties which presented themselves to the successful defence of this important point, would have filled with despair a mind less vigor- ous and self-confident. The principal of these were, the disaffection which was too rife among the popula- tion, the facility of access to the city, and the absence of sufficient forces to defend it. Louisiana, at the time of its purchase by the United States, only three years previously, was peopled almost exclusively by Frenchmen and their descendants. A much smaller number of Spaniards, and a very few of English or DISAFFECTION OF THE INHABITANTS. 291 American descent, completed the number. After it became a member of the American union, the Anglo- American population became more numerous ; bu! at the time of which we speak, they were far inferior in number to the French. Besides the classes we have enumerated, there were very many foreigners of other nations, among whom were numerous subjects of the British crown, whom the desire of gain had drawn thither. But a small portion of the whole number of mhabitants had been born on the soil; and it could scarcely be expected that those whose first breath had been drawn in foreign lands, whose every association was repugnant to American habits, and whose preju- dices were against the peculiar institutions of the country in which they Hved, would be willing to peril their lives m support of them. But the disaffection of many of the inhabitants of Louisiana was not merely a vision of the imagination. Facts which could not be misunderstood came to the knowledge of General Jackson, proving that there were manytn the state who would not only refuse to aid in its de- fence, but would even be willing to aid the enemy that threatened it with all the horrors of a hostile invasion. It was by this class that information was constantly conveyed to the British of the movements, and, as far as was possible, of the intentions of the American general. To prevent this, Jackson at an early period prohibited all communication between Pensacola and New Orleans ; but he was never able to prevent the enemy from receiving accurate intelligence of every event of importance which transpired in the city or camp. 292 NEW ORLEANS. It must not be supposed from these remarks that the French inhabitants of Louisiana refused to respond to the call of the country in the hour of her peril. The great body of that class, which comprised the oldest and wealthiest families in the state, entered warmly into the measures taken by the military and civil au- thorities to preserve the integrity of their territory. On the 15th of September, shortly after the hostile designs of the British government upon Louisiana be- came known, a meeting of the citizens of New Orleans was held, who resolved to support to the extent of their ability the authority of the government, and the honour of the American arms. A committee of safety was appointed to co-operate with and assist the go- vernor in the execution of such measures as might be deemed expedient for the defence of the city. This committee addressed their fellow-citizens in the fol- lowing patriotic strain : " Fellow-Citizens ! Named by a numerous assembly of the citizens of New Orleans to aid the constituted authorities in devising the most certain means of guarding against the dangers which threatened you, our first duty is to apprise you of the extent of those dangers. Your open enemy is attacking you from without, and by means of his vile agents dispersed through the country, endeavours to excite to insurrec- tion a more cruel and dangerous one in the midst of you. "Fellow-Citizens! The most perfect union is neces- sary among all the individuals which compose our community ; all have an equal interest in yielding a full and free obedience to their magistrates and officers, ADDRESS OF THE COMMITTEE. 295 and in forwarding their views for the public good — all have not only their property, but their very existence at stake; you have, through your representatives in the convention, contracted the solemn obli^mtion of becoming an integral part of the United States of America; by this measure you secured your own so- vereignty, and acquired the invaluable blessing of in- dependence. God forbid that we should believe that there are any among us disposed to fail in the sacred duties required by fidelity and honour. A just idea of the geographical situation of your country will con- vince you that your safety, and in a greater degree your prosperity, depends on your being irrevocably and faithfully attached to a union with the other states ; but if there exist among you men base and mad enough to undervalue their duties and their true interest — let them tremble on considering the dreadful evils they will bring down upon themselves and upon us, if by their criminal indifference they favour the enterprises of the enejuy against our beloved country. " Fellow-citizens! The navigation of the Mississippi is as necessary to two millions of our western brethren, as the blood is to the pulsation of the heart — those brave men closely attached to the union, will never suffer, whatever seducing offers may be made to them — they will never suffer the state of Louisiana to be subject to a foreign power; and shoull the events of war enable the enemy to occupy it, they will make every sacrifice to recover a country so necessary to their existence. A war ruinous to you would be the consequence : the enemy to whom you would have had the weakness to yield, would subject you to a military \19Q NEW ORLEANS. dj^potism, of all others the most dreadful; your es- tate.-^, your slaves, your persons would be put in requi- sition, and you would be forced at the point of the bayonet to fight against those very men whom you have voluntarily chosen for fellow-citizens and brethren. Beloved countrymen : listen to the men honoured by vour confidence, and who will endeavour to merit it ; listen to the voice of honour, of duty, and of nature ; unite ! form one body, one soul, and defend to the last extremity your sovereignty, your property — de- fend your own lives, and the dearer existence of your wives and children." Notwithstanding this appeal from some of the oldest and most influential citizens: notwithstanding every exertion of the governor; a large part of the population refused to enter the ranks, or contribute in any way to the defence of the state. Governor Clai- borne, with whom Jackson maintained a constant cor- respondence, saw clearly the extent of the evil, and used all his influence to engage his fellow-citizens on the side of their country. On the 8th of September, previous to the meeting which we have mentioned, he issued a general order, directing the military compa- nies of the city to be mustered for inspection and exercise twice, and those in the country at least once in each week. Having recapitulated the evident indica- tions of an invasion, he exhorted every citizen to be pre- pared and determined at all times and at every hazard to do his duty. The militia were particularly enjoined to look to the condition of their arms, and to provide themselves with ammunition and the necessary camp clothing ; and all were or(l(.>red to communicate to CLAIBORNE'S ORDER. 297 their superior officers every information concerning the movements or designs of foreign or domestic enemies. " The intrigues," proceeded the order, " the means of corruption by wliich in other countries our enemy has so much profited, will doubtless be at- tempted here. But his character is well understood, and it is lioped that his arts will not avail him. In defence of our homes and families there surely will be but one opinion — one sentiment. The American citizen, on contrasting his situation with that of the citizen or subject of any other country on earth, will see abundant cause to be content with his destiny. He must be aware how little he can gain and how much he must lose by a revolution or a change of government." The drafts which were made upon the militia were very scantily supplied ; many individuals refusing to serve after having been drafted. Many Frenchmen, having given their adhesion to Louis XVIII., refused to comply with the requisitions of the governor, and claimed the protection of the French consul. Not- withstanding these defections, however, there still re- mained a number of loyal citizens, who obeyed with alacrity the call of the governor, and enrolled them- selves in military companies. The free men of colour, a numerous class in New Orleans, the greater part of whom were natives of St. Domingo, manifested a warm attachment to their adopted country. Being informed of the favourable dispositions of this class, General Jackson issued a proclamation on the 21st of Septem- ber, calling upon them, as sons of freedom, to defend this, their most inestimable blessing. "As Ameri- 298 NEW ORLEANS. cans,'' he continues, " your country looks with confa- dence to her adopted children for a valorous support, as a faithful return for the advantages enjoyed under her mild and equitable government. As fathers, hus- bands, and brothers, you are summoned to rally round the standard of the eagle, to defend all which is dear in existence." * * * " Due regard will be paid to the feelings of freemen and soldiers. You will not, by being associated with white men in the same corps, be exposed to improper comparisons or unjust sar- casm. As a distinct, independent battalion or regi- ment, pursuing the path of glory, you will, undivided, receive the applause and gratitude of your country- men." A battalion w^as formed pursuant to this pro- clamation, and placed under the command of Major Daquin, a highly respectable citizen of New Orleans. This corps formed an efficient part of General Jack- son's arniy, and distinguished itself highly in the actions of the 23d of December and 8th of January. That the exposed situation of New Orleans may be rendered perfectly intelligible, we will give a short description of the geography of the city and vicinity. New Orleans is built upon a low piece of ground, on the north side of the river Mississippi, about one hun- dred miles fronj its mouths. The course of the river below New Orleans is nearly southeast, flowing through a low country, much of which is swampy and covered with cypress trees. Notwithstanding its distance from the mouth of the river. New Orleans is far from being an inland town, being approached within thirteen miles on the eastward by an arm of the sea called Lake Borgne. This lake is of consi- GEOGRAPHICAL SITUATION. 299 derable extent, but too shallow to permit the entrance of large vessels. To the northwest of Lake Borgne, and communicating with it, is Lake Pontchartniin, which extends some distance beyond the city. These lakes are connected by a narrow passage about four miles long, called the Chef-Menteur. The narrowest part of this passage was defended by the fort of Pe- tites Coquilles. Near the western extremity of Lake Borgne it is joined by a small river, called the Bayou Bienvenu, which drains the basin immediately below the city. This bayou communicated with a canal passing through the plantation of Major.-General Vil- lere to the Mississippi. Stretching from the entrance of Lake Borgne to the opening of Mobile bay, is a chain of small islands. I'he westernmost of these is called Cat Island. Ship Island, Dog Island, the Isle a Corne, and Dauphine Island, arc the principal in the chain. The latter is situated near the mouth of Mo- bile bay, and was the rendezvous of the British after the campaign against New Orleans. The geographical situation of the city thus offered two avenues for the approach of an enemy : the river Mississippi, and the lakes Borgne and Pontchartrain. For the defence of the river a fort had been erected by the French at the Balize ; but it had long since fallen into ruins. At the Detour Plaquen)incs, sixty miles below the city, was a work called Fort St. Philip, which was wholly insufficient for the defence of the stream ; but which might with little labour be rendered almost impassable to a hostile armament. On the right bank of the river, opposite Fort St. Philip, there had formerly been a fortification named Fort Bourbon ; 300 NEW ORLEANS, but it also was in ruins. Before the departure of General Jackson from Mobile, ho had directed Colonel Hayne, the inspector-general, to ascertain the state of the river defences, and where effectual resistance could be made. The colonel reported that the re-es- tablishment of the post at the Balize would be useless, as it would not command the river sufficiently to pre- vent the passage of an enemy's fleet ; but that Fort St. Philip afforded every facility for defence. It was situated in a bend of the river, commanding the chan- nel for a considerable distance below. The turn of the stream forms a point of land below the fort, on the opposite side, which being covered with timber, would mask an approaching vessel. This wood was ordered to be cut down, that the fire of the fort might rancje across the point. At the site of Fort Bourbon a bat- tery was conmienced which would place an ascending force between two fires. Other batteries were to be constructed on the same side as St. Philip, but consi- derably above ; and by these different works the river would be commanded for nearly two miles. Should a hostile force succeed in passing Fort St. Philip, it was believed that it could be stopped at the English turn, about twelve miles below the city. The bend of the river here was even greater than at Plaquemines, and was also strongly fortified. Unfortunately, the defences of the other great ave- nue of approach were far less adequate to the purpose for which they were required. The passage between the lakes Borgne and Pontchartrain was, as has been stated, defended by a battery at Petites Coquilles: and it was supposed to be sufficiently strong to repel JACKSON'S MILITARY FORCE. 301 any attack which could be made upon it. But the entrance to Lake Borgne, impassable indeed to large vessels, but readily accessible to those of light draught, was secured only by five gun-boats. This force, how- ever, was supposed to be capable of repulsing an at- tack by boats, in which alone the enemy would be able to reach them. To render the approach by Lake Borgne more difficult, numerous parties of militia were sent out to cut down trees, and throw them across the small bayous which might afford a landing-place, and to obstruct as much as possible, every channel by which the enemy might reach the land. It was gene- rally expected that they would attempt to reach the city by the Mississippi river ; but if they should take the other route, the general believed that the defences were sufficiently strong to keep them at bay. But by far the greatest difficulty which presented itself to the American general w as the want of suffi- cient military force. The army w hich he had brought from Mobile consisted only of Coffee's Tennessee volunteers, Hinds' company of cavalry, and the 7th and 44th regiments, amounting to about fifteen hun- dred men. The city volunteers added three hundred, and the battalion of men of colour, two hundred; making a total, with the troops in garrison at Fort St. Phihp, of only two thousand five hundred men. This force all saw^ to be wholly incompetent to the defence of a city so exposed against a veteran army of many times its number, aided by the powerful naval force which the British had assembled in the West Indies for this expedition. To remedy the deficiency, General Jackson made every effort, in which he was nobly 302 NEW ORLEANS. seconded by the executives of Kentucky, Tennessee, and Louisiana. By a circular letter of the secretary of war, dated July 4th, 1814, directing the governors of the several states to hold in readiness their quotas of an army of ninety-three thousand five hundred men, Kentucky was directed to raise five thousand five hundred, Tennessee two thousand five hundred, and Louisiana one thousand. On the Gth of August, in pursuance of this letter. Governor Claiborne of Louisiana issued a general order, apportioning the quota assigned to the state between the two divisions of militia; and he subsequently exerted himself ac- tively to fill the ranks. The number required, how- ever, was never obtained ; the whole number of Lou- isianians in the army of General Jackson being less than nine hundred. The venerable and patriotic Shelby, governor of Kentucky, responded to the orders of the secretary, and the urgent requests of Jackson, by immediately organizing his quota of men, under the command of Major-General Thomas. The quarter-master's de- partment being unable to furnish the supplies necessary for the men, several private individuals contributed from their own property sufficient funds to enable the detachment to commence its progress down the Ohio river. Unfortunately, the most strenuous endeavours could not obtain arms sufficient for the division. Owing to the drain caused by the northern campaigns, firearms of all descriptions were exceedingly scarce in Kentucky; and many of the men were obliged to pro- ceed without arms, in the hope that they would be able to procure them on their arrival at the camp. TENNESSEE TROOPS. 3 0.3 Embarkation of the Tennessee troops. Major-Geneml Carroll, whose gallantry we have before had occasion to notice, was appointed to the command of the force to be drawn from Tennessee. On the 19th of December, his division rendezvoused at Nashville ; and on the 27th, the last of them em- barked for New Orleans. On the voyage down the Mississippi, Carroll seized every opportunity to instruct his men in military evolutions, and render them fa- miliar with the manoeuvres of the field. In this man- ner, they improved considerably in military knowledge, and became used to concert of action. They were still, however, far from being equal to the veteran sol- diers which the enemy was about to bring against them. On the day of his arrival at New Orleans, General 304 NEW ORLEANS. Jackson descending Ihe Mississippi to exumme llie rorliUcaiious Jackson reviewed the city battalion of volunteer com* paniesj whose good appearance and skill in military evolutions gave him great satisfaction. His appear- ance re-aniinated the spirits of the patriotic citizens, who had begun to despair of success. The fame of his victories in the west had reached their ears, and his known firmness and acknowledged military skill filled them with hope and confidence. The effect of this change was seen in the increased activity with which the warlike preparations were carried on, the accessions to the ranks of the militia and volunteers, and the cheerful air which every countenance wore after his arrival, lie immediately entered upon the THE CITY FORTIFIED. 305 Fortifying of New Orleans. arduous task of preparing to meet an enemy whose force was known to be greatly superior, and whose troops were flushed with recent victory over the bravest soldiers of Europe. Two days after reach- ing the city, he proceeded down the Mississippi, to examine in person the fortifications upon which its defence depended. He ordered several additional pieces of cannon to be mounted in Fort St. Philip, and directed that the batteries by which it was to be flanked should be immediately constructed. Having taken the necessary measures for executing his plans, he returned to New Orleans on the 9th of December, and proceeded at once on a similar tour of in.-pection to the lakes. Having ordered the erection of a bat- tery at the confluence of the river Chef-Menteur and 19 306 NEW ORLEANS. the Bayou Sauvage, he returned to the city. He communicated to the governor the measures he had taken for the defence of the river, and invited the co-operation of the members of the legislature, to complete the fortifications as soon as possible. For this purpose he suggested that the planters should furnish negro labourers, without compensation : the security of their slaves depending entirely upon the success of the defenders of the country. Pursuant to this recommendation, the legislature authorized Go- vernor Claiborne to call into the public service the negroes of the parishes of Plaquemines, St. Bernard, St. Charles, and St. John Baptist, and to employ them upon the fortifications of the river. The naval forces stationed at New Orleans, con- sisting of six gun-boats and several small vessels, were commanded by Commodore Daniel T. Patterson. Five gun-boats and two tenders were stationed upon the lakes, under the command of Lieutenant Thomas Ap-Catesby Jones. Early in December Commodore Patterson received an anonymous communication, dated at Pensacola, December 5th, informing him of the presence of a large British fleet, numbering about eighty vessels, oflf that port ; and stating that a much greater number were momentarily expected. On the arrival of the remainder of the armament, oifensive operations were to be commenced immediately against New Orleans. On receiving this intelligence. Lieu- tenant Jones was ordered to reconnoitre the enemy, and retreat at his approach to the Kigolets, where he was to defend himself to the last extremity. The lieutenant detached gun-boats Nos. 23 and 1G3, com- REC Snnoissances. 307 British fleet nfl" Pensacola. mandcd by Lieutenant M'Keever and Sailing-Master Ulrick, to Dauphine Island. On the 9th of December these officers discovered two of the enemy's vessels at sea, steering westward towards the entrance of Lake Borgne. The gun-boats immediately made sail, and kept on the same course as the enemy, under shelter of the island, until nightfall. The enemy's vessels having anchored, the gun-boats rejoined the flotilla. Apprehending a night attack, the vessels were kept under sail all night. When day broke, a numerous fleet was seen at anchor between Cat and Ship islands. The flotilla then proceeded to the pass Mariana, where it anchored. The following day was occupied in putting the gun-boats in the best condition for defence ; and on the 12th the enemy were reconnoitred from the eastern extremity of Cat Island. The hostile force was discovered to be considerably increased since its first appearance ; and on the 13th Lieutenant Jones 308 NEW ORLEANS. deemed it prudent to retire to the bay of St. Louis. At ten A. M., a larj^e flotilla of barijes was discovered making for the pass Christiana. This was supposed to be a debarkation of troops ; but the barges con- tinuing tlieir course to the westward after jjainins: the pass Christiana, Lieutenant Jones was convinced that they intended to attack him. He attempted to make sail ; but found the depth of water, owing to the long continuance of westerly winds, and the lo^^ness of the tide, insufficient to float a part of his squadron. After great exertions, the tide having begun to rise, he suc- ceeded in getting under weigh, and made sail for Petites Coquilles. At a quarter before four P. M. the enemy sent seven barges to cut out the Seahorse, which had been sent into the bay of St. Louis to remove some' public stores deposited there. The barges \verc repulsed with loss : but Mr. Johnson, who commanded the Sea- horse, knowing his inability to defend her against the whole force of the enemy, and prevented by them from rejoining the gun-boats, blew up his vessel, and set fire to the public property on shore. The gun-boats proceeded until one A. M. on the 14th, when the wind died away, and they were obliged to anchor in the western extremity of the passage behind Malheureux Island. The dawn of day disclosed the enemy at an- chor about nine miles distant. They soon advanced towards the gun-boats, which were prevented by the perfect calm and a strong counter current from re- treating. Unable to avoid an action. Lieutenant Jones made his dispositions very judiciously. The vessels G U N - B O A T ACTION. 309 Blowing up of the Seahorse. were anchored by the stern, with springs upon their cables, in a hne across the passage. Having captured the tender Alhgator, with one four-pounder and eight men, the enemy continued to advance until they were just out of gun-shot, when they came to, for a short time, to allow their men to get their breakfasts. At half-past ten, they again came on. Unfortunately, gun-boats 156 and 163 had been forced from their anchorage by the current, and drifted one hundred and fifty yards in advance of the line. The squadron fired upon the enemy as they advanced, and at ten minutes before eleven they re- turned the fire from their whole line. The contest now became spirited and obstinate. Repeated attempts were made to board No. 156, which were as often beaten ofl", until Lieutenant Jones being severely wounded, and nearly all his crew disabled, at ten minutes past twelve, superior numbers prevailed, and 310 NEW ORLEANS. the British succeeded in gaining her deck. Her guns were immediately turned upon the remaining vessels, which were carried, but not till many of the enemy's boats Avere sunk, and a great number of officers and men killed and wounded. At twenty minutes before one P. M., the battle ended by the surrender of No. 23. The conduct of the Americans in this engagement well deserved the high commendation which the nation lavished upon the brave men who composed their force. Against an immense superiority of numbers and force, unable to manoeuvre their vessels, and exposed to a severe fire, they maintained the contest for more than two hours, and only surrendered when the enemy had gained their decks, and overpowered them by numbers. The whole number of guns in the five American ves- sels was 23, and of men one hundred and eighty-three. The British force consisted of twelve hundred men, in forty-five boats, mounting 43 pieces of cannon. They lost several boats sunk, and at least three hundred men, including many officers, killed or wounded ,• while the American loss in men was but six killed and thirty- five wounded. Lieutenants Jones, M'Keever and Pedder, and Sailing-Master Parker, were all severely wounded before their flags were struck. When the intelligence of the capture of the gun- boats was communicated to General Jackson, it caused him to feel great anxiety for the safety of Mobile. The importance of this post as the key to the Indian territory was very great, and Jackson had done all that his circumstances allowed to secure it against any attack of the British. Upon the gun-boats he COMMODORE PATTERSON. 311 had relied principally for the protection of the channels by which the rear of Fort Bowyer might be gained ; and their loss, and the consequent increase of the available force of the enemy, caused much chagrin. He immediately informed General Winchester, at Mobile, of the event, and ordered him to defend Mo- bile Point at all hazards ; impressing upon his mind, at the same time, the immense injury which would accrue to the American arms by its loss. Commodore Patterson, after officially informing the governor of the loss of the squadron, requested the legislature to take some steps to procure a suffi- cient number of sailors to man the vessels upon the river, intended for the defence of New Orleans. In compliance with his request, a law was passed by which six thousand dollars was appropriated for the purpose of giving bounties to sailors, to enlist in the United States service. In this manner, and by laying a temporary embargo upon the vessels in port, a suf- ficient number of seamen were obtained to man the ship Louisiana, and the schooner Carolina, which af- terwards did great service. On the 15th, perceiving that the British would pro- bably succeed in landing, having entire command of Lake Borgne, General Jackson sent expresses to Ge- nerals Coffee, Carroll, and Thomas, to hasten their approach. General Coffee, who had been previously ordered to take a station whence he might without delay reach New Orleans, had advanced to Sandy Creek, near Baton Rouge. lie arrived there, after a tedious and difficult march, about the 8th of December. Jackson ordered him to repair immediately to New 312 NEW ORLEANS. Orleans. On the 18th, the New Orleans and Louisiana volunteers and militia, who had been regularly mus- tered into the service of the United States, were re- viewed by the general, on . their respective parades. He addressed each corps in language calculated to arouse all their ardour and patriotism, and to fill them with a wish to meet the enemy. " FelloAv-citizens and soldiers !" said he to the mi- litia, " the general commanding in chief would not do justice to the noble ardour that has animated you in the hour of danger, he would not do justice to his own feelings, if he suffered the example you have shown to pass without public notice. Inhabitants of an opulent commercial town, you have by a spontaneous effort shaken off the habits which are created by wealth, and shown that you are resolved to deserve the bless- ings of fortune by bravely defending them. Long strangers to the perils of war, you have embodied yourselves to face them with the cool countenance of veterans — and with motives of disunion that might operate on weak minds, you have forgotten the dif- ferences of language and prejudice of national pride, and united with a cordiality that does honour to your understandings as well as to your patriotism. . " Natives of the United States ! They are the op- pressors of your infant political existence with whom you are to contend — they arc the men your fathers fought and conquered whom you are now to oppose. Descendants of Frenchmen! Natives of France! They are English ; the hereditary, the eternal enemies of your ancient country, the invaders of that you have adopted, who are your foes. Spaniards ! Remember ADTMIKSS TO THE TROOPS. 315 the conduct of your allies at St. Sebastian, and re- cently at Pcnsacola, and rejoice that you have an opportunity of avenging the brutal injuries iiiilicted by men ^vho dishonour the human race. Louisiariinns ! Your general rejoices to witness the spirit that ani- mates you, not only for your honour, but your safety ; for whatever had been your conduct or wishes, his duty would have led, and did lead him to confound the citizen unmindful of his rights, with the enemy he ceases to oppose. Commanding men who know their rights and are determined to defend them, he salutes you as brethren in arms, and has now a new motive to exert all his fliculties, which shall be strained to the utmost in your defence. Continue with the energy you have begun, and he promises you not only safety, but victory over an insolent foe, who has insulted you by an affected doubt of your attachment to the con- stitution of your country. Your enemy is near ; his sails already cover the lakes : but the brave are united ; and if he find us contendinor anions ourselves, it will be for the prize of valour, and fame, its noblest reward." The battalion of men of colour he addressed thus : "Soldiers: From the shores of Mobile I collected you to arms ; I invited you to share in the perils, and to divide the glory of your white countrymen. I ex- pected, much from you ; for I was not uninformed of those qualities which must render you so formidable to an invading foe. I knew that you could endure hunger and thirst, and all the hardships of war. I knew that you loved the land of your nativity ; and that, like ourselves, you had to defend all that is most 316 NEW ORLEANS. dear to man — but you surpass my hopes. I have found in you, united to those qualities, that noble en- thusiasm which impels to great deeds." The moments were precious. Since his arrival in New Orleans, Jackson had not failed to make the most of his time. Never was a more wonderful ac- tivity displayed ; and never, within so short a period, was order seen to succeed to confusion, confidence to despondency. The resources which incapacity never finds — because it neither knows how to seek them where they already exist, nor to draw them forth where they may lie latent — discovered and created by the combined power of genius and perseverance, rose from all sides at the bidding of the will which sum- moned them. The Tennessee militia under General Carroll, the mounted riflemen commanded by General Coffee, both generals of militia, had at last arrived. The latter came in a single march from Baton Rouge to within two leagues of New Orleans, a distance of thirty leagues ! These troops had made the campaign against the Creeks, and had driven out the English from Pensacola. They were volunteers — men of family and substance. Patriotism had led them to the iicld ; honour alone kept them there ; for no law had summoned them. Jackson left them encamped only a few miles from the city. He did not wish these de- tachments to be counted ; it was a part of his policy to exaggerate his forces, to deceive the spies, and to impose upon the enemy. Besides, he did not wish, before the battles, to exhibit to a population accus- tomed to see no other soldiers than those equipped in military costume, these warriors of the west, with THE HABEAS CORPUS. 317 their strange accoutrements and their peculiar, disci- pline, suitable to their fashion of warfare, but so little in accordance with the regularity of permanent troops. Without, however, collecting his forces together, Jackson took care to distribute them in such a manner as to be readily able to bring them in a single mass upon New Orleans ; and to attack the enemy with his whole assembled force immediately on his disem- barkation. The Legislature of the state were at this time in session. In order to prevent communications with the enemy, and the protection of spies and traitors, with whom the country was filled, Jackson applied to them to grant a suspension of the habeas corpus act. After an animated discussion, the proposition was rejected. This determination to leave undisturbed this popular remedy, so noble in itself, but susceptible of so dangerous a use in the hands of feeble or disaf- fected magistrates, disturbed General Jackson. He looked on the presence of a deliberative assembly in a besieged city as dangerous ; especially when that as- sembly had not been elected with a special charge to meet the crisis now existing or anticipated. It weakens the energy of power by dividing it. If events should take an unfavourable direction, it would serve as a means of action to the evil-disposed. The dema- gogues of disorder would make use of it as a pedestal on which to raise themselves, and to scatter from a higher elevation over the people at large the puerile alarms which agitated them. While, if the issue hung long in suspense, it would harass itself with the tor- ture of an inactive expectation. Envy would take PslS NEW ORLEANS. possession of little minds, which would be annoyed to find no longer fixed on them the attention which the nation always extends to him who fights, in preference to him Avho merely speaks in its cause. Besides, the more manly portion of that assembly had felt the ridi- cule of the part they were there made to play. The more generous spirits were unwilling to remain in seats of inglorious security, v.hile Jackson was hold- ing open the li>;ts to all who felt their hearts thrill to the sound of arms. Several senators, musket in hand, had taken their places in the ranks as privates ; others, who had served in Europe, took the command of the guns, or posts of inferior service in artillery. Such a division be tween the men of action and their col- leagues could not but degrade the latter in the opinion of the public. Besides, this same legislature had be- fore, at a moment of <\\pected danger, supported the militia who refused to defend their country at the call of General Flournoy ; and now refusing to suspend the writ of habeas corpus, General Jackson, fearing that they might defeat the means which he saw neces- sary to the defence of the state and city, suspended their councils, on the IGth of December, by declaring the city and environs of New Orleans under martial law. Every person entering the city was required imme- diately to report himself to the adjutant-general ; and on failing to do so, he was arrested and held for ex- amination. None were to depart from it, or be suf- fered to pass beyond the chain of sentinels, but by permission from the commanding general, or one of the staff. Nor was any vessel or craft to be permitted MARTIAL LAW DECLARED. 321 to sail on the river or the lakes, but by the same authority, or a passport signed by the commander of the naval forces. The lamps were to be extinguished at nine o'clock at night ; after which time, all persons found in the streets or from their respective homes, without permission in writing, signed as above, were to be arrested as spies, and detained for examination. At a crisis so important, and from a persuasion that the country in its menaced situation could not be saved by the exercise of any ordinary powers, he be- lieved it best to adopt a course which would be effi- cient, even if it partially endangered the rights and privileges of the citizen. He proclaimed martial law, believing that necessity and policy required it, " under a solemn conviction that the country committed to his care could by such a measure alone be saved from utter ruin, and from a religious belief that he was per- forming the most important and sacred duty. By it he intended to supersede such civil powers as in their operation interfered with those he was obliged to ex- ercise. He thought that at such a moment constitu- tional forms should be suspended for the preservation of constitutional rights ; and that there could be no question whether it were better to depart for a mo- ment from the enjoyment of our dearest privileges, or have them wrested from us for ever. " In thus placing the defence of this measure upon the highest law of nature and of nations — that of over- ruling necessity in self-preservation, he stood upon nnpregnaye ground, so far as principle was involved, whatever differences of opinion may exist with regard to the application of the principle, or the existence of 302 NEW OR LEA MS. the dire necessity of resorting to a measure so ex traordinary."* A few days after the declaration of martial law, " Judge Hall, by a writ of habeas corpus, undertook to interfere with a military arrest. Jackson forthwith ordered the intermeddling judge beyond his camp. On the return of peace the judge also returned, and resumed his judicial functions, summoning the general to appear and answer for this alleged contempt. Jackson appeared ; and his counsel, when they would have argued his defence, were silenced by the judge, who proceeded to impose upon the general a fine of one thousand dollars. This act was most deeply re- sented by the people of New Orleans, who filled the court, and whose enthusiasm for the saviour of their city knew no bounds. But General Jackson restrained and rebuked their fervour, declaring his cheerful sub- mission to the law, and giving them to understand that the same arm which had saved the city should be raised, if needful, to protect the court. The citizens, indignant at this act of judicial revenge, were never- theless withheld from violence."! " The ladies of New Orleans raised the money to discharritish commander \Nould in- fer, frowi the prompt Jind ready manner in which his proposal had boon met, that such additional troops wen; already thrown over as would be fully adeqnnu> to the pur[)()ses of attack, and greatly to endanger, ^\ not wholly cut off, Colonel Thornton's retreat. Gen- JACKSON GRANTS AN ARMISTICE. 391 eral Lambert's construction was such as liad been anticipated. Although the armistice contained a re- quest that it should be immediately signed and returned, it was neglected to be acted upon until the next day; and Thornton and his command were in the mean time, under cover of the night, recrossed, and the ground they had occupied left to be peaceably pos- sessed by the original holders. The opportunity thus afforded of regaining a position on which, in a great degree, depended the safety of those upon the opposite shore, was accepted with an avidity its importance merited, and immediate measures were taken to in- crease its strength, and prepare it against any future attack that mifjlit be made. Early the next morning (January 9th), General Lambert returned his accei)tance of what had been proposed, with an apology for having failed to reply sooner; and an armistice was concluded, to continue until two o'clock in the afternoon. The dead and wounded were then removed from the field, which, for three hundred yards in front of Jackson's line, they almost literally covered. The American soldiers within the line of demarcation between the two camps delivered over to the British, who were not permitted to cross it, the dead for burial, and the wounded on parole, for which it was stipulated an equal number of American prisoners should be restored. There is one fact told, which clearly shows the opinion entertained by the British of the American militia, and the little fear they had of any determined opposition from them. When repulsed by them, the British officers were fully persuaded that the informa- 392 NEW ORLEANS. Burying the dead tion given them by the deserter on the night of the 6th was false ; and that instead of pointing out the ground defended by the mihtia, he had referred them to the place occupied by the best troops. Enraged at what they believed to be an intentional deception, they called their informant before them to account for the mischief he had done. It was in vain he ur\ aved over his country, where the clarion of war had long assailed the ears of his countrymen, he never re- mitted his exertions to secure, in time of peace, by effi- cient regulations and necessary establishments, the rights and blessings which he had defended by the sword."* Accordingly, in the early part of the year 1816, he repaired to New Orleans, in order so to station the few troops under his command as completely to defend the southern border of his district from the inroads of savages, and the depredations of whites. It would be useless to attempt to describe the enthusiasm with which he was welcomed back to New Orleans. He was entering a city which he had saved from total de- struction, and he was received by men whose lives he had defended, by fathers who owed to him the existence of their children, by the wealthy whose property he had preserved, and by wives and daughters whose honour he had protected. No wonder, then, that the whole population strove each to excel his neighbour in warmth and hospitality. His reception was equal to that accorded to Washington on his first tour after the revolution, and that of La Fayette, when he returned to visit the land in whose defence he had so materially aided. But General Jackson was not on a tour of * Civil and Military History of Jackson. 25 414- T H E ? E :^.r I X O L E W A U . -•Ms I i I i I Jucktwii's vi^it ti) Al-w Orieaiis. pleasure. He had duties to perform. The suffering health of the soldiery called for his care, and the di- vision of the south vras threatened by the Seminole Indians in Florida, aided again by the Spanish au- thorities. He was aware that the only way to restrain their barbarity, or to puni^^h them when the offence rt'as committed, was to station a suitable force on their borders, under the command of an intelligent and tried officer. The troops were accord in ir prin- cipal village of Mickasuky, tlioy had erected a high * Monroe's seen nd Anninl M.-s:sTii[e. INDIAN DEPREDATIONS. 421 pole, on which to hang the scalps of murdered Ameri- can citizens, and painted it red, to denote their thirst for the blood of the whites. Such were the tools which NichoUs, and a few other designing white men, found ready prepared for their hands. These hostile companies were encouraged by the Spanish authorities, who represented their government as their protector, and the Americans as their ene- mies, having no wish but to seize their lands and ex- terminate their race. These garrisons, and the British traders, purchased whatever plunder the In- dians could take from the people of Georgia and Ala- bama, and gave them, in exchange for it, weapons, powder and ball. As early as September, 1812, the Seminole Indians and negroes, instigated by the Governor of St. Augus- tine, attacked the defenceless settlers on the St. John's and St. Mary's rivers ; on the St. John's, they killed and scalped eight or ten persons ; and on the Georgia side of the St. Mary's, they killed and scalped one, and M'ounded two more. In the same month, an attack was made upon Captain Williams, who, with a non- commissioned officer and nineteen men, was escorting some provision wagons through the state of Georgia. They were assailed by a party of Indians and negroes, to the number of fifty or sixty ; who killed the two ofl^icers, wounded six men, captured the wagons and carried them to St. Augustine. Thus they continued to make depredations upon the people of the United States, until the arrival of Nicholls and Woodbine, when their operations began to assume more form, 422 THE SEMINOLE WAR. and they afterwards evinced the presence of an active and thinking leader. The correspondence of Colonel Nicholls with Colonel Hawkins, shows that he did not view the peace con- cluded between the United States and Great Britain, as putting an end to his operations at his fort, or to his negotiations with the Indians against the United States. In his letter of the 12th of May, 1815, to Colonel Hawkins — a letter that would disgrace a Vandal — he exults in the security of his position — pre- scribes limits to the people of the United States — and threatens with instant death every one who shall ven- ture to transgress them. In this letter he says: — " I have ordered the Indians to stand on the defensive, and have sent them a large supply of arms and am- munition; and told them to put to death, without mercy, any one molesting them. They have con- sented to wait your answer before they take revenge. But, sir, they are impatient for it, well armed as the whole nation now is, and stored with ammunition and provisions, having a strong hold to retire to, in case of a superior force appearing. " I am also desired to say to you, by the chiefs, that they do not find that your citizens are evacuating their lands, according to the ninth article of the treaty of peace; but that they were fresh provisioning the forts. They also request me to inform you, that they have signed a treaty of offensive and defensive allia.nce with Great Britain, as well as one of commerce and navifration; which, as soon as ratified at home, you shall be made more fully acquainted with." Nicholls having established his government, begins CONDITION OF FLORIDA. 423 Francis Hillishago. to think of foreign alliances. He assumes the diplo- matist — is converted into a minister plenipotentiary of both parties — makes, in behalf of his subjects, a treaty, offensive and defensive, and a treaty of com- merce and navigation with Great Britain, and proceeds to England to obtain their ratification. Francis Hil- hshago, one of the principal chiefs of the Seminoles, accompanied him ; and in the meantime his people were left to themselves ; who commanded or governed them is not distinctly known, until the unfortunate Ambrister and Arbuthnot, the one an Englishman and the other a Scotchman, succeeded to the government. It is, however, well known that these desperadoes were not inactive ; that the unfortunate inhabitants of the frontiers of Georiria and Alaban^a felt the full 424 THE SEMINOLE WAR. weight of the vengeance threatened by Nicholls, and that the Spanish officers beheld with perfect com- posure these atrocities committed within their own jurisdiction. So far from putting a stop to them, the governor of Pensacola encouraged, and endeavoured to protect them. Early in 1816, General Jackson wrote to him, complaining of this nuisance. The governor, in his answer, dated May 26th, 1816, pre- tended to deprecate its existence, and to regret his want of authority and means to break it up ; promised to write for orders, but hoped that the United States would not violate the neutrality of Spain by attempting to suppress it themselves. After waitinof two months, and the governor of Pen- sacola still manifesting no symptoms of suppressing the establishment, Colonel Clinch, with a detachment of United States troops, and five hundred friendly Indians, under the command of M'Intosh, were despatched with orders to reduce the negro fort on the Apala- chicola. On the approach of their enemy, Nicholls and Woodbine, who had returned from England, exacted an oath from those in the fort, that they would not suf- fer on American to approach alive; and then giving it up to them, retired and secured their own safety. To supply Colonel Clinch's forces with munitions and provisions for the siege, two schooners from New Orleans proceeded up the Apalachicola, under convoy of two gun-boats, on the 10th of July, 1816. When near the fort, a watering party of seven men, from the schooners, was surj)rised by an ambuscade of negroes and Indians ; five were killed, one escaped, and one was captured, tarred and feathered, and burnt at the DESTRUCTION OF THE NEGRO FORT. 425 Stake. The gun-boats, having but a twelve-pounder and twenty-five men each, were deemed insufficient by Colonel Clinch to attack the fort, which was defended by about four hundred negroes and Indians, and for- tified with twelve pieces of artillery. Their com- mander, consequently, was cautioned against attempt- ing any offensive operations. Not deterred by this, he warped up sufficiently near to reach it, and commenced firing hot shot. One of the shot entered the principal magazine, and the fort was blown up. The destruction was complete ; two hundred and seventy of the enemy were killed ; most of the remainder were badly wounded, and only three of the whole number escaped unhurt. An immense quantity of arms and munitions of war, designed for supplying the Indians and negroes with the means of annoying the frontier settlers, fell into the hands of the conquerors ; and two chiefs, who had di- rected the torture of the captured prisoner, were given over to the tender mercies of M'Intosh's Indians. Thus was one of these hordes of savages broken up.* In East Florida, the war was not so easily ended. This region was under the immediate command of General Gaines, who, on the 30th of October, 1817, received a letter from the war department, which, after directing him to call a detachment of the Georgia militia into service, states " that the assurance of an additional force, the president flatters himself, will at least have the effect of restraining the Seminoles from conamitting further depredations, and perhaps of in- ducing them to make reparation for the murders w hich * Moore's Indian Wars. 426 THE SEMINOLE WAR. they have committed ; should they, however, persevere in their refusal to make such reparation, it is the wish of the president that you should not, on that account^ pass the line, and make an attack upon them within the limits of Florida, until you shall have received further instructions from this department. You are authorized to remove the Indians still remaining on the lands ceded by the treaty made by General Jackson with the Creeks." The assurance of an additional force did not re- strain the Indians from committing further depreda- tions, and they manifested no disposition to make the reparation alluded to by the secretary of war. In the fall of 1817, while her husband was absent attend- ing to the business of his farm, the Indians attacked the dwelling-house of Mrs. Garrett, and no resistance being offered, they murdered and scalped her and one of her children, while the youngest, a mere infant, was dashed to pieces on the door-post. Towards the end of November, a war-party of Seminolcs captured an American, and conveyed him immediatel} to Mickasuky, their principal village, where it appears Francis Ilillishago and his family dwelt. " The American, whose name was M' Krimmon, was ordered to be immediately burned to death. The stake was prepared, M'Krimmon, with his head shaved, was bound to it, and Avood was piled up about him. When the Indians had finished their dance, and a fire was about to be kindled, a daughter of the chief, named Milly, who had witnessed the preparations with a sad countenance, flew to her father, Ilillishago, and upon her knees, begged that he would spare the priso- RHSCUE OF M'KRIMMON. 427 Ucscue of M'Kriiuinciii. ners life ; and it was not until, like the celebrated Pocahontas, she shoAved a determination to perish with him, that her father consented to prolong his life for the present. It was still his intention, if he could not sell the victim for a certain sum, to have carried his foiTiier purpose into effect; but on ofTerinT him to the Spaniards at St. Mark's, the demanded ransom, seven and a half gallons of rum, was paid for him, and he was transferred to the Spaniards, and afterwards liberated by the Americans at the capture of St. Mark's. " After Ilillishago fell into the hands of the Ameri- cans and was hanged, his family, consisting of a wife and several daughters, surrendered themselves to the Americans at St. Mark's. The youngest daughter, Milly, about fourteen years of age, was treated with great attention by all the ofTicers, for having saved 428 THE SEMINOLE WAR. tlie life of M'Krimmon. She was said to have been very handsome. When M'Krimnion heard of her being among the captives, he went and offered him- self to her as her husband. She would not, however, receive him, until satisfied that he was prompted to offer himself from other motives than a sense of the supposed obligation of his life having been saved by her."* The instructions from the war department, dated October 30th, 1817, did not reach General Gaines until the middle of November, when he immediately issued his orders for the removal of the Creeks still remaining in the ceded territory. He sent an officer to Foultown, an Indian settlement a few miles below Fort Scott, to summon its chief, Hornotlimed or IIo- mattlemico, to repair to the fort and answer for his conduct in not quitting the territory. The Indian re- turned a haughty refusal, either to appear at the fort or to quit the territory. Major Twiggs being de- spatched on the next day, with two hundred and fifty men, to bring the chiefs and warriors to Fort Scott, was attacked by the Indians ; but he repulsed and put them to flight, after killing four warriors, and wound- ing a few more. Four days after, the same officer was sent to destroy the town, which he found deserted. Fort Scott was situated on tlie Flint river, near its junction with the Chattahoochee. Being in want of pro- visions and military stores. General Gaines ordered a supply from Mobile. Accordingly, Major Muhlenburg sailed with three vessels for the fort, but when he * Drake's Book of the Indians. SURnil.'rK OF LIEUTENANT SCOTT. 4:39 reached the mouth of the Apalachicola, he was de- tained by contrary winds, and the sickness of his crew. There were also on board of his vessels, volunteers for the several forts, with their wives and children. On the 30th of November, a party of forty men, under Lieutenant Scott, was sent down the river to their as- sistance. The boat reached the vessels in safety, and Muhlenburg transferred twenty of the men to his ves- sels to aid him in working them up the river; and their places being filled by the sick, together with seven women and four children, Scott started to return to the fort. At the mouth of Flint river, the boat was attacked by an ambuscade of Indians under the direc- tion of Hornotlimed, and all were killed, except six sol- diers, w^ho escaped to the opposite shore by swimming, and one woman, who was carried off a prisoner. Four little children were taken by the legs and their brains dashed out against the side of the boat. The scalps of the killed were taken to the Mickasuky village, and added to the trophies on the red pole of the Indians. The vessels, retarded by the current and northerly winds, and constantly assailed by strong parties of In- dians, w^ere in the greatest peril, when another boat, secured by bulwarks, w^as sent down to their aid. With this assistance, and a favom-able change of wind, the vessels at last reached Fort Scott. Before the news of the massacre of Lieutenant Scott and his party reached Washington, the secre- tary^ of war had despatched three other orders to Gen- eral Games. The first of these, dated December 2d, 1817, remarks: "The state of our negotiations with Spain, and the temper manifested by the principal Eu- 26 um THE SEMINOLE WAR. \1' V . i\',<»t^ Indians attacking Lieutenant Scott's party. ropean poAvers, make it impolitic, in the opinion of the president, to move a force at this time into the Span- ish possessions,ybr the mere purpose of chastising the Seminoles for depredations which liave heretofore been conniiitted by them." By the second, bearing date the 9th of J )ecember. General Gaines was instructed, that GAINES ENTERS FLORIDA. 431 should the Indians appear in force on the Spanish side of the line, and persevere in committing hostilities within the limits of the United States, he was to exer- cise sound discretion as to the propriety of crossing the line, for the purpose of attacking them and breaking up their towns. The third, dated December 16th, fur- ther instructed him, that " should the Seminole Indians still refuse to make reparation for their outrages and depredations on the citizens of the United States, it is the wish of the president that you consider yourself at liberty to march across the Florida line, and to attack them within its limits, should it be found necessary, unless they should shelter themselves under a Spanish fort. In the last event, you will immediately notify this department." In obedience to this last order. General Gaines entered Florida, and proceeded to- wards Amelia Island, where a considerable number of the enemy were reported to have established themselves. On receiving intelligence of the destruction of Lieu- tenant Scott and his party, the president determined on taking more vigorous measures against the hostile Seminoles. The time had arrived when it was abso- lutely necessary for the United States to exert their power to put an end to the war. The safety of the people, the supreme, irrevocable law of all nations, de- manded that this savage war, carried on by hostile Indians and negroes, and excited by foreign emissaries, who had identified themselves with the savages, be terminated. Accordingly, on the 26th of December, the secretary of war addressed a letter to Major-Gen- eral Jackson, then at his residence in Nashville, order- ing him to repair, with as little delay as possible, to 432 THE SEMINOLE WAR. Fort Scott, and assume the immediate command of the forces in that quarter of tlie southern division. After statinfj the number of regulars on whom he could rely to be eight hundred, and that General Gaines had estimated the strength of the enemy to be twenty-seven hundred, he was directed, if, in his opinion, the troops of the United States were too few in number to beat the enemy, to call upon the executives of the adjacent states for additional forces ; and to adopt the neces- sary measures to terminate a conflict which it hnd ever been the desire of the president, from conside- rations of humanity, to have avoided, but which was now made necessary by the continued hostility of the Indians. The orders previously given to General Gaines were enclosed, as the rules by which his con- duct was to- be governed. These orders were received by General Jackson on the 12th of January, 1818. General Gaines had called upon the executive of Georgia for a reinforcement of militia ; but the miser- able system of temporary drafting had been adopted ; a thousand men had been enlisted for three months ; but the delays incident to the movements of militia, and the want of seasonable supplies, had so consumed the time, that their term of service expired before they could be brouglit into active service, and a second detachment of a thousand men was ordered out to sup- ply their places. The practice of provisioning troops by contract, instead of aconmiissariat, which had been adopted as a matter of economy since the commencement of the war in 1812, we have already seen attended with great injury to the troops under General Jackson, in SUBSISTENCE OF THE ARMY. 433 the prosecution of the Creek war. It was equally in- jurious to the active services required in the south. The rise in the price of provisions, and the unforeseen difficulties attending their transportation, caused a loss to tile contractor ; one of his principal agents failed ; the provisions were not furnished; the troops were put on short allowance ; and Fort Scott was on the point of heing abandoned, on account of actual star- vation. The sound views of General Jackson on this subject are worthy of notice, as coming from one who experienced all the evils of the system, and who perfectly understood its operation. He remarks, " The mode of provisioning an army by contract is not adapted to the prompt and efficient movement of troops. It may answer in time of peace, where a fail- ure or delay cannot produce any serious ill conse- quences ; but where active operations are necessary, and success dependent on prompt and quick move- ments, no dependence is to be placed on the contractor. His views are purely mercenary ; and where the sup- plies will not insure a profit, he hesitates not on a failure, never regarding how far it may defeat the best-advised plans of the commander-in-chief. Expe- rience has confirmed me in this opinion, and the recent failure has prompted me again to express it." Knowing thus the dependence to be placed on militia and army contractors, General Jackson deter- mined rather than trust to the latter, " to subsist on the enemy;" and that he might not be disap- pointed in the call which he made upon the governor of Georgia for militia, he resolved to carry" with him his old fellow-soldiers, the Tennessee volunteers. He 434 THE SEMINOLE WAR. accordingly, lost no time, but immediately issued the following address, exhorting them to resume their armour : — " Volunteers of Tennessee ! — Once more, after a repose of three years, you are summoned to the field. Your country having again need for your services, has appealed to your patriotism, and you have met it promptly. The cheerfulness with which you have appeared to encounter the hardships and perils of a winter's campaign, affords the highest evidence of what may be expected of you, in the hour of conflict and trial. " The savages on your borders, unwilling to be at peace, have once more raised the tomahawk to shed the blood of our citizens, and already they are as- sembled in considerable force, to carry their murderous schemes into execution. Not contented with the liberal policy that has from time to time been shown them, but yielding themselves victims to foreign seducers, they vainly think to assail and conquer the country that protects them. Stupid mortals ! They have foro-otten too soon the streams of blood their ill-fated policy heretofore cost them. They have forgotten too, that but a short time since, conquered, and almost destroyed, they were only preserved by the mildness and humanity of that country which they now oppose. They must now be taught, that however benevolent and humane that country is, she yet has sacred rights to protect, and will not permit with impunity the butchery of her peaceable and unoffending citiz.ens. *' Brave volunteers ! — The enemy you are going to contend with, you have heretofore met and fought. THE TENNESSEE VOLUNTEERS. 435 jfou have once done it, and can again conquer them. You go not to fight, but to be victorious ; remember, then, that the way to prove successful, is not by being inattentive to the first duties of a soldier, but by bear- ing and executing with cheerfubiess the orders of su- periors, and being constantly mindful of the obligations you are under to your country and to yourselves. Subordination and attention to discipline are all-im- portant and indispensable ; w ithout them, nothing like system can be preserved, and this being wanted, no- thing favourable can result. But in you every con- fidence is reposed. Your general will not believe that brave men, who have so promptly come forth at the caL of their country, will withhold their assent to regu- lations w hich can alone insure them safety and success. Hardships and dangers are incident to war; but brave men w ill bear them without murmuring or complaining Knowing you to be such, no fears are entertained but that every duty imposed on you, will be met with promptness and cheerfulness. " Your general goes before you to open the way, and prepare for your reception. Confiding in your di- ligence and exertions, he will expect your arrival at your destined point, without unnecessary delay — led by Colonel Arthur P. Hayne, an officer in whom he has every confidence. This being eflfected, he will place himself at your head, and with you share the dangers and hardships of the campaign." Like the war-horse at the sound of the trumpet, the brave volunteers of Tennessee no sooner heard the voice of their beloved general and companion,- calling upon them to follow him, than they bounded to meet 436 THE SEMINOLE WAR. To Arms ! him. At the appointed time, the required number repaired to the rendezvous at Fayetteville, and under the command of Colonel Hayne, inspector-general of the department of the south, took up the hne of march for Fort Scott, by the way of Fort Gaines. On the IGth of January, 1818, the secretary of war wrote to General Gaines, informing him that the honour of the United States required that the v.ar with the Seminolcs should be terminated speedily, and with exemplary punishment for hostilities so un- provoked ; and that orders "svcre issued, directing the war to be carried on within the limits of Florida, should it be necessary to its speedy and cfifectual termination. These orders, it was presumed, he had received. That as soon as it was kno^vn that he had repaired to ■■' I'l ' ^ i f li \m^ JACKSON TAKES THE COMMAND. 439 Amelia Island, in obedience to them, and it being un- certain how long he might be detained there, the state of thinfTs at Fort Scott made it necessary to order General Jackson to take conmiand there. From his known promptitude, it was presumable that his arrival might be soon expected. A letter from the secretary of war to General Jackson, dated January 29th, 1818, acknowledged the receipt of letters from him of the 12th and 13th of that month ; and states that the measures he had taken to bring an efficient force into the field were approved ; and it concluded by expressing a confident hope that a speedy and successful termination of the Indian war would follow his exertions. General Jackson left Nashville on the 22d of Jan- uary, 1818, and, having made arrangements with Colonel Gibson, his quartermaster-general, for for- warding provisions from New Orleans, he proceeded rapidly towards the seat of war. On the 10th of Feb- ruary, he arrived at Fort Hawkins, and on the 14th, at Hartford in Georgia, where he used every exertion to hasten the movements of the militia called out by the governor. At Fort Early, on the 26th, he put himself at the head of the Georgia militia, who mus- tered nine hundred bayonets, and some friendly Creeks. With this brigade, he reached Fort Scott on the 9th of March, and the next morning assumed the chief command. He found the troops at the fort in a starving condition, with only one quart of corn to each man, and a few lean cattle. Having brave'y deter- mined to subsist on the enemy until the arrival of pro- visions from New Orleans, he immediately ordered the 440 THE SEMINOLE WAR. cattle to be slaughtered, the provisions distributed to the troops, and the line of march to be taken up at noon. Here he received a letter from the secretary of war, dated February 6th, informing him of the entire ap- probation of the president of all the measures he had adopted to terminate the war ; and stating that the honour of the army, as well as the interest of the country, required that it should be terminated as soon as practicable. He was also instructed to restore peace on such conditions as would make it honourable and permanent. He crossed the Flint river on the 10th of March, and advanced with his aiTny towards the mouth of the Apalachicola. On the 16th, he arrived at Prospect Bluff, the site of the Indian and negro fort which had been blown up by the fire of the American gun-boats, in the month of July, 1817. This Jackson ordered to be rebuilt, designing to use it as a depot for the provisons expected from New Orleans. He called it Fort Gadsden, in honour of one of his aids. General Gaines joined him on his march to Fort Gadsden. It was the design of General Jackson to provision his posts on the Florida border, by shipping the pro- visions from New Orleans, and distributing them to the different posts, by means of the rivers which, passing through Florida, communicate with the Gulf of Mexico. This, he well knew, could not be done against the will of the Spanish authorities, without violating the rights of that nation. . Fort Crawford being situated on the head waters of the Escambia river, which commu- nicates with the gulf, by the Bay of Pensacola, and JACKSON IN FLORIDA. 441 Rebuilding of Fori GaciMieii. cannot be entered without passing the fortress of Bar- rancas, he Avrote to the governor of West Florida, saying, that he would send his provisions for Fort Crawford by that way, and that any interruption in their passage, would be considered as an act of hos- tility ajrainst the United States. The (rovernor de- manded duties on the stores, but permitted the vessels containing them to sail past without attempting to in- terrupt them. Having completed the necessary arrangements at Fort Gadsden, General Jackson started from that place, on the 26th of March, for the purpose of driving the enemy from the Mickasuky villages. Whon he had nearly reached these villages, on the 1st of April, he 412 THE SEMINOLE WAR. was joined by the main body of the Tennessee volun- teers, who, having heard of the starving condition of the garrisons stationed at Forts Gaines and Scott, had taken a circuitous route through Georgia, to obtain subsistence. As he approached the principal village, his advanced guard had a smart conflict with a party of Indians, who fled as soon as the main body ap- proached. When the army entered the towns, they were found deserted by their inhabitants. The wigwams were burned, the adjacent country reconnoitred, and an abundant supply of corn and cattle obtained. In the council-house of the principal village, Jackson found more than fifty fresh scalps, and in the centre of the town, the okl Red-stick standard stood crowned with the scalps, recognised by the hair as those torn from the heads of the unfortunate companions of Lieu- tenant Scott. Hearing that a body of five hundred negroes and Indians had approached St. Mark's, and having been refused admittance, had demanded its surrender ; and knowing the duplicity of Luengo, the governor, who now pretended friendship for the Americans, while a short time before he had, to the best of his ability, aided and protected their enemies — knoAving these things. General Jackson left jM'Intosh with his war- riors to scour the country in the neighbourhood of the Mickasuky village, and hastened to prevent the surrender of the strong post of St. Mark's to the ene- mies of the United States. From the moment that the Negro-Indian fort was destroyed, St. Mark's had become the depot and storehouse of the savages. There their councils were held, there they sold their CAPTURE OF ST. MARK'S. 445 bloody trophies, torn from murdered Americans, and there they received the instruments and means of future murders. Luengo was the adviser, aider, and protector of the savages, and the friend and coadjutor of Alexander Arbuthnot, a noted instigator of the Indians to hostility. When Jackson appears on the scene, Luengo changes his tone ; he declares that he had acted in this way only from policy ; and now, from an associate of the Indians, he becomes the friend of the Americans, and evinces a sycophancy which every brave man cannot but despise. He concludes a letter to General Jackson in these words, "May God preserve your excellency, is my prayer. I kiss your excellency's hand, and am your most faithful and obedient servant."* St. Mark's was now threatened by the hostile In- dians and negroes, and the Spanish garrison was unable to defend it against them. It was therefore necessary to occupy it with an American garrison, to prevent it from falling into the hands of the Seminoles, who, uncontrolled by Spain, might issue forth at any time, murder the citizens of the United States, and, when closely pursued, fall back upon St. Mark's, their strong hold. Accordingly, General Jackson marched to St. Mark's, took possession of it without the least resistance, and shipped the Spanish authorities and garrison to Pensacola. It was near St. Mark's that Alexander Arbuthnot was captured. He was a Scotchman by birth, his ostensible occupation that of a trader. He was known * See the Speech of Mr. Holmes of Massachusetts, in Congress, January, 1819. 146 THE SEMINOLE VV A R to be encaged in an extensive commercial intercourse with the Indians and negroes of East Florida. He sold them arms and ammunition. It was reported to General Jackson that he was the successor of Nicholls ; that, knowing of the treaty of Fort Jackson, of the 9th of August, 1814, he had pretended to the Indians that they were not bound by it, but were relieved by the treaty of Ghent ; that he had called for succours from the British government ; that he was the asso- ciate and confidant of the commandant of St. Mark's ; and that he had long furnished the Indians with the weapons of destruction. It was also reported that he had a store at the Suwanee villages, and was the owner of a small schooner, by means of which he im- ported lead and powder from the Bahamas. Consi- dering these grounds sufficient for suspicion. General Jackson put him in close confinement, until he could get an opportunity to inquire further in the matter. It was here also that two of the principal hostile chiefs were captured. Captain M'Keever, who had brought supplies from New Orleans, had been ordered to cruise near the mouth of the river St. Mark's, at the head of Apalachee bay, in order to intercept any Indians who might endeavour to escape in that direc- tion. By hoisting a British flag, M'Keever succeeded in decoying on board two of the hostile chiefs. One of them, Hornotlimed, was the chief who had com- manded at the inhuman murder of Lieutenant Scott and Iiis party. A deed more brutal and savage can- not be found in the annals of Indian warfare. He was hung, not as an enemy, but as a base murderer, marked with every cruelty, and stained with the blood AMBRISTER TAKEN. 447 of women and children. The other chief, Francis Hillishago, was also hung. It was he who was the principal instigator of this war. It was he who went to England with Nicholls, where he had received large presents from the king's stores ; but of these he was chiefly defrauded afterwards by the notorious Wood- bine, who it seems accompanied him in his travels. He was also presented with the commission of a brig- adier general, for his services in the British cause during the American war ; so that in executing him, General Jackson did not merely hang an Indian, but a British officer also. Leaving a small jxarrison at St. Mark's, General Jackson, on the 9th of April, marched for the Suwanee villages, which lay about one hundred and seven miles to the eastward of St. Mark's. On the 10th, he was rejoined by the friendly Indians under M'Intosh, and overtaken by the rear of the volunteers from Tennessee. On the 16th, as he approached the towns, a party of six mounted Indians was discovered. They immedi- ately fled to the towns and gave the alarm. Jackson arrived there at sunset. The Indians at first made a show of resistance, but fled after eleven of them had been killed. Two prisoners were taken. The next day the villages were destroyed ; a considerable quan- tity of corn and cattle secured, and the adjacent coun- try traversed in pursuit of the enemy. Arbuthnot's schooner was captured at the mouth of the Suwanee river, and employed in transporting the sick and bag- gage of the army to St. Mark's. On the 18th, Robert C. Ambrister, late a lieutenant of marines in the Bri- 27 448 7"IIE SEMINOLE WAR tish service under Nicholls, was captured in the neigh- bourhood of the villages. Ambrister was accused of leading and inciting the Indians to make war on the Americans, and was detained a close prisoner until the general found an opportunity to examine the evidence on which this accusation rested. Jackson now thought that he had completely sub- dued the Indians. He saw their forces divided and scattered, and deemed his presence in that part of the country no longer necessary. He accordingly discharged the Georgia militia and M'Intosh's Indians ; and on the 21st of April, with the regular troops and Tennessee volunteers, commenced his return to St. Mark's, where he arrived on the evening of the 25th, having performed a march of one hundred and seven miles in five days, through the swamps and wilder- nesses of East Florida. On the next day he convened a special court for the purpose of investigating the charges exhibited against Alexander Arbutlmot and Robert C. Ambrister; with instructions to record all the documents and testimony in the several cases, and give their opinion as to the guilt or innocence of the prisoners, and what punish- ment (if any) should be inflicted. This court of inquiry was composed of Major-General Gaines) pre- sident, three colonels, three lieutenant-colonels), four majors, two captains, and a lieutenant, M'ho was ap- pointed recorder. This court continued in session until the night of the 28th, during which time they elicited the following facts with reference to the prisoners. In .June, 1817, Arbuthnot had obtained a power of TRIAL OF ARBUTHNOT. 451 attorney from twelve Seminole cliiefs, in very general terms, authorizing him to act in the affairs of their na- tion as he tliought proper. He had represented to the Red-sticks, or fugitive Creeks, and induced them to believe, that they would be supported by the British government in a Avar with the United States for the recovery of their lands. He had written to the British ministry, to their ambassador at Washington, and to the governor-general of the Bahamas, soliciting assist- ance for this object. In his capacity of trader, he had sold the Indians powder and ball, which might be applied to the purposes of war as well as of hunting. He had induced the Indians to make prisoners of Hambly and Doyle, two Spaniards settled on the Apa- lachicola, friendly to the Americans, by representing that they were instrumental in bringing upon them the forces of the United States. \Yhile the army was on its march from Mickasuky to St. Mark's, Arbuthnot, being at the latter place, wrote a letter to his son, ad- vising him of its approach, and that it was probably destined for Suwanee ; and directing him to take the measures necessary to secure his property ; to give information to the inhabitants, and advise them, by no means, to attempt to fight the Americans, but to save themselves by an immediate flight.* It was Arbuth- not who endeavoured to instil into the minds of the Indians, hatred and hostilities towards the Americans ; it was he who poured the secret poison of discontent into their minds ; it was he who awakened the sleep- ing tiger, and let him loose against American citizens, * Perkins. 452 THE SEMIXOLE WAR. with all his native ferocity whetted by exasperation ; it was he who sharpened with new keenness the edge of the tomahawk ; it was he who used the deluded savages as the instrument of his wicked pui*poses, as the man who stabs a fellow-being to the heart makes use of the poniard. Robert C. Ambrister had formerly borne a lieuten- ant's commission in the British service, under Nicholls and Woodbine, and had remained in the Floridas as a kind of successor and agent to them. He had re- sided a considerable time at Suwanee, and pursued the same general system of measures in relation to the negroes and Indians as Arbuthnot had done ; though not to the same extent, or in concert with him. When the alarm was given of the approach of the American troops, he put himself at the head of what Indians and negroes he could rally, broke open Ar- buthnot's store, and distributed its contents, among which were some powder and ball, to his followers, and attempted to organize a party to go out and fight the Americans.* The court of inquiry found Arbuthnot guilty of exciting and stirring up the Creek Indians to war against the United States and her citizens, lie being a subject of Great Britain, with whom the United States were at peace ; and of aiding, abetting, and comforting the enemy, and supplying them with the means of war. They accordingly sentenced him to be suspended by the neck until he was dead. They also found Ambrister guilty of aiding, abet- * Pprkina. ARBUTIINOT AND a:\IBRISTER EXECUTED. 453 ting, and comforting the enemy, and supplying them vvitii the means of war, he being a subject of Great Britain, who were at peace with the United States, and late an officer in the British colonial marines ; and also of leading and commanding the lower Creek Indians, in carrying on a war against the United States. They therefore sentenced him to suffer death, by being shot. The members of the court requested a recon- sideration of the vote on this sentence ; and it being had, they sentenced him to receive fifty stripes on the bare back, and to be confined with a ball and chain, at hard labom*, for twelve months. It is to be remembered that this not being a court- martial, had no authority to pronounce sentence on the prisoners ; but as a special court or a court of inquiry to inquire into the circumstances of the case, and ad- vise the commanding general, in such cases as he might require their opinion. Accordingly, General Jackson approved the sentence of the court with re- gard to Alexander Arbuthnot, and he was hung on the 29th of April. He also approved the first sentence of the court in the case of Robert C. Ambrister, and dis- approved its reconsideration. In passing final sen- tence upon Ambrister, the general remarked : — "It ap- pears from the evidence and pleading of the prisoner, that he, being a subject of Great Britain, did lead and command withm the territory of Spain, the Indians, in a war against the United States, those nations being at peace. It is an established principle of the law of nations, that any individual of a nation making war against the citizens of any other nation, they being at peace, forfeits his allegiance, and becomes an outlaw 454 THE SEMINOLE WAR. and pirate. This is the case of Robert C. Ambrister, clearly shown by the evidence adduced." He was ac- cordingly shot on the same day that Arbuthnot was executed. The trial of these men by a court, and the rejection of its sentence as to Ambrister, by General Jackson, were much complained of at the time of their occur- rence; but, in the minds of all thinking men, the justice of their execution cannot admit of a doubt. " They were volunteers in the service of a lawless tribe of sa- vages, whose mode of warfare is an indiscriminate massacre of all ages and sexes. It is right, it is mer- ciful, to inflict on these savages those cruelties which they practise and inculcate. In this, however, it is proper to select the most atrocious and vindictive. To spare the effusion of the blood even of savages, and to eflfect that security which arises from eminent ex- amples, it is prudent and wise to select those men as objects of retaliation and punishment, who are the most active and successful in practising and inflicting cru- elties. Who, then, could have been selected as ex- amples, with more justice and policy, than these two foreigners, who had been taught in the school of hu- manity, and understood the distresses which their con- duct would inflict ? The general had a right to exe- cute them without trial. This right is an executive right, and rests in the commanding general. The gen- eral had power to execute them without trial, and there was no good reason why they should be tried, except the necessity of ascertaining whether they were in fact concerned in provoking and prosecuting hos- tilities. Accordingly, a special court was appointed to RETURN TO FORT GADSDEN. 455 ascertain this fact. He asked their opinion ^ith re- spect to the sentence uhich should be passed, but he did not delegate to them his absolute right of passing the judgment and sentence which the facts justified. The truth was found by the court, and upon this it was his duty to decide."* The correctness of this decision in the case of Arbuthnot has never been dis- puted ; while, with respect to Ambrister, it is but neces- sary to remember, that he was a subject of Great Bri- tain, owing temporary allegiance to the king of Spain, but not to Bowlegs or Hillishago, and that by aiding savages to carry on war against the United States, he violated the British treaty, the Spanish treaty, the law of nature, the law of nations, and the laws of war, and justly suffered death. These proceedings of General Jackson were justi- fied by the congress of the United States and the parliament of Great Britain. The Spanish govern- ment complained, but were silenced by the arguments of Mr. Adams, then secretary of state. On the 29th of April, General Jackson returned to Fort Gadsden. There he received intelliirence that some of the fugitive Seminoles had escaped to West Florida, and were collecting in great numbers in the neighbourhood of Pensacola ,• and there he de- termined on the punishment of all the aiders and abettors of the Indians in the war. On the 5th of May he wrote to the secretary of war, from Fort Gadsden, and gave him a detailed account of his ope- rations in the war, and also informed him of the exe- *See the Speech of Mr. Holmes in the House of Representatives, January, 1819. 156 THE SEMINOLE WAR. John Quincy Adams. cution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister. In this despatch, he says, " I hope the execution of these two unprinci- pled villains will prove an awful example to the world, and convince the governmcnit of Great Britain, as well as her subjects, that certain, if slow, retribution awaits those unchristian wretches, who, by false promises, delude and excite an Indian tribe to all the horrid deeds of savage war. Previous to my leaving Fort Gadsden, I had occasion to address a communication •JACKSON'S DESPATCH. 457 to the governor of Pensacola, on the subject of per- mitting supplies to pass up the Escambia river to Fort Crawford. This letter, with another from St. Mark's, on the subject of some United States' clothing, shipped in a vessel in the employ of the Spanish government to that post, I now enclose, with his reply. The governor of Pensacola's refusal to my demand, cannot but be viewed as a hostile feeling on his part, particu- larly in connexion w ith some circumstances, reported to me from the most unquestionable authority. It has been stated, that the Indians at war with the United States, have free access into Pensacola ; that they are kept advised, from that quarter, of all our movements ; that they are supplied from thence with ammunition and munitions of war ; and that they are now collecting in a body to the amount of four or five hundred warriors, in that town; that inroads from thence have been lately made on the Alabama, in one of which eighteen settlers fell by the tomahawk. These statements compel me to make a movement to the west of the Apalachicola ; and, should they prove correct, Pensacola must be occupied by an American force, and the governor treated according to his deserts. or as policy may dictate. I shall leave strong garri- sons in Forts St. Mark's, Gadsden, and Scott, and in Pensacola, should it be necessary to possess it. It becomes my duty to state it as my confirmed opinion, that so long as Spain has not the power or will to enforce the treaties by which she is solemnly bound to preserve the Indians within her territory at peace with the United States, no security can be given to our southern frontier, without occupying a cordon of 458 THE SEMINOLE WAR. posts along the shore. The moment the American army retires from Florida, the war-hatchet will be again raised, and the same scenes of indiscriminate massacre, with which our frontier settlers have been visited, will be repeated, so long as the Indians within the territory of Spain are exposed to the delusion of false prophets and the poison of foreign intrigue ; so long as they can receive ammunition and munitions of war from pretended traders and Spanish command- ants, it will be impossible to restrain their outrages. The burning of their towns, and destroying of their stock and provisions, will produce but temporary em- barrassments. Resupplied by Spanish authorities, they may concentrate and disperse at will, and keep up a lasting and predatory warfare against the United States, as expensive to our government as harassing to our troops. The savages therefore must be made dependent on us, and cannot be kept at peace without being persuaded of the certainty of chastisement being inflicted on the commission of the first oflence. I trust, therefore, that the measures which have been pursued will meet with the approbation of the president of the United States ; they have been adopted in pur- suance of your instructions, and under a firm convic- tion that they alone were calculated to secure peace and security to the Georgia frontier." On the lOtli of May, General .Tackson, having left strong garrisons in Forts St. Mark's, Scott, and Gads- den, crossed the Apalachicola river about forty miles above the latter fort, and on the 22d arrived at the Escambia, a short distance above Pensacola, with twelve hundred men. He notified the governor of his OCCUPATION OF FLORIDA. MO approach, who, in answer, ordered liim to retire from Florida ; and if he did not, that he would use force to repel him. The governor of Pensacola did not apply force to prevent Nicholls from occupying his town ; he did not use force to prevent Indians and negroes, hos- tile to the United States, from entering Pensacola. The general, hearing that some hostile Indians had received provisions in Pensacola, and had escaped across the bay, disregarded the remonstrance of the Spanish governor, and determined to take the town. His obligations to the United States compelled him to do so. Spain was expressly obliged, by treaty, to re- strain by force the Indians within her territory from committing hostilities against the United States. The Spanish officers commanding in Florida, did not re- strain the Indians from war, but aided and abetted them in it ; it then became the duty of Spain to have displaced and superseded those officers, and to have confided to others the command of Florida, who would have preserved the neutral character of that territory. Spain did not displace or supersede them. In order, therefore, to prevent the perpetration of future atroci- ties by Indians, negroes, and foreign emissaries and impostors, it became necessary to occupy St. Marks, Pensacola, and the Barrancas, with detachments of troops from the United States, who would defend these fortresses, not from the lawful authority of Sj)ain, but from unlawful seizure and occupation by enemies of the United States, consisting of Indians, negrops, and the villains from other countries, who were stimulating these savages to every species of barbarous warfare on our exposed frontier. 460 THE SEMINOLE WAR. On the 24th, he entered the city and took posses- sion of it without resistance, the governor and all the military force having retired to the Barrancas on his ap- proach. " The next day the Barrancas was invested, and, after a bombardment, which continued till the evening of the 27th, was surrendered to the United States. The Spanish authorities were shipped to Havana, and the government of the United States ex- tended over the captured posts, until they should be restored by the proper authority to Spain. General Jackson then scom-ed the whole territory in search of the fugitives, and having made every ne- cessary arrangement for the security of the settlers, discharged his Tennessee volunteers, left General Gaines in command, and returned to the Hermitage near Nashville. Three months afterwards, St. Augus- tine, the only remaining Spanish fortress in Florida, was captured by General Gaines, in obedience to General Jackson's orders, and the whole province was thus brought into the military possession of the United States. Thus the Seminole war ended in the conquest of Florida. ^ The war being over and the Indians dispersed, the president of the United States convened his cabinet council, and proposed for their consideration the following questions : — " 1. Shall Pensacola be retained, risking all conse- quences at home and abroad ? " 2. Shall the captured Spanish posts be restored, and General Jackson put on his trial before a court- martial, for a breach of orders and unofficerlike conduct ? JACKSON VISITS WASHINGTON. 46] "3. Shall the posts be restored and the acts of General Jackson disavowed, at the same time justifying the motive V The council decided that the posts should be re- stored, requiring of the Spanish government that they should be garrisoned by a force sufficient to enable them to fulfil the stipulations of the treaty of 1795, and that General Jackson should not be tried by a court-martial. In pursuance of this advice Pensacola and the Barrancas were immediately restored, and St. Mark's ordered to be given up, whenever a Spanish force, apparently competent to its defence, should appear to take possession.* In thus advising the president, his council merely followed the suggestion of General Jackson, who, in a letter to the secretary of war, dated June 2d, 1818, said : "The Seminole war may now be considered as at a close ; tranquillity is again restored to the south- ern frontier of the United States : and as lono; as a cordon of military posts is maintained along the Gulf of Mexico, America has nothing to apprehend from either foreign or Indian hostilities. The immutable principles of self-defence justified the occupancy of the Floridas, and the same principles will warrant the American government in holding it, until such time as Spain can guaranty, by an adequate military force, the maintaining of her authority within the colony." Shortly after the return of General Jackson to Nashville, he resigned his commission in the army. He visited Washington in January, 1819, while Con- * Perkins. 462 THE SEMINOLE WAR. gress was in session, and wliile his transactions in Florida were being examined by that body. Soon after the assembling of Confjress, in De- cember, 1818, the president had communicated to them all the papers relating to the Seminole war. They were referred to committees in each house. The committee in the Senate consisted of five members, three of whom made a report, towards the close of the session, censuring the conduct of the general, while the other two presented a minority report, justifying him in all that he had done. The lateness of the pe- riod at which the report was made, prevented the action of the Senate upon it. In the House of Repre- sentatives the papers were submitted to the military committee, consisting of seven members. Of this committee, four agreed to report a resolution of cen- sure to the House, while the other three presented a statement approving the general's conduct, and con- cluding with a declaration that he deserved the thanks o of his country. After a long and exciting debate on the resolutions offered by the committee, the resolu- tions of censure were rejected, the report of the com- mittee disagreed too, and the general's conduct ap- proved by a vote of one hundred and seven to sixty- three. His course was also sustained by the president, and by a majority of his council. That part of it re- lating to the execution of Arbuthnot and Anibrister, was acknowledged to be right by the British Parlia- ment. The Spanish government complained ; but the answer of Mr. Adams, the secretary of state, fully convinced that power of the justice of the course pur- END OF THE SEMINOLE WAR. 4(33 sued by Jackson. He sustained his opinion on the ground that, by the treaty of 1795, Spain had ex- pressly stipulated to restrain by force, if necessary, the Indians within the limits of her territories from committing acts of hostility against the citizens of the United States. He then produced a series of undis- puted facts, which clearly proved that the Spanish au- thorities in Florida, so far from regarding this stipu- lation, had instigated and encouraged the Indians and negroes within their limits to the most barbarous acts of murder and rapine ; had furnished them with the means of annoyance, and protected foreign miscreants in aidinjT the savages in their work of destruction. This, Mr. Adams claimed, was a full justification to the Spanish government for every measure which the United States had adopted in relation to the Floridas, and would warrant any further reprisals which the safety of the citizens of the latter country might require ; and the secretary concluded with demanding satis- faction for the heavy expenses incurred in prosecuting the Seminole war, and the exemplary punishment of the Spanish officers under whose authority these events had taken place. Arbuthnot and Ambrister being foreign emissaries, and the principal instigators of the massacres committed by the savages, their being put to death by an American officer, Mr. Adams contended, furnished no ground of complaint on the part of Spain, though done within her jurisdiction.* When the congressional investigation had, as we have seen, terminated favourably to General Jackson, * Perkins. 28 464 THE SEMINOLE WAR. he visited the cities of Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York, before his return to Tennessee. Through- out the whole of this journey he was everywhere re- ceived by the people with enthusiastic acclamations, and many other marks of popular feeling, and a nation's gratitude, were conferred upon him. CHAPTER XVII. JACKSON AT THE HERMITAGE. \ MFi nation being at peace \vitli all 'lie world ; the Indian tribes having l/cen reduced to submission ; peace and tranquillity reigning throughout lI.o land, General Jackp«^n gladly- retired again to the Hermitage, to eno-afj-e in his favourite rural occu- pntions, and enjoy the society of his -wife and belovc ' 466 JACKSON AT THE HERMITAGE. relatives. For several years he there lived a life of uninterrupted quiet and domestic happiness. He loved his wife with a romantic attachment, of which none but a few persons of his enthusiastic character are susceptible. Such were the fascinating powers of his conversation, such the cheerfulness of his fijeside, and the warmth of his heart, that, though he was but a citizen, his house was the most public one in Ten- nessee. But his quiet and repose were soon destined to be disturbed. Though he desired not the emoluments of office, yet, in a country like the United States, it was impossible for one who had evinced the sterling qualities which adorned Jackson, to remain long in retirement.* In March, 1821, Florida having been ceded by Spain to the United States, he was appointed its governor by President Monroe, and he proceeded to the discharge of the important and delicate duties, which consequently devolved upon him. The accept- ance of this appointment placed him in a situation of more than ordinary civil responsibility. Clothed with undefined powers, he was entrusted with the entire executive, military, and judicial administration of that region. In this new station, however, as in every other, he manifested no unwillingness to " assume the responsibility." The very difficulty and danger of the situation had its influence in impelling him to accept it. In a letter written during his residence in Florida, he speaks in this manner of the powers entrusted to * Cartwrijibt and Irvin's Eulogies. APPOINTED GOVERNOR OF FLORIDA. 467 him. " I am clothed with powers which no one under a republic ought to possess, and which I trust will never again be given to any man. Nothing will give me more happiness than to learn that Congress, in its wisdom, shall have distributed them properly, and in such a manner as is consonant to our earliest and deepest impressions. Yet, as I hold these powers by the authority of an act of Congress, it becomes my duty to discharge the sacred trust imposed upon mo according to the best of my abilities, even though the proper exercise of the powers given might involve me in heavy personal responsibilities. It has been my misfortune to be thus circumstanced in my various re- lations as a pubhc servant. Yet I never have, nor ever will I shrink from the discharge of my public duties from any apprehension of personal responsi- bility." Nor was this responsibility imaginary. By the terms of the treaty of cession, all the archives and public papers were to be given up with the province. Four documents relating to the rights of property in West Florida were withheld by Governor Cavalla, claiming that they did not come within the meaning or intention of the treaty. After a specific demand, Governor Jackson sent an armed force to seize the papers, and bring Don Cavalla before him, to answer for a contempt of his authority. On his persisting in a refusal either to give up the papers or appear before the governor, Cavalla was taken out of bed, carried to Jackson's quarters, and by him committed to prison. The papers having been soon after found, Cavalla was immediately set at liberty. 46S JACKSON AT THE HERMITAGE, A contest of a similar character took place in East Florida. Mr. Worthington had been commissioned by Governor Jackson to act as governor of that part of the territory during his absence in the western part. On the 2d of October, Mr. Worthington finding that some papers belonging to that province were about to be sent to Havana, under the direction of his superior, caused them to be seized and secured. The dilatory proceedings and troublesome character of the Spa- niards who had anything to do with the transfer of the government, occasioned much difficulty to the American authorities. General Jackson published the facts relating to the seizure of the papers and the detention of Cavalla. Seven of Don Cavalla's officers, who had remained in Florida after its cession as private citizens, published a statement contradicting some of the facts which Jackson had made public, and containing, as he appre- hended, some disrespectful expressions and sentiments calculated to excite in the Floridians, discontent with his government. This publication was answered by a proclamation from the governor, ordering them to quit the territory in five days. For the purpose of administering justice, the terri- tory was divided into two counties, Avithout regard to the original division of East and West Florida ; the country west of the Suwanee River constituted one county, by the name of Escambia ; and the territory east of that river another, denominated St. John's.* Jackson's commission expiring at the end of the * Perkins. NOMINATED FOR THE PRESIDENCY. 409 session of the Senate in 1822, and he having accom- plished the organization of the territorial government of Florida under the act of congress, declined a re-ap- pointment, and returned to Tennessee. No sooner had he returned to Tennessee, than he was nominated by the legislature of that state as a candidate for the office of president of the United States. They urged in his favour the important mili- tary services which he had performed, and the honour which thereby redounded to the country ; his know- ledge and known ability to execute the laws, and his unshrinking firmness in the execution of his duty. This nomination of the legislature of Tennessee was repeated by immense assemblages of citizens in several other states ; and from his great popularity in the south and west, as well as with the whole army of the Ignited States, his election in 1824 was confidently expected. In 1823, President Monroe offered him the appoint- ment of minister to Mexico, which he declined, not only because he desired no office of emolument or honour, but because he did not wish to countenance, by his presence at the court of the sovereign of Mexi- co, the substitution of a monarchy in the place of a republic, nor the means by which it had been effected. Other reasons also concurred to induce him to decline the appointment. Incessant toil in the various duties of his command — exposure to the hardships of military service in the south, and especially in the swamps and morasses of Florida — had undermined his constitution, which had never, at any time, been very strong ; and retirement seemed to him as needful to the preserva- 470 JACKSON AT THE HERMITAGE. lion of his own life, as to the happiness of those who had so long been denied the pleasure of his society. lie did not deem it inconsistent with this feeling to accept the office of senator in Congress, which was again, in the autumn of 1823, conferred on him by the legislature of Tennessee; for this honourable and com- paratively easy service would still leave him, for the greater portion of the year, an inmate of the Hermi- tage.* In December, 1823, he took his seat in the highest branch of the legislative department of the go- vernment. He voted for the tariff of 1824, which was intended as a protection for American manufacturers. It raised the duties on many articles of imports from foreign countries coming in competition with articles manufactured in the United States. It was the result of the combined efforts of the advocates of protection to domestic industry throughout the Union, addi^d to the recommendation of the president, and the support of members of Congress, principally from the northern, middle, and western states. The bill was debated for wrecks in both houses, and called forth the first talent in Congress. The most strenuous opposition was made by the members from the southern states. The ma- jority in its favour in the Senate was but four, of whom General Jackson was one.t Jackson's popularity with the people of the United States was shown at the presidential election in the autumn of 1824, when he received a greater number of electoral votes than either of his competitors. There were four candidates for the presidency, among * Butler's Eulogy. f Statesman's Manual. ELECTION OF MR. ADAMS. 471 whom the electoral votes were divided as follows : — For Jackson, ninety-nine ; for Adams, eighty-four; for Crawford, forty-one; and for Clay, thirty-seven. Nei- ther of the candidates having a majority of the whole number of electors, the election devolved upon the House of Representatives, where, according to the provision of the constitution, the decision is made by states, the representation from each state having one vote, and a majority of all the states being necessary to a choice. The House, being restricted in its choice to the three highest candidates. Clay was thrown out; but though not ostensibly a candidate before the repre- sentatives, yet he held the destinies of the nation in his hands. The states by which he had been sup- ported, could decide the election as they chose. By uniting with the South, they would unquestionably bring in General Jackson ; and by joining the East, they would as certainly effect the election of Adams. The course of Mr. Clay in this contest has been severely animadverted upon by his opponents. It seems that he considered General Jackson, though a distinguished military officer, as destitute of the re- quisite talents and quahfications for the presidency ; that it was hazardous to the liberties of the country to elevate a person to the chief magistracy, the duties of which are mostly of a civil nature, merely because he had been a successful general. That on the other hand, he considered Mr. Adams as possessing, in a high degree, the requisite qualifications ; that his ta- lents were of the first order, and his life had been spent in the proper school for the office. With these 47-> JACKSON AT THE HERMITAGE.. views, or perhaps others, Mr. Clay determined lo sup- port Mr. Adams. That this determination was the result of collusion between them, is strongly denied ; but if it was not, Mr. Clay undoubtedly committed a capital error in accepting the appointment of secretary of state, which was conferred on him, immediately on the accession of Adams to the presidency. Mr. Adams was elected on the first ballot by the Mouse of Representatives ; he receiving the votes of thirteen states, Jackson of seven, and Crawford of four.* General Jackson submitted, as he should have done, to the decision of the constitutional authorities * Perkins. JACKSON RENOMINATED. 473 of his country ; and his conduct was marked, on that occasion, with that propriety and dignity so charac- teristic of him. He was present, with the other mem- bers of the Senate, in the hall of the representatives, on the 4tli of March, 1825, when the president elect delivered his inaugural address and took the oath of office. After delivering his address, and binding him- self by the oath of office faithfully to execute his duties, and to defend the constitution, Mr. Adams descended from the platform to receive the congrat- ulations of his friends. It was then that General Jackson, stepping out, as no other man could have done, was the first to shake hands with and con- gratulate the newly-made president, the person who had just been inaugurated in the office which the free voice of the people of the land would have bestowed upon Jackson. The pride of Tennessee was aroused at the injus- tice, or the seeming injustice, by which her favourite son was excluded from the presidency. From the formation of her constitution, he had been one of her most cherished jewels. She had trusted him always, and he had never betrayed her. She had named him for the chief magistracy — he had a plurality of votes — and yet one who had received many less was pre- ferred by those on whom devolved the constitutional alternative, in the failure of a choice by the people. With a spirit worthy of a sovereign state, she again uttered her unabated confidence in him, and manifested her displeasure at the treatment he had received, by re- nominating him for the first office in the gift of the peo- 474 JACKSON AT THE HERMITAGE. pie by general acclamation.* His character cannot be better exhibited than by briefly presenting the grounds upon which his claims were now pressed upon the American people, to the high office of chief magistrate. He was supported upon the ground, that having been distinguished, if not for great talents, yet for useful services in all the civil offices, under the governments both of Tennessee and the United States, of counsellor, legislator, senator, and judge — some of which he had filled more than once, and the duties of which he had discharged with ability and satisfaction to those he represented — he was qualified for any office under the government. That it was not probable that he could have been selected to fill high offices, so various and responsible, without possessing distinguished talents for civil duties ; or that he could have discharged them satisfactorily, without considerable acquirement ; that this should satisfy his country that his mind was not exclusively of a military character, and that his election to the presidency would not therefore rest exclusively on his great military services. That, like Washington, he had been a citizen-soldier, and, like Washington, was qualified for high civil command. That it was the command of armies, and brilliant military services rendered by both, that first endeared these great men to their country, and operated doubtless, with both, in recommending them to the chair of state. That if neither had been a warrior, it is probable neither would have been a distinguished statesman. That General Jackson was eminently qualified by his great * Harris's Eulogy. JACKSON RENOMINATED. 475 capacity for originating and directing measures, for governing men, for bringing order out of confusion, and, by that prudent judgment and foresight, securing the good which many too often attribute to fortune. That he was fitted for the chief magistracy of such a country and people, by all the qualities of his great mind and character, and by all the habits of his public and private life. That it would be vain to say that a man nurtured in the bosom of freemen, every one of whom was by birthright a politician — successively filling, by the choice of such a people, high and im- portant offices in the legislative, executive, and judicial departments of government — w as, notwithstanding all his experience, and such proofs of public esteem and confidence, incompetent to the administration of a popular government. That, called, as he had been, from the pursuits of civil life to military command, he had become at once, and without regular military tuition, a great captain. That, having to trust to his own resources, and to depend for success on the active and commanding energies of his own mighty mind, he did not then disappoint his country. That his com- binations and conduct established a skill, a sagacity and judgment, that would have done honour to the most renowned commander that had ever devoted a whole lifetime to the profession of arms. And that if such had been the results of General Jackson's capa- city and talents, in a profession which he had but little followed, the results would not be less beneficial or glorious, when the same capacity, and talents, and in- tegrity should be devoted to an office more congenial to his habits. That it was true, he was not a man of 476 JACKSON AT THE HERMITAGE. great learning and genius ; but, in lieu of these he had a common sense, a discretion and prudence, which nothing could supply, and without which knowledge was useless, and genius contemptible. That he was a man who never mistook icliat to do or lohat he was doing. That in regard to the fundamental questions of constitutional doctrines and national policy, he had been politically nurtured in the school of our republican fathers, and that to these tenets of his youth he still adhered. And that, lastly, in the language of Thomas Jefferson, he was " honest, sincere, firm, and strong- minded — of sound public principles ; and that, if he should be brought into the presidency, to correct the alarming tendency towards favourite, and otherwise irremediable evils, which were beginning to develope themselves in the administration of the federal govern- ment, he (Jackson) would be found entirely faithful to the object." These were the grounds on which he was presented to the people by the legislature of his own state and his friends throughout the union.* The resolution which passed both houses of the legislature of Tennessee, in October, 1825, proffering General Jackson to their fellow-citizens for the chief magistracy, and expatiating at large on his many dis- tinguished qualifications for the office, was responded to by him, not doubting the right of a state legislature to nominate a president, by a resignation of his seat in the Senate of the United States, and an address to the legislature, in which he also gave his views on public affairs. For three years, during the exciting * Stevenson's Eulogy. JACKSON ELECTED PRESIDENT. 477 canvass, which finally resulted in his election, he re- mained in private life at the Hermitage. In January, 1828, he spent a few days in New Orleans, partici- pating, by invitation, in the celebration of the thirteenth anniversary of his great victory. The canvass for the presidential election in 1828 was conducted with great spirit and enthusiasm. Many distinguished members of the party who had supported the administrations of Washington and John Adams, declared for Jackson ; some of them as- signing as a reason for this step, the determination to break up what was beginning to appear as an estab- lished usage, viz : the election to the presidency of one who had previously served as secretary of state ; any- thing like a regular line of succession to this high office appearing to them to be totally repugnant to the spirit of our republican institutions. The people en- tered into the cause of Jackson with that hearty good will which was the result of high sense of his impor- tant services to the republic, and a desire to redress the wrong which they considered to have been done towards him in the previous election. The people of the United States have always evinced this lively sense of gratitude towards public men who have rendered great and indisputable services to the country, and a keen resentment for any injury which they may have suffered. Under these circumstances. General Jack- son could hardly fail of his election ; and, accordingly, the election in October, 1828, resulted in the eleva- tion of Jackson to the presidency, by an electoral vote of one hundred and seventy-eight. Mr. Adams received but eighty-three. The latter had the votes 47S JACKSON AT THE HERMITAGE. of New Jersey and Delaware, sixteen from New York, five from Maryland, and all the New England votes, except one from Maine. All the other votes were for General Jackson. Before departing for Washington, in 1829, to take the reins of government, he met with a severe affliction in the death of Mrs. Jackson. This loss bore heavily upon him for some time, and he came into power with gloomy feelings. He reached the national capital ear- ly in February, in a plain carriage.* The news of his arrival at the seat of government, and his entrance on the duties of his office, was re- ceived with enthusiasm throughout the United States. * Statesman's Manual. KTn.^. Huzzah for Jackson ! gi:^ki;al .iack:?on in 132a. CHAPTER XVIII. FIRST PRESIDENTIAL TERM. E now enter upon General Jackson's career as a states- man. This part of his life it is our purpose to treat, not in the spirit of party, but of history — to regard his acts, as far as it may be possible to do so, in the same point of view in which they will be regarded by posterity. It is not to bo expected that the chief ma- gistrate of a great nation shall escape censure for those important political measures which he may con- sider it his duty to adopt. Washington was charged with being bought with British gold, because he signed Jay's treaty ; Adams was strongly censured for chas- 482 FIRST PRESIDENTIAL TERM. tising the insolence of the French Directory ; Jeffer- son for purchasing Louisiana; Madison for recom- mending the declaration of war with England ; and Monroe for sanctioning the conquest and acquisition of Florida ; and yet these measures were all justified, not only by the general voice of the American peoplej but by their obvious public utility. An impartial sur- vey of Jackson's most important measures, precisely the measures which w^ere most loudly censured, will conduct us to the same result. They have been equally justified by the voice of the people, and by their effects on the prosperity of the nation. General Jackson arrived at Washino-ton in Feb- ruary, and on the 4th of March, 1829, entered on the duties of the office of President of the United States. About twelve o'clock of that day he was waited upon by a few of the surviving officers and soldiers of the revolutionary war, who came to escort him from his lodgings at Gadsby's hotel to the capitol. One of them, speaking for all, delivered an address, congratu- lating him upon his election, and expressing sentiments of deep attachment. lie replied to them by saying : — "Respected friends: your affectionate address awa- kens sentiments and recollections which I feel with sincerity and cherish with pride. To have around my person, at the moment of undertaking the most solemn of all duties to my country, the companions of the immortnl Washington, will afford me satis- faction and gratefiil encouragement. That by my best exertions I shall be able to exhibit more than an imitation of his labours, a sense of my own imperfec- tions, and the reverence I entertain for his virtues, INAUGURATION. 483 forbid me to hope. To you, respected friends, the survivors of that heroic band, who followed him so long and so valiantly in the path of glory, I offer my sincere thanks, and to Heaven my prayers, that your remaining years may be as happy as your toils and your lives have been illustrious." Escorted by this band of heroes he arrived at the capitol, where, in presence of the Senate, the members of the House of Representatives, the heads of depart- ments, the judges of the Supreme Court, foreign ministers, and an immense concourse of citizens, he delivered his inaugural address ; and having concluded it, the oath fliithfully to execute the duties of the presidency, and to the best of his ability to preserve, protect, and defend the constitution, was administered to him by Chief-Justice Marshall. His induction into office by taking this oath was immediately proclaimed by the firing of salutes by artillery stationed near the capitol, which were echoed and re-echoed from the forts and plains around. The paragraph which ex- cited most interest in his inaugural address was in the following terms. "The recent demonstration of public sentiment inscribes on the list of executive duties, in characters too legible to be overlooked, the task o^ reform; which will require particularly the correction oftho.se abuses that have brought the patronage of the federal go- vernment into conflict with the freedom of elections, and the counteraction of those causes which have disturbed the rightful course of appointment, and have placed, or continued power in unfaithful or incompe- tent hands. In the performance of a task thus 4S4 FIRST PRESIDENTIAL TERM. generally delineated, I shall endeavour to select men whose diligence and talents will insure, in their respec- tive stations, able and faithful co-operation — depending for the advancement of the public service, more on the integrity and zeal of the public officers, than on their numbers." The meaning of this part of his ad- dress was only made known when he began his general system of removals and appointments. After the delivery of his address, he was conducted in procession to the presidential mansion, where he received the salutations of a vast number of friends, who had gathered to congratulate him upon his induc- tion to the highest office in the gift of the people. Thus propitious and pleasant, like the day of his inauguration, everything seemed to work in harmony at the touch of the new president. He entered upon the duties of the office with great experience and ample preparation in civil as well as military life. In his early youth, for many years, he was devoted to the study and practice of a profession that brought the mind in daily and familiar intercourse with the laws and government of his country. A pioneer amonfT the first settlers of a new territory, he saw the birth and developement of the social and civil institu- tions of a free people. At thirty years of age he was the leading statesman of a young republic. His crea- tive mind was called on to aid in framing a constitu- tion of government, suited to a peoj)k! of largest liberty — and then to administer its laws in the func- tions of an office of the highest trust and responsibility. By his powers of thought and independence of char- a( ter, he exalted the judicial station in the minds of a INAUGURATION. iSo rude people. He wliose retirement from the supreme bench was opposed by the best men of his state, must have possessed rare qualities as a judge.* Long in retirement, devoted to rural occupations, disconnected with the strife of party politics, and in familiar intercourse with the sons of those pioneers, who had conquered a rude wilderness to the hand of cultivation, he learned to value the strong sense of freedom, the bold intellect and hardy virtues of an agricultural people, and to perceive that the perpetuity of our free institutions depends on the continuance of their virtue and intelligence. With such associations, and such habits of mind, he could not fail to interpret the constitution in the sense of the great apostle of liberty, as an instrument of limited powers, reserving to the states and to the people many of the most im- portant attributes of sovereignty. Dwelling among an enlightened people, with few wants, and requiring but few restraints — havinfj a constitution and laws of their own adequate to their purpose and faithfully ad- ministered, he could not perceive the necessity or the justice of conferring all powers on a central govern- ment, remote from observation, in the hands of men opposed to him in interest, alien in feeling, and over whom he and his people could exert but a limited control. Such thoughts naturally suggested them- selves to the unbiassed mind of Andrew Jackson ; and he who despised shams, and sought and loved the truth for her own sake, could not fail to embrace them. With large experience, and ample preparation, m * Garland's Eulogy. 486 FIRST PRESIDENTIAL TERM. mature old age and full of honours, Andrew Jackson ascended the steps of the capitol as president of the United States, forty years after the foundation of the republic, and took the oath to support the constitution. This was no unmeaning ceremony with him. He solemnly purposed to support the constitution as it came from the hands of Washington and his com- peers, and none other. Whatever a plain, honest, common-sense interpretation of its words could be made to mean, that was the constitution he intended to abide by and enforce. Those powers of intellect and that independence of mind so conspicuous in his earlier days, had never forsaken him. He was not the man to yield to authority against his own judg- ment, or surrender the solemn convictions of his mind to the plea of necessity.* The interpolation of forty years' legislation, though sanctioned by judicial authority and great names, had no weight with him against the plain reading of the constitution. After havincr encountered so many difficulties, and fronted so many dangers, through a long and eventful life, he was not now to be deterred by any consideration from the discharge of his duty. Having filled the measure of his country's glory, and leaning with his arm on eternity, he had nothing more to ask. But with a popularity, a weight of character, and an influence unknown since the days of Washington, he stood by the altar of the consti- tution, and offered it all as a sacrifice to his country. Thousands have condemned him, but none have * Garland's Eulogy. JACKSON'S CABINET. 487 charged him with selfishness or a sinister motive. Coining into the executive chair >vith a determination of hringing hack the government to the simple mean- ins of the constitution, confinintj its action to a few general powers, and leaving all the rest to the states and to the people, he resolved to accomplish it or perish in the ruins. This, his greatest task, he did accomplish, as he always accomplished everything he undertook, gallantly, nobly, perfectly.* The members of the former cabinet havinfj re- signed. President Jackson immediately made the fol- lowing nominations, which were duly confirmed by the Senate : Martin Van Buren, of New York, for Secre- tary of State ; Samuel D. Ingham, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of the Treasury ; John H. Eaton, of Ten- nessee, Secretary of War; John Branch, of North Carolina, Secretary of the Navy ; John Macpherso Berrien, of Georgia, Attorney General; and William T. Barry, of Kentucky, Postmaster General. After thus constituting the cabinet, and confirming some other nominations, the Senate adjourned on the 17th of March, upon receiving an intimation from the president that he had no other business to lay before them. Scarcely had the Senate adjourned, when the work of reform was commenced by the removal of the president's political opponents, and the appointment of his friends to office. The number of appointments made by him during the recess of the Senate was one hundred and seventy-six, principally in consequence of removals. * Garland's Eulogy. 4S8 FIRST PRESIDENTIAL TERM. Congress reassembled in December, 1829. In his first annual message, -Nvhich he then delivered to them, he expressed his views on political subjects, and on the policy most conducive to the prosperity of the nation. In referring to the condition and prospects of the United States, he said : "In communicating with you for the first time, it is to me a source of unfeigned satisfaction, calling for mutual gratulation and devout thanks to a benign Providence, that we are at peace with all mankind, and that our country exhibits the most cheering evi- dence of general welfare and progressive improvement. "Our foreign relations, although in their general character pacific and friendly, present subjects of dif- ference between us and other powers of deep interest, as well to the country at large as to many of our citi- zens. To effect an adjustment of these shall continue to be the object of my earnest endeavours ; and not- withstanding the difficulties of the task, I do not allow myself to apprehend unfavourable results. Blessed as our country is with everything which constitutes na- tional strength, she is fully adequate to the mainten ance of all her interests. In discharging the responsi- ble trust confided to the executive in this respect, it is my settled purpose to ask nothing that is not clearly right, and to submit to nothing that is wrong ; and I flatter myself that, supported by the otlu^r branches of the government, and by the intelligence and patri- otism of the people, we shall be able, under the pro- tection of Providence, to cause all our just rights to be respected." He then entered into a particular examination of FIRST A N i\ U A L !\I E S S A G E . 489 the relations of the United States with Great Britain, France, Spain, and other European powers, as well as with the Barbary powers in Africa, and Brazil and Mexico on our own continent. He recommended an amendment of that part of the constitution which re- lates to the election of president and vice-president. In relation to the tariff passed at the last session of Congress, the state of the pubHc finances, and the re- venue, his message contained the following para- graphs : « No very considerable change has occurred during the recess of Congress in the condition of either our agriculture, commerce, or manufactures. The opera- tion of the tariff has not proved so injurious to the two former, or as beneficial to the latter, as was anticipated. Importations of foreign goods have not been sensibly diminished, while domestic competition, under an illusive excitement, has increased the production much beyond the demand for home consumption. The con- sequences have been low prices, temporary embar- rassment, and partial loss. That such of our own manufacturing establishments as are based upon capi- tal, and are prudently managed, will survive the shock, and be ultimately profitable, there is no good reason to doubt. " To regulate its conduct, so as to promote equally the prosperity of these three cardinal interests, is one of the most difficult tasks of government ; and it may be regretted that the complicated restrictions which now embarrass the intercourse of nations, could not by common consent be abolished, and commerce allowed to flow in those channels, to which individual 490 FIRST PRESIDENTIAL TERM. enterprise, always its surest guide, might direct it. But we must ever expect selfish legislation in other nations ; and are therefore compelled to adopt our ow^n to their reirulations, in the manner best calculated to avoid serious injury, and to harmonize the con- flicting mterest of our agriculture, our commerce, and our manufactures. Under these impressions I invite your attention to the existing tariff', believing that some of its provisions require modification. " The general rule to be applied in graduating the duties upon articles of foreign growth or manufacture, is that which will place our own in fair competition with those of other countries ; and the inducements to advance even a step beyond this point are con- trolling in regard to those articles which are of pri- mary necessity in time of war. When we reflect upon the difficulty and delicacy of this operation, it is important that it should never be attempted but with the utmost caution. Frequent legislation in regard to any branch of industry, affecting its value, and by which its capital may be transferred to new channels, must always be productive of hazardous speculation and loss. "In deliberating, therefore, on these interesting subjects, local feelings and prejudices should be merged in the patriotic determination to promote the great mterests of the whole. All attempts to connect them with the party conflicts of the day are neces- sarily injurious, and should be discountenanced. - Our action upon them should be under the control of higher and purer motives. Legislation, subjected to such influences, can never be just ; and will not long FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 491 retain the sanction of a people, \\ hose active patriotism is not bounded by sectional liniits, nor insensible to that spirit of concession and forbearance which gave life to our political compact, and still sustains it. Discarding all calculations of political ascendency, the north, the south, the east, and the west should unite in diminishing any burden of which either may justly complain. " The agricultural interest of our country is so es- sentially connected with every other, and so superior in importance to them all, that it is scarcely necessary to invite to it your particular attention. It is prin- cipally as manufactures and commerce tend to in- crease the value of agricultural productions, and to extend their application to the wants and comforts of society, that they deserve the fostering care of go- vernment. " Looking forward to the period, not far distant, when a sinking fund will no longer be required, the duties on those articles of importation which cannot come in competition with our own productions, are the first that should engage the attention of Congress in the modification of the tariff. Of these, tea and coffee are the most prominent ; they enter largely into the consumption of the country, and have become articles of necessity to all classes. A reduction, therefore, of the existing duties will be felt as a com- mon benefit ; but, like all other legislation connected with commerce, to be efficacious and not injurious, it should be gradual and certain." In this, ably written message the president next called the attention of Congress to the favourable 492 FIRST PRESIDENTIAL TERM. condition of the treasury, and expressed a strong desn-e for effecting the payment of the national debt, which then amounted to upwards of sixty milhons of dolhirs, with all possible promptitude. He recom- mended that such an annual payment should be made as would extinguish the whole in eight years. After this should have been done, he recommended the di- vision of the surplus revenue among the states, prin- cipally for the purpose of internal improvements, for he had his doubts with respect to the authority of the general government to make appropriations for that purpose. Then referring to the condition of the Indian tribes w ithin the United States, he recommend- ed their removal beyond the boundary of the dif- ferent states, but without compulsion, to such territory west of the Mississippi as Congress might set apart for their use. With regard to the United States Bank he said : " The charter of the Bank of the United States ex- pires in 1836, and its stockholders will most probably ap})ly for a renewal of their privileges. In order to avoid the evils resulting from precipitancy in a measure involving such important principles and such deep pecuniary interests, I feel that I cannot, in justice to the parties interested, too soon present it to the de- liberate consideration of the legislature and the people. Both the constitutionality and the expediency of the law creating this bank are well questioned by a large portion of our fellow-citizens; and it nmst be admitted by all, that it has failed in the great end of creating a uniform and sound currency. " Under these circumstances, if such an institution FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 493 is deemed essential to the fiscal operations of the go- vernment, I submit to the wisdom of the legislature whether a national one, founded upon the credit of the government and its revenues, niiglit not be de- vised, which would avoid all constitutional difficulties, and at the same time secure all the advantaires to the government and country, that were expected to result from the present bank." Many of the recommendations contained in this message were considered immediately ; but in some instances the views of the president were not con- curred in. Committees on retrenchment and reform made reports agreeably to the wishes of the president, but they were coldly received in both houses, and little action was taken on them during the session. The recommendations of amendments to the constitution were passed over as unimportant and neglected. The reconmiendation on the subject of a revision of the tariff met with better treatment, and several bills were introduced to diminish or repeal the duties on various articles of general consumption. On the subject of a renewal of the charter of the Bank of the United States, the standing committees of the Senate and the House, to which it was referred, made reports diametrically opposite to the recom- mendation of the president. The friends of the ad- ministration formed a majority in both conmiittees, and the marked difference in the opinions entertained by them from that expressed in the president's mes- sage, afforded a striking proof, that Jackson was already far in advance of the party which had brour defeat a well directed and prudent ambition — mo- mentary it may be, but the courage and determination of the human heart arc not easily foiled ; and when a point is fixed in the distance, it is almost invariably attained. The life of Andrew Jackson is full proof of this position, and the experience of every day life confirms it. The American presidents were all "self made men" — by perseverance they were elevated to a point of political prominence, which is above and beyond all others. Let the proud motto of our flag be en- graved upon the heart of American youth : " Virtue, Liberty, and Independence," and the perpetuity of that government which our ancestors regarded as an " experiment," will be certain. And the illustrious hero of New Orleans, by his acts and deeds — by his habits and conduct, has been among the foremost of those who have given a character and tone to our country, that have placed her high upon the great scroll of nations. Let those who could share his honours im- itate his example.* Though it was no holiday aflfair, says Mr. Wood- bury, who knew Jackson well, to fill oflice as he filled it, whether looking to himself or those around him — though requiring, as well as practising, all the watch- fulness of an Indian ambuscade, all the vigour, at times, of a forced march to surprise an enemy, all the "eal of a missionary of the Cross, yet his active ■"emperament or military training, apparently so in- * Wright. 55S LAST DAYS OF JAfKSON. convenient to others, was mixed up with a courtesy of manner and kindly consideration of what was due to real infirmity; so that in nothing was he more striking than in all the feelings of a gentleman. He had been formed in that Revolutionary school of politics which added the politeness of the French to the solidity of the English, or the manner of the La Fayettes and Rochambeaus to the strength and in- telligence of the Burgoynes and Cornwallises. He exacted nothing which he did not reciprocate ; he respected in others all that he asked for himself; and every candid observer soon felt that, however severe his course may at times have seemed at first, yet, in the end, he carried out only that Chesterfieldian as well as Christian injunction, to do to others as you would he done by. Such was his ease in general society, and so deli- cate his attentions to female excellence, that many, who never met him elsewhere, concluded at once he was more of a courtier, or man of the world, than suited for the conflicts of camps, and parties, and affairs of state. But nothing was farther from truth. The wioment over, that had been demanded by social r.sages or the forms of fashion, his whole soul was in his business; and nothing personal or amusing could ever tempt him in/.o the slightest neglect or abandon- ment of public duty. Never was he bigoted or ex- clusive in anything. He was public-spirited in all? nor did any Vandal spirit, however imputed, ever mark his opinions or deeds, even in the fiercest ravages of war or the bitterest excitement of politics ; and however the great exigencies of public life may JACKSON'S EXAMPLE 559 have forced him at times into action and responsibility uhen others doubted or halted, all his risks were for his country ; all the dangers braved were intended to protect the people and the public safety. That he should have been infallible in all this, none pretend ; but that he meant well, and, in the main, did well, and as a whole performed noble service to his country, none can deny. If to err is human, then, if the light of the sun itself be not without some shades intermingled — can we, takmg him all in all, be other- wise than proud of his rank as a man, a soldier and a statesman? Whether on the Thames or the Ganges — under the tent of the Arab or in marble palaces, it is a distinction to be known as one of his countrymen. Compared with the renowned of other ages and other continents, all America may justly boast of him as a production creditable to the New World. Humanity itself becomes dignified, when man lives up to the height of his powers and his destiny. Though some have regarded him as only a meteor in our horizon, yet so far from that, he will live as a fixed star in history — one of the master minds of the age, carefully formed and practical in his eflforts, and worthy the pages of future Plutarchs for many generations to come. The justice of this conclusion will strike us more forcibly, if we notice the contrast between his course and that of many in- scribed high on the rolls of past ages ; his whole life devoted to defend the liberties of his country, rather than like others to break them down ; the passion of his heart to uphold rather than to overturn its consti- tution and laws ; friends and power risked to preserve 34 560 LAST DAYS OF JACKSON. unimpaired the sacred ties of its union, the sceptre of state rehnquished, and, hke the humblest citizen, re- tiring 'to his farm, instead of striving, hke many, to usurp authority, or prolong the pomp and pageantry of office. In fine, he neither enriched himself by plun- der or peculation, nor engrossed office for his family, nor waged a moment's war for ambition or conquest ; nor exercised a single new power, nor betrayed an old one, nor filled station an hour but from the will of the people, or in conformity to the charter of their liberties. -I^.vf'ij }s^i'hi}S'^f^^ .-:/^' «.•* ■ 4 >>■*:,"?_• ^ <'.'. i '-'f^' "!> WATKiNS MEMOniAL LIBRARY 2I0N BAPTIST CHURCH •' >i Jt^'il^ • r,'t I ' , !it«', ! I ^ li'i