I iff 1 11 nit It 1 m tltitll mlluiHi ■ ili '■ 1 ;: : ;: i: . I :.: . Illlllllli! Library OF THE University ©f North Carolina Tliis book was presented by ■n> qz-&5% UNIVERSITY OF N.C. AT CHAPEL HILL 00034043641 This book must not be taken from the Library building. PUBLIC LETTERS AND PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT GOVERNOR OF NORTH CAROLINA 1917-1921 COMPILED BY SANTFORD MARTIN private secretary to the governor Edited by R. B. HOUSE ARCHIVIST, NORTH CAROLINA HISTORICAL COMMISSION RALEIGH EDWARDS & EROUGHTON PRINTING COMPANY STATE PRINTERS 1923 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from Ensuring Democracy through Digital Access (NC-LSTA) http://www.archive.org/details/publicletpap191721bick o / C-A^Z^- PREFACE This volume was compiled for the most part by Mr. Santford Martin, Private Secretary to Governor Bickett, in fulfillment of the duty of the Governor's secre- tary to keep an official letter-hook. Mr. Martin, however, resigned his office before the expiration of Governor Bickett's term. The North Carolina Historical Com- mission was then requested by Governor Bickett to complete the compilation, editing, and publishing of his letter-book. Authority was granted by the Council of State and funds for printing were provided by the Printing Commission. This work, in addition to preserving the official papers of Governor Bickett, fulfills part of the task of publishing records of North Carolina in the World War. The editor is indebted to Mrs. T. W. Bickett, Mrs. George W. Alston, Mr. Lawrence E. Nichols, Mr. Frank Smethurst, and Mr. T. B. Eldridge for invaluable assistance. B. B. House. Raleigh, N. C, December 4, 1923. to •* INTRODUCTION Thomas Walter Bickett Thomas Walter Bickett, War Governor of Worth Carolina, was born in Monroe, 1ST. C, February 28, 1869, the son of Thomas Winchester and Mary- Covington Bickett from whom he inherited the wit and sentiment of the Irish and the sturdy stability of the English. He spent four years at Wake Forest, receiving the A.B. degree in 1890. After two years of teaching in Winston-Salem, he entered the law school of the University of Worth Carolina and in February, 1893, received his license to practice law. Two years later, he settled in Louisburg and in 1898 married Miss Fannie Yar- borough, daughter of Col. William H. Yarborough. Three children were born to them and of these one, William Yarborough Bickett, survives. Serving his first public office as a representative from Franklin County in the General Assembly of 1907, he introduced and piloted to passage a bill appropriating a half million dollars for the care of the insane. It was the largest appropriation made by Worth Carolina for such a cause up to that time and was the beginning of an increasing interest on the part of the State in behalf of its defectives. The Democratic State Convention, meeting in Charlotte, nominated him for Attorney General in 1907 after his brilliant speech offering Col. Ashley Home, of Clayton, for the gubernatorial nomination. During his eight years in this office, he won all the five cases for the State in the United States Supreme Court and made sure his elevation to the Governorship. He was nominated for Governor in the first Statewide Primary in 1916 and in 1917 was inaugurated. The World War, though it shattered many of his plans for domestic reform, gave opportunity for new tasks of leadership which brought to him and the State unqualified commendation and praise. At the close of his term he gave this estimate of his administration : Lest we forget, I write it down in this last chapter and certify to all the generations that the one stupendous, immortal thing connected with this administration is the part North Carolina played in the World War. Yet, the record of two regular sessions and a special session of the General Assembly show forty measures enacted into law out of forty-eight he recommended. They embrace provisions for sis-months school and increased salaries for teachers ; for broader agricultural education and a richer rural life; for expansion of public health and the creation of a public welfare system ; for more liberal support of all State institutions; for a humane prison administration; for the foundation of an elaborate chain of State highways; for tax reforms including revaluation, the income tax, and a start on the segregation of State and local taxation. vi INTRODUCTION Extending beyond the limitations of his office, his moral influence turned con- sistently toward improving the lot of the tenant farmer, encouraging home owner- ship, increasing the advantages of life and education for the negro, establishing morally fair and economically sound relations between capital and labor, and setting patriotism ablaze from the mountains to the sea. Recognized and honored at home and abroad as a thinker whose judgment was worthy to be followed and as a speaker of excelling ability, his opinion and presence were sought by the press and organizations of many states. His statements on public issues were quoted widely and his addresses comprise a distinct contribution to Southern Oratory. On December 27, 1921, less than a year after he had returned to the practice of the law in Raleigh, he was stricken with apoplexy and died the following morning. He was buried in Louisburg. He served his day and generation according to God's will and fell on sleep. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Portbait of Goveenoe Bickett Frontispiece Preface iii Inteodtjction v Messages to the Geneeal Assembly 1 Proclamations by the Goveenoe 79 Appeals to the Public 117 Public Addeesses 159 Statements and Inteeviews foe the Peess 267 Public Lettees and Telegeams 321 Index 391 (I) MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 1917 1. Inaugural Address. 2. Exemption of Homestead Notes and Mortgages. 3. Crop Lien Bill. 4. Transmitting Letter from Commissioner of Labor and Printing Concerning Federal Inspection of Child Labor. 5. Law Library Fund. 6. Ashing Recognition of the Services of W. D. J ones in the Settlement of the North Carolina-Tennessee Boundary Line. 7. Appointments and Nominations Submitted to the Senate, Feb- ruary 28, 1917. 8. Bonds for State Institutions. 9. Appointments and Nominations Submitted to the Senate, March 5, 1917. 1919 10. Biennial Message to the General Assembly. 11. Federal Prohibition Amendment. 12. Rebuilding Dormitory at Caswell Training School. 13. Telegram of General Growder on Draft Evasion. 14. State Income Tax Amendment. 15. Department of Agriculture and State A. & E. College. 16. Highways. 17. Appointments and Nominations Submitted to the Senate. 1920 18. Revaluation Act. 19. Woman Suffrage. 20. State Salaries. 21. Transmitting Report of Legislative Committee of Board of Agriculture on Taxation. 22. Workmen's Compensation Act. 23. Highways. 24. Legislation for Negroes. 25. Increased Appropriation in State Departments. 1921 26. Final Message to the General Assembly of 1921. 27. Transmitting Report of Budget Commission. (1) INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF GOVERNOR THOMAS WALTER BICKETT DELIVERED AT THE RALEIGH AUDITORIUM, JANUARY II, 1917 Gentlemen of the General Assembly: I have no genius for destruction. Sense and poetry agree that a man must follow his natural bent. It results that the activities of this administration must be exerted along constructive lines. If there be a man in North Carolina who desires to drain a swamp or terrace a hillside ; if there be a farmer who is struggling to escape from the crop lien's deadly clutch; if there be a tenant who hungers for a vine and fig tree he may call his own, I want all such to know that the Governor of the State will count it honor and joy to rise up at midnight and lend a helping hand. If there be men or combinations of men who want to build factories that will multiply the value of our raw products; to harness our streams and redeem the sad waste of the waters ; to construct or equip railroads that will insure adequate transportation for our growing commerce; to form or maintain insurance com- panies that will keep at home the Niagara of gold that has been flowing out of the State, I want these men to feel that the State recognizes their wisdom and their worth, and places no discount on their patriotism. If there be physicians who, with that divine self-forgetfulness that is the birthmark of their calling, are willing to trace disease to its most hidden lair, and plant the banners of Life in the very strongholds of Death, I want them to know that the State sees a new salvation in their sacrificial labors, and stands ready to clothe them with all needful authority, and place an unlimited armamentarium at their command. For four years I want labor and capital, learning and art, and the life and letter of the law to be devoted to making every acre and every stream, every human and every mechanical unit in the Commonwealth be and do its level best. I doubt not that with the wheat will spring up the tares, and to some suc- cessor of mine who glories in cremation I shall bequeath the joy of gathering the tares into bundles and burning them in unquenchable fire. To me the call is definite and despotic, to toil and tire not, that all the fields may come white to the harvest. Such are my hopes and high resolves. But in civic life aspirations and ideals are without value save as they inspire measures that make for the common good. Living problems confront us. Ills that hurt require remedies that heal. The hour calls for action, and "Faith without works is dead." I THE TRANSLATION OF A TENANT INTO A LANDLORD The first and dearest work of this administration will be a supreme effort to translate the tenants of the State into landlords. Here and now, in the presence of God and these witnesses, I consecrate myself, and all the power and prestige 4 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT of my office, to this endeavor. I shall neither rest nor permit the State to rest until every honest, industrious, and frugal man who tills the soil has a decent chance to own it. I am driven to this undertaking by the tyranny of a conviction that such a work is essential, not alone to the wholesome development, but to the enduring safety of the State. That wizard of the Northwest, James J. Hill, once said : "Land without population is a wilderness ; population without land is a mob." Today 84 per cent of the people of Mexico are without land, and riots and revolutions result as the sparks fly upward. There can be no government for the many while the lands belong to the few, for the history of the world teaches that the men who own the land will rule it. The homesteader is the most conservative and at the same time most militant force in our civilization. He is a lover of peace, a pioneer in progress, but a very demon in battle when danger threatens the land he loves. The small farm, owned by the man who tills it, is the best plant-bed in the world in which to grow a patriot. Such a condition brings wealth to the soil and health to the souls of men. On such a farm it is possible to produce anything from two pecks of potatoes to the hill to a President of the United States. Every consideration of progress and of safety urges us to employ all wise and just measures to get our lands into the hands of the many, and forestall that most destructive of all monopolies, the monopoly of the soil. To this end I earnestly urge a constitutional amendment granting to the Gen- eral Assembly the power to exempt from taxation notes and mortgages given in good faith for the purchase price of a home in an amount not exceeding $3,000 and running not more than twenty years. Such an exemption would bring the necessary money to every honest and industrious man who desires to own his own home. It would mean a premium of 40 per cent on the income from such a loan, and the money lender, tempted by this premium, would seek out worthy tenants and encourage them to climb to a higher level by becoming ow T ners of the soil. Such a law would be a twofold blessing. It would be a blessing to our widows and orphans by enabling them to derive a reasonable income from the savings left them by husband and father. Today the average tax on solvent credits in the towns is $2.40 on the $100. Tho income fixed by law is $6, leaving to the widows and orphans only $3.60. None but widows and orphans, and a few ultra honest men, pay this confiscatory tax. It is the essence of tyranny, imposed upon the most innocent and helpless class of our citizens, and cannot be defended in any forum of common justice or common sense. The proposed amendment would open a door of hope to the tenants, and the women and children would rise up and call us blessed. Such a law would be in line with the Federal Farm Loan Act, which exempts from taxation of every kind notes and mortgages given to the land banks, and worthy tenants would have extended to them both State and Federal aid in their efforts to better their condition. II THE REGENERATION OF THE SOIL To be of permanent value the conversion of the tenant into a landlord must be followed by a constant regeneration of the soil. To insure everlasting life, not only a man, but the dust from which he sprung, "must be born again." There can be no enduring prosperity for the men who till the land until the basic prin- ciples of good farming are universally understood and universally applied. MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 5 The defect in our agricultural development is that it has been "in spots." Under the present system the people who are in the sorest need of instruction are the very last to receive it. It is my purpose to make every rural school a farm-life school. A simple manual of good farming, applicable to actual North Carolina conditions, should be prepared by the Commissioner of Agriculture, the President of the Agricultural and Mechanical College, and the State Superintendent of Public Instruction. This book ought to be printed by the State, and furnished to the people — children and adults — at prime cost. The teacher in every rural school should be required to study the book and pass an examination upon it. It should be made a part of every public school course, and no warrant should issue for the salary of any teacher save iipon certificate that the prescribed course in agriculture had been fully and faithfully taught. Every country boy who can spell "baker" ought to have hammered into him the great and simple truths about humus, seed selection, deep plowing, rotation of crops. The Ten Commandments of Agriculture laid down by Dr. S. A. Knapp ought to be written in letters of gold, framed and hung on the walls of every schoolroom. The pupils should be required to commit these commandments to memory, recite them in concert every day until they become a part and parcel of the intellectual and moral constitution of the country boy, so that he would be as greatly shocked to see his neighbor violating the commandment, "Use seed of the best variety intelligently selected and carefully stored," as he would to see him violate the commandment, "Thou shalt not steal." THE MODEL ACRE As a part of this eternal drilling in the fundamentals of good farming, there should be cultivated a model acre in connection with every rural school. This acre ought to be the blackboard on which should be demonstrated the theories taught in class. I believe that in every district can be found a patriot who would grant or lease for a nominal sum from one to five acres of land for the use of the public school. On this land could be carried on demonstration work now done by the State and Federal governments, and all the people in the district would benefit thereby. Various ways for cultivating the land could be devised, so that it would not only yield invaluable instruction, but would be a source of substantial revenue to the school. I am convinced that in this way funds could be raised to buy books, maps, musical instruments, and a complete equipment for a modern school. If the theories of good farming are correct they ought to pay handsome dividends on the school farm. If they are theories only, and are not adapted to the actual conditions of farming in the district, then it would be worth much to the people to have this made plain. Such a school farm would become not only the agricultural but the social center of the district, and would enrich the entire life of the community. And the girls should be trained as faithfully in the science of the kitchen as the boys are in that of the cornfield. How to plan and how to prepare a well- balanced meal out of the food that is produced on the average farm ought to be taught to every girl in every school in the State. To this end the General Assembly should by all means take steps to multiply the number of home demon- stration agents in every county in the State. The blessings of the tireless cooker and the iceless refrigerator ought to be brought to the attention of every house- 6 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER PICKETT liold, and every woman ought to be given an opportunity to know how to save all the surplus fruits and vegetables for winter use, and thereby conserve the family health and the family wealth. Ill A CRUSADE AGAINST THE CROP LIEN The crop lien is the boll weevil of North Carolina. It is "the pestilence that walketh in darkness." It is "the destruction that wasteth at noonday." How a man can carry a crop lien and escape both the poorhouse and the penitentiary "passeth all understanding." The merchant is no more to blame for this evil than the farmer. Both are victims of a system that rewards laziness and extravagance and punishes industry and economy. The man who pays at all pays twice, for himself and for his neighbor who does not pay. The moment this ceases to be true the time merchant goes into bankruptcy. Time prices are not fixed with reference to a reasonable profit on the article sold, but are based upon a speculation as to how many customers will fail to pay up. There is in the system more of the elements of a lottery than of a legitimate business. I fully recognize the evil, but I am not persuaded that a statute making it unlawful to give a mortgage on a growing crop is the appropriate remedy. Such a statute might prove a "beautiful operation," but I fear that many of the patients would die on the table. Under this treatment, instead of lifting a worthy tenant to the place of a landlord, we might reduce him to the position of a hire- ling. The man who gives a crop lien is a prisoner ; of this there can be no doubt. But instead of burning the jail down over the prisoner's head, would it not be a saner and safer course to give him a chance to break out ? Several avenues of escape are suggested : 1. The one sure way to kill a crop lien is to starve it to death. And the sure way for a farmer to starve a crop lien is to feed himself. Bread, bacon, and buttermilk, all produced on the farm, are as fatal to a crop lien as quinine is to malaria. This treatment reaches the cause of the disease ; all others deal simply with the effects. We need to hammer home the everlasting truth that for the farmer there is no way to financial independence save through full cribs, smoke- houses, and pastures. If I were the Czar of North Carolina, instead of the Governor, I would issue an edict declaring that from and after five years from date any man who imported into North Carolina any corn or meal, wheat or flour, beef or bacon, should forth- with be hanged without trial by jury, and without benefit of clergy. Of course, in the beginning, I would be denounced as an infamous tyrant ; but after the law had been in effect for ten years the richest State in the Union would build a monument to me as the financial redeemer of my people. 2. But there are some ways in which the General Assembly can lend a helping hand while the farmer is working out his perfect salvation. The formation of credit unions, under existing laws, should be encouraged in a substantial way. Today it is nobody's particular business to organize these unions, and although the law has been on the books for several years, comparatively none have been organized. The Agricultural Department should be equipped with two field men whose sole business it should be to explain these credit unions to the people and assist in their organization. MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 7 The same force could explain to the people the operation of the State law exempting from taxation notes and mortgages given for the purchase price of a home, and could organize local homestead associations for the purpose of aiding and encouraging worthy tenants to become landlords. In this way the maximum of good possible under these laws would be secured to the people. A powerful stimulus to the formation, and a guaranty of the success of these credit unions would be a law permitting the unions to charge a commission not exceeding ten per cent for negotiating loans for members. This commission should be used to cover any losses sustained by the union on account of loans secured for members. A crop lien is essentially a precarious security. Though the best of judg- ment may be exercised, some losses are bound to occur. The union should have a fund to cover these losses, and at the end of the year so much of the fund as is not required to save the union harmless on account of loans should be returned to the borrowers. In this way borrowers would carry the risk at actual cost. I am of opinion that it would be wise to allow banks and individuals to charge, in lieu of interest, a commission not exceeding ten per cent on money advanced to make a crop to farmers who, according to the tax books, are worth less than the exemptions allowed by law. As I have said, there is an element of risk in money so advanced, and no man is going to assume this risk unless he is paid for it. To expect a man who is insolvent, and who has no security to offer save an unplanted crop, to obtain money on the same terms accorded high-class invest- ments is an idle dream. If we are to give practical help to the farmer who wants to get rid of the crop lien, we must apply to his case the principles of business, and not the instincts of benevolence. It is susceptible of mathematical demonstration that if a farmer could get the cash with which to buy his supplies on a basis of ten per cent, the savings between that rate and the time price would in four years put the farmer on an absolute cash basis, and free him from the crop lien forever. With a campaign insistent and eternal in favor of homegrown bread, beef, and bacon; with our small farmers given an opportunity to obtain cash for a reasonable premium on the risk incurred, instead of being forced to buy commodities at unconscionable profits, the faith is justified that in a few years a crop lien would be a curiosity in ]STorth Carolina. IV THE BEIDLING OF THE WATEES An idle stream is just as inexcusable as an idle man. Every running brook in North Carolina ought to be bridled and made to do its duty. Nothing adds more to the comfort and the health of the home than running water. At comparatively small expense running water and electric lights can be installed in thousands of country homes. To encourage the use of the water and the power it carries, I recommend that the State Highway Commission be provided with a force of hydraulic and electrical engineers, whose duty it will be upon request to examine water-powers, and submit plans and specifications to citizens who desire to install water and lights in their homes. Expert knowledge is required to pass on these propositions, and our people ought to be protected from those whose only interest is that they have something to sell. PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT RURAL TELEPHONES Every farm home should have a telephone in it. It makes for safety, economy, and the enrichment of the social life of the community. It brings a community close together, and keeps it in contact with the big currents of life. Rural telephone systems can be installed at a low cost. Union County affords an example of what can be done in this respect. But here again expert knowledge is necessary. Promoters and speculators sometimes take advantage of the desire of a country community for a telephone service to victimize the people. The State Highway Commission should be required to furnish to any rural community, desiring to establish a telephone service, plans and specifications showing the reasonable cost of the construction and maintenance of such a system. VI THE SCHOOLHOUSE THE. SOCIAL CENTER The pathos of rural life is its loneliness. Thousands of boys and girls are literally driven from country life because of lack of wholesome diversions. The wives of many farmers are found in hospitals for the insane because their lives are the same yesterday, today and forever. By making the schoolhouse the social as well as the educational center of the district much of this monotony can be relieved ; and this can be done by a series of entertainments as helpful as they are diverting. To this end moving picture entertainments could be given at stated in- tervals in the schoolhouses. There is a moving picture service conceived and per- fected by high-grade men to do this very kind of work. It has been well said of this service, "It offers real education, visualized in gripping and entertaining form; clear instruction in those subjects most vital to the success of the country family, great moral and religious truths made brilliantly convincing, and the broadest outlook upon all life definitely focused upon a complete country life." I earnestly advocate the enactment of a law authorizing the county boards of education, by and with the approval of the State Department of Education, to arrange for a service of this kind in such districts as it is found practicable to do so. To this end I urge the appropriation by the State, out of the general fund, of the sum of $50,000 per annum, with the proviso that not more than one-third of the cost of the service may be paid by the State, the other two-thirds to be paid by the county boards of education and the people of the districts on terms fixed by the board. I am profoundly convinced that no $50,000 appropriated by the State for educational purposes could yield larger dividends. Such a service would not only bring before the people in impressive form the latest and finest achievements in farm life, but it would in a large measure eliminate one of the moving causes of the flow of population from the country to the town. VII THE UPKEEP OF THE ROADS In every county or road district where bonds have been issued for the con- struction of roads, the county commissioners should be compelled to levy an MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 9 annual maintenance tax bearing a certain per cent to the amount of the bonds issued, such per cent to be worked out by the State Highway Commission. To spend $100,000 to build roads and then leave them without any provision for maintenance is folly equal to that indulged in by the farmer who buys $1,000 worth of farm machinery and then refuses to build a shed under which to keep it. All the license fees paid by the owners of automobiles ought to be paid to the State and disbursed by the State Highway Commission in the maintenance of State roads, so as to comply with the requirements of the Federal Government for the upkeep of roads built under the Federal Good Roads act. The powers of the State Highway Commission should be enlarged so as to give it supervision over all contracts made for road or bridge building, and it should be supplied with an adequate force of engineers for this purpose. VHI ANOTHER CHANCE FOR THE CHILDREN The Constitutional Amendment requiring a six-months school for every child in the State ought to he resubmitted to the people on its own merits unassociated with any other amendment. The children are entitled to have the voter cast a single ballot declaring whether he is or is not in favor of a larger opportunity for the child. Every town child has this much schooling already, and no man can look a country boy in the face and deny him the right of an equal start. IX INCORPORATION OE RURAL COMMUNITIES Rural communities should be given the right to incorporate by a vote of the people of the community. Such corporations, wisely and conservatively formed, will make it possible to do many things for the upbuilding of country life that are impossible so long as the community has no legal entity. I have suggested nine measures, all designed to serve one end, that is, to make life on the farm just as profitable, and just as attractive, as life in the town. I believe in the justice and efficacy of these measures, but I do not bow down to them or worship them. If any one can point out a more excellent way of attaining the desired end I shall greatly rejoice. What I am trying to do is to focus the thought of the State on the subject, for I know that if I can get two million people to think on these things with the intensity and constancy their superlative importance demands, some mind among the millions will find the best remedy for every evil and the best path to every good. Every suggestion made carries with it the initial and never to be forgotten requirement that the people themselves must be willing to pursue knowledge, and practice the homely virtues of industry and economy. ISTo legislation can guarantee to ignorance the dividends of intelligence. Justice, equal and exact, can never deliver to idleness the fruits of industry. It would be a mistaken charity that would give to extravagance and frugality the same reward. A LOGICAL PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM It is possible to justify a uniform system of appointing the members of the county boards of education and the county superintendents of public instruction. 10 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT It is possible to justify a uniform system system of electing these officials by a vote of the people. The present mongrel system, whereby in twenty counties these officials are elected by a vote of the people, and in eighty counties by the General Assembly, cannot be justified in any forum of common justice or common sense. The avowed object in having the boards of education elected by the General Assembly is to keep the schools out of politics. But the plain truth is, to make the naming of the county boards of education a perquisite of a member of the General Assembly often puts the schools in the very worst kind of politics. I am profoundly convinced that the welfare of the children of the State would be promoted by the appointment of a General Educational Commission of not more than seven men, chosen by reason of their known interest in the cause of public education, and clothing this commission with power to name the county boards of education in all the counties in the State, and clothing the county boards with power to name the superintendent and committeemen. Both on the central commission and the county boards the minority party should be given reasonable representation, and each member of the central commission and each member of the county board of education should, upon assuming office, be required to sub- scribe to an oath that in all cases he would vote for the men best qualified to serve the educational interests of the State and county, without regard to political considerations. MANUFACTURING Next in importance to agriculture is the manufacturing industry of the State. This industry affords employment to thousands of our citizens, and creates more than $300,000,000 of wealth every year. An industry of such gigantic proportions is deserving of the State's fostering care. Our manufacturers ask for no subsidies and no special privileges of any kind. They do ask and deserve to be treated with sympathetic consideration. As a class they are humane, forward-looking men, earnestly desirous of making the most of our natural resources, and they rightly resent being thought of as cannibals who delight to feast on the flesh of women and children. I am persuaded that practical regulations that make for health and safety, and for the proper conservation of womanhood and childhood, will meet with no opposition at the hands of these men. I insist that legislation with respect to our mills and factories should be made with reference to the living conditions that confront us, and not with reference to the theories of the professional agitator. I insist that our legislation shall reflect the conscience of North Carolina, and not the covetousness of New England. I am convinced that in North Carolina there is less of friction between labor and capital than in any state in the American Union where so large a number of operatives are employed. And this sympathetic relation between employer and employee ought to be fostered by laws that will appeal to the judgment and conscience of those most vitally concerned. I offer these suggestions : 1. The owner of every mill located within reasonable reach of a public water supply ought to be required to install running water in The homes leased to operatives. No one convenience would do more to lighten the labors of the women, and preserve the health of the entire family and community. MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 11 2. Our State anti-trust law should be amended so as to permit the same com- binations for the advancement of our trade with foreign lands as are proposed in the Webb bill now pending before Congress. Given the proper encouragement from National and State authorities, our mills are ready and able to secure trade in every corner of the world. I long to see the day when every bale of cotton grown in the South will be spun and woven in the South, and when this day comes the South will be the greatest lender instead of the greatest borrower on earth. 3. My third suggestion is that a committee composed of representatives appointed by the North Carolina Manufacturers' Association, the Commissioner of Labor, and the State Superintendent of Public Instruction should prepare a plain, simple course dealing with the science of manufacturing, and this course should be made a part of the public school curriculum in every industrial center. The boys and girls who are already at work in our mills, and those who expect to become operatives, ought to be taught the underlying principles of the business in which they are to engage. The mill worker is entitled to know, not only what to do, but why he does it. In this way the head will acquire knowledge while the hand increases its cunning, and the final result will be a man instead of a machine. This process will enable our mills to produce their own experts, and every mill worker can enjoy a well-grounded hope of rising to a higher and more lucrative position. I am persuaded that if invited to do so, our manufacturers would be glad to send, at stated periods, trained, practical men into the schools in their communities to give the children instruction in the underlying principles of the particular work in which they are engaged. The Textile Department of our Agricultural and Mechanical College is doing a most excellent work with the force and equipment at its command. But North Carolina ranks next to Massachusetts in its textile industry, and promises soon to stand at the very head of the column, and I insist that the Textile Department of the College be enlarged both with respect to teachers and equipment, to such an extent that it will be recognized that North Carolina affords the very best textile training to be found in the United States. TAXATION My views in regard to taxation were embodied in a pamphlet submitted to the Constitutional Commission in 1913, and in a paper read before the North Carolina Press Association in 1914. Since the taxation amendment was rejected by the people, I have had no opportunity to make such further study of the subject as would justify the submission of any particular plan at this time. It is my purpose to thoroughly investigate the subject within the next two years, and I suggest that the General Assembly direct the Governor, the Chairman of the State Tax Com- mission, and the State Treasurer to make an extensive investigation, and submit a comprehensive plan of taxation to the next General Assembly. In the meantime, I desire to say, in order that our people may be giving the matter thought, that in my opinion any plan of taxation that will raise sufficient revenues, and be at all acceptable to our people, must involve the separation of the sources of State and local revenues. If this fundamental principle can once be agreed upon, its application will become a matter of detail. I earnestly urge this General Assembly, through its appropriate committees, to at once take an account of what the fixed charges of the State Government will 12 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT amount to within the next two years and what the income of the State will be from all known sources, and I insist that appropriations shall not be made until the means for meeting such appropriations are devised. HEALTH The State Board of Health should be given ample funds to continue and en- large its work. The law should require a careful examination of every child who enters a public school, at least twice a year. This can be done by whole-time county health officers, or by representatives of the State Board, as the conditions may warrant ; but the law should compel it to be done. "The riches of a commonwealth Are free, strong minds, and hearts of health." To insure such riches intelligent examination of the children at stated intervals is absolutely necessary. The State Board deserves the unqualified support of the General Assembly in its campaign against quacks and quackery. The law requires a man to have a diploma from a first-class medical college, and to stand a rigid examination before the North Carolina Board of Medical Examiners, before be is allowed to write a single prescription for a patient in North Carolina. And yet we permit the sale of nostrums to our people without any adequate knowledge of whether or not they are injurious to health or have any medicinal value whatever. I am in favor of a law making it a felony for any man to sell, offer for sale, or advertise for sale in North Carolina any proprietary or patent medicine pur- porting to cure cancer, consumption, diabetes, paralysis, epilepsy, Bright's disease, or any other disease for which the North Carolina Medical Society and the American Medical Association declare that no cure has been discovered. I am earnestly in favor of a law requiring all venders of proprietary medicines to file with the State Board of Health a statement showing the exact composition of such medicines, and that the State Board be empowered to forbid the sale of such proprietary medicines in the State of North Carolina if in its opinion they are without curative value in the treatment of the disease they purport to cure. A bill is being prepared by our Health Department that will deal fully and adequately with this subject, and I give to this bill by most emphatic indorsement. ABSENTEE VOTING The General Assembly should, without fail, make provision for our citizens whose work keeps or carries them away from home, to participate in our elections. There is no constitutional difficulty in the way of such a law, and every considera- tion of justice and expediency favors it. ROTATION IN OFFICE The genius of Democracy is as much opposed to monopoly of office as to any other kind of monopoly. In order to have a government by the people there should be occasional changes in the individuals who administer jnublic affairs. It is written in our State Constitution that the Governor cannot succeed himself, and MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 13 the refusal of Washington to serve as President more than two terms so appealed to the judgment of the American people that it has become an unwritten law. It is not wholesome for the public, nor for the men who hold the offices, for our officials to have an indefinite tenure. Young men justly demand that they be given opportunity to show what they can do in the public service, without having to oppose men whose long possession of an office has well-nigh ripened into a fee- simple title. New blood will make for wholesome growth. I am satisfied that a constitutional amendment limiting State officers to two successive terms and county officers to three successive terms would result in increased efficiency and diminished strife. Of course, such an amendment ought not to apply to officers in the judicial, educational, and health departments. THE SHORT BALLOT I am thoroughly converted to the wisdom of the short ballot. When Woodrow Wilson, while he was Governor of New Jersey, spoke in the Capitol Square at Raleigh, he said that the old admonition, "Not to put all your eggs in one basket," was not political wisdom. Said he, "The thing for the public to do is to put all of its eggs in one basket and then watch that basket." It is simply impossible for the average man in North Carolina who reads and takes a live interest in public affairs to acquaint himself sufficiently with all of the men who run for State administrative offices to pass upon them with any satisfaction to himself. Moreover, experience and observation teach that it is well-nigh impossible to induce men who are best qualified to hold administrative offices to run for them in State-wide primaries and in general elections. The Governor and the Lieutenant-Governor of the State should be elected by the people, and all administrative officers should be appointed. I feel no embarrass- ment in taking this position, for the reason that the change in the law would require a constitutional amendment, and could not possibly be effective during the present administration. THE STATE HOSPITALS The saying of Wilson, "Put your eggs in one basket and watch that basket," applies to the management of our State hospitals for the insane. Under the present arrangement, with a different board of directors for each hospital, no director feels that any great responsibility rests on him. Some of the very wisest and best men who are now serving on these boards, and have served heretofore, have told me that it was impossible in the limited time given by the directors to the supervision of the institutions to acquire any adequate knowledge of their conduct. One director stated to me that he refused to further serve on a board because he was not willing to be held responsible for the management of an institu- tion about whose management he did not know and could not know enough to form an intelligent opinion. I am of opinion that the three hospitals for the insane ought to be under the management of a single board of not more than seven men. These hospitals do a common work, and are supported from a common fund, and I can see no good reason for a divided management. Under the new system the directors would give a sufficient amount of time to the supervision of the institutions to acquire accurate information concerning them. By the constant comparison of the work of c/ 14 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER B1CKETT one institution with that of another, the best in each could be used to the advantage of all, and the worst in all could be eliminated. Moreover, in the reports to the General Assembly the needs of the insane would be treated as a whole, and all jealousies between the several institutions would necessarily disappear. This consolidated board of directors should consist of not more than seven, who, in addition to their expenses, should be paid a reasonable per diem for their services. The chairman of the consolidated board and the superintendent of each hospital should be made a purchasing committee, and this committee should buy all the supplies for all the institutions. I am deeply convinced that under this sort of management the efficiency of the institutions would be increased, and many thousands of dollars would be saved to the State. AGRICULTURAL DEPARTMENT After a most careful study of the situation, I am convinced that in the interest of economy and intelligent work, the Agricultural Department and the North Carolina College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts ought to be under the same management. The College ought to be simply a division of the Department. Under the present system it is impossible to avoid duplication of work. There cannot be perfect cooperation between the two when each has only a vague knowl- edge of what the other is doing, and each is endeavoring to cover the widest possible field. I earnestly urge that the members of the Board of Agriculture be made ex officio directors of the College, and that the Department of Agriculture be transferred to the College grounds, and a suitable building costing not less than $250,000 be erected for its accommodation. This building should be paid for by the State, and not out of the funds of the Department. The young men in attendance upon the College could do a considerable part of the work of the Department, and in this way numbers of worthy young men could obtain substantial assistance in getting an education, while the entire student body would acquire considerable knowledge of the work done by the Department and diffuse this knowledge throughout the State. THE STATE PRISON I am convinced that the only justification for the punishment of crime is the protection of the public and the reformation of the criminal. Anything that savors of vindictiveness is indefensible in the administration of the law. When the State sends a citizen to prison he ought to be made to feel that his punishment is a just measure imposed for the purpose of preventing himself and others from committing further crimes, and that pending his imprisonment the State desires to afford him every opportunity to become a good citizen//' To this end quarters comfortable and sanitary ought to be provided for all prisoners. Experience has demonstrated that it is impossible to provide such quarters for the average county chain-gang. To send a man to a county chain-gang for more than two years is cruel and excessive punishment. ISTo man can serve on a county chain-gang more than two years without permanent injury to his health. Moreover, the guarding is inefficient and the temptation to escape is so great to a long-time prisoner that many make the attempt and succeed. Again, MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 15 the work is done without skillful supervision, and there is a great economic loss of labor. For these reasons I urge the enactment of a general law strictly limiting the time a man can be sent to a county chain-gang to two years. All other convicts should be sent to the State Prison. The prison at Ealeigh represents an inexcusable waste of capital. A million dollar plant is maintained in which to transact a business that could be carried on more economically in a plant costing not more than $100,000. It is absolutely necessary to build new quarters for the convicts on the State farm. The present quarters are neither safe nor sanitary, nor can they be made so. I recommend that quarters be built on the State farm amply sufficient to take care of all convicts, and that the entire administration of the State Prison be conducted from the State farm and that the prison at Ealeigh be converted into a hospital for the insane, reserving for the use of the State Prison a few cells for the reception of prisoners, and for the execution of those upon whom the death sentence is imposed. At present many unfortunate people bereft of reason are knocking at the doors of our hospitals for the insane and are turned away because there is no room. The worst type of patients, both at Ealeigh and Morganton, could be transferred to the new building at Ealeigh, thereby releasing many rooms in the hospitals at Ealeigh and Morganton. The prison authorities ought to be directed to make a careful study of the subject, and report to the next General Assembly an estimate of the net earnings of the convicts after paying all expenses incurred by the State, and submit a plan for disbursing these net earnings to the dependent families of convicts. Gentlemen of the General Assembly, ladies and gentlemen, I have endeavored to visualize my dream of a fairer and finer State. I have outlined the means by which I hope to make the dream come true. And the means all reach out to a single end — a larger hope, a wider door for the average man than he has ever known. With a six-months school guaranteed to every child ; with the forces of disease routed from their ancient strongholds; with the curse of rum lifted from every home; with our fields tilled by the men who own and therefore love them; with our harvests free from the crop lien's deadly blight ; with modern conveniences and wholesome diversions within reach of every country home, our dear old State, released from her bondage to the blood-kin tyrants of ignorance, poverty, disease, and crime, will begin to realize her finest possibilities in riches and grace; will assume her rightful place in the march of civilization, and from the blue of the mountains to the blue of the sea there will spring up a hardier, holier race, not unlike the giants that walked the earth when the sons of God mated with the daughters of men. 16 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT (2) EXEMPTION FROM TAXATION OF NOTES AND MORTGAGES Gr^EN FOR PURCHASE PRICE OF A HOME SPECIAL MESSAGE Raleigh, February 14, 1917. Gentlemen of the General Assembly: Upon assuming the obligations of the office of Governor I felt constrained to say: The first and dearest work of this administration will be a supreme effort to translate the tenants of the State into landlords. Here and now, in the presence of God and these witnesses, I consecrate myself and all the power and prestige of my office to this endeavor. I shall neither rest nor permit the State to rest until every honest, industrious and frugal man who tills the soil has a decent chance to own it. I am driven to this undertaking by the tyranny of a conviction that such a work is essential, not alone to the wholesome development, but to the enduring safety of the State. The first step in the redemption of this solemn pledge was the preparation of an amendment to the Constitution providing for the exemption from taxation of notes and mortgages given in good faith for the purchase price of a home where the purchase price does not exceed $3,000. This bill was introduced by Mr. Beasley and the Committee on Constitutional Amendments has given it a favorable report. The bill is so eminently just, and is so plainly adapted to serve the ends sought, that I have heard of no serious opposition. The amendment will, without doubt, enable every honest and in- dustrious man who desires to own his own home to borrow the money with which to buy it. Instead of such a man having to run down the money lender and pay all sorts of commissions and fees to procure a loan, the money lender will run down the man who desires to become a homesteader, and do everything in his power to aid him in purchasing a home. I earnestly urge that this bill be passed at once. The submission of this amendment should by no means be delayed by the fact that a call for a Constitutional Convention may be submitted to the people. There is urgent need for this measure, and it can and should be ratified by the people before a Constitutional Convention could assemble. I trust that no member of the General Assembly will offer any objection to the immediate consideration and passage of this bill. Respectfully submitted, T. ~W. Bickett, Governor. (3) SPECIAL MESSAGE ON CROP LIEN BILL Raleigh, February 20, 1917. Gentlemen of the General Assembly: "The Crop Lien is a curse to the landlord, a curse to the tenant, and a curse to the merchant." So said a member of the State Board of Agriculture and one of the largest and most successful farmers in the State the other day. In so saying he voiced MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 17 the registered judgment of the State Department of Agriculture, the Farmers Union, the Farmers Alliance, and the Bureau of Home and Farm Economics. In so saying he verified the declaration in my inaugural address, that "the crop lien is the boll weevil of North Carolina, the pestilence that walketh in darkness, the destruction that wasteth at noonday." A bill designed to relieve this evil was prepared by the State Council of the Farmers Union and myself and introduced in the Senate by Senator Person and in the House by Representative McCrackan. The bill is no half-baked measure, but is the result of years of study and a most intimate knowledge of actual con- ditions. I know the crop lien system at both ends and in the middle, and I know that the bill now before the Senate on a favorable report will ultimately free our harvests from the crop lien's deadly blight and prove a blessing to the landlord, the tenant and the merchant. It is urged that the enforcement of this law will be attended with some un- certainty. Probably so. Again, it is urged that the law may work an occasional hardship. This is possible. The processes of healing and adjustment are ever attended with a measure of pain. But the uncertainties and the hardships possible under the bill, compared with the burdens of the present system, are as the little finger to the loin. The bill makes no attempt to fix the cash price at which articles may be sold. This is left entirely to competition and trade conditions. But the bill provides that when the cash price is fixed, the merchant, the landlord, the money lender, may add ten per cent for time, and no more. Is it not enough? A gentleman said to me, "How about the negro tenants all over Eastern North Carolina?" I answered, "Ten per cent for six months is enough bonus for a 'nigger' to pay." Another critic of the bill said to me, "The cash price does not represent a reasonable profit on the goods sold." I answered, "Then the man who buys on time pays for himself and also for the man who buys for cash." He said, "That is true." Then said I, "The poor farmer puts his toil and his chattels in bond to pay: "1. His own debts. "2. The losses sustained by the merchant on the shiftless and unworthy debtor. "3. The losses sustained by the merchant on sales to the rich for cash." The critic admitted that this is true. Can the General Assembly permit such an iniquity to continue and expect me to tell the tenant and small farmer that he has a decent chance to better his condition ? I tell you, gentlemen, that the order of Egypt's Eing compelling the children of Israel to make bricks without straw was a study in justice and gen- erosity compared with the artistic cruelty that saddles upon the one honest, industrious tenant his own necessities and the losses sustained by the merchant in charging the rich too little and the poor too much. The task this administration has assigned itself is to do for the agricultural development of the State a work that will at least resemble the work done by the beloved Aycock for our educational development. I am irrevocably committed and consecrated to the work of securing for the men and women on the farms, whose 18 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT lives have been hard and empty, a measure of joy and of hope they have never known. Their faces, pale as picked cotton, are before me always, and as I write I feel the pleading touch of cold, thin hands. Pass this measure ! Pass it just as it is written ; and I can go to these little ones and tell them to thank God and take courage. Their lot will still be hard, but not without hope. Deny them this relief, and their most frantic efforts to gain financial freedom will only leave them bruised against an iron door. Respectfully submitted, T. "W. Bickett, Governor. (4) TRANSMITTING LETTER FROM THE COMMISSIONER OF LABOR AND PRINTING CONCERNING FEDERAL INSPECTION OF CHILD LABOR Raleigh, February 20, 1917. Gentlemen, of the General Assembly: I transmit herewith a communication from the Commissioner of Labor and Printing which is entitled to your serious consideration. Respectfully submitted, T. "W. Bickett, Governor. To His Excellency, Hon. Thomas W. Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, Raleigh, N. C. My dear Governor: — I desire to impart to the members of the General Assembly, through your Excellency, information in my possession touching a subject which I consider of vital interest to the people of North Carolina, in that it points the way to the enforcement of a Federal statute touching our industrial life, by the State itself. You are doubtless aware that an act of Congress entitled "An Act to prevent interstate commerce in the products of child labor, and for other purposes," becomes effective throughout the country on September 1, 1917, and that the power of the Government will be behind the enforcement of this law. The subject of its enforcement is one which comes directly under the purview of the Secretary of Labor, except that the Secretary of Commerce with the Attorney-General and the Secretary of Labor constitute a board for making rules and regulations. The executive officer in charge, however, for the United States in the administration of its child labor law is the Secretary of Labor, and with that official I have been endeavoring to arrange a system of cooperation which would enable the State of North Carolina to manage its affairs without Federal interference. The Federal law provides that "in any state designated by the board an employment certificate or other similar paper as to the age of the child, issued under the laws of that state and not inconsistent with the provisions of this act, shall have the same force and effect as a certificate herein provided for." The essential part of the certificate is, of course, the MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 19 method by which age can be proved, and I am assured by the Secretary of Labor that if the State of North Carolina should provide means of enforce- ment of the National child labor law, the reports of her officials will be accepted, and thus the necessity of sending Federal inspectors into the State would be obviated. I took the matter up with Secretary Wilson, in person, while in Washing- ton a few weeks ago, at which time a tentative measure for consideration by our General Assembly was filed for examination and approved by the Federal board. This bill is now in my possession, having passed the censor- ship of both Secretary Wilson and Secretary Redfield. I have practically been assured that if this proposed measure shall be enacted into a law there will be no dual inspection of industrial concerns in North Carolina when the national law becomes effective on the first day of next September, and I feel it my duty, both as an official and a citizen of this good State, to convey this information to the members of the General Assembly, who alone have the authority to say whether our wage-earners shall obtain certificates of employment from Raleigh or Washington. The bill, submitted by the writer to the Secretary of Labor and partly redrafted by that official, is at their disposal. I have neither the time nor the inclination to "button-hole" legislators in the interest of this or any other proposition. The information in my possession will be cheerfully communicated to any members who may be interested in the State's supervision of its own affairs. We hear a good deal of talk about State's rights. Here is an opportunity to show the extent of our convictions upon that question. Some of our citizens may be deluding themselves with the idea that the Federal law, regulating the employment of children, will be declared un- constitutional. I am not a lawyer, but the Webb-Kenyon decision and the opinion of the Supreme Court in the case brought under the Mann White Slave Act preclude the probability, at least, of an adverse decision to the provisions of the national child labor law. Even if it should be unfavorable, North Carolina would have nothing more, in the matter of labor legislation, than she has needed a good many years, in the event the bill in my posses- sion should become a law. It would be a protection both to the employer and employee and an injury to neither. Frankly, I do not fancy the idea of Federal inspection of the industries of my State, for with it may come agitation that would be hurtful to many of our institutions. But we are facing a condition and not a theory. It is my honest opinion that the affairs of this State should remain in the hands of those who are in a measure aware of existing conditions, and not be allowed to pass into the hands of strangers who may know nothing of them. And this conviction has prompted me to try to devise, if possible, some means of escape from a situation which may be neither pleasant nor profitable to our people. The action I have taken was prompted by a sense of justice I feel for my own people and a personal pride in the affairs of the State I am endeavoring to serve. This matter has been uppermost in my mind ever since President Wilson approved the Federal child labor law during the summer of 1916, and I cannot, in good conscience, let the matter pass without giving the General Assembly an opportunity to consider, if it desires, the plans of cooperation I have succeeded in arranging with the Federal authorities. Having thus discharged a duty incumbent upon me as an official of the 20 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT State, I herewith transfer the responsibility of providing means for the execution of the same upon other shoulders. With great respect for your Excellency and the members of the General Assembly, I am Sincerely yours, M. L. Shipman, Commissioner. (5) LAW LIBRARY FUND Raleigh, February 21, 1917. Gentlemen of the General Assembly: I transmit herewith a message from the Trustees of the Law Library Fund, with the bill attached, in which they ask permission to turn over $9,000 to the State Treasury. I take it that there will be no opposition to this bill. Respectfully submitted, T. W. Bickett, Governor. AN ACT TO AUTHORIZE THE JUSTICES OP THE SUPREME COURT TO PAY INTO THE STATE TREASURY A PORTION OP THE SUPREME COURT LAW LIBRARY FUND. The General Assembly of North Carolina to enact: Section 1. That the Justices of the Supreme Court, as Trustees of the Law Library Fund, are hereby authorized and empowered to pay into the State Treasury the sum of nine thousand dollars ($9,000), being so much of said fund on hand as is necessary for the purposes provided by law. Sec. 2. That this act shall be in force from and after its ratification. Note. — The message accompanying this act could not be found.— Editor. (6) ASKING RECOGNITION OF THE SERVICE OF W. D. JONES IN THE SETTLEMENT OF THE NORTH CAROLINA- TENNESSEE BOUNDARY LINE Raleigh, February 24, 1917. Gentlemen of the General Assembly: In the trial of the case of The State of North Carolina vs. The State of Tennessee, the evidence that probably determined the case in favor of the State of North Carolina was a little book containing the field notes of Colonel "William Davenport, who was one of the surveyors that ran the original line between the two states. This little book was found by Mr. W. D. Jones, a grandson of Colonel MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 21 Davenport, after the suit had commenced. Mr. Jones at once reported the dis- covery of the book to the Attorney-General of North Carolina, who took steps to have the same produced in evidence. The book is now on file in the Supreme Court of the United States. Mr. "W. D. Jones died several years ago, and his widow, Mrs. "W. D. Jones, feels that the State of North Carolina ought to make some recognition of the services of Mr. Jones in the discovery and production of this book, and has asked me to lay this matter before the General Assembly. I trust, therefore, that the General Asembly will pass a resolution expressing the appreciation of the State of the services of Mr. Jones, and make such appropriation to his widow as it, in its judgment, may deem proper. Respectfully submitted, T. "W. Bickett, Governor. (V) NOMINATIONS AND APPOINTMENTS SUBMITTED TO THE SENATE, FEBRUARY 28, 1917 Raleigh, K C, February 28, 1917. Gentlemen of the Senate: I am transmitting herewith, in a sealed envelope, according to custom and re- quest, my nominations for certain directors and trustees for State institutions. I regret I have not been able to send in these nominations at an earlier date, but the unusual pressure of business in the office has made it impossible for me to do so. I am not at this time making any nominations for the State hospitals at Raleigh, Morganton and Goldsboro for the reason that a bill consolidating the management of these three hospitals is now pending before the General Assembly. Respectfully submitted, T. "W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, N. C, February 27, 1917. Gentlemen of the Senate: I respectfully make the following nominations, and trust that they will meet with your approval: DIRECTORS OF THE STATE PRISON H. B. Varner, Chairman Davidson County A. E. Smith Surry County "W. B. Armstrong Gaston County W. M. Sanders Johnston County Benjamin F. Shelton Edgecombe County all for a term of four years, beginning March 14, 1917. PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT TRUSTEES OF THE N. C. COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE AND MECHANIC ARTS R. H. Ricks Nash County D. R. Noland Haywood County W. R. Bonsai Richmond County Everett. Thompson Pasquotank County all for a term of six years, beginning March 20, 1917. I also nominate Mr. A. M. Dixon, of Gaston County, to fill the unexpired term of Hon. R. R. Ray, who has resigned and whose term expires March 20, 1921. DIRECTORS OF THE STATE SCHOOL FOR THE DEAF AND BLIND AT RALEIGH Joseph E. Pogue Wake County H. H. McLendon Anson County Richard R. Boyd Warren County Miss Mary 0. Graham Wake County all for a term of six years, beginning March 6, 1917. DIRECTORS OF THE N. C. STATE SCHOOL FOR THE DEAF AT MORGANTON A. C. Miller Cleveland County Mrs. I. P. Jeter Burke County each for a term of six years, beginning March 12, 1917. MEMBERS OF THE STATE BOARD OF AGRICULTURE R. L. Woodard Pamlico County H. Q. Alexander Mecklenburg County A. T. McCallum Robeson County all for a term of six years, beginning March 11, 1917. BOARD OF INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS R. S. Busbee Wake County R. L. Burns Moore County each for a term of two years, beginning March 10, 1917. TRUSTEES CASWELL TRAINING SCHOOL C. Dewey Wayne County A. B. Justice Mecklenburg County Miss Elizabeth Kelly Johnston County all for a term of six years, beginning March 4, 1917. STATE GEOLOGICAL BOARD John Sprunt Hill Durham County C. C. Smoot Wilkes County each for a term of four years, beginning March 1, 1917. I am not making any nominations for the directors of the State hospitals at Raleigh, Morganton and Goldsboro, at this time, for the reason that a bill is pending before the General Asembly consolidating the management of these three hospitals. Respectfully submitted, T. W. Bickett, Governor. MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY Raeeigh, N. C, February 28, 1917. Gentlemen of the Senate: The State Board of Education respectfully submits the following nomina- tions, as required by law, for Directors of the State Normal and Industrial College at Greensboro: Mrs. Minnie Mclver Brown Columbus County J. D. Murphy Buncombe County C. H. Mebane Catawba County all for a term of six years, beginning March 1, 1918. Respectfully submitted, State Board of Education, By T. W. Bickett, President. (8) BONDS FOR STATE INSTITUTIONS Ealeigh, 1ST. 0., March 1, 1917. Gentlemen of the General Assembly: We have reached a crucial hour in the civic life of our people. Youth is denied its birthright of opportunity and the helpless cry in vain for help. A careful estimate of receipts and disbursements discloses that there is not a single dollar available from current revenues for making permanent improvements in any State institution. Indeed, under the increased cost of all necessary commodities the maintenance of our institutions on our income during the next two years will require a miracle in economy. We are therefore called upon to decide whether it is our duty to close the doors of the educational and charitable institutions to all newcomers and mark time for two years, or to bond the future that we may bless it. My counsel is that we go forward. And the purpose should embrace a plan — a plan for a balanced, com- prehensive enlargement of facilities so that when the work is done it will be adequate, harmonious and complete. Such a plan is embodied in the bill framed by the joint subcommittee on appropriations which provides for a complete program extending through a period of six years, and authorizes bonds to be issued in the sum of $500,000 for each year during this period, the bonds at the end of the seventh year to be retired at the rate of $100,000 a year. I am convinced that the people will approve this well considered plan, and the completed work will be an enduring monument to a General Assembly that took counsel of faith and not of fear. My endorsement of the proposed plan carries with it a specific condition, and that is that the program for the betterment of living conditions in our rural communities as expressed in the several bills hereinafter mentioned shall be like- wise carried out. No mortal man can satisfactorily explain to the people how a state could spend $1,200,000 on these higher institutions of learning and then 24 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT enter a plea of poverty to the cry of the unnumbered multitude who can never hope to enter a college door. The hope and the resolve of this administration is to bring to bleak and lonely lives a new breath of fragrance, a new touch of color, a new baptism of hope. To this end sundry bills have been introduced, and I urge that these be enacted as a part and parcel of the big movement for better living con- ditions in North Carolina. 1. This bill calls for the teaching of the a b c 's of good farming in every country school. The bill has been carefully prepared, approved by everybody interested in the subject, was introduced by Mr. Swain in the House, has been favorably reported by the Committee on Education, and should by all means be enacted. The bill guarantees that the country boy who never rises above the fourth grade will know something of the mysteries of seeds and soils and in the cultivation of a one-horse crop will be able to mix brains with dirt. 2. This bill provides for the physical examination of children who attend the public schools. It proposes to detect and arrest defects in the growing child before it is everlastingly too late. A defect treated in its incipiency will in many cases keep the child from becoming a permanent charge upon the State. Considerations of economy and humanity alike call for the passage of this bill. The bill carries a small appropriation of $15,000, and I am persuaded that the administration of this law will pay marvelous dividends upon the investment. The bill was intro- duced in the House by Dr. Crowson, has been favorably reported by the Com- mittee on Education and Health, and I earnestly beg the General Assembly to make it a law. 3. This bill was introduced in the House by Mr. McLendon, and is designed to make the country schoolhouse the social center. I said in my inaugural address that the pathos of country life is its loneliness. The bill under consideration is designed to relieve that loneliness and at the same time afford invaluable in- struction upon every phase of farm life. JSTo bill before the General Assembly is calculated to more surely stop the flow of population from the country to the town. This bill carries an appropriation of $50,000 per annum, and that much ought to be appropriated, but the work can be started on something less. I sincerely trust that not a single man in the General Assembly will oppose this bill. 4. This bill was introduced in the Senate by Mr. Bennett and is designed to encourage the installation of running water, lights and telephones in country homes and communities. There are thousands of country homes and communities that could be supplied with these modern conveniences if the people knew how to take advantage of the natural resources at hand. They need disinterested, expert advice, and such advice the bill proposes to supply without cost to the people. At present the man or the community in the country interested in these matters is forced to buy advice, and possibly gets it from an expert who has something to sell. The original bill asks for an appropriation of $10,000, but I think the work can be started with half that amount. This bill ought by all means to be made a part of the big program involved in the bond issue proposition. 5. The full amount asked for traveling libraries should be appropriated, as these libraries are doing a great work for the enrichment of the social and in- tellectual life of our country communities. The appropriation asked for moon- light schools and high schools should also be made. These measures added to the $500,000 loan fund to aid in the building of better schoolhouses make a well balanced, well rounded plan. The General MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 25 Assembly cannot afford to neglect any part of this program. You cannot in good conscience issue these bonds and then refuse to adopt these just measures in the interest of the men and women on whose labor and in whose blood rest the enduring progress and safety of the State. Respectfully submitted, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (9) NOMINATIONS AND APPOINTMENTS SUBMITTED TO THE SENATE Raleigh, K G, March 5, 1917. Gentlemen of the Senate: In compliance with the requirements of the act to consolidate the management of the State hospitals for the insane, which has just passed, I make the following nominations for directors : For a term of two years, expiring April 1, 1919: A. E. Tate High Point Morganton District C. A. Woodard Durham Raleigh District W. H. Williams Washington State-at-large For a term of four years, expiring April 1, 1921: C. P. Matheson Taylorsville Morganton District B. B. Adams Four Oaks Raleigh District F. B. McKinne Louisburg State-at-large For a term of six years, expiring April 1, 1923: R. R. Clark Statesville Morganton District Joseph G. Brown Raleigh Raleigh District J. W. Thompson Goldsboro State-at-large Respectfully submitted, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, N". C, March 5, 1917. Gentlemen of the Senate: In compliance with the terms of the act to create the State Board of Charities and Public "Welfare, I make the following nominations for membership on said board : For a term of two years, expiring April 1, 1919: Charles W. Home Clayton J. A. McAulay Mount Gilead Mrs. I. F. Hill Durham For a term of four years, expiring April 1, 1921: Carey J. Hunter Raleigh Mrs. Walter Woodard Wilson 26 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT For a term of six years, expiring April 1, 1923: A. W. McAlister Greensboro W. A. Blair Winston-Salem Respectfully submitted, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (10) BIENNIAL MESSAGE TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, SESSION 1919 Raleigh, N. C, January 9, 1919. The General Assembly of 1917 adjourned on the 7th day of March, and on the 6th day of April the United States entered the World War. The ensuing period taxed the strength of our Government and tested the character of our people. It is cause for profound gratitude that the Government and people have emerged from the great ordeal as "gold tried in the fire." Hot with righteous indignation, the country unleashed its pent-up powers and rushed to the fray with a fury and efficiency that brought confusion and terror to our enemies and wonder and joy to our friends. The world was first dazed and then delighted at the spectacle of a mighty nation going to war, desiring nothing but good and fearing nothing but God. In this inspiring drama of ideals in arms, North Carolina played a noble part. To the Army and the Navy she contributed 79,863 men. And what men they were! Cradled in a State where disloyalty is a monstrosity and cowardice a crime, stirred by memories of valiant sires, exalted by the consciousness that at home every man was accounted a hero, and goaded by a long series of insults and injuries, they hurled themselves at the foe with a divine scorn of costs and consequences, and the Hindenburg line was not ! But money power is necessary to the effective use of man power, and to the call of the Nation for this vital sinew of war our people responded in heroic fashion. We invested — In Liberty Bonds $110,208,950 In War Stamps 37,000,000 In Federal taxes 100,574,417 For the support of the war we gave — To the Red Cross 1,750,000 To the Y. M. C. A 323,870 To the United War Work Fund 1,422,485 To the Jewish War Relief Fund 154,000 Making a grand total of $251,433,722 These are eloquent figures, and bear immortal testimony to the courage and patriotism of our people. MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 27 And the people not only gave their sons and their money, but with these they gave themselves to the winning of the war. All the moral and spiritual forces of the State were mobilized in magnificent array. Before their resolute advance no slackerism could stand, and in their shining presence no selfish thought could live. It would ill become the exalted dignity of their character to cheapen the women of the State with fulsome praise. Suffice it to say that once again they exem- plified and glorified the genius of woman for sacrificial service. They gave their sons to the Nation and to humanity, while their eyes flashed and their hearts bled. They worked as hard as the men worked, and prayed more. In a hundred ways they contributed to the physical comfort of the soldiers and then broke for them the alabaster box of immeasurable love, whose fragrance fills the earth. It would be unjust to close this review of the war without making special mention of the men who administered the Selective Service Law. These men have been the shock absorbers in the engine of war. They stood between the Govern- ment and the people and got hard kicks from both. Theirs was the hardest, most thankless, and, at the same time, the most necessary work of the war. They did it miraculously well, and in the presence of this assembly I want to voice acknowl- edgement of the debt the State can never pay. WHAT SHALL THE HAKVEST BE? But why did we fight, and for what? To shift Prussianism from Potsdam to Washington? To transfer militarism from Germany to France? To dethrone autocracy in Berlin and set it up in London ? It is not so written in the call to arms. The President proclaimed that we are going to war to destroy autocracy wherever found, to send militarism to the scrap-heap of civilization, and to secure blessings of liberty under laws of righteousness for all the children of men. Amid the clamor and confusion of social and political strife, above the tread of hostile armies, his voice rang out like the prophet in the wilderness proclaiming a new dispensation in the life of nations. The whole world was fascinated by the celestial note in that high, clear call. Ministers of the Gospel stood behind the sacred desk and in the name of the Prince of Peace urged men to go forth to war. Teachers gathered children about them and fired their young hearts with the story that America was fighting that every child in all the earth might enter into its birth- right of happiness and hope. Gentle women thrust guns into the hands of their sons and sped them forth to battle for a civilization that would forever guard the weak from the rapacity of the strong. All classes and conditions of men stood upon a hundred thousand platforms and burned into the hearts of the people that we were pouring out our blood and treasure in order to dig up militarism root and branch, and burn it in the unquenchable fire of humanity's righteous wrath. The press in ten million flaming headlines proclaimed that we were in a death-grapple with the very soul of war, and that the Nation must never lower its arms until Prussianism and all its preachments should be swept from the earth forever and forever. In such fashion and for such purpose this Nation went to war; but now when victory has come we find in certain quarters a sudden change of front. Envy is spreading its deadly poison and avarice would capitalize the blood of the slain. In high quarters we hear the insidious suggestion that it was well to kneel before our altars while men were dying for the faith, but now practical men will consign 28 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT their altars to the cellar and set up their bargain counters. Some men of note and others of notoriety sneer at the simple faith of folks who still believe that we are going to get out of this war precisely what we went in for. These men today view with alarm the program of righteousness and enduring peace, to which in the days that tried men's souls they pointed with passionate pride. And when the President of the United States crossed the seas to translate our ideals into a peace pact that will for a thousand years deliver humanity from the burdens and horrors of war, the high priests of profit and privilege launched their anathemas against him, and sought to discount and dishonor the man whom the ends of the earth hail as the prophet and builder of a better day. Such men are a fearful menace to the safety of this Nation and the peace of all mankind. They undermine the faith of the people in the integrity of the Government, in the sanctity of its promises and the beneficence of its purposes. They are piling up inflammable material for the torch of Bolshevism. We might as well look the facts squarely in the face. This world must accept the wholesome, constructive idealism of Woodrow Wilson and Lloyd George, or welter in the morbid, destructive fanaticism of Liebknecht and Lenine. Therefore, in order that we may reap where we have sown, that our dead may not have died in vain, I urge this General Assembly to send a memorial to the American Peace Commission in France, beseeching them to incorporate into the Treaty of Peace such a League of Nations as will in every practicable way make war between enlightened nations forever impossible. A WORTHY MEMORIAL In camp and field our soldiers made the supreme sacrifice to save the ideals of this republic. It now behooves us to make every needful sacrifice to perpetuate these ideals in increased purity and power. The finest memorial we can build to our brave is a State that will rank as high over here as they did "over there." Our first thought in the building of this State should be the welfare of the children, for "the child is father to the man." Every child has a natural right to his father's protecting care. Neither the sins of the father nor the weakness of the mother can abridge in any degree this inherent right. It follows that every child has a right to know who his father is. The black letter law that a child may be a nullius filius, a son of nobody, is as base in morals as it is false in biology. Our whole law on this subject is antiquated and inadequate and should be wiped from the books. A new law should provide that when a child is born out of wed- lock, it shall be the duty of the local representative of the State Board of Public Welfare to bring a civil action in the name of the State of North Carolina upon the relation of the child for the purpose of locating and identifying the father. The action should be brought in the Superior Court, tried in solemn form before a judge and jury, and the findings should be made a permanent record in the archives of the court. The father thus located and identified should be charged with the maintenance and education of such child in precisely the same degree as if the child had been born in lawful wedlock. Such a child should not be made the heir of such a father, as this might lead to fraud and would be an injustice to the lawful mother and wife, but in all other respects the father should be made to carry the responsibilities of paternity and be indictable if he fails to do so. Such a law would not only be just to these sinless children of sin, but would have a wholesome tendency to reduce their number. MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 29 EVERY CHILD HAS A NATURAL RIGHT TO A FAIR START The State is a party to an awful crime against childhood when it permits idiots and imheciles to perpetuate their species. The law very properly forbids the marriage of these unfortunate creatures, and it should be equally diligent in pre- venting their illicit increase. The State should take steps to render it impossible for any person adjudged hy a competent board to be an incurahle mental defective to transmit that infirmity to generations unborn ; such a law would he the essence of humanity and common sense. Again, the State is a party to a crime against childhood and against woman- hood when it permits a marriage license to be issued to a man afflicted with a contagious disease due to vice. The law should require a health certificate to he presented hy every man who applies for a marriage license. The population in our hospitals for the insane is increasing so rapidly that it seems to be impossible for the State to erect buildings in which to keep them. A large percentage of these unfortunate creatures are the children of people who are themselves mental defectives or whose blood has been tainted by vice. The only place to stop this muddy, murky current is at its source. Every child has a natural right to have any mental or physical defect corrected, if it be in the power of medical or surgical skill. The incidental fact that the parents may not be able to pay for the necessary treatment in no way affects the rights of the child. The General Assembly of 1917 made a wholesome start in this direction by the enactment of chapter 244, Public Laws of 1917, but the scope of that chapter should be greatly enlarged and the appropriation increased from ten to at least fifty thousand dollars per annum. We cannot claim to main- tain an intelligent, much less a Christian civilization, if a child be allowed to stagger through life under the handicap of a mental or physical infirmity for the want of a few dollars. Indeed, it is an economical blunder for society to permit an adult to become a mental or physical derelict for want of proper surgical or medical treatment. It is cheaper to correct these infirmities than to pay for the upkeep of these derelicts in charitable institutions. In addition to the physical examinations of public school children, there should be a compulsory course in physical culture maintained in every public school. Setting-up exercises should be required every day just as they are in the training camps for the soldiers. LONGER AND BETTER SCHOOLS The right of every child to an education is now universally conceded. It is also conceded that the duty to provide educational facilities up to a certain point rests upon the State. The old argument that one man ought not to be taxed to educate the child of another has gone into the discard, and any man who cherishes this once popular notion is ashamed to admit it. But our works have not kept pace with our faith, and this General Assembly should resolutely set its face to execute the mandate of the people, who, by a majority of more than one hundred thousand, have decreed that every child in North Carolina must have the opportunity to go to school at least six months in the year. To provide the machinery and the money for carrying out this con- stitutional mandate is at once the plain duty and the high privilege of this General Assembly. 30 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT A. bill in the nature of a suggestion will be submitted in due time to your appropriate committees. Tbis administration is not wedded to the details of any particular bill, but the six-months school must be maintained. Therefore, I urge you gentlemen not to indulge in destructive criticisms of the bill, but to point out how the thing can be done in a better way. Such information will be received with joy by the very people who have taxed their energies in framing the best bill possible under the circumstances. One principle I desire to emphasize, the child is the ivard of the State. The organic law of the State requires that every child shall have the benefit of a six- months school, no matter where the child may live. While it is the duty of counties and communities to do all they reasonably can, this in no way relieves the State of its supreme obligation to the child. Therefore, it is the duty of this General Assembly to make it absolutely certain that the schoolhouse door shall be open to every child in our borders for six months in the year. HOW CAN THEY BE TAUGHT EXCEPT THERE BE A TEACHER ? For some years the salaries paid the teachers in our public schools have been inadequate. During the last two years school teachers would have starved but for the assistance of relatives and friends. It is simply impossible to keep schools open under these conditions, and the State is confronted with the necessity of increasing the wages paid teachers in our public schools at least 50 per cent. The average salary paid these teachers last year was $45.72 per month. This General Assembly should, without a dissenting vote, enact a law making the minimum salary for a teacher who holds a first-grade certificate, $65. Such a law would in no way prevent the payment of higher salaries in special-tax districts and in our cities and towns. A COMPULSORY SCHOOL ATTENDANCE AND CHILD-LABOK LAW The right of the child to an education at the hands of the State carries with it the right of the State to compel the child to take advantage of the facilities provided. In duty bound the State erects the buildings and employs the teachers, and having thus done its part, a binding obligation rests upon the parent and the child to do their part. This General Assembly should in short order enact a law compelling every child between the ages of eight and fourteen to attend school during the entire term of the public school in the district in which the chfld resides. Appropriate machinery should be provided for the strict enforcement of this law. Coupled with and as a part of the compulsory school law should be a child- labor law. The first sections of the act should provide for compulsory attendance upon school ; the latter sections should make it unlawful for any mill or factory to employ any child between the ages of eight and fourteen during the public school term. Of course no child under seventeen can be employed under existing laws. The weakness of child-labor legislation has been that it has dealt>l|||h the subject only in a negative way. It has declared that the child shall not work, but has not concerned itself with what the child shall do. The treatment of the problem has been not unlike that of the mother who told the servant to go out in the yard and see what the children were doing and make them stop it. A law that takes the child out of the factory and dumps it into the street is hurtful both to the child MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 31 and to society. The law should say the child shall not work and, furthermore, that he shall go to school. In fact, the law should be primarily a part of the educa- tional policy of the State and only in an incidental way a child-labor law. The law should be enforced by the officers of the educational department, and it should be the duty of the truant officer to go out and find the child, whether in a factory or in the street, and place him in school. Provision might be made with proper safeguards for permitting a child be- tween twelve and fourteen to work in a factory after the public school term has expired, provided a certificate can be obtained showing that the child had actually attended the school during the entire term. SANITARY CLOSETS As a part of the general welfare scheme, I make the following additional recommendations. A general law should be enacted making it compulsory for the owner of property on which a closet is located within three hundred feet of the dwelling-house of any other person to maintain a sanitary closet in accordance with plans and specifications approved by the State Board of Health. Such sanitary closets would prevent the undue spread of typhoid fever, hookworm, intestinal tuberculosis, and other intestinal diseases. Besides, many diseases are brought on by the absence of commodious, sanitary and convenient toilet facilities. Especial attention should be given to toilets for use in schools and all places where people assemble in large numbers. I make a special recommendation that the General Assembly at once order the State Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds to provide on or near the Capitol grounds commodious and sanitary toilet facilities for both sexes and both races. The necessity for such facilities is apparent and imperative. THE UPKEEP OF ROADS The failure to provide for the upkeep of roads, where bonds have been issued to build them, is the acme of unwisdom. Such a policy is on a par with that of the man who plants a crop and then refuses to cultivate it. This General Assembly should immediately pass a law compelling every county in the State where bonds have been issued or may hereafter be issued, for the construction of roads, to levy an annual upkeep tax of not less than 3 and not more than 5 per cent of the amount of bonds issued for their construction. THE FEDERAL ROAD ACT There seems to be a probability that Congress will appropriate a hundred million dollars annually to build good roads. North Carolina's part of this appro- priation will be about two million two hundred and fifty thousand dollars annually, and in order to obtain this sum the State will have to make provision for tjafe 1 expenditure of a similar amount. The vital question is, Where can the moneylpe found ? I have been urged to recommend that the State issue bonds to this amount annually for ten years, making a total bond issue of twenty-two million dollars. I regret that I cannot endorse such a measure. It is doubtful that the State could market bonds in this amount. Even if we could sell the bonds it would be unwise to clothe a central board with power to say where the roads should be located. 1/ 32 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Every county in the State would demand that the roads he run through that county, and the several townships in the counties would contend among them- selves for the location. This always happens when the communities that get the roads pay no more than those that do not. The wise course would seem to be to leave it to the several counties to say whether or not they both desire and are willing to pay for these roads. With respect to sand-clay and gravel roads, the general road law now in force would seem to be adequate to meet the situation. But with respect to great macadamized or asphalt highways, new provisions would have to be made. The new law should provide for establishing these great highways on the basis of the Federal Government paying one-half the cost, the county one-fourth, and the abutting landowners on either side one-eighth. This is the principle followed in paving the streets in our cities, and there is no reason why it should not be applied to these permanent highways. The land abutting on the highway would be doubled and quadrupled in value. The time would soon come when water mains and electric light lines would be established along these highways and the abutting lands would sell by the front-foot instead of by the acre. People living along these highways would enjoy practically all the advantages of town and city life. Such a scheme would prevent unseemly scrambles among the people, and com- munities obtaining the roads would pay for what they got. THE SHOKT BALLOT At the expense of repetition I am constrained to again insist that the principle of the short ballot should be applied to all State administrative offices. There is something attractive to the popular mind in the theory that all the people select these officials, but the truth is that the people do no such thing. A few men, an average of not more than three, select themselves as candidates, and then the people are accorded the privilege of saying in the primaries which of these three is least objectionable. There never was a more tragic delusion than that the people select these officials. But if the people should be actually consulted it is plain that all the people cannot secure sufficient information about the qualifications of a man for these administrative offices to enable them to arrive at a conclusion satisfactory to themselves. There is no more reason for electing the Governor's Council than there is for electing the President's Cabinet. I take it that no one would favor electing the President of the University by a vote of all the people, and yet the people can pass upon his qualifications quite as well as they can on those of the State Superin- tendent of Public Instruction. The Commissioner of Agriculture is elected by the people, the President of the Agricultural College is elected by a board of trustees, and yet the people can pass upon the qualifications of the President of the College quite as intelligently as they can upon the qualifications of the Com- missioner. Presidents of railroads and other corporations are selected by small boards of directors. Railroad commissioners and corporation commissioners are elected by all the people. Who are most efficiently served by their chosen officials ? I have supreme faith in the judgment of all the people when they know the facts. They can know the facts about a few men on a ticket. They should vote for these few, and then hold them rigidly responsible for results. MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 33 Only the Governor and the Lieutenant-Governor should be elected, but a com- plete change would require a constitutional amendment, and hence as a start in the right direction, I urge this General Assembly to enact a law that all State ad- ministrative officers whose election by the people is not required by the Constitu- tion shall hereafter be appointed by the Governor. Of course the Commissioner of Agriculture should be elected by the Board of Agriculture, and the heads of our several institutions by boards of directors or trustees. A HOUSE FOE THE FAEMEE When any citizen, or a stranger within the gates, comes into my office and asks where the Department of Agriculture is located I am ashamed to tell him. The quarters of the Agricultural Department would do no credit to a county agricul- tural society. They are a disgrace to the imperial State of North Carolina. I beseech this General Assembly to authorize the Department of Agriculture to erect for its own use a building in keeping with the dignity of our greatest industry. The building ought to be the very handsomest one in the State. Worth Carolina today ranks seventh in the value of her agricultural products. The Department is doing a great work and deserves to be properly housed. THE STATE PEISON I renew the recommendation made in my inaugural address that the entire administration of the State Prison should be conducted from the State Farm. I have consulted the board of directors of the prison, who are men of the very finest business judgment, and they are all of opinion that such a change would make for efficiency and economy in the administration of the prison. The board should be directed to erect upon the State Farm suitable administration buildings, to establish a heating and lighting plant, and to run a branch railroad from the Atlantic Coast Line to the center of the farm. I deem it my duty to take notice of the popular delusion that the State Prison is a great reservoir from which labor for any and all purposes may be drawn. There are at present writing in the State Prison, including the department for the criminal insane, 778 convicts. Of these 120 are kept in the Central Prison and are unable to do any regular work. At the State Farm there are 344 prisoners, 23 of these being women. At Badin and at Bridgewater there are 256. The strongest prisoners are at Badin and at Bridgewater. Not more than half of the prisoners at the State Farm are capable of doing regular hard work on the public roads. Two years ago there were in the prison 967, and although the last General Assembly enacted two laws calculated to increase the number of prisoners, to wit. the law requiring men convicted of manufacturing whiskey to be sent to the prison for at least one year, and the law not permitting any one to be sent to the public roads for more than five years, there has been a reduction in the prison population of 189 prisoners, or, approximately, 20 per cent. If the bone-dry laws, the in- creased and improved educational facilities, and the whole program for better social and industrial conditions are worth what we confidently believe they are, then there is a reasonable hope that the number of convicts in the State Prison will steadily decrease. Hence it is idle for the State to embark in any work in the expectation of doing it with convict labor. 3 34 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Propositions come to my office asking for convict labor for every sort of work under the sun, based upon the delusion that the supply of labor is inexhaustible, that the State pays the expenses of the prison and that the available labor can be used without any regard for business considerations. The State does not appropriate one penny for the support of the prison. The able-bodied prisoners, who do not represent more than two-thirds of the population, must earn their own living and the living of those unable to work, the salaries of all the officials and employees of the prison, the equipment, improvements and repairs, and also the per diem allowed the prisoners themselves under the law. Considerations of humanity are against working the convicts on the public roads. The quarters of convicts must be safe and they must be sanitary. It is well-nigh impossible to comply with both of these requirements in building tem- porary quarters save at prohibitive expense. I understand that there is one, and there may be more, safe and sanitary county convict camp in the State; but personally I never saw one that was fit for the abode of any human being. If we be sincere in our loud protests against inhumanity to those "behind closed doors," if we really desire to do them good and not evil during the period of their imprisonment, if we want to make them prisoners of hope and not of despair, and send them out into the world better citizens than they entered the prison walls, then we will place them in quarters and surround them with con- ditions that will preserve their health, improve their minds and morals, and build up their self-respect. These conditions can be found on a farm better than anywhere else, and if we really desire a model prison, the place to build it up is on the State Farm. The suggestion that the convicts compete with the farmers is not well founded. In making their own feed and food supplies the convicts certainly do not compete with the farmers, for the farmers of North Carolina do not produce enough of these commodities for their own uses, and the amount of cotton produced on the farm could not possibly affect the price of cotton to the extent of a dollar on a thousand bales. I renew the recommendation made in my inaugural address that the State Prison be remodeled and converted into a hospital for the insane. The building cannot be made suitable for patients who can be cured by scientific treatment, but there are in our hospitals, both at Kaleigh and at Morganton, many patients for whom the greatest alienists can do nothing. All that can be done for these poor creatures is to keep them in a place where they cannot hurt themselves or others, and where they will be physically comfortable. The State Prison building can be arranged to take care of this class of patients and make room in the other hospitals for patients for whom there is some ray of hope. A CHANCE FOE THE SHEEP The sheep industry ought to be fostered in North Carolina, and I recommend that a law be enacted forbidding owners of dogs to allow them to run at large at night. Such a law would entail no expense upon the owners, and would afford a large measure of protection to the sheep. FEDERAL PROHIBITION I shall lay before the General Assembly at once the proposed amendment to the Federal Constitution making it unlawful to manufacture or sell intoxicating MESSAGES TO TEE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 35 liquors in the United States. The mind of North Carolina is already made up on this subject, and I assume that the amendment will be promptly ratified. LAW ENFORCEMENT There is nothing so demoralizing as the nonenforeement of the law. It makes a good citizen lose faith in the law and the bad citizen lose respect for the law. If a law cannot be enforced it ought to be repealed. The greatest hindrance to the due enforcement of the general law is local prejudice or indifference. In a government by the people this will always be so. The natural remedy for this evil is officials who will not be subject to local influences. This is the principal reason why Federal laws are generally enforced better than State laws. I recommend the enactment of a law along the following lines : Make it the duty of all sheriffs, deputies, constables, and police officials to cooperate with all Federal officials and with each other in the enforcement of the law. Clothe the Governor with power to send any of the county or city officials above mentioned into any part of the State, and pay their per diem and expenses while on duty outside of their own county. Upon complaint made in writing by as many as five reputable citizens that any official in North Carolina is not enforcing the law, authorize the Governor to direct the Attorney-General to investigate the complaint, and, if he finds it well grounded, to bring an ouster proceeding against the delinquent official in any county in the State which the Attorney-General may designate. Make it the duty of the solicitor to prosecute the ouster proceeding under the direction of the Attorney-General. The bill I am suggesting creates no office, but simply enables the State to use, to the best advantage, the officials we already have. THE PRIMARY LAW The primary law should be radically strengthened or repealed. I prefer to strengthen it. The undue use of money in the primary is a debauchery of the people and a fraud on good citizens who desire to obey the law. The law should forbid any candidate to employ any one to work for him in the primary, save in a purely clerical capacity. No mortal man can run and mark the line between paying a field worker for his legitimate services and buying his influence. Because of this the primary has bred a race of political heelers who stand around all the day idle "because no man hath hired them," and are ready, at the first or the eleventh hour, to go into the vineyard and work valiantly for any man until another comes along and raises the price. If a man has not impressed himself with his fitness for an office on his friends to the extent that they will be willing to do a reasonable amount of work for his nomination without money and without price, he ought not to be allowed to develop a wholly artificial following by the employment of a host of professional boosters. Lending money to or endorsing the notes of insolvent persons or lending money to solvent persons with no intention of ever collecting it is a favorite device for evading the law against the excessive use of money in the primaries. This ought to be stopped, and every candidate should be required to publish at the end of each week with his expense account a list of all loans or endorsements made by him. 36 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Every newspaper and moving-picture show or other advertising agency should he required to publish at the end of each week the amount of all sums of money paid or contracted to be paid by candidates or friends of candidates during the preceding week. The law should further contain a provision that if any candidate shall expend or knowingly permit others to expend for him a larger sum of money than allowed by law, he shall forfeit the nomination, and it shall go to the candidate receiving the next highest vote. Adequate provision should be made for the proper canvassing board to find the facts and declare null and void the nomination of any candidate where it appears that the same was obtained by fraud, or that the candidate has expended a greater sum of money than allowed by law. To allow a candidate to defy the law and to practice all manner of frauds and provide no adequate remedy is a mockery and a crime. In the very nature of the case the courts cannot afford relief in time to be of any practical value. The jurisdiction to hear and determine the facts should reside in the canvassing boards and their findings should be made final. The primary ought to be made the unbribed expression of the popular will, or it ought to be sent to the scrap-heap. TAXATION Every citizen of North Carolina is entitled to take pride in the wonderful growth of our State. This growth calls for larger revenues to meet the just demands of a progressive civilization. It is as foolish to complain about increased State expenses as for the father of a growing family to complain about increased family expenses. If a man will consult his own family expense account he will be prepared to view with sympathy and intelligence the situation that today con- fronts the State of North Carolina. The State is simply a big family, and must buy the same commodities that other families buy, and the high cost of these commodities makes it imperative to increase the salaries of all those who serve the State. It also follows that the appropriations for the maintenance of our charitable and educational institutions must be substantially larger than hereto- fore. During the last two years these institutions have practiced economy to the point of cruelty, and yet today they are in debt to the amount of $183,478.13. This deficit will have to be wiped out, and provision made, not only for the in- creased cost of commodities, hut for the ever-growing numbers that are clamoring for admittance to all our State institutions. The lengthening of the public school term from four months to six, the increase in the salaries of teachers from $45 to $65 per month will, in themselves, make necessary additional annual revenue to the amount of two and a half millions of dollars. These are large figures, but they are not appalling. Last year the State of North Carolina paid in taxes for the support of the Federal Government seventy millions of dollars, a sum greater than has been expended on the State Government for State purposes during the entire period since the Civil War, and we are not paupers yet. The truth is, gentlemen, North Carolina is entirely too poor to mis- spend a dollar, but she is abundantly rich enough to spend whatever sum may be necessary to maintain within her borders a wholesome and enlightened civilization. IMMEDIATE AND IMPERATIVE DEMANDS In order to meet the present and imperative demands of the Treasury, I recom- mend the following privilege taxes : MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 37 1. On the operation of automobiles double the present license tax, the increase to go to the general fund for the support of schools or any other object the General Assembly may determine. This automobile tax will hurt no one. If a man feels that he is not able to pay this additional amount on his automobile in order to keep the children of the State out of ignorance, then let him walk and improve his health. 2. A tax of 10 per cent on the sale price of all patented and proprietary medicines. This will be no burden on the manufacturer of these nostrums, for it is well known that the average compound that sells for $1 a bottle does not cost more than 25 cents. If by this tax the people are led to consume less of these drugs, so much the better, for I heartily agree with the distinguished physician in Massachusetts who said that if every drug known to the pharmacopeia should be dumped into the Atlantic Ocean no one would be hurt except the fishes. 3. A tax of 5 per cent on all syrups used in soft drinks and sold at fountains or in bottles. The manufacturer can reduce the amount of syrup per glass or bottle one-twentieth, and whatever he takes out will be a blessing to the consumer. 4. A tax of not less than 3 nor more than 5 per cent on the purchase price of tobacco in every form. The principle adopted in this schedule is to raise necessary revenue in a way that will entail the least hardships on the citizen. The taxes above mentioned will compel no one to go without anything that is essential to clean, wholesome, com- fortable living. All these taxes are approved by the Special Tax Commission and by the State Tax Commission, and machinery for their enforcement can be easily devised. CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS In order to give the State a better permanent system of taxation, certain con- stitutional amendments are necessary. 1. The poll tax should be strictly limited to $2, all payable to the State for the benefit of the public schools, and no county, town or special district should be allowed to levy any poll tax whatever. In some of our cities the poll tax ranges from $6 to $S. This is an outrageous burden on the head of the poor man. 2. Wearing apparel, household and kitchen furniture, the working implements of the farmer and the mechanic, the books and scientific instruments of the student, to the aggregate amount of $300, should be made absolutely exempt from taxation. The present Constitution authorizes the General Assembly to make such an ex- emption, and the Constitution should be amended so as to make the exemption absolute. 2v~orth Carolina can get along without taxing these comforts and con- veniences of the home, and they should not cumber the tax books. 3. Incomes above $1,000 for an unmarried person and $1,500 for a married person should be taxed, no matter from what source derived, except income from State and Government bonds. Under the present income law wage-earners are the only class of people who pay an income tax. There are numerous cases where the head of the business receives an income of $10,000 to $100,000 a year and pays no income tax, while every person in his employ who receives a salary of over $1,250 is compelled to pay the tax. The Federal law makes no such discrimination, and there is no reason why the State law should do so. 4. The proviso in the present Constitution requiring the payment of a poll tax as a prerequisite to voting should be repealed. It breeds corruption in politics and serves no useful purpose. 38 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT 5. The requirements as to residence in the State before being eligible to vote should be reduced to one year, and corresponding reductions made as to residence in counties and townships. It is believed that with these constitutional amendments the State will be able to raise all revenues for State purposes without resorting to any property tax. This would leave all the real and personal property to the counties and towns, and would wonderfully help in bringing about a fair valuation of property for pur- poses of taxation, and would also tend to solve the vexing problem of equalization. FINDING AND FIXING LIABILITIES ]STo General Assembly can levy taxes intelligently in the absence of a reasonably accurate knowledge of what the State's liabilities will be for the ensuing two years. It is practically impossible for the finance committees to obtain this knowledge during the session of the General Assembly. North Carolina ought to adopt a modern budget system. I commend to your careful consideration the following extract from the report of the Special Tax Commission: We earnestly recommend to the early consideration of the General Assembly the creation of some authority, clothed with ample power of in- vestigation, whose duty it shall be to scrutinize every avenue of expenditure of public funds, to make diligent investigation of future necessities, and to have prepared for the General Assembly, when it meets, a budget of proposed appropriations combined into one bill. With its work thus blocked out in advance, the appropriation committees would have time to make such ample investigations as would be satisfactory to the General Assembly and the people of the State. Budget commissions have been created in many states and composed in a wide variety of ways. While the work of such a commission is recommendatory, its work is highly important, and it should be constituted in close touch with the people. The expenditure of public money is preeminently the function of the direct representatives of the people. As a suggestion for consideration we recommend that such a com- mission be created by this General Assembly on the opening day of its session, and that the chairmen of the committees on Finance and Appropria- tions at each session of the General Assembly, together with the Governor of the State, constitute the Budget Commission to report to the succeeding General Assembly, and with provision that no bill carrying appropriation from the State Treasury shall be considered by the General Assembly until the general budget bill shall have been passed, and that no appropriation afterwards made shall be valid unless the money to pay same is in the Treasury, or unless the bill carrying the appropriation levies a special tax to pay same. TAKING STOCK When the General Assembly knows the liabilities of the State for two years, it knows just half enough. Unless it prefer to leap in the dark rather than to walk in the light, the General Assembly should have before it an inventory of the assets of the State as well as its liabilities. This inventory should be taken as thoroughly and as honestly as the merchant takes stock when he desires to ascer- tain exactly how his business stands. There has never been a conscientious effort to take such an inventory of the assets of North Carolina. The present Machinery Act tends to conceal rather than reveal the true value of property. The excuse for MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 39 such machinery is that if property should be placed upon the books at its true value the tax rates would be confiscatory. Such a fear is not well founded. It may be considered a childish faith, but I believe that in the long run it pays to tell the truth about anything. We may not hope to be a great people so long as we condone falsehood and deception in our relations to the government under which we live. The principles and practices that are tolerated in the listing or nonlisting of property for taxation constitute a school of immorality that will, if allowed to continue, destroy the moral fiber of our people. I devoutly believe that if we shall resolve to about-face and tell the exact truth about our property, we will not only shame the devil, but we will decrease rather than increase the burdens of taxation. To this end I urge you to clothe the Tax Commission with ample powers, and equip it with ample forces and direct it to find and place on the tax books at its real value every piece of property, tangible and intangible, in the State of North Carolina. It will not be difficult to frame machinery that will accomplish this result if we be in deadly earnest about it. It is not necessary to discuss the details of such machinery, but I will mention just one vital feature entirely absent from the present act. A questionnaire should be carefully prepared and submitted to every taxpayer, and he should be required to answer under oath a series of very searching questions. For example : 1. Did you acquire this property by purchase or inheritance, and when? 2. If by purchase, what did you pay for it? 3. Have you sold, or offered to sell, any part of this property within the last four years, and if so, what did you get or offer to take per acre or front foot? 4. Has any one proposed to buy this property, or any part of it, within the last four years, and if so, what was the offer per acre or front foot ? 5. Has any property been sold in your section of the town or county within the last four years, and if so, what did it bring per acre or front foot? 6. State in full the difference between the general character of your property and the property so sold. 7. What are the buildings on the property worth independent of the land, and how much insurance do you carry on such buildings ? 8. Have you ever obtained a loan or applied for a loan of money on this property, and if so, for how much did you apply, and what did you state was the value of the property in your application for the loan? 9. What do you honestly think this property would bring if sold for one-fourth cash, the balance of the purchase price to be paid in one, two and three years? The above questions are simply suggestive; others may be inserted in the questionnaire in regard to intangible property. The law should make it perjury for any taxpayer to knowingly make a statement materially false. The law can be so framed that any person who endeavors to conceal his property or the real value of the same will be in very grave danger of going to jail in this world and to hell in the world to come. If all property should be placed on the books at its true value the problems of equalization would at once disappear. True values are equal values, and just in proportion as we depart from the truth we make room for discrimination. 40 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT THE HIGHER THE VALUE THE LOWER THE TAX I am convinced that a conscientious effort, backed by proper machinery, would result in more than doubling the tax value of the property on the books. I believe that the true value is treble the assessed value, taking the State as a whole. If I did not believe this I would not be interested in the subject. But if we expect the people to deal fairly with the Government, then the Government must deal fairly with the people. It would not be fair to double or treble valuations and to allow current rates of taxation to continue. In order to keep faith with the people I recommend that this General Assembly cut the property tax half in two, except the tax levied for the benefit of the schools, and I recommend that this be reduced one-fourth. In addition to this action on the part of the State, the General Assembly should require counties and towns and special districts to cut all their ad valorem taxes half in two, except the taxes levied for the support of the schools, and these should be reduced one-fourth. The results of such a law would be fourfold. 1. We would put an end to the debauchery of the people by winking at false- hood and fraud in the matter of taxation. 2. We would get rid of unequal valuations. 3. We would more than double the value of property on the books, and secure increased revenues. 4. We would appear before the world as a wealthy state with a reasonable tax rate, instead of a poor state with an exceedingly high rate. There is a reasonable difference of opinion as to just when this work should be undertaken. I think we ought to do it now. We could extend the time for the work, let the taxes fall due on the first of December instead of the first day of October, and make such other and further extensions as would give time in which to do the work thoroughly. However, time is not of the essence, but I do insist that this General Assembly shall require the work to be done. The foregoing recommendations are not deemed by myself to be the last word on the subject. They are merely intended to give direction to your own thinking. I have in them no pride of paternity, and if you shall find a more excellent way to reach the desired ends I shall be very happy. Your one tragic blunder, your one unpardonable sin would be to go to sleep on duty and do nothing. While this concludes my recommendations to you, I trust that it may be merely the beginning of my labors with you. During these sixty days I want every, one of you to feel that you have the right of way in my office and in my home. I very earnestly desire to be your fellow-servant, and to help you in every possible way to dress and to keep this Garden of the Lord that men call Carolina. My prayer to God is, and my faith is, that when the General Assembly of 1919 shall pass into history its record will declare its glory. Respectfully submitted, T. W. Bickett, Governor. MESSAGES TO TEE GE FERAL ASSEMBLY 41 (11) FEDERAL PROHIBITION AMENDMENT SPECIAL MESSAGE Raleigh, 1ST. C, January 11, 1919. To the General Assembly of North Carolina: I hereby transmit to you a copy of the joint resolution proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States relative to the manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors as certified to me by the Secretary of State under the seal of the Department of State. Respectfully submitted, T. "W. Bickett, Governor. S. J. Res. 17. SIXTY-FIFTH CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AT THE SECOND SESSION Begun and held at the City of Washington on Monday, the third day of December, one thousand nine hundred and seventeen. JOINT RESOLUTION Proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States. Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled (two-thirds of each House concur- ring therein), That the following amendment to the Constitution be, and hereby is, proposed to the states to become valid as a part of the Constitu- tion when ratified by the legislatures of the several states as provided by the Constitution: Article "Section 1. After one year from the ratification of this article the manufacture, sale or transportation of intoxicating liquors within, the importation thereof into, or the exportation thereof from the United States and all territory subject to the jurisdiction thereof for beverage pur- poses is hereby prohibited. "Sec 2. The Congress and the several states shall have concurrent power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. "Sec 3. This article shall be inoperative unless it shall have been ratified as an amendment to the Constitution by the legislatures of the several states as provided in the Constitution, within seven years from the date of the submission hereof to the states by the Congress." Champ Clark, Speaker of the House of Representatives. Thos. R. Marshall, Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate. I certify that this Joint Resolution originated in the Senate. James M. Baker, Secretary. 42 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT (12) REBUILDING CASWELL TRAINING SCHOOL DORMITORY SPECIAL MESSAGE Ealeigh, N". C, January 13, 1919. To the General Assembly: On the 8th day of December one of the girls' dormitory buildings at the Caswell Training School was destroyed by fire, and on the 5th day of January another dormitory building at the school used by the girls was also destroyed by fire. About one hundred girls occupied these two dormitories. Fortunately none of them were injured. The girls are now sleeping in halls and dining-rooms, and have to be kept under constant care. The necessity for erecting dormitories to take the place of those destroyed is immediate and imperative. It will take seventy-five thousand dollars to erect these buildings, and I earnestly urge the General Assembly to make a special appropriation for these purposes at once. Respectfully submitted, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (13) TELEGRAM OF GENERAL CROWDER ON DRAFT EVASION Raleigh, K C, February 26, 1919. To the General Assembly: I transmit herewith letter and telegram received by me from General Crowder. Respectfully submitted, T. W. Bickett, Governor. WAR DEPARTMENT Office of the Provost Marshai^General Washington Honorable Thomas W. Bickett, February 23, 1919. State Capitol. Raleigh, North Carolina. My deak Governor: — I am inexpressibly shocked, this morning, to find in the copy of the Raleigh News and Observer of February 19, 1919, just come to hand, an account of the dissatisfaction publicly expressed by mem- bers of the North Carolina Legislature, and other prominent officials, with the passage of my printed report dealing with resistance to the Draft in that State. Needless to say it is a matter of the deepest concern to myself to discover that the statements in any part of that report are not consonant with the facts as understood by those who know them, that I regret pro- foundly that anything contained therein has given just ground for the senti- ments in the interviews printed in the Raleigh News and Observer. MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 43 Let me say at the outset that you will do me a great favor if you will take the earliest opportunity to convey to those members of the Legislature who have noticed the matter, my expressions of sincere regret that anything was found in the report reflecting unjustly upon the honor of the State in respect to the attitude of any portion of its population towards the Draft. It has been a matter of constant observation in this office that the Draft was administered in the State of North Carolina in a manner to reflect the greatest pride upon both the Government and citizens of that State; and at various parts of my printed report you will find ample data testifying to North Carolina's splendid record in the raising of America's greatest army. In the administration of this office, it has been my assiduous effort, and I believe with a success virtually universal in every state, to maintain the most harmonious relations between the Federal and the State authorities in the administration of the Selective Draft. And I take this opportunity to place on record my personal appreciation of your whole- hearted cooperation with the Federal Government and of the splendid results achieved under your direction by the entire Selective Service administration in the State of North Carolina, and especially for the admirable solution by you of the unusual difficulties connected with draft resistance. In this connection I must especially add my satisfaction at the admirable solution by you in handling the particular situation which arose at the time re- ferred to in the above cited instance. The explanation of the unfortunate quotation in my report of the news- paper account which has been criticized is as follows: During the year and a half before the Armistice this office had received notice both from official correspondence and otherwise of the existence of a few scattered instances of disturbance in five states, viz., Michigan, Mon- tana, North Carolina, Oklahoma and Texas. Not having received any official statement of the scope and meaning of those disturbances and being desirous to present a concise, but accurate record of them in my Report to the Secretary of War, I sent out on November 27, 1918, a letter, identical in form, to the Military Aides of the Governors in charge of the Draft in these five states. In this letter I stated that "I want to know with entire accuracy all the incidents of the draft disturbances that have occurred," and I re- quested the officers to "collect the salient facts and send them to me," re- questing an early reply. Within the next two weeks I received replies from the Military Aides in Montana, Oklahoma and Texas. None, however, was received from North Carolina. I have no doubt that in some unfortunate manner not understood by me, my letter miscarried. However, my annual report was due, and I was therefore obliged to prepare a short account from such unofficial information as was available. In my office had been collected a large number of newspaper clippings, all of which agreed substantially in their account of the incidents. With the desire of using the account that would substantially portray the facts and retain at the same time the human interest features, the one selected was the one that appears in the Report. This clipping had long been on file in this office, and there was nothing in the remainder of our files to throw doubt upon its correctness. It was considerably cut down from its original form and as was sup- posed there was eliminated any journalistic expressions which might be interpreted as unfair or exaggerated. A comparison of the text as printed in my Report with the original account by the journalist will exhibit this. Printed as it was, and not as any part of the text of the Report, but as a quotation from a journalist's account, it was supposed that its chief value 44 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER PICKETT lay in its presentation of the human interest of the incident and in its revelation of the splendid faith in human nature shown by the Local Boards in those districts, and in the manly and unique response to that faith which was evoked from the recalcitrant selectives. The incident does, when judged in its large aspects, serve as a lesson to the people of the United States that the heartless and unsympathetic enforcement of the rigid letter of the law was a method not chosen by the Selective Service officials of North Carolina, and serves as a testimony to the efficacy of tact and humanity in the administration of a drastic law. Your own conduct in applying similar methods in Ashe County has always seemed to me a splendid instance of the way in which the State authorities, by the use of fine tact and judgment, demonstrated that it was possible when a com- munity was treated reasonably and humanely, to secure results which would have been impossible under tactless and unsympathetic methods of admin- istration. It was, in fact, with the view of illustrating to the people of the United States the wisdom of employing such methods in the enforcement of that law that the incident in North Carolina was deemed to be of value for gen- eral observation and imitation of its lessons. That the specific account printed contained errors of fact is a matter of the deepest regret. But I believe that the general result of the whole incident as a lesson in govern- ment administration is not thereby impaired. Read in this light, I feel that the incident, in its final results, will be interpreted by all readers as adding to the credit of the administration of the Draft in that State of the character of its people. A comparison with some of the more extensive dis- turbances which took place in other states will indicate, not perhaps that the same methods would necessarily have succeeded there, but that at any rate North Carolina's method stands out as a particular success. Judged by the result, the handling of the few recalcitrant selectives in North Caro- lina is one of the real successes of the Draft and is typical of the frank and American method of meeting difficulties. With the view to correcting inaccuracies of fact and expression occur- ring in the account quoted, I am now going to ask you at your earliest convenience to furnish me with an account which will stand as the per- manent official record — such an account, I mean, as I should have been glad to receive to my letter of November 27, which unfortunately miscarried. I shall see that the account as furnished by yourself or under your direc- tion is substituted in the official report to the Secretary of War, and I shall take all possible measures to give the proper corrective publicity. Trusting that in view of the explanations that have been made, this will render the satisfaction which is justly due, I am Yours faithfully, E. H. Ceowdee, Provost Marshal-General. P. S. — I am enclosing herewith copy of my letter of November 27, 1918, and am sending, by messenger, copies of this letter and my telegram of even date to Senators Overman and Simmons. MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 45 [Telegram] Washington, D. C, February 23, 1919. The Governor, Raleigh, N. C. Reference Raleigh Neivs and Observer's account of criticism expressed on passage of my report quoting a newspaper account of draft resistance, I am mailing tonight a full letter of explanation which I trust will be satis- factory. Express to members of Legislature my deep regret that such news- paper account was incorporated in my report. The administration of the draft in North Carolina has been one of the brightest spots of the Selective Service system. I am handing copies of my letter to Senators Overman and Simmons. Crowder. (14) STATE INCOME TAX AMENDMENT Kaxeigh, K C, February 28, 1919. The Gentlemen of the Senate: The income tax amendment is the most vital measure before this General Assembly. The proposed amendment is the essence of equity and opens the door to a model system of taxation in North Carolina. Worth Carolina is the only state in the American Union where the General Assembly is denied the right to levy such a tax if it is deemed wise and just to do so. The proposed amendment levies no tax. It simply gives the General Assembly the power to levy it whenever in its wisdom it may see fit to do so. The Senate is not called upon to say whether or not the General Assembly should have such power, but you are called upon to say whether or not the people of Worth Carolina shall be given an opportunity to register their opinion on this question. A Senator may be conscientiously opposed to an income tax, but it does not follow that he should deny to the people the same opportunity to express their conscientious convictions as he claims for himself. The Special Tax Commission was composed of Mr. Frank Linney, Chairman of the Republican Executive Committee, Mr. J. Z. Green, State Lecturer and Organizer of the Farmers' Union, Mr. Henry A. Page, State Food Administrator, a legislator of large experience, and a man with wide business connections, the Chairman of the Corporation Commission, intimately acquainted with tax con- ditions in every state in the Union, Mr. James H. Pou, known throughout the State for his broad sympathies with the business life of the State, Mr. W. Vance Brown of Asheville, a man of large property interests, and who has taken a great interest in all questions of taxation, and the Governor of the State. This Commission, with the exception of Mr. Brown, who did not object to the income tax, but to other features of the report, unanimously recommended the submission of this amendment. The bill was introduced in the House by Hon. R. A. Doughton, Ex-Lieutenant Governor and Ex-Speaker of the House, a legis- lator of wide experience and conservative patriotism; was referred to the com- mittee, and after a full and thorough discussion was reported favorably by a 46 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT unanimous vote and passed the House by a unanimous vote, one hundred and four members voting for it and not one against it. So far as I am advised not a single newspaper in the State has written an editorial against it, and very many of them have written strong editorials in its favor. The Governor of the State, who, however violent the supposition may be, is at least in touch with the thought of the State, earnestly insisted upon the submission of this amendment in his Biennial Message. This is an array of public opinion almost without parallel in the history of legislation in North Carolina. And in view of this public opinion I earnestly desire every Senator to put to himself this question : Although I personally may believe that taxes ought not to be levied on incomes, still in the face of the universal demand for this amendment, can I conscientiously say by my vote that the people of North Carolina shall not be allowed to register their opinions on this question? A refusal to allow the people to be heard on this question could not be inter- preted in any other light than that the Senate of North Carolina is afraid to trust the people on this vital question. Such a refusal would be a blunder that no mortal man could defend on the stump, and I earnestly beg the Assembly not to commit that blunder. The men who are so deeply in earnest about this matter are not red-headed revolutionists, they are not wild-eyed reformers, they are not Utopian dreamers. They are sane, conservative men who frankly recognize that new conditions demand new remedies. If the Senate of North Carolina shall turn a deaf ear to these quiet, thoughtful men, I greatly fear that a reaction will take place in North Carolina that will land extremists in the saddle. All I ask, gentlemen, is that you allow the people to pass upon this vital question, and I am always con- tent to abide their judgment. Respectfully submitted, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (15) DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE AND STATE A. & E. COLLEGE Raleigh, N. C, March 1, 1919. To the General Assembly: In my Biennial Message I recommended that the Department of Agriculture be authorized to erect for its own use a building in keeping with the magnitude and the dignity of the industry it represents. A bill providing for such a building has been introduced. After the intro- duction of this bill it appeared that the authorities of the North Carolina College of Agriculture and Engineering needed a building for taking care of the extension workers who have headquarters at the College. This Agricultural Extension work, which is most vital, is done under the auspices of a joint committee composed of five representatives of the Department of Agriculture and five representatives of the College. The Governor is ex officio chairman of this joint committee. On last Friday there was a meeting of the joint committee, and after a con- ference that lasted for three hours, the Governor was unanimously requested by MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 47 the committee to submit to the General Assembly his own views. In submitting these views I am not speaking as the representative of the College, or the Depart- ment, or the joint committee, but as the representative of all the people of North Carolina. I recommend : 1. That only one building be authorized. 2. That this building be erected on the grounds of the A. and E. College. 3. That the Home Demonstration work, which is done by women and with women, be concentrated at the State Normal and Industrial College at Greensboro, and that all workers in this Department be quartered there. The argument in favor of a single building is the saving of $150,000, and this is an argument that we are not in a position to ignore. The entire forces of the Agricultural Department and of the Extension Workers located at Raleigh can be taken care of in a single building costing $250,000, and to spend an additional $150,000 to provide quarters for only a portion of these workers would be a waste- ful expenditure of the people's money. This one building ought to be located on the College grounds for the following reasons : 1. It would be practically impossible for some of these Extension "Workers to work elsewhere. Their work is so vitally related to the College that it cannot be done efficiently at any other place than on the College grounds. 2. It would be helpful to the Department of Agriculture to be located on the College grounds. The presence of the large body of young men earnestly en- deavoring to master the science of good farming would be a constant inspiration to every official in the Department. The College is the mill from which the De- partment must draw its office experts and its trained field workers unless it goes outside the State of North Carolina to get them. It would be immensely helpful to the Department to be able to see every day the processes of this mill. 3. In my opinion a much larger number of farmers would visit the Department in the course of the year if it should be located on the College grounds than visit it at the present time. Every State meeting of an agricultural kind that is held in Raleigh is always held at the College. The farmers who come for the short course during the winter, the farmers and their wives who come to the Farmers Congress, the farmers who come to the State Fair would necessarily be thrown in contact with the work of the Department. The presence of the Department would be immensely helpful to the College, and I earnestly submit that the Department should take precisely the same interest in the work of the College as any normal farmer takes in the work of his son. The College is the natural child of the Department. It would be an inspiration to the young men to have ever before their eyes the great work the Department of Agriculture is doing for the farm life of the State, and to see the emphasis the State is placing on the importance of this work. Again, the students could fill minor positions in the Department, and many a poor boy could in this way be helped along in his agricultural course. Again, the very bigness of the thing would be helpful. We would have out there a great agricultural power plant sending its forces to every part of the State, and touching farm life at every point. The companionship, the constant elbow touch would be helpful both to the College and to the Department. Every 48 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT student who left there would know and tell about the work of the Department. Every field worker of the Department would know and tell about the College. Under this plan it is my belief that the number of students at the College that take the agricultural course would in a very short time be more than doubled. The Home Demonstration Work should be concentrated at the State Normal and Industrial College for the same reason that the work for the men and boys is concentrated at Raleigh. This plan would release to the State the lot now occupied by the Department of Agriculture. On this lot there could be erected a great memorial building in honor of the soldiers who represented North Carolina in the World War. In this building could be preserved all the records and relics and souvenirs of the War, and all the material now preserved and collected in the Hall of History. It would be a part of and connected with the Museum, so that the exhibitions in the Museum and those in the Memorial Building could be seen at the same time. In this building there could be and should be provided not less than twenty first-class committee rooms for the use of the General Assembly. Nothing would do more to enable the members to do their work with intelligence and dispatch than convenient and commodious rooms. The Department of the Adjutant-General that is now crowding the Health Department out of rooms that it sorely needs could also be taken care of in this memorial building. It would be a very suitable and proper place for the housing of the Department that was the clearing house for the State's work in the war. Respectfully submitted, T. W. Bjckett, Governor. (16) HIGHWAYS Raleigh, N. C, March 3, 1919. Gentlemen of the Assembly: If the General Assembly were not in session, and some stranger should appear in any county in North Carolina and say, "I see that your county has no good road connecting it with the surrounding counties. This is a serious disadvantage to the people of your county, and if you would like to link up with the outside world and become a part of the system of roads that would connect you with every county in North Carolina, I will put up three-fourths of the cost of such road or roads, if you will put up one-fourth," I am satisfied that the attitude of any county in North Carolina to such a proposition would be the same as the attitude of Zeb Vance on a certain occasion. The story runs that while Vance was a member of the General Assembly some member arose one day and said that there was a man in Raleigh who proposed to build the Western North Carolina Railroad from Old Fort to Asheville. Vance immediately arose from his seat and exclaimed: "Mr. Speaker, I move that we do now adjourn and go out and catch that man." It is passing strange that because this identical proposition is made by the State instead of an individual there is a disposition on the part of some members MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 49 from counties who would reap the largest benefits to reject the proposition because the offer is not made to put up all the money instead of three-fourths. This attitude is not unlike that of the pauper who was being carried to the poorhouse. A kind-hearted stranger said to the driver of the wagon, "Why are you carrying this man to the poorhouse?" Said the driver, "Because he is so poor that he has not got a bushel of corn." "This is without good reason," replied the stranger, "as I have corn to give the man." The pauper looked up and inquired, "Is it shelled?" "No," said the stranger, "it is in the ear." Said the pauper, "Drive on." God Almighty will not help a man who refuses to make a reasonable effort to help himself, and if there be a county in North Carolina so dead to the desirability of a good road that will link it up with the balance of the State as to be unwilling to pay one-fourth of the cost of such road, then that county ought to be recom- mended to the kindly ministrations of some foreign missionary board. Gentlemen, I know North Carolina. I have been in every county in it, and I speak as one having authority when I say there is not a county in all our borders, not one, that will refuse such an offer if the county really needs the road. If it does not need it, then it would fall outside the scope and purpose of this legisla- tion. I know North Carolina so well that I am willing to absolutely guarantee that under the Mull-McCoin bill there will be at once claims for more money than any highway commission can wisely and economically expend within the next two years. We cannot afford to waste money even though we raise one-half of it through taxes paid to the Federal Government. North Carolina is in no financial condition to build a State-wide system of roads costing from twenty to forty thousand dollars a mile. We do not need such a system, and what we do not need is costly at, any price. We need a State system that will link up every county with roads that are reasonably good. The first duty of the State is to provide a fairly satisfactory road service to all of the people, and when this has been done we can consider the building of high priced roads. I am unwilling to endorse any system that will enable a small fraction of our people to glide over concrete or asphalt, while the ninety and nine flounder in mud. There may be here and there a section where there is such a congestion of wealth and population and such a density of traffic as to justify these high priced, hard-surfaced roads, but there are not enough of them to be seriously con- sidered in framing a State-wide policy. If the selection of the commissioners shall be left to the Governor, I want the General Assembly to understand that I shall take pains to select men in sympathy with these views. I deem it fair to you to say this much to the end that if you are not in sympathy with these views, you may lodge the appointive power elsewhere. I also desire to say that I hope the Governor will not be made a member of any commission that may be created. I know nothing about practical road building, and the members of the road commission should be men who can get right down to brass tacks and see to it that the State gets in labor and material one hundred cents in value for every dollar expended. I deem it proper to add that if you shall see fit to clothe the Governor with the responsibility of appointing the members of the commission, I shall not feel under any sort of obligation to name any member of the present commission. I shall conscientiously endeavor to find the men who are best qualified to discharge the duties of the office, and the fact that a man is on the present commission will not militate either in favor of 50 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT or against his appointment. I say this much to the end that if the General Assembly does not endorse this attitude, the appointive power may be lodged elsewhere. The Mull-McCoin bill is, in my judgment, just and fair in itself, and it eliminates any necessity for a bond issue. I am emphatically and eternally opposed to a bond issue, and for several reasons : 1. It is not a supreme necessity, and only such a necessity could justify such a course. The proponents of the bond policy themselves confess that it is not intended to be permanent. Gentlemen, North Carolina cannot afford to make a four million dollar experiment. If the bond plan is to be permanent, it will pile up a State debt that we cannot afford to carry. If it is not to be a permanent plan, then a great injustice will have been done those sections of the State that have not been reached when the plan shall be abandoned. 2. Again, no member of this body was sent here on a platform proposition to pile up the bonded indebtedness of this State to many times its present total. The folks at home are entitled to be heard before we can embark upon such a policy. Representing no particular county, thinking of no particular locality, but earnestly desiring to serve the State in its entirety, I file a solemn protest against the issuance of these bonds. Some member said to me the other day that it looked like somebody would have to be held responsible for the present road situation. I do not for one moment shrink from the responsibility that rests upon me in the premises. I assume entire responsibility for the refusal of the General Assembly to burden the State with a four million dollar bond issue to build these roads. I assume entire responsibility for a refusal to embark upon such a policy until the people can be heard from. But, gentlemen, if you refuse to pass any law that does not carry a bond issue, then you assume responsibility for such a course. It is freely admitted that anything we do will be in the nature of an experi- ment. Defects in any law that we adopt will doubtless appear. Mistakes in its administration will doubtless be made. We are entering an untried field, and I /beg you, gentlemen, to adopt a policy that will render our mistakes as inexpensive as possible. Let's not make a four million dollar mistake in the very beginning. This General Assembly has already made a record for constructive work of a high order. It has proceeded along progressive lines, but it has proceeded with sanity and with safety. It has not been stampeded on any measure, and I earnestly beg you to round out this record with a reasonable road law suited to the financial condition of the State, guarded from waste and extravagance, and bottomed on the principle, defensible in any forum of justice and common sense, that from him to whom much is given something shall be required. Respectfully submitted, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (17) APPOINTMENTS AND NOMINATIONS SUBMITTED TO THE SENATE, MARCH 7 AND 10, 1919 Raleigh, N". C, March 7, 1919. Gentlemen of the Senate: I respectfully make the following nominations, and trust that they will meet with your approval: MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 51 DIRECTORS OF THE STATE BOARD OF AGRICULTURE A. Cannon Henderson County F. P. Latham Beaufort County Clarence Poe Wake County C. C. Wright Wilkes County W. C. Greer Ashe County all for a term of six years, beginning March 11, 1919, except Mr. W. C. Greer, who was appointed to fill the unexpired term of Mr. W. M. Bledsoe, deceased. DIRECTORS OF THE NORTH CAROLINA COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE AND ENGINEERING C. W. Gold Guilford County T. E. Vann Hertford County for a term of six years, beginning March 20, 1919. DIRECTORS FOR THE STATE SCHOOL FOR THE BLIND AND DEAF, RALEIGH J. T. Rowland Wake County C. M. Wilson Johnston County J. T. Alderman Vance County all for a term of six years, beginning March 6, 1919. MEMBERS OF THE STATE BOARD OF CHARITIES AND PUBLIC WELFARE M. L. Kesler Davidson County Mrs. T. W. Lingle Mecklenburg County Mrs. J. W. Pless McDowell County all for a term of six years, beginning April 1, 1919. DIRECTORS FOR THE NORTH CAROLINA SCHOOL FOR THE DEAF, MORGANTON W. W. Neal McDowell County J. L. Scott, Jr Alamance County W. R. Whitson Buncombe County all for a term of six years, beginning March 12, 1919. MEMBERS OF THE STATE GEOLOGICAL BOARD F. R. Hewett Buncombe County R. G. Lassiter Granville County for a term of four years, beginning March 1, 1919. DIRECTORS FOR THE STATE HOSPITAL FOR THE INSANE A. E. Tate Guilford County W. H. Williams Beaufort County C. A. Woodard Durham County all for terms of six years, beginning April 1, 1919. Respectfully submitted, T. W. Bickett, Governor. 52 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT Ealeigh, 1ST. C, March 7, 1919. Gentlemen of the Senate: The State Board of Education respectfully submits the following nominations, as required by law, for Directors of the State Normal and Industrial College at Greensboro : Joseph Rosenthal Wayne County J. L. Nelson Caldwell County A. J. Conner Northampton County E. E. Britton Wake County H. G. Chatham Forsyth County all for term of six years, beginning March 1, 1920, except the last named, who is appointed to fill the unexpired term of the late George W. Hinshaw. Eespectfully submitted, State Board of Education, By T. W. Bickett, Governor. Ealeigh, 1ST. C, March 10, 1919. Gentlemen of the Senate: I respectfully make the following nominations which were inadvertently omitted in the list submitted on March 7th : DIRECTORS OF THE NORTH CAROLINA COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE AND ENGINEERING T. T. Thorne Nash County T. S. Boyd Iredell County H. L. Stevens Duplin County for a term of eight years, beginning March 20, 1919. Eespectfully submitted, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (18) REVALUATION ACT FIRST MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR T. W. BICKETT TO THE SPECIAL SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF 1920 Ealeigh, 1ST. C, August 10, 1920. Gentlemen of the General Assembly: Eor many years the tax books of North Carolina presented comedies of error and tragedies of injustice. These unlovely exhibitions were not due to any vicious principle in our organic law, nor to any moral perversion of our people. The Constitution has always required property to be listed for taxation at its true value. The average citizen has always desired to speak the truth and to do equity. The errors and inequalities that have made our tax books look like the minutes of an Ananias Club were born of machinery acts utterly unsuited to modern con- ditions, and hopelessly inadequate to execute the virtuous wishes of the people as declared in the plain language of the Constitution. MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 53 The General Assembly, at the regular session of 1919, consecrated itself to the task of devising a machinery act that would find all the property in the State and determine its true value. I am grateful to report that this high purpose has been accomplished with remarkable completeness and precision. For the first time in our history tax values are true values. For the first time the citizens and the stranger within the gates may go to the tax books and find a fairly accurate inventory of the property of the State, and a fairly accurate appraisement of its value. In the new machinery act the people were for the first time seriously asked to tell the truth, and they have responded to this appeal in noble fashion. From every quarter of the State word has come that the people are happy to get away from the old system of concealments and evasions, and to let the exact truth about their property stand forth. No such august array of witnesses has ever been assembled as appeared in the high inquest that has just been completed. For in the diligent and devout search for the ultimate facts every property owner in the State was put upon the stand and solemnly sworn to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth. The findings follow the testimony. The values fixed are the crystallization of the sworn evidence of all the people. Taking the State as a whole, 75 per cent of the assessments were made at sub- stantially the values sworn to by the owners of the property; 20 per cent were substantially increased, and 5 per cent were decreased. The law gives to every property owner the right to appeal from the judgment of the county board to the State Tax Commission. The local authorities approx- imated true values so closely that not one person in a thousand appealed from their judgment. This is a record without parallel in the history of judicial tribunals. The real grievance voiced by a few people is not against the failure of the act, but is against its success. The complaint is not that we missed the mark, but that we hit it. The high objective of the act is to equalize the burdens of taxation and to wipe out discriminations. And just in proportion as true values have appeared on the tax books, errors and inequalities have vanished. True values are always equal values ; but neither wisdom nor virtue, nor principalities nor powers, nor length nor breadth, nor height nor depth, nor things present nor things to come, nor any other creature can equalize a kettle of lies ! Truth is the only door that opens on equality. Illustrations are always better than arguments. By their fruits ye shall know them. Therefore I give to you four typical illustrations of what has been done in every nook and corner of the State. 1. In one of our county-seats there lives upon the same street a lawyer and a widow. The lawyer owns a valuable piece of property in a desirable portion of the town, and this, under the old system, was assessed at $3,850. The widow had $10,000 that she had received from life insurance policies on her husband. This money was loaned on real estate mortgages which were listed at their par value of $10,000. Under the Revaluation Act the property of the lawyer was valued at $15,000, and he can get this amount of money for it any morning before breakfast. Under the old law the widow, in proportion to her real worth, was paying four times as much taxes as the lawyer. Under the new law this wickedness is wiped out, and both the lawyer and the widow are paying according to what they are really worth. 54 PAPERS OP THOMAS WALTER BICKETT The result is that the lawyer is cursing the Revaluation Act and swearing that he is going to repeal it, while the widow is praising God and the General Assembly of 1919 for its enactment. Gentlemen, what are you going to do about it? Are you going to mate the lawyer chuckle with satanic glee or strengthen the faith of the widow in God and in man? 2. In one of our Piedmont counties the experts of the Tax Commission examined two cotton mills. They found that one mill was on the tax books at 17 per cent of its real value, while the other mill was on the books at 65 per cent of its real value. Under the Revaluation Act this vicious inequality disappears. Both mills are placed on the books at their true value, and this year the 17-per-cent mill will pay a great deal more taxes than it has heretofore paid, while the 65-per-cent mill will pay a great deal less. 3. In a certain county, and in the same neighborhood, there lived two farmers, one on a twelve-acre and the other on a fifty-acre farm. Under the old law the twelve-acre farm was assessed at $600 and the fifty-acre farm likewise at $600. Now when these farmers received their questionnaires the twelve-acre farmer swore that his land was worth $650. The fifty-acre farmer swore that his land was worth $4,000. Under the Revaluation Act the two honest citizens, when they had an oppor- tunity to do so, corrected a rank injustice. 4. In another county a man had a son and a daughter. In his will he stated that he desired to give them an equal amount of property. He had a farm which, in his will, he said was worth $10,000, and it is worth it. It will bring that amount on the market any morning. He gave this farm to his son, and then he gave to his daughter $10,000 in money. When the sheriff came around he collected from the daughter five times as much in taxes as he did from the son. The daughter naturally complained about it, and asked the sheriff why she should have to pay five times as much taxes as her brother, when their father had given them, as stated in his will, exactly the same amount of property. The sheriff explained to her that the land was assessed at only $2,000, though he admitted that it was worth $10,000, while the money was assessed at $10,000, and that he (the sheriff) had no power to change it. The Revaluation Act does change it. It carries out the will of the dead father and makes the son and daughter equal before the law. Inequalities like those just cited (and there are tens of thousands of them in the State) have been tolerated because they were not known. All that was necessary to kill them was to uncover them, and the Revaluation Act is exposing them in all their ugly nakedness. Who wants to throw over these inequalities the mantle of an old machinery act that always went blind when the true value of property appeared? The Revaluation Act is a searchlight. Who wants to hide? HID TEEASUEES The beloved and lamented John Charles McNeill, in one of his juiciest poems, writes : "I knowed a' ol' 'ooman wut scrubbed en hoed, En never didn' go nowhar, En when she died de people knowed Dat she had supp'n hid 'bout dar." MESSAGES TO TEE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 55 For some time there has been a growing suspicion that many men when the tax listers came around "had supp'n hid 'bout dar." One of the chief objectives of the new law was to uncover these hid treasures. There is no claim that in this respect the machinery of the act has functioned with perfect efficiency. What piece of machinery, mechanical or governmental, ever did perfect work the first time it was tried? For two years the "Wright brothers tested their flying machine on Kill Devil Hill in this State. Compared with present-day performances it was crude work, but none the less it was a miracle, for they left the ground — they actually did fly, and the mighty airships of the present day are the logical develop- ment of their earnest endeavors. And so, while the machinery of the Eevaluation Act has not at its first trial uncovered all the property that has heretofore been kept off the tax books, what it has done in this respect constitutes a miraculous book of revelations. ILI/USTBATIONS In Mecklenburg County the total valuation of personal property in 1919 was fifteen million dollars; in 1920 it is $30,445,605 — an increase of fifteen million dollars. In Gaston County the total valuation of personal property in 1919 was eight million dollars ; in 1920 it is twenty-two millions — an increase of fourteen million dollars. In Guilford County the total valuation of personal property in 1919 was twelve million dollars; in 1920 it is twenty-nine millions — an increase of seven- teen million dollars. In Durham County the total valuation of personal property in 1919 was twenty million dollars ; in 1920 it is fifty-three millions — an increase of thirty- three million dollars. In this county three corporations this year listed personal property to the amount of forty-two millions of dollars — a sum twice as much as the whole county listed two years ago. In Forsyth County the total valuation of the personal property in 1919 was twenty-two millions of dollars; this year it is sixty-seven millions — an increase of forty-five millions. In Forsyth County a single corporation this year listed per- sonal property to the amount of forty-seven millions. Last year all the property listed in Forsyth County — real, personal, individual, and corporate — amounted to forty millions. It will be seen that this year a single corporation listed seven millions of dollars more in personal property than the whole county, including this corporation, listed last year. The total personal property listed in the State in 1919 was four hundred and twenty-six million dollars; the total this year is eight hundred and thirteen millions — an increase of three hundred and eighty-seven millions. The Revaluation Act also found and put on the tax books a large amount of solvent credits not heretofore listed. The solvent credits listed for taxation in 1919 amounted to ninety millions of dollars; in 1920 to two hundred and thirteen millions — an increase of one hundred and twenty-three millions. The incomes listed for taxation in 1919 amounted to thirteen millions of dollars; in 1920 to thirty-three millions — an increase of twenty million dollars. 56 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT The machinery of the act also found and put on the tax books 1,034,790 acres of land not heretofore taxed. The average value per acre of land on the books this year is $40 per acre. This makes a vast area of No Man's Land worth forty- one million dollars. The average county in North Carolina contains 279,000 acres of land. It will be seen, therefore, that the Revaluation Act found and placed on the tax books of the State four counties of average size. It is plain that as a finder of the bacon the Revaluation Act is a remarkable success. The total value of all real estate listed for taxation last year amounted to five hundred and six millions of dollars; the total value this year was one billion nine hundred and eighty-one million dollars. The total value of all corporate property listed in 1919 was two hundred and ninety-eight millions of dollars; the total value this year is six hundred and seventy-one millions — an increase of three hundred and seventy-three millions of dollars. The value of the cotton mills listed in 1919 was fifty-eight million dollars; in 1920, two hundred and five millions. The value of knitting mills listed in 1919 was seven million dollars; in 1920, nineteen millions. The value of furniture and woodworking plants listed in 1919 was eight millions of dollars; in 1920, twenty-four millions. The value of public-service companies listed in 1919 was one hundred and thirty-eight millions of dollars ; in 1920, three hundred and fifteen millions. An analysis of the values placed on real estate in some of the large counties will be interesting. For convenience, I give below a summary of the returns. SUMMARY The total value of all property of every kind listed in the year 1920 was $3,139,000,000 The total value of all property of every kind listed in the year 1919 was 1,099,000,000 An increase of $2,040,000,000 The total value of all real estate listed in 1920 was $1,981,000,000 The total value of all real estate listed in 1919 was 506,000,000 An increase of $1,475,000,000 The total value of personal property in 1920 was % 813,000,000 The Machinery Act this year allows an exemption on personal property of $275 for each taxpayer. Upon a fair estimate this takes off the tax books $101,000,000. For purposes of a comparison, this should be added to the amount actually on the tax books, making the personal property found this year amount to $914,000,000. It should be remembered, also, that the personal property is listed every year and there is a gradual increase, while the real estate is listed only once in four years. The last year the real estate was listed the personal property amounted to $210,000,000 as against $914,000,000 this year. As stated heretofore, the personal property for 1919 was $426,000,000. MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 57 Total value of corporate property in 1920 was $671,000,000 Total value in 1919 298,000,000 Increase $373,000,000 Total solvent credits for 1920 was $213,000,000 Total solvent credits for 1919 was 90,000,000 Increase $123,000,000 Total value of all public utilities in 1920 was $315,000,000 Total value of all public utilities in 1919 was 138,000,000 Increase $177,000,000 These are inspiring figures. To them every Worth Carolinian can point with pardonable pride. They demonstrate that N"orth Carolina is per capita the very richest state in the South. When this Legislature adjourns we will have the lowest tax rate of any state in the American Union. But it has been suggested that these are inflated values, that money is cheap and labor and property are high. To this criticism there are two answers : 1. While lands and houses and lots have, in a good many communities, sold at aerial figures, these fancy prices are not reflected on the tax books. The appraisers had before them the sworn testimony of all the property owners. They considered the number of witnesses, their character, their bias, their conduct under examination, and then reached their conclusions. Taken as a whole, tax values throughout the State are conservative values. The average value placed on land is only $40 per acre. Last year this land produced crops greater in value per acre than any other lands in the United States, according to Government reports. I make this direct challenge to the critics of the act : For every piece of property that they show me that will sell for less than its tax value I will show them one hundred pieces that will sell for more. 2. The cheap dollar that inflates the values of property is the same dollar with which we pay our taxes. We all readily understand when we sell our labor and products, and when we buy the necessities of life, that the dollar we receive and the dollar we pay is relatively worth about forty cents. But when we go to pay our taxes we insist that a dollar is worth one hundred cents, yesterday, today, and forever. Any material falling off in values can be taken care of by an amendment to the Revaluation Act providing that any property owner may have his property revalued by showing to the satisfaction of the authorities that its value has sub- stantially decreased since May 1, 1919. I urge the adoption of such an amend- ment. SAFEGUARDING THE FUTURE In order to meet the fears of the timid — for I, myself, do not fear the people nor their representatives — I recommend that the present constitutional limitation of 66% cents on the one hundred dollars worth of property be reduced to 15 cents. This limitation does not apply to tax levied for the support of the schools. The people of the State in ninety-nine counties have voted that the public schools must be maintained for six months and that no constitutional limitation must stand in the way of this supreme mandate. The income tax amendment and the amendment reducing the limitation from (56% cents to 15 cents are to be treated 58 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT as one. This amendment will bring to the State, by levying a graduated tax from 1 to 2% per cent on all incomes, an additional revenue of two and a quarter millions of dollars. After going into the matter thoroughly, and considering every possible phase of the question, I am satisfied that the reduction to 15 cents is a wise and safe one. The present income tax levied on earned incomes is graduated from 1 to 2% per cent. For the immediate future a similar graduated tax on unearned incomes would produce a revenue, sufficient to enable the State to refrain from levying any tax on real and personal property for State purposes, and leave all this property to the counties and towns. THE TEN PEE CENT PLEDGE The pledge made by this General Assembly not to collect from property this year an amount greater than ten per cent in excess of what was collected last year was made in the utmost good faith, and I am sure there is no disposition on the part of any member of the General Assembly to ignore this binding contract made with the people. At one time it was hoped that the State would be able to get along without taking advantage of the ten per cent increase allowed under the statute, but the costs of labor and material necessary for the operation of our State institutions have so tremendously increased since the General Assembly of 1919 made its appropriations that practically every one of these institutions faces a deficit. Moreover, the ten per cent increase that would go for the maintenance of the public schools will not be sufficient to pay the increased salaries to which the teachers are so justly entitled. If the entire ten per cent that goes to the State should not be needed, then it could well be used to make up the amount necessary to pay the teachers. TOWNS AND CITIES Some practical provision will also have to be made to meet the distressing conditions that confront the most of our cities and towns. Since the Revaluation Act was written the cost of everything a city has to buy in order to maintain a decent city government, including wages and salaries, has greatly increased. It appears that a number of cities cannot live on the ten per cent increase fixed by the act of 1919. I suggest that a bill be drawn providing that whenever the governing authorities of a city shall, by a unanimous vote, find as a fact that it is impossible for the city to maintain its government on the ten per cent increase allowed by the act of 1919, that they shall publish this fact, together with a state- ment of the actual increase of revenues necessary, and if within ten days after this publication ten per cent of the voters of the city shall ask for an election on the question, one shall be ordered to determine whether or not such increased taxes shall be levied. If such a petition shall not be filed, then the governing authorities shall be authorized to levy the taxes without an election. THE TAX TEAK The tax year ought to be the same as the calendar year. Such a year avoids confusion and makes for efficiency. It is practically impossible to do efficient work in getting property on the tax books when you do not begin the work until May 1st. It is as plain as day that by requiring all property to be listed as of January 1st the State gets the benefit of many millions of dollars worth of MESSAGES TO TEE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 59 property belonging to foreign corporations that is shipped out of the State be- tween January and May. I am profoundly certain that the change is to the advantage of the agricultural interest of the State, that in the long run it reduces their taxes. This year we have not done a perfect job in respect to personal property, because of the colossal work that had to be done in the revaluation of the real estate. But the returns this year show that the change from May to January has operated to the benefit of the rural sections. There are in the State 411 distinctly rural townships, that is, townships in which there are no town lots. In these townships the personal property listed for taxation in 1919 amounted to sixty-six million dollars; in 1920, to eighty-nine millions — an increase of 33.7 per cent. As against this we have the showing of 130 distinctly urban townships, which in 1919 listed personal property for taxation to the amount of one hundred and twenty-nine million dollars, and in 1920 to the amount of two hundred and sixty-six millions, showing an increase of 105 per cent of personal property listed in city townships as against 33.7 per cent listed in rural townships. I refer the General Assembly to the very able report of the Tax Commission that deals with this phase of the situation. I know that there is considerable sentiment among the farmers in favor of the change from January to May. For this sentiment I have vast respect. It would be a personal joy to me to meet the views of the farmers on this question; but, gentlemen, we are here to serve, and I believe in doing the people good even though they stone me for doing so. CONCLUSION The Revaluation Act was not intended to cure all the tax evils to which the human race is heir. From the day that Augustus Cassar issued his immortal edict that the whole world should be taxed, all the nations of the earth have been wrestling with tax problems, and I doubt not that a thousand years from today the General Assembly of Worth Carolina will be exerting all its energies of mind and soul and body to devise a tax system that will provide adequate revenues to maintain a decent civilization and at the same time convince their constituents that the legislators are not a band of highwaymen bent on confiscating all the property of the people. The Revaluation Act was designed to do three things : 1. To make the tax books of North Carolina speak the truth. 2. To wipe out discriminations and inequalities between different classes of people and property, and 3. To find and place on the tax books property that has heretofore escaped taxation. Gentlemen, the record is before you, and it demonstrates with the convincing certainty of mathematics that the first two objects have been attained with re- markable accuracy and completeness, and that while the third object has not been fully reached, we are traveling fast in that direction. The Revaluation Act is not a perfect piece of machinery, but it is headed straight towards truth and justice — a goodly government in a goodly land. Egypt lies behind. / 60 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Gentlemen, I trust I do not unduly reverence the office I hold, but to me it is a sacred thing. It would be as impossible for me to stand in this high presence with deception on my lips or injustice in my heart as it would be for me to stand before the Great "White Throne and lie to the Lord God Almighty. On the hustings I am a robust partisan, but in this chamber and in the office downstairs I am the representative of precisely one hundred per cent of the people of Worth Carolina. No man can read my Inaugural Address and my several messages to the General Assembly and say that there is in any one of them a trace or taint of partisanship. No member of the minority party can say that during these years he has ever been discriminated against by word or deed on account of his political affiliations. I am deeply grateful that every big measure I have advocated has been sup- ported with equal enthusiasm by Democrats and Republicans in the Legislature and out of it. In my resumes of the work of the General Assemblies of 1917 and 1919 I was careful to give to the representatives of the minority party full credit for their patriotic record in these halls. I deeply regret that there is a disposition on the part of some people to drag this great reform, essentially nonpartisan and potent with blessings for all the people, down into the smoke and dust of a political campaign. Gentlemen, I beseech you, by the memories of a great record, to yield not to temptation. Last year you fought a good fight for truth and righteousness. This year, keep the faith. In the beginning, when the earth was without form and void, and darkness was upon the face of the deep, God said, "Let there be light." The true valuation act is a conscientious effort to execute that high command. Let there be light ! Let the white light of truth beat and blaze on the tax books of North Carolina, and in its shining presence no injustice will live. "The glory born of justice never dies! Its flag is not half-masted in the skies." Respectfully submitted, T. "W. Bickett, Governor. (19) WOMAN SUFFRAGE SECOND MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR T. W. BICKETT TO THE SPECIAL SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF 1920 Raleigh, N. C, August 13, 1920. Gentlemen of the General Assembly: I hereby transmit to you a copy of the Nineteenth Amendment to the Con- stitution of the United States duly certified to my office by the Secretary of State of the United States. From reports in the public press it seems that sentiment in the General Assembly is decidedly against the ratification of the Amendment. With this sentiment I am in deepest sympathy, and for the gentlemen who entertain it I MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 61 cherish the profoundest respect. But this does not lessen my obligation to lay before you a photographic copy of my mind on this important subject. It is well known that I have never been impressed with the wisdom or of the necessity for Woman Suffrage in ISTorth Carolina. There has never been laid before me evidence tending to show that a majority of the women in this State desire to go to the polls. I greatly fear that the women who desire to go are all unconsciously offering to barter a very precious birthright for a very sorry mess of pottage. It has never occurred to me that woman would hurt politics, but I have been profoundly disturbed about what politics might do to woman. My attitude has been that of the cowboy to whom a woman suffragist said, "We want to be equal to the men." The cowboy lifted his sombrero, bowed low and said : "And why does my lady wish to come down?" Again, I have been fearful that the entrance of women into politics would have an unfortunate effect on race relations in Worth Carolina. For thirty-five years after the Civil War all the political energies of our people were absorbed in the struggle to maintain in our borders a white government. For this we fought with our backs to the wall because we believed such a government essential to the integrity of the white race, and the survival of a white civilization. The result was that during this long struggle the line of demarcation between the two political parties was largely one of color. Such a situation tended to dwarf the political development of our people. For twenty years we have been free from this handicap, and under the new order both races have prospered as never before. While there is much room for improvement, I believe that today the relations between the races are more sympathetic in North Carolina than in any other state in the American Union. I greatly fear that Woman Suffrage would reopen these old questions, and force us to fight the battle for white government in North Carolina over again. When I think of these things I am haunted by the lines of the Scotch bard— "But, Och! I backward cast my e'e, On prospects drear; An' forward, though I canna see, I guess an' fear." No man in North Carolina sees more clearly the vexed problems Woman Suffrage is likely to bring upon us, and no man sympathizes more deeply with the feeling that exists in the State against making this experiment. I confess that I am not impressed with the suggestion that the Amendment would be an invasion of states' rights. North Carolina and, for that matter, all the states are estopped from making any such contention. Recently Congress has enacted laws supported by nearly all the Northern and Western states that lay down the principle that the fishermen on Puget Sound have the right to say who shall work in the cotton fields and factories of North Carolina. Recently, North Carolina and nearly all the Southern states voted, practically without division, in favor of an amendment to the Federal Constitution which lays down the principle that the cotton growers of North Carolina have a right to say that a farmer on the Pacific slope shall not gather grapes from his own vineyard and out of them make a little wine for the use of his own family on his own table. 62 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Always in Congress, if a member wants to defeat a measure he raises the cry of states' rights, and the very next day the same member, who is trying to pass some pet measure of his own, treats with quiet scorn the cry of states' rights raised by the opposition. Gentlemen, we may just as well realize that this country is no longer an association of states, but a Nation, and whatever a majority of the people of the Nation want is going to be the supreme law of the land. "Whenever I really want to think seriously about states' rights I go and muse for an hour over the grave of my Confederate father, for I realize now, more keenly than ever before, that states' rights passed away with "The deadly calm of Stonewall's face, The iron front of Lee." But, gentlemen, in the famous words of Grover Cleveland, "A condition, and not a theory, confronts us." "Woman Suffrage is at hand. It is an absolute moral certainty that inside of six months some state will open the door, and the women will enter the political forum. No great movement in all history has ever gone so near the top and then failed to go over. The very most that this General Assembly can do is to delay for six months a movement it is powerless to defeat. This being true, I am profoundly convinced that it would be the part of wisdom and of grace for North Carolina to accept the inevitable and ratify the amendment. In other days, when I was a private citizen in Louisburg, I would sometimes be sitting in a cozy corner on my porch deeply engrossed in some tale of Dickens or Scott, when I would hear the front gate click, and, looking up, would see a lady coming up the walk. Now, while chivalry shrinks from it, candor forces the confession that I did not want her to come in. Just then I greatly preferred the society of Dickens or Scott. But there she was, coming up the walk! And every instinct of Southern chivalry forced me to walk down the steps, give her a glad hand, and say, "My dear madam, walk right in; we are delighted to see you." Gentlemen, the front gate has clicked. The women are coming up the walk. They are going to enter our home. Shall we receive them with a smile or with a frown ? But there is another and far deeper reason for not delaying a movement we are powerless to defeat. The big question that is going to be settled in the next six months is whether or not the United States shall enter into an alliance with twenty-nine of the most powerful nations of the earth for the purpose of forever delivering humanity from the burdens and horrors of war. On that question the women have a sacred right to be heard, for when cannon roar the women furnish the fodder. With the utmost deference to all who may hold a contrary opinion, I am driven by the tyranny of my own conscience to say that judgment and justice, mercy and humanity, all cry out that women have the first right to speak when the issue is whether or not the world shall henceforth be ruled by reason and righteousness or by blood and iron. Gentlemen, the wise man is he who gets the most and the best out of a given situation. If in the face of this supreme crisis we shall take counsel of our prejudice and our fears, and shall turn a deaf ear to the pleadings of humanity, next year we may be aroused to a tragic realization that in order to gain a local battle we have lost a world war. MESSAGES TO TEE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 63 Dear, dear friends of the opposition, I put to your sense and to your souls the question — "What win you if you gain the thing you seek, A dream, a breath of frothy, fleeting joy; Who buys a moment's mirth to wail a week, Or sells eternity to get a toy?" Respectfully submitted, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (20) STATE SALARIES THIRD MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR T. W. BICKETT TO THE SPECIAL SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF 1920 Raleigh, 1ST. C, August 18, 1920. Gentlemen of the General Assembly: "The laborer is worthy of his hire." This divine law of compensation applies to those who labor for the State as well as those who labor for private individuals. The public servant is entitled to a living wage. In North Carolina he has not been receiving such a wage during the last two years, but he has been daily "Doomed to that sorest task of man alive, To make three guineas do the work of five." Such a policy is as unwise as it is unjust. It is simply impossible for a public servant to work with maximum efficiency when his mind is constantly disturbed and distressed by the struggle to "make buckle and tongue meet." I believe in the most careful expenditure of the public funds. In public and in private life extravagance is folly and waste is a crime, but fair wages for honest work is the essence of economy. Therefore I make the following recommendations : 1. That the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds be authorized to equalize and adjust the wages of all janitors, watchmen and caretakers of public buildings and grounds and allow such increases as may be found to be necessary and just, provided that the maximum wage paid shall not exceed $21 per week. 2. That the salary of the keeper of Public Buildings and Grounds be in- creased from $100 per month to $150 per month. 3. That the Governor and Council of State be authorized to equalize and adjust the salaries of clerks and stenographers in the several State departments and allow such increases as may be necessary and just, provided that the maximum salary allowed shall not exceed $150 per month. I deem it my duty to the State to say that it is simply impossible to retain the present efficient clerks and sten- ographers unless this adjustment is authorized. 4. That the Committee on Salaries and Fees take under consideration the salaries paid clerks in the several departments whose present salaries exceed $150 per month, and recommend such increases as they may find wise and just. 64 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT 5. That the salaries of all the heads of the State departments, the Justices of the Supreme Court, the Judges of the Superior Court, the Adjutant General and the Secretary of the State Board of Health be very substantially increased. I speak with rigid accuracy and from a most intimate knowledge of the facts when I say it is simply impossible for these officials to live decently on the salaries they now receive. The utmost candor compels me to add, that while the salary of the Governor is certainly none too large, it is out of proportion to the salaries paid the other officials. The Governor can live on his salary, for in addition to the money paid him, he is given a furnished house and supplied with water, fuel, lights and servants. A small increase in the allowance made for servants would be proper, but this is a detail that can well wait. The items above named would more than absorb half the salary paid any regular State official. I think the increases made in the salaries of State officials should be made to begin December 30, 1920, as the constitutional officers can receive no increase prior to that time. I think that the increases allowed to clerks and stenographers should be made retroactive, and to begin January 1, 1920. The State is finding it increasingly difficult to retain in its employ efficient help, as private individuals and corpora- tions are everywhere offering larger salaries than the State pays. Respectfully submitted, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (21) REPORT OF LEGISLATIVE COMMITTEE OF BOARD OF AGRICULTURE ON TAXATION FOURTH MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR T. W. BICKETT TO THE SPECIAL SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF 1920 Raleigh, K C, August 18, 1920. Gentlemen of the General Assembly: The members of the Legislative Committee of the North Carolina State Board of Agriculture have made a profound study of the present taxation system in North Carolina, and have filed with me a report giving the results of their in- vestigations. I am requested by the committee to submit this report to the General Assembly, and I send the same herewith. The report is one of the most interesting papers ever written on this all- important subject. It deals with the simple truth in a straightforward manner, and is the very essence of patriotism and statesmanship. I ask that the report be read in full to your body, and each member of the General Assembly give to it most careful consideration. Respectfully submitted, T. W. Bickett, Governor. MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 65 Hon. T. W. Bickett, Governor, Raleigh, N. C, August 18, 1920. Raleigh, N. C. Dear Sie: — The undersigned persons, members of the Legislative Com- mittee of the North Carolina State Board of Agriculture, meeting in session here last week, decided to make a thoroughgoing study of the present taxation system in North Carolina, with special reference to its effect on the farmers of the State. We took this action solely on our own initiative, with- out suggestion from any outside person and with no desire except to find the real facts and report these facts to the people we are endeavoring to serve. Our committee has now completed its investigation and formulated a report to the farmers of the State. Inasmuch as this report suggests certain improvements in the law, we think it fitting that it be brought to the attention of the General Assembly. We are therefore sending you a copy for that purpose. Respectfully yours, W. A. Graham, R. W. Scott, C. C. Wright, I. N. Paine, R. F. Woodard, Clarence Poe, Legislative Committee. THE RELATION OF NORTH CAROLINA'S TAX POLICY TO THE FARMERS OF THE STATE A Report of the Legislative Committee of the North Carolina State Board of AGRiCTJLTtrRE Raleigh, N. C, August 18, 1920. To the Farmers of North Carolina: The members of the North Carolina State Board of Agriculture consider themselves commissioned to look out for the interests of the North Carolina farmers. We know the farmers of North Carolina well enough, however, to know that all they want is truth and justice and honesty. The North Caro- lina farmer wants no special favors, no special privileges. He asks only that he be fed out of the same spoon as other citizens. As he opposes giving special privileges to other classes, so he asks none for himself. These reflections are impressed upon us as we consider the questions that come to us from many North Carolina farmers asking for the exact facts as to North Carolina's taxation policy with regard to its fairness and with regard to its effect upon the State's agricultural interests. As members of the Legislative Committee of the North Carolina Board of Agriculture, the undersigned persons meeting in Raleigh and after earnest investigation of the facts, desire to submit their findings to their fellow farmers of the State. We present these facts, we wish to say in the outset, with no desire to favor any man or set of men, and with no desire to criticize any man or set of men. We are moved to speak only out of a desire to serve the cause of truth and to clarify a situation now much muddled through misconception and misunderstandings. 66 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT NORTH CAROLINA'S NEW TAXATION POLICY After prolonged study and investigation, the General Assembly of North Carolina in 1919 decided on a new taxation policy for the State. This policy, we are glad to say, was approved by the representatives of both political parties, and appeals to us still as distinctively a moral issue, which should be above political considerations. This new taxation policy as worked out by both political parties in 1919 aimed at three things: 1. Honesty in assessments. 2. A reduction in tax rate to correspond to the increase in assessed values. 3. Provision for lightening the burdens of poverty and industry, and putting a larger share of the burdens of taxation on men with large in- comes. With regard to the latter point we may note in the outset that the last Legislature was the first one to take advantage of the authority given it by the Constitution to provide a $300 exemption for taxpayers. Now about the plans for securing just assessments. In the past every- one understood that he was permitted to list property for something less than its real value; and the result was that the more pliable a man's con- science, the lower the rate he named; and this thing has grown worse and worse year after year until it has amounted to a State disgrace. For a man to list his property at its real value meant that he would have to pay practically twice as much tax as he ought to pay. Such a system encouraged lying and corrupted public morals at the fountain head. If the sworn officials of the State set the example of assessing real estate at 33% per cent of its value, how could the State expect the individual taxpayer to list his personal property at 100 per cent? All this has been changed. Hereafter every property owner in the State is expected to list every cent's worth of property he owns — and list it at 100 per cent of its value; list it for what it would bring if offered for sale under favorable conditions. Of course if this plan for revaluing property for taxation were offered without assurance that the tax rate would be correspondingly cut, it would largely fail. The law specifically provides, however, that as assessed values increase, the tax rate must decrease, and the present General Assembly pro- poses to reduce the maximum constitutional rate on each $100 worth of property from 66% cents to 15 cents. THE PROPOSED INCOME TAX AMENDMENT Now with regard to provisions for throwing a larger part of the burden of taxation on those most able to bear it. The chief purpose of the revalua- tion policy is not to increase the amount of taxes, but to secure justice and equality in assessment. Then in order to provide larger revenues for the State and give us the necessary money for the many important tasks which advanced civilization places on the commonwealth— better schools, better roads, better health, better care of the unfortunate, etc. — the Legislature submits to the people another important plan. At the election in November, the people will vote on a constitutional amendment authorizing the State to tax the incomes of the wealthy, without regard as to whether any particular income is derived from invested wealth or otherwise. MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 67 We hope every farmer will now make up his mind to vote for this amend- ment and urge others to do so. Heretofore we have had a shameful system in North Carolina. Incomes derived from labor have been taxable, while incomes derived from invested capital have been exempt from taxation, under constitutional provisions. Thus it is said that a famous tobacco manufacturer of this State had an income of a million dollars a year from his property, and was not required to pay one cent of income tax on it, while his stenographer or clerk getting $1,250 a year or more was required to pay an income tax. In England for years it has been the plan to put a heavier tax on "unearned incomes," that is to say on those derived from invested capital, than on "earned incomes," that is to say, on those derived from one's labor or profession. Our North Carolina plan has been on the other extreme, and the voters of the State ought to pile up 100,000 majority for changing it, just as they did for changing the Constitution so as to provide a six-months school term. A great part of the State's wealth is concentrated in the hands of a comparatively few wealthy persons, and it is only fair that they bear a larger share of the burdens of taxation. This is all the proposed income tax amendment means. THE RESULTS OP THE NEW TAX POLICY Such in brief was the State's new taxation policy as approved by repre- sentatives of both political parties in the General Assembly of 1919. What have been the results? We are profoundly convinced, after a careful study of the question, that this new policy has worked out in a way to deserve the sympathy and support of the farmers of North Carolina. Of course, the plan has had its faults, its weaknesses, its imperfections. Of course, some mistakes have been made. Of course, we should try to remedy any weak places in the act. But on the whole we are convinced that the majority of the farmers of North Carolina feel as did one farmer speaking bluntly in the presence of some of the signers below since our committee met in Raleigh, when he said: "The new tax act would be worth all the effort that has been put into it if it did nothing else except keep a hundred thousand North Carolinians from swearing to lies every tax-listing day. I thank God for an act which enables me to sign my tax-sheet with a clear conscience, knowing that I am compelled to tell the truth and that my neighbors are also." We believe that the great majority of the farmers of North Carolina feel as this man did. They want to know first: "Is all property getting on the books at its fair value? Are the tax books telling the truth? Is each class of property honestly listed?" If each class of property is honestly listed then it doesn't matter whether real estate or personal property or corporations show the greatest gain in values. As a matter of fact, however, we find that there is no reason what- ever for charging that the new taxation policy will throw a largely in- creased burden on the farmer. Here are the facts: THE VALUATION OF REAL ESTATE First, as to valuation of real estate. Any thoughtful man who wishes to deal honestly is bound to know that in making any comparison of gains in real estate values with other property values, it is absurd to use only the years 1919 and 1920. 68 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Prior to 1919 real estate was last assessed in 1915. Any so-called "1919 valuation" for real estate is therefore a fiction and an absurdity. There is absolutely "no such animal." There is no 1919 valuation; there is only a 1915 valuation which was carried over in 1916, again in 1917, again in 1918, and again in 1919. Every other class of property got part of its increased assessment in 1916, part in 1917, part in 1918, part in 1919. Real estate gets all of its increase at once in 1920 and naturally its five- year increase now is more than the one-year increase on other property. Any man might have expected this. To discover whether or not real estate is being advanced in values out of proportion to other property there is only one fair thing to do. For real estate we are compelled to compare 1920 values with 1915 values of each important class of property in the State. Here are the figures as gathered from the records of the State Tax Commission: 192C 1915 Real Property $1,981,563,494 $421,988,072 Personal Property 813,532,925 210,744,789 Cotton Mills 205,581,304 26,457,002 Banks 35,247,693 23,748,446 Corporation Excess 20,832,385 7,005,821 Power Companies 56,484,094 10,544,239 Railroads 250,587,158 125,836,005 Miscellaneous Corporations 168,795,120 43,415,947 From this record it appears that values on each class of property here named have increased about as follows: Real Property Nearly 5 times. Personal Property Nearly 4 times. Cotton Mills Nearly 8 times. Banks About 50 per cent. Corporation Excess Nearly 3 times. Power Companies Over 5 times. Railroads Doubled. Miscellaneous Corporations Nearly 4 times. Some classes of property have increased more than real property, other classes less. But for the new $300 exemption, personal property would undoubtedly have increased as much or more than real estate. On the whole, the increases are about what might have been expected and indicate fair dealing, so far as we can see it. Cotton mills, as everybody knows, have been abnormally prosperous, and they lead in increase. Real estate values, as every honest man is bound to admit, have increased tremendously, both town lots and farm lands. An average valuation of $40 per acre for all the farm lands of the State, which is all the new assessment pro- vides, is not excessive. As for the two classes of property which did not show large increases, it is well known that railroads the country over have been in disastrous condition and that banks have their property in money, and money is the one thing which has grown cheaper these last four years. To make the matter still clearer, let us divide the various classes of prop- erty into four great groups and compare the increases on each: MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 69 1920 1915 1. Real Property $1,981,563,494 $421,988,072 2. Personal Property 813,552,925 210,744,789 3. Railroads 250,587,158 125,836,005 4. Corporation Property, including banks, cotton mills and power companies 486,940,596 113,904,316 The increase in each class of property by percentages in then seen to be as follows: Real property, 369 per cent; personal property, after the $300 exemption, 286 per cent; railroads, 99 per cent; corporations, 329 per cent. WILL THE FARMER'S BURDEN BE INCREASED? In the face of these facts, we cannot convince ourselves that real estate has been unfairly dealt with. The situation in a nutshell so far as the new tax law and the farmer is concerned seems to be as follows: 1. The farmer's personal property hereafter will be more lightly taxed than ever before, because for the first time other property will be listed as completely and at as nearly full value as this property has been up to this time. 2. Even without the new constitutional amendment to tax all incomes alike, the average farmer's real estate would bear only a slightly larger part of the general tax burden than in the last assessment year. 3. With the adoption of the new constitutional amendment to tax all large incomes, a larger share of the taxes of the State will come from industries in which large wealth is concentrated, as it is not in agriculture, and the farmer's general tax burden will be correspondingly reduced. THE TAXATION OF CORPORATIONS Concerning the much-discussed matter of the taxation of corporations in North Carolina, we find the following to be the facts: Every corporation is required to list for taxation under oath every item of property, real or personal, it owns, and to pay taxes on every such item of real or personal property in exactly the same way and to exactly the same degree and amount as if such property were owned by an individual citizen of the State. Then in addition to this, each such corporation is required to report to the State Tax Commission how much money it is making, how much dividends it is paying, etc. The State Tax Commission then estimates how much the corporation is worth as a going concern in excess of the property it owns and pays taxes on. The corporation is then required also to pay tax on a valuation which includes this estimated value on "good will" or intangible property as well as on all its actual property. This explains the term "corporation excess." The theory of the State has been that the corporation itself thus pays taxes for all its shareholders and that they receive "dividends less taxes paid" and that to tax a corporation on its property and then tax each owner of stock for his share of the corporation's property would be like taxing a man on his land and then taxing him on the deed to that land. Such is a rather comprehensive review of the taxation situation in North Carolina as we find it. Our review is necessarily rather lengthy because we have wished to answer with both fairness and fullness the questions about which our farmers are asking for information. 70 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT SOME NEEDED AMENDMENTS Our general conclusion is that the State is to be congratulated on having worked out for the first time a system of taxation scientific and honest in principle. We trust that we shall hold to that principle and change the system only by improving the details. Speaking only for ourselves in this as well as other matters mentioned, we believe the following improvements should now be made: 1. Adequate provision should be made for revising any and all assess- ments which can be shown to be higher than the real value of the property on May 1, 1919. 2. A determined and thoroughgoing effort should be made to compel the listing of solvent credits and of all other forms of personal property. The farmer is willing to list all his property; he demands that all other property be listed. 3. In spite of efforts to equalize the situation for the farmer by allowing him to deduct his debts on January 1 from value of crops then on hand, we nevertheless believe it best to change the date for tax listing back to May 1, or at least to April 1. 4. We renew the appeal, already sufficiently elaborated in this state- ment, for the ratification of the Income Tax Amendment at the coming November election. Respectfully submitted, R. W. Scott, C. C. Weight, I. N. Paine, R. L. Woodaed, Clarence Poe, W. A. Graham, Commissioner, Legislative Committee. (22) WORKMEN'S COMPENSATION ACT FIFTH MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR T. W. BICKETT TO THE SPECIAL SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF 1920 Ealeigh, N 0., August 20, 1920. Gentlemen of the General Assembly: There has never been a time when I was not in favor of a workmen's com- pensation act. The human breakage in industrial plants should be as much a part of the fixed charges of the business as the mechanical breakage. This principle is now well-nigh universally recognized in all enlightened nations. For a number of years the General Assemblies of North Carolina have ac- cepted this fundamental principle. Several efforts have been made to pass a workmen's compensation act, but in every case the effort has failed because it was impossible to agree on the details of the bill. This failure was largely due to a lack of time during the session of the Assembly to investigate the facts and reach sound conclusions. MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 71 Therefore, I recommend that this General Assembly appoint a special com- mission, fairly representative of the workmen and the employers, whose duty it shall be to make a careful investigation of this question, and submit for the con- sideration of the General Assembly of 1921 a modern model workmen's compensa- tion act. Respectfully submitted, T. W. Bickett, Governor. HIGHWAYS SIXTH MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR T. W. BICKETT TO THE SPECIAL SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF 1920 Raleigh, N. C, August 20, 1920. Gentlemen of the General Assembly: This General Assembly at its regular session created a State Highway Com- mission. By virtue of section 13 of Chapter 189 of the Public Laws of 1919, I ap- pointed the following members of the Highway Commission : Frank Page, chair- man, for a term of six years; John E. Cameron for a term of four years; James K. ISTorfieet for a term of two years; and James G. Stikeleather for a term of two years. All of these appointments are subject to the confirmation of the Senate. Allowing for the time necessarily consumed in perfecting an organization, the Commission has had about one year in which to function. During this time it has completed fifteen projects comprising 73% miles at a cost of $769,297. It has now under construction fifty-seven projects comprising 453 miles that will cost $7,188,909. It has closed contracts for nine projects comprising 69 miles that will cost $749,102, making the total cost of projects completed, under con- struction and under contract of $8,707,308. These projects cover eighty-eight counties in the State. In addition to the projects above named, the Commission has approved and in process to be submitted to the Federal Government sixty-one other projects, and also has under consideration twenty others not yet approved by it. The total cost of all these projects will amount to $19,060,426. The total appropriation available from the Federal Government under any law is $6,270,690. This leaves $12,789,736 to be raised by the State and the counties for the completion of the work already mapped out by the Highway Commission. North Carolina was one of the first states to absorb every dollar in sight from the Federal Government, and js calling for more. As I have repeatedly said, the blunder that we have made in North Carolina is not that we have failed to build good roads, but that we have been criminally negligent in keeping them up. I have a profound conviction that it would be an economic crime for North Carolina to issue bonds or to permit the counties to issue bonds to build any more roads in this State until we have devised and thoroughly tested out an adequate system of maintenance. 72 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Therefore I recommend that this General Assembly authorize the State High- way Commission to test out on a number of roads selected by the Commission the best system of maintenance now in force in any of the states of the Union, and submit the result of their experiments to the General Assembly of 1921. I have a very definite conviction that the only system that will prove to be worth while is the one now in force in the State of New Hampshire and possibly in some other states, where the roads are laid off in sections and are kept under constant patrol just like the railroads are. It is simply throwing away money to build roads of any type until we provide and enforce a system of maintenance that will insure the roads from going to pieces. Respectfully submitted, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (24) LEGISLATION FOR NEGROES SEVENTH MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR T. W. BICKETT TO THE SPECIAL SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF 1920 Raleigh, N. C, August 23, 1920. Gentlemen of the General Assembly: Last year I heard a negro bishop say in a public address that the negro had accepted the white man's God and knew no other. "We owe it to that God and to the civilization we have builded on His will to deal justly with a tribe of His children less fortunate than ourselves. In North Carolina we have definitely decided that the happiness of both races requires that white government shall be supreme and unchallenged in our borders. Power is inseparably linked with responsibility; and when we deny to the negro any participation in the making of laws, we saddle upon ourselves a peculiar obligation to protect the negro in his life and property, and to help and encourage him in the pursuit of happiness. In the discharge of this obligation the State owes it to the negro just now to provide : 1. For the establishment of a reformatory where delinquent negro boys may be sent and trained in the same way that the white boys are trained at the Stone- wall Jackson School at Concord. 2. For the establishment of a sanatorium for the treatment of tubercular negroes. The negro is peculiarly susceptible to the ravages of this disease. A consideration of our own welfare as well as that of the negro requires the establishment of such an institution where those afflicted with the disease may be treated and may also learn how to keep from giving the disease to others. 3. For the establishment of a strictly first-class teacher-training school that will compare favorably with the teacher-training school for the whites at Green- ville. Most of the negroes who qualify themselves for high grade teachers go to schools outside of the State. This is unjust to them and is a blunder from the white man's standpoint. If the negro teachers are educated in the North they MESSAGES TO TEE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 73 will absorb the ideals of the North, some of which have a tendency to unfit them to be useful citizens in the South. If we teach them in our own schools they will absorb southern ideals, and will transmit these ideals to the youth who come under their charge. 4. For the amendment of our transportation laws that will secure to the negro safer and more sanitary accommodations when he rides on the trains. It is absolutely necessary to the peace and happiness of both races for whites and blacks to ride in separate cars. That question has been settled in the South and no amount of agitation is going to disturb it. But we cannot get away from the simple justice that requires that when a negro pays the same money for his trans- portation that the white man pays, he is entitled to ride in a car just as safe and just as sanitary as the one the white man rides in. To the end that these matters may be brought to the attention of the next General Assembly in an intelligent way, I recommend that this General Assembly appoint, or authorize the Governor to appoint, a commission of five members, whose duty it shall be to make a careful investigation and study of the several propositions above outlined, and submit their conclusions to the next session of the General Assembly. Respectfully submitted, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (25) INCREASED APPROPRIATIONS IN STATE DEPARTMENTS EIGHTH MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR T. W. BICKETT TO THE SPECIAL SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF 1920 Raleigh, 1ST. C, August 25, 1920. Gentlemen of the General Assembly: I transmit you herewith a communication just received from the Secretary of State vital to the work of his Department. I personally know all about the situation in that department, and know that the additional help requested by the Secretary is absolutely necessary to carry on the work of the Department. A similar condition exists in the office of the Governor, the Treasurer, and the State Auditor. A very short bill has been introduced asking for specific increases in these three departments. The total of these increases amounts to only $3,000. "We simply cannot do efficient work in these departments unless these increases shall be allowed. This bill is radically different from the one upon which the House of Representatives has already acted favorably, as it applies to only about one-fourth as many parties as the former bill did, and brings down the increases to an irreducible minimum. I certainly hope this bill will pass. Respectfully submitted, T. W. Bickett, Governor. 74 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT (26) FINAL MESSAGE TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF 1921 Raleigh, K C, January 6, 1921. Lady and Gentlemen of the General Assembly: It would be a violation of the proprieties of this occasion for me to attempt any discussion of the big problems that confront this General Assembly. That is at once the right and the responsibility of the Governor-elect. I do not propose to review my own administration. What is written is written, and will, in the fullness of time, be fairly appraised by the calm judgment of history. The sole claim that I make for myself and for the woman who has walked and worked by my side is that in peace and in war we have diligently endeavored to use our position as a lever to lift the State to higher levels, and as a light to lead the people into more excellent ways. There are a few subjects so intimately connected with my administration that a last word from me with reference to these would seem to be entirely in order. THE LABORER IS WORTHY OF HIS HIRE I think you will all agree that North Carolina is too big and too rich to ask or allow men to work for the State for less than a living wage. The standard salary paid State officers is $3,500. "We will assume that such an officer has a wife and three children. Certainly it would be against public policy to encourage him to have fewer. Such an officer would be fortunate if he could find a comfort- able home in the city of Raleigh for a rental of $1,000 a year. His bills for fuel, water, lights, and telephone will easily amount to $25 a month. He ought to be allowed one servant, and the minimum sum for which a servant can be employed is $7.50 a week. The head of a State department is called on to pay at least $300 a year for the support of religion and charity. He cannot look his neighbors or himself in the face and pay less. His fire and life insurance will cost him $300 a year. To maintain the health of himself and family he ought to be allowed a two weeks vacation, and this will cost at least $200. He is a lucky man if his political expenses, inherent in the office, are not more than $100 a year. The expenses above enumerated amount to $2,590. This leaves to a State officer $910 a year with which to pay for food, clothing, furniture, doctors' bills, and the education of his children. Such a policy is as unwise as it is unjust. A State officer cannot do constructive thinking, he cannot give to the people the most and the best there is in him when every morning he is tormented with the problem of how to make buckle and tongue meet. I respectfully submit that the salaries of the heads of State departments should be increased to $5,000 a year. I have felt impelled to discuss this question because whatever is done with respect to our constitutional officers must be done during my administration, but the facts given apply with equal force to statutory departments. THE SHORT BALLOT While upon the subject of State officers I cannot refrain from reiterating and emphasizing the views expressed in my inaugural address, and in my message to MESSAGES TO TEE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 75 the General Assembly of 1919, to the effect that all administrative officers should be appointed by the Governor. Every consideration of intelligence and efficiency is in favor of the short ballot. The men who have given thought to the subject all think alike. The only arguments against tbe proposition are political argu- ments, utterly unsupported by any sound business principle. So far as admin- istrative officers are concerned, the State is simply a big business corporation, and there is not a big business in the world where the heads of the departments are elected by thousands of stockholders. These are always appointed by the pres- ident of the corporation or by an executive board. This General Assembly would do the State a fine service if it should submit to the people a constitutional amendment providing for the appointment rather than the election of admin- istrative officers. A primary properly safeguarded is the best way to select the candidate for Governor. Let the people have the fullest opportunity to declare their will in the selection of the candidate and in the subsequent general election and then let the Governor so selected and elected use his own judgment in the selection of his executive staff and hold him rigidly responsible for results. Much has been said about giving the Governor the veto power. Possibly this would be wise, but the moral power of the Governor of Worth Carolina in shaping legislation is tremendous. During this administration I have submitted forty- eight specific measures to the General Assembly. Forty of these were acted upon favorably by the General Assembly, and are today the law of the land. The veto power is of minor importance compared with giving the Governor the right to name his own lieutenants. TEUE NOBILITY The special session of the General Assembly of 1920 authorized me to appoint a commission to investigate and make report of what the State ought to do to better the physical, moral and mental status of the negroes of the State. I appointed Mr. W. N. Everett, Mr. G. V. Cowper, Mr. L. R. Varser, Prof. G. S. Atkins, and Dr. J. E. Moore. These men have made their report, in which they strongly urge the establishment of a sanatorium for the treatment of negroes affected with tuberculosis, a reformatory for delinquent negro boys, a larger and more liberal system of teacher-training for negroes, and has called upon the Corporation Commission to exercise the authority it already has to require equal accommodations for negroes and whites on the trains. So impressed was the Budget Commission with the justice and the sanity of this report that it has fully endorsed the same and made provision for carrying it out. In the name of the God and Father of us all, I beg you to endorse this act of true nobility, and carry out a program supported by both Christianity and common sense. THE TRUTH ON THE TAX BOOKS The sole purpose of the Revaluation Act was to make the tax books of iSTorth Carolina speak the truth. If at any time the tax books fail to tell the truth, then the spirit of the Revaluation Act is violated. Let it never be forgotten that the Revaluation Act is always and everywhere seeking after the truth. The truth gave it birth, and the truth dominated its administration. This same spirit of truth now calls for a revision of the real estate values that were determined as of May 1, 1919. "Worldwide conditions have paralyzed the markets for our staple 7b PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT crops and this is of necessity reflected in the value of the lands that produced these crops. The values should be revised to meet actual conditions. But this revision should be made along constructive and not destructive lines. The safest and sanest way to make the revision is to call upon the men who made these assess- ments to revise their work in view of changed conditions. These men could do the work with maximum intelligence and at a minimum expenditure of time and money. In this connection I call attention to the very able report of the State Tax Commission which deals with this subject, and desire to give to that report my hearty and unqualified endorsement. A WOKD OF FAREWELL This concludes my message and marks the end of the last chapter of my public service to the State of North Carolina. Before closing the book I desire to express to you and through you to the people whose representatives you are, my grateful appreciation of the innumerable courtesies and kindnesses shown me during these four years. I want to register my everlasting gratitude for being permitted to serve a great State and through her all humanity in the grandest and most tragic hour the world has ever known. During these years all the tides of life have been at the flood, and I have boxed the compass of human emotions. It has been a rich and deep experience. It is today to me a benediction, and down to old age will continue a blessed inspiration. I shall carry with me from the office many sweet and glorious memories, but the one memory that will forever outshine them all is of the eighty thousand sons of Carolina who at their country's call marched forth to fight and die for God and for humanity. Lest we forget, I write it down in this last chapter and certify to all the generations that the one stupendous, immortal thing connected with this administration is the part North Carolina played in the World War. Every- thing done in the field of taxation, of education, of agriculture, of mercy to the fallen, of the physical and social regeneration of our people — all of it is but "a snowflake on the river" in the gigantic and glorified presence of the eighty thousand men who plunged into the blood-red tide of war. Of these eighty thousand men, two thousand three hundred and thirty-eight "went west" — far beyond the sunset's radiant glow. I shall always be grateful to remember that 1 was sometime their captain and always their comrade in the Great Adventure; and my fervent prayer is that when my summons comes and for me "The sunset gates unbar, I shall see them waiting stand, And white against the evening star, The welcome of their beckoning hand." And now, my friends, farewell, good-bye, and may He give His angels charge concerning you and Carolina ! Respectfully submitted, T. W. Bickett, Governor. MESSAGES TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY 77 (27) TRANSMITTING REPORT OF BUDGET COMMISSION Raleigh, 'N. C, January 11, 1921. Gentlemen of the General Assembly: I transmit herewith the report of the Budget Commission as required by law. With the report I send an appropriation hill and a bond bill to provide the funds for the permanent improvements recommended by the Commission. This is also in compliance with the statute. This is the first budget bill ever reported to a General Assembly in North Carolina, and for that reason the Commission has endeavored to stay strictly "within the law." We have made the report as brief as possible consistent with thoroughness, and venture to hope that it will prove helpful to the General Assembly in the solution of the problems with which the report deals. Respectfully submitted, T. W. Beckett, Governor. (ID PROCLAMATIONS BY THE GOVERNOR PROCLAMATIONS BY THE GOVERNOR 1917 1. Planting Day. 2. Call for Volunteers. 3. The Call of the Cross. 4. In Honor of Our Soldiers. 5. Fire Prevention Day. 6. State Militia. 7. Liberty Loan. 8. Y. M. C. A. 9. Thanksgiving Day, 1917. 10. Red Cross Week. 1918 11. On Conserving Fuel. 12. Liberty Day. 13. Vagrancy. 14. Red Cross Week. 15. Suicide or Salvation. 16. A Call to Prayer. 17. Help for the Helpless. 18. Registration Day, September 12, 1918. 19. The Fourth Liberty Loan. 20. Thanksgiving Day, 1918. 1919 21. Our Sacred Honor. 22. Boy Scouts. 23. The High Cost of Living. 24. A Preventable Tax. 25. Roosevelt Day, October 27th. 26. Remember the Horse That Pulled the Plow. 27. Armistice Day, November 11th. 28. Thanksgiving Day, 1919. 1920 29. Law Enforcement Day. 30. National Thrift Week of Y. M. C. A. 31. Ship-by-Truck Week. 32. Convening the General Assembly in Extra Session on August 10, 1920. 33. Cotton Day. 34. Armistice Day Proclamation. 35. Thanksgiving Proclamation. 36. A Child's Cry for Help. 37. Keep Boys and Girls in College. (1) PLANTING DAY State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor Our forefathers established the noble custom of setting apart a day in autumn on which to return thanks to the Lord of the Harvest for having blessed them with the "kindly fruits of the earth." A true interpretation of the Thanksgiving spirit comprehends all reasonable efforts on our part to insure celestial bounty. The conditions which now confront us appeal for activity on our part with peculiar and compelling power. 1. The World War has drawn to the battle line millions of those who in times of peace "went forth to sow." China and the United States are about to swell the leg'ons who fight and must be fed. 2. From the South the boll weevil is marching on North Carolina. Full cribs and smokehouses are the sure and safe defense against the coming of this pest. In every state the destruction of cotton by the boll weevil has been followed by a paralysis of the farmer's credit. Being forewarned of the steady advance of this enemy and the certain consequences of its attack, it will be colossal stupidity to fail to meet it with the only weapons that have proved effective, to wit, broad acres of grains and grasses. 3. The amended crop lien law was framed to give to the small farmer a decent chance to escape from a credit system that levies upon the right to live and labor the heaviest tribute imposed upon a helpless people since Augustus Csesar issued his decree that all the world should be taxed. But the farmer who fails to increase his food and feed crops will deny to himself and family the blessings of the law. The merchant will properly refuse to make unlimited advances under the new law. Long profits will no longer tempt him to take long chances. He will wisely and justly insist that the fanner must produce his own meat and meal, and when he has done this he will find no difficulty in obtaining other necessary supplies. All these things make a substantial increase in our food and feed crops essential to our self-preservation. Now, therefore, I, Thomas Walter Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, do hereby designate and set apart Thursday, the 5th day of April, 1917, as Planting Day, and on that day I earnestly urge: 1. All mayors of incorporated towns to call the people together and devise and put into execution practical ways and means of having every vacant lot in and adjacent to the town planted to grain or grass, peas or potatoes. 2. All farmers' organizations of every kind to meet and counsel their members to heavily increase their food and feed crops this year. 82 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT 3. All landlords to insist that their tenants shall plant food and feed crops ample for the sustenance of their families and their livestock. 4. All merchants and hankers to counsel their customers who are engaged in farming to increase the acreage planted to food and feed crops to such an extent that it will be unnecessary for them to purchase any food supplies next year. The times are troublous. No man can say what an hour may bring forth, but if we shall act with prudence and diligence the "meal will waste not nor will the oil fail." Done at our City of Raleigh, this the sixteenth day of March, in the [great year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and seventeen, and in the seal] one hundred and forty-first year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor: Governor. Santford Martin, Private Secretary. (2) CALL FOR VOLUNTEERS State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor The War Department has ordered the North Carolina National Guard to be recruited to full war strength. To meet this requirement the following recruits are necessary : First Regiment 1,000 Second Regiment 1,100 Third Regiment 1,200 Other Organizations 1,800 These other organizations include the Coast Artillery, Cavalry, Engineers, and Sanitary Troops. It is seen that over 5,000 volunteers are needed to bring the National Guard up to full war strength. It is apparent, therefore, that any one who may have opposed the Selective Draft because he did not like the thought of being conscripted is now given a chance to volunteer for military service. Then, too, there are several distinct advantages in enlisting in the National Guard : 1. While those who enlist in the National Guard will be required to register, they will be exempt from draft. 2. He who enlists has the privilege of selecting the command and branch of service he desires to enter. 3. He will serve under officers he knows and among his own friends and acquaintances. PROCLAMATIONS BY THE GOVERNOR 83 4. A person volunteering for service in the National Guard will be required to enlist only for the duration of the war. 5. A permanent roll of those who enlist will be preserved and the names will be published daily in the newspapers. 6. The man who volunteers for service in the National Guard has a better chance for promotion than he who is taken into the army under the Selective Draft. Considering these advantages, together with the appeal the country makes for men, I confidently expect the patriotic young manhood of North Carolina to quickly fill up the ranks of the National Guard. History does not show where a nation has ever made a worthier appeal than our country makes to its sons today. This Eepublic has unsheathed its sword in defense of humanity and to prove that republics have a right to live. America has planted the emblem of liberty and democracy in the pathway of the tyrant and the autocrat. And she now calls upon her sons to keep it there. We like to sing of the "sweet land of liberty" and "the home of the brave and the free." But the time has come when it is not enough to sing only. We must back the sentiment with action in order that that which gave birth to the sentiment shall not perish from the earth. America has lifted her arm in defense of Christian civilization and she now calls upon her sons to save that civilization. This is no ordinary war. It is a war of ideals; for in it a civilization that exalts love and service is pitted against a civilization that exalts power and selfishness. A civilization in which the strong must serve the weak is at war with a civilization in which the weak must serve the strong. It is, in short, a war to determine whether the ideals of Jesus or the ideals of Thor shall dominate the world. We like to pray, "Thy Kingdom come," but the time has come when it is not enough to pray only. Now, therefore, I, Thomas Walter Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, do hereby call upon and urge unmarried men who are fit for military service to enlist in the organizations located in the communities in which they reside. And the people of all communities in which the various companies are located are earnestly urged to take an active interest in bringing up the organizations to their full war strength. No citizen of the State should be content until this is done. Never yet has the Nation called and failed to receive prompt answer from the people of North Carolina. Let us not forget that in every crisis in the Republic's life, from Kings Mountain to the present momentous hour, the people of this Commonwealth have responded to their country's call with a spirit of self-sacrifice and devotion to duty worthy of the best traditions of the Anglo-Saxon race and with a courage that has challenged the admiration of mankind in every land where people love liberty and men are not afraid to die for a principle. North Carolina will not fail — must not fail — in this hour. I know that our people want the State to do its full share of the work that must be done by the states of this Union, not only to preserve free government on this continent, but in order that the whole world may be "made safe for democracy." Therefore, 1 appeal with confidence to the patriotic manhood of the State; and I expect a response worthy of the sons of the fathers who laid down their lives in order that we might be free. 84 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT Done at our City of Raleigh, this the twenty-first day of May, in [great the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and seventeen, and in seal] the one hundred and forty-first year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor : Governor. Santfokd Martin, Private Secretary. (3) THE CALL OF THE GROSS State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation hy the Governor Civilization is in the grip of savagery, and the world hleeds at every pore. The garnered wisdom of the past and the inventive genius of the present are devoted to the processes of destruction. But in the midst of chaos and of gloom one light burns with added luster — the light of the Crimson Cross. To this light Barbarian and Greek, Christian and Turk look for mercy, and do not look in vain, for the light is born of the love that never faileth. One hundred million dollars are necessary to enable the Red Cross to fulfill its benign mission among the soldiers we are calling to service. Can we, who are permitted to remain at home, deny to the men we are sending to the front the soothing and saving ministrations of an order that happily combines perfect love with perfect skill ? The President of the United States is deeply impressed with the value of and the necessity for this work, and has issued a special proclamation calling upon the people to dedicate the week beginning June 18th to the raising of one hundred million dollars for the Red Cross. Now, therefore, I, Thomas Walter Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, and Chairman of the North Carolina. Division of the Red Cross, do beseech the people of the State to hearken to the call of the cross and urge them to make real self-sacrificing gifts to an organization that by the might of its mercies has intrenched itself in the hearts of all mankind, and that now proposes to make our sons the object of its tenderest care. Done at our City of Raleigh, this the twelfth day of June, in the [great year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and seventeen, and in the seal] one hundred and forty-first year of our American Independence. T. "W. Bickett, By the Governor : Governor. Santford Martin, Private Secretary. PROCLAMATIONS BY THE GOVERNOR 85 (4) IN HONOR OF OUR SOLDIERS State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor North Carolina is about to send twenty-five thousand men into battle. These men are making the supreme sacrifice that forever hereafter the wisdom of the many shall determine the decrees of nations. They go to make war on war. They go to destroy with the sword the government that maintains that the sword is, and of right ought to be, the 'final arbiter of a nation's rights. When the government that deifies war shall perish in war then war will come no more upon the earth. It is fit that these guarantors of the world's peace should be sustained by the love and prayers of all good men. Now, therefore, I, Thomas Walter Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, do request the people of the State : First. To assemble on Saturday, the first day of September, in township and school district meetings, and hold patriotic exercises in honor of the men we are sending to the front. Second. On Sunday, September 2d, let special religious services be held in all the churches in the State, and let all good men pray for the safety and success of the men who are going into battle that lasting peace may come upon the land. Third. That on Labor Day, September 3d, appropriate patriotic exercises be held in every county-seat in the State ; and let the men who have been drafted into the public service be the guests of honor at these exercises. Done at our City of Raleigh this the twenty-fifth day of August, in [great the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and seventeen, and in seal] the one hundred and forty-second year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor: Governor. Santford Martin, Private Secretary. 86 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT (5) FIRE PREVENTION DAY State of North Carolina Executive Department .Raleigh A Proclamation hy the Governor Taxes are a great burden, and a source of constant irritation. The ingenuity of statesmen is being taxed to reduce and to equalize tbe tax burden, and yet the fire tax annually levied upon the State of North Carolina is practically equal to the entire taxes levied for the support of the State Government. We may equalize the governmental taxes, but they must be paid to some one. Two-thirds of the fire taxes are wholly unnecessary, and are due to lack of reasonable care. Realizing this, the General Assembly of North Carolina has set aside the 9th day of October of each and every year as Fire Prevention Day, and makes it the duty of the Governor to issue a proclamation, urging the people to a proper observance of the day. Now, therefore, I, T. W. Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, in accordance with this statute, do issue this my proclamation, and I do set aside and designate Tuesday, the 9th day of October, 1917, as Fire Prevention Day, and do urge all the people to a proper observance of this day in obedience to the law of North Carolina. I urge the public schools of the State and the municipal officers thereof to give proper and formal recognition of the day and its meaning, and request the citizens generally to give special attention on that day to the condition of their premises, to the end that the waste and loss of property and life may be reduced in this State. Done at our City of Raleigh, this the fifteenth day of September. [great in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and seventeen, and seal] in the one hundred and forty-second year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor : Governor. Santford Martin, Private Secretary. PROCLAMATIONS BY THE GOVERNOR 87 (6) STATE MILITIA State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor Whereas, it lias been made to appear to me that conditions now prevail within the State calling for the use and service of an effective force for the maintenance of peace and order ; and Whereas, the companies composing the organized State Guard are now absent from the State, having been duly called into the National service ; and Whereas, by an act passed at the last session of the General Assembly, entitled "An act to revise the military laws of the State of North Carolina and to in- crease the efficiency of the militia," ratified the sixth day of March, 1917, all able-bodied male citizens of the State and all able-bodied male residents therein who have signified their purpose to become citizens, between the ages of eighteen and forty-five, unless excepted by special law, are constituted and declared to be the unorganized militia of the State and made subject to the call of the Governor for the purpose indicated : Now, therefore, I, Thomas Walter Bickett, Governor, by virtue of authority vested in me by the general laws and more especially by the provisions of said act, do make this my proclamation and call into the active service of the State the said unorganized militia as described and designated in said act, between the ages of thirty-one and forty-five, to the number of five thousand, not less than twenty-five in any one county, and the remainder to be apportioned to the larger counties as the Governor may designate, to be selected by draft and forthwith organized and equipped as provided by said statute and the regulations to be immediately framed and published pursuant to the same. Done at our City of Raleigh this the twenty-third day of September, [great in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and seventeen, and in seal] the one hundred and forty-second year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor : Governor. Santford Martin, Private Secretary. 88 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT (7) LIBERTY LOAN State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor The President of the United States having set apart Wednesday, the 24th of October, as Liberty Bond Day, and the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States having expressed a desire that the governors of the several states should proclaim the 24th day of October a legal holiday: Now, therefore, I, Thomas Walter Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, do hereby set apart and proclaim Wednesday, the 24th day of October, as a legal holiday. I earnestly urge all classes and conditions of our citizens to devote their energies on that day to the sale of Liberty Bonds. Especially do I urge the mayors of all incorporated towns to perfect plans to make a thorough canvass of their communities in an effort to sell bonds of small denominations. The sheriffs of the State have undertaken to canvass the rural precincts, and I urge the mayors to see to it that the matter of the sale of Liberty Bonds and their attract- iveness as an investment is clearly set before all the people in all the towns of the State. Done at our City of Raleigh, this the nineteenth day of October, in [great the year of Lord one thousand nine hundred and seventeen, and in the seal] one hundred and forty-first year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor : Governor. Santford Martin, Private Secretary. (3) Y. M. C. A. State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor The people of North Carolina have been called upon to contribute $300,000 to the national fund of $35,000,000 for the support of the Young Men's Christian Association in the work it is doing among our soldiers at home and abroad. PROCLAMATIONS BY TEE GOVERNOR 89 In view of the service being rendered by the Army and Navy "War Work Council for the moral and military efficiency of the soldiers and sailors of our country, in training camp and at the front, and among our allies in the great struggle for world-wide democracy : Now, therefore, I, Thomas Walter Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, do hereby set apart and proclaim November 11th to 19th, 1917, as Army Y. M. C. A. War Work Campaign Week. During this period I earnestly urge and request that every citizen do his duty by contributing liberally to this cause of safe- guarding and giving happiness to the Nation's youth in arms. I especially urge all pastors and church leaders and members of churches of all denominations and of all creeds to cooperate in this campaign. I also earnestly request that all people who are not members of any church, but who believe in the cause for which America is fighting, devote their best energies to this campaign to the end that North Carolina may do its full share of the work that must be done in order that the national fund may be raised. Done at our City of Raleigh, this the seventh day of November, in the [great year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and seventeen, and in the seal] one hundred and forty-second year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor : Governor. Santfoed Martin, Private Secretary. (9) THANKSGIVING DAY, 1917 State op North Carolina Executive Department • Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor Salvation comes through sacrifice. He who would truly save his life must be ever ready to lose it. The man or the nation that prizes breath above honor, and riches above righteousness, is dust already, and can never hope "to put on immortality." In the providence of God the world is today engaged in blood-red debate to determine whether government shall henceforth be guided by the love of justice or by lust for pelf and power. Not in rashness nor in anger, but thoughtfully, in the fear of God, and out of respect for its own conscience, this Nation has consecrated its unlimited resources and its unconquerable spirit to the maintenance of governments that will guarantee fair treatment to every man and every nation. It is cause for universal thanksgiving that in the most awful and most august hour of human history the conscience of our people triumphed over the counsel of selfishness and fear. 90 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT This is the blessing of the year. Now, therefore, I, Thomas "Walter Bickett, Governor of the State of North Carolina, in obedience to the sacred custom of our fathers, and in accord with the proclamation of the President of the United States, do hereby set apart Thursday, the 29th day of November, one thousand nine hundred and seventeen, as a day for universal Thanksgiving. And I do call upon the people of North Carolina to assemble on that day in their places of worship, and with humble and contrite hearts give thanks to the Lord of Hosts and the Harvest for His omniscient care. And let us remember in helpful ways the widow and the orphan and all who walk in the shadow of adversity. And let us pray unceasingly that He who "Rides the whirlwind and directs the storm" may crown our forces on sea and land with everlasting victory, and that war may come no more upon the earth. Done at our City of Ealeigh on this the eighteenth day of November, [gkeat in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and seventeen, and seal] in the one hundred and forty-second year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor: Governor. Santfohd Martin, Private Secretary. (10) RED CROSS WEEK State of North Carolina Executive Department Baleigh A Proclamation by the Governor The American Bed Cross calls for ten million new members. Facing tbe most stupendous task in all its history, this organization must have greater strength in order to meet its larger responsibilities. The Bed Cross follows the Flag on land and sea, carrying hope and healing to the millions who go forth to fight. It must stay close to the men who are bearing the real burdens of this World War. Whenever a soldier falls the Bed Cross must be ready to save him. Wherever there is human suffering in the war- stricken countries of our comrades in arms there the Bed Cross must go to com- fort and sustain. If you cannot enlist in the battalion of the khaki you can at least join the army of the Bed Cross. Bealizing its importance in the present world conflict, President Wilson has called for volunteers in this army, and during the week PROCLAMATIONS BY THE GOVERNOR 91 ending with Christmas Eve, the Eed Cross will make a special appeal for your support. Now, therefore, I, Thomas "Walter Bickett, Governor of Worth Carolina, in an earnest desire to aid this splendid cause, and in accord with the proclamation of the President of the United States, do herehy set apart and proclaim the week of December 17th to 25th, 1917, as Eed Cross "Week, and urge the people of Worth Carolina to join the American Eed Cross during that period. It is peculiarly fitting that the week preceding Christmas should be selected as the time to offer our support to this great branch of the National service. If there were no Christmas there would be no Eed Cross. The Eed Cross is the world's finest interpretation of the spirit of Christmas. If you want to translate the Christmas spirit into terms of action, you can do no better than take mem- bership in the American Eed Cross, the only agency through which those who stay at home can send Christmas joy and good will to the men on the firing line holding back the Hun. Done at our City of Ealeigh on this the fourteenth day of December. [great in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and seventeen, and seal] in the one hundred and forty-second year of our American Independence. T. "W. Bickett, By the Governor : Governor. Santford Martin, Private Secretary. (11) ON CONSERVING FUEL State of North Carolina Executive Department Ealeigh A Proclamation hy the Governor Cut wood, cut wood, and cut more wood. This is my appeal to the people of North Carolina. In time of sunshine prepare for blizzards. Eternal vigilance is the price of warmth. The comfort of our people during the freezes of next winter depends upon the number of cords of wood stacked in North Carolina during the next six weeks. The fuel situation has been serious this winter. Schools and churches were closed when they should have been open. Factories were shut down for a whole week when they ought to have been running day and night. Many people suffered. There were times when the situation looked grave, especially for the poor of some of our towns and cities. Prompt and energetic action by the Fuel Admin- istration and municipal authorities alone prevented fearful consequences in some sections. And all because of lack of wood. In the light of this experience it would be worse than folly for the people of North Carolina to depend next winter, as they have done in the past, on coal for fuel. 92 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER PICKETT The United States Department of Agriculture says : "No one knows how much coal there will be for general purposes next year. With the numerous demands being made upon both coal and transportation the shortage may be more widespread and severe than this year. It is only a matter of good business fore- sight for those communities that have the wood around them to see that some time during the season a sufficient supply is cut and hauled where it could be easily available as a reserve next winter. The time to cut it is right now." The State Fuel Administrator says : "Next winter is going to be the rub, and we cannot begin too soon to prepare for it. The next sixty days is the best period of the year for cutting cordwood." The people of North Carolina can and should prepare enough wood during the spring months to supply every household in the State all next winter. And to this end I earnestly urge them to go into the woods and cut, the while remembering that the man who chops a tree in this cause serves his country no less than he who digs a trench. Done at our City of Ealeigh, this the twentieth day of February, in [great the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and eighteen, and in the seal] one hundred and forty-second year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor: Governor. Santfokd Maetin, Private Secretary. (12) LIBERTY DAY State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor The President of the United States, by proclamation, has designated Friday, April 26th, as Liberty Day, and has made the afternoon of that day a holiday for all Federal employees whose services can be spared. The Secretary of the Treasury of the United States has expressed a desire that the governors of the several states should also set apart the 26th of April as Liberty Day in each state, to be especially devoted to the Liberty Loan campaign, and that the afternoon of that day be proclaimed a legal holiday. Now, therefore, I, Thomas "Walter Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, do hereby set apart Friday, April 26th, as Liberty Day, and proclaim the afternoon of that day a legal holiday throughout the State. I earnestly request that all stores and public places be closed and that all of our citizens devote their best energies during this brief period to the sale of liberty bonds. In order to stimu- late greater interest in the campaign, I urge the people in the cities, towns and PROCLAMATIONS BY THE GOVERNOR 93 country districts to join in appropriate ceremonies. Especially do I urge the mayors and other local governing authorities to cooperate in the enthusiastic celebration of Liberty Day. The success of the Liberty Loan is so vital to the Nation that it is the first duty of every citizen to do his utmost in this campaign. Done at our City of Raleigh, this the twenty-third day of April, in [great the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and eighteen, and in the seal] one hundred and forty-second year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor : Governor. Santfoed Maetin, Private Secretary. (13) VAGRANCY State of Noetit Carolina Executive Depabtment Bat.eigh A Proclamation hy the Governor Never before in the history of North Carolina has it been of such supreme importance to bring together the jobless man and the manless job. The agricul- tural, commercial and industrial life of the State depends on the utilization to its fullest capacity of every labor unit that can be found. At this time idleness is a crime that savors strongly of treason, for the men at the front cannot fight unless the men at home work. To this end I call on every county in North Carolina to hold a meeting on Wednesday, May 29th, for the purpose of discussing the best methods of en- forcing our vagrancy laws, of establishing employment bureaus and of appointing delegates to a State Convention to be held in Raleigh on Tuesday, June 4, 1918, for the purpose of discussing these subjects. The Federal Government is vitally interested in this matter, and its representatives are prepared to give valuable assistance in the solution of the grave labor problem that confronts the State. Done at our City of Raleigh, this the fourteenth day of May, in the [geeat year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and eighteen, and in the one seal] hundred and forty-second year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor : Governor. Santfoed Maetin, Private Secretary. 94 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT (14) RED CROSS WEEK State of Worth Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor The Red Cross is no longer an experiment. It has demonstrated beyond all question the necessity for and value of its work. If doubt of its usefulness ever existed, that doubt has been dissipated by the wonderful service the Red Cross has rendered to humanity since the war storm broke upon Europe in 1914. In modern warfare the Red Cross is as essential to victory as the aeroplane. If one is the army's eyes, the other is its heart. Today the army surgeon and the Red Cross nurse stand side by side in heroism and service. An appeal for the support of the Red Cross, therefore, is an appeal for the support of the army — for the support of the forces that are fighting for our homes and our honor and our liberty. It is such an appeal that comes to us now. If this vital arm of our country's defense is not to be weakened, it must be sustained by the patriotism and the sacrifice of all true Americans. During the last year the Red Cross has practically exhausted all of its funds by appropriations for the welfare of our naval and military forces and those dependent upon them, and for the urgent necessities of our allies. It is now asking the people of America for one hundred million dollars, and the President of the United States has issued a proclamation designating the week beginning May 20, 1918, as Red Cross "Week, and calling upon all the people "again to give generously to the continuation of the important work of relieving distress, restoring the waste of war, and assisting in maintaining the morale of our own troops and the troops and people of our allies." ISTorth Carolina is called upon to contribute six hundred thousand dollais of this amount. I confidently believe that our people will cheerfully respond to this worthy appeal and that this State's allotment will be speedily subscribed. To that end, therefore, I hereby set apart and proclaim the week beginning May 20, 1918, as Red Cross Week in North Carolina, during which I earnestly urge every man, woman and child in the State to contribute something to this fund, and not to rest until the full amount is raised. Done at our City of Raleigh, this the sixteenth day of May, in the [great year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and eighteen, and in the one seal] hundred and forty-second year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor: Governor. Santford Martin, Private Secretary. PROCLAMATIONS BY THE GOVERNOR 95 (15) SUICIDE OR SALVATION State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor Charles Dickens's most famous character is Mr. Micawber. Micawber's most famous saying is "Annual income twenty pounds, Annual expenditure nineteen six. Result: happiness. Annual income twenty pounds, Annual expenditure twenty pounds six, Result : misery." Four dollars and seventeen cents invested in a five-dollar War Savings Cer- tificate will take care of this pivotal pound, and place it on the right side of the family ledger. To the ninety and nine Thrift Stamps and War Savings Cer- tificates afford the best opportunity to serve and to save themselves and the Nation. If our people will invest fifty millions of dollars in these securities they will open for themselves a new door of hope, and for North Carolina a new era of financial independence. After the war there will be a tremendous competition for business between nations, communities and individuals. North Carolina may not hope to get its legitimate share of this business unless we shall store up the capital with which to carry it on. If we fail to do this, North Carolina soldiers will come, home to a land without jobs, and will of necessity be drawn away from us into more thoughtful and provident communities. The issue is vital and plain. The purchase of War Savings Certificates spells industrial salvation. The failure to purchase War Savings Certificates spells industrial suicide. Therefore, I, Thomas Walter Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, do hereby set apart the period beginning Saturday, June 22d, and ending Friday, June 28th, as War Savings Week, and during this week the people of North Carolina are urged to pledge themselves to purchase Thrift Stamps and War Savings Cer- tificates of the face value of $48,53S,314, being twenty dollars for every man, woman and child in the State. To this end I urge every individual and every organization, religious, educa- tional, social and industrial, to devote their thoughts and energies to this vital campaign during the period named. And especially do I urge: 1. The mayors of all towns and cities to issue War Savings proclamations. 2. All ministers of the Gospel and superintendents of Sunday schools to talk to their people on Sunday, June 23d, on the salvation of thrift. 96 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT 3. That from Monday, June 24th, to Thursday, June 27th, inclusive, a house- to-house canvass be made, and every person in the State be given an opportunity to sign a War Savings pledge. 4. That on Friday, June 28th, which is War Savings Day, set apart by the President of the United States, every person to go to the schoolhouse in his district to attend the great War Savings Rally to be held there, and to make sure that the quota of that district, which is twenty dollars for every man, woman and child in the district, is purchased or pledged. Done at our City of Raleigh, this the seventh day of June, in the [great year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and eighteen, and in the one seal] hundred and forty-second year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor: Governor. Santfoed Martin, Private Secretary. (16) A CALL TO PRAYER State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor "God of our fathers, be the God Of their succeeding race." The people of North Carolina believe in God, in His mercy, and in His might. So believing, it behooves us to pray that our daily offerings of blood and treasure may be acceptable in His sight, and that He may use them to establish perfect justice and perpetual peace among all the children of men. To this end I earnestly request all Christian ministers to have the bells of their several churches rung for two minutes every evening at seven o'clock from Sunday, June 30, 1918, until the end of this war. At the ringing of the church bells I earnestly beseech every person in the State, the citizens and also the strangers within our gates, to bow their heads in fervent prayer to the God of battles, to give to our forces on sea and land wisdom and foresight, courage and fortitude, and make them more than conquerors of the powers of evil arrayed against them. Done at our City of Raleigh, this the twenty-seventh day of June, in [great the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and eighteen, and in the seal] one hundred and forty-second year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor : Governor. Santford Martin, Private Secretary. PROCLAMATIONS BY THE GOVERNOR 97 (17) HELP FOR THE HELPLESS State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation oy the Governor Last year the whole world was thrilled when the news flashed over the wires that Jerusalem had been delivered from the hands of the Turk. The feeling was universal that the Holy City should he restored to the people who had builded it and with whose history it is forever associated. This is a fine sentiment, but finer and vastly more important than the restoration of the Holy City is the sal- vation of millions of Jews from hunger and disease and death. In Turkey, in Palestine, in Lithuania, in Russia, in Poland, and in Galicia starvation stares the children of Abraham in the face. Daily, Jewish husbands see their wives grow thin and pale and fade away into the Great Silence. Daily, Jewish babies tug frantically at breasts that are withered and dry; and above the din of battles is heard once more the voice of Rachel weeping for her children and refusing to be comforted, because they are not. I call upon the good people of North Carolina to hearken to this cry, to rally to the help of the helpless and once again to show themselves worthy of the high service they are privileged to render. The hounded, hungering Jew can well afford to die. We cannot afford, by indifference and inaction, to have his blood on our hands. Therefore, I, Thomas Walter Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, do hereby set apart Monday, the 19th day of August, 1918, as Jewish Relief Day. I ask all the newspapers to give wide publicity to this day, and especially ask that on Sunday, the 18th day of August, notice be given in all the churches in the State that the following Monday will be observed as Jewish Relief Day, and the people will be given an opportunity to help this stricken race. On Monday, the 19th day of August, I beg all our people to give to this most worthy cause generously and gladly. Let Jew and Gentile touch elbows, and work together for the relief of these millions in distress, and may He who made and loves us all bestow upon every giver and every gift His heavenly benediction. Done at our City of Raleigh, this the third day of August, in the year [great of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and eighteen, and in the one seal] hundred and forty-third year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor: Governor. Santford Martin, Private Secretary. 98 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT (18) REGISTRATION DAY, SEPTEMBER 12, 1918 State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor America has taken her place with the Allies of humanity. Her ideals, pro- claimed by our President and hailed by the civilized world as a new charter of liberty, have been hallowed and consecrated by the blood of her sons shed on the sacred soil of France. In order that those ideals may be sustained and the prin- ciples of liberty and humanity which we share with our Allies made secure, the full military man-power of the Nation is called to the colors. Unchallenged freedom is to be achieved for the world by the unlimited power of American man- hood. Declaring that we "solemnly purpose a decisive victory of arms," the Pres- ident of the United States, by virtue of authority imposed in him by Congress, has by proclamation called upon all men of America between the ages of eighteen and forty-five, inclusive, to register on Thursday, the 12th day of September, 1918. On that day all men who have reached their eighteenth birthday and have not reached their forty-sixth birthday, are required to register, unless they are already registered for military service. The usual precinct voting places will be the places of registration. The hours for registration will be from seven o'clock, a. m., to nine o'clock, p. m. North Carolina will not lag in the performance of this duty. Nearly a hundred thousand of her sons are now in the service, and back of these stands a loyal and united Commonwealth eager to serve. When the first call for military registration was made fifteen months ago, more than two hundred thousand North Carolinians registered for service. In the coming registration it is estimated that 250,000 men will register in this State. In order to handle so large a registration, more than 3,000 men have cheerfully responded to the call to serve as registrars in the various precincts of the State. The proportion as well as the purpose of this occasion challenges and compels the loyal support and cooperation of every citizen. Now, therefore, I, Thomas "Walter Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, do hereby call upon every man in the State who has reached the age of eighteen, and has not reached the age of forty-six, on Thursday, September 12, 1918, and who has not heretofore registered for military service, to present himself on that day at his voting precinct for registration in accordance with the act of Congress and the proclamation of the President. I earnestly hope that not even by mistake will any North Carolinian on this epoch-making day fail to do his full duty. Upon the whole citizenry of the State I also call for a proper recognition and observance of this day. Let every civic, moral and religious agency and institution join in making this a day in which full obedience to the letter and spirit of the law shall be at once a duty and a glory. The press of the State, with its usual PROCLAMATIONS BY THE GOVERNOR 99 zeal and loyalty, can render invaluable assistance in getting fully and clearly before all the people the purposes and requirements of this registration day. Preachers and church leaders, teachers and public officials should count it a duty and a privilege to help in making effective this registration ; and business men, employers of labor, should offer every facility for the registration of their em- ployees. Red Cross societies and other women's organizations will be able to perform innumerable services that will count in making the day a success. It is our privilege as citizens of a great State and Nation to participate in the events of this day, which historians will mark as epochal. May the spirit of our boys at the front, the flaming zeal of those who flaunt Democracy's banner in the face of mankind's common foe, inspire all of us to a glad performance of a glorious duty. Done at our City of Ealeigh, this the sixth day of September, in the [great year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and eighteen, and in the one seal] hundred and forty-third year of our American Independence. T. "W. Bickett, By the Governor: Governor. Santford Martin, Private Secretary. (19) THE FOURTH LIBERTY LOAN State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor "Whereas six billions of dollars must be raised in these United States by the sale of Liberty Bonds, from the 28th of September to the 19th of October ; and of this sum the State of North Carolina must subscribe $39,900,000; and to raise this vast amount we must have the united, heroic and uninterrupted efforts of all our people: Now, therefore, I, Thomas "Walter Bickett, Governor of said State, do hereby declare and proclaim: First. That from Monday, September 30th, to Saturday, October 19th, no Superior Courts be held, except to clear the jails; and the Superior Court judges are requested to adjourn their courts accordingly. Second. That Sunday, October 6th, be and it is hereby designated as Heroes' Day, on which day all our people shall assemble, in their churches, Sunday schools and meeting houses, in cities and towns, in villages, hamlets and at cross- roads, and shall pay tribute and homage to the boys who have laid down their lives in the sacred cause of liberty. Let this day be made memorable and hallowed, and let the memory and spirit of the neighborhood boy, dead on the field of 100 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT honor, so move us that we shall withhold not of our substance in the cause for which he died. Let committees of patriotic men, women and children sell these Liberty Bonds by the millions on that sacred occasion, while messages from stump and pulpit proclaim the purity of our motives and the justness of our cause. Third. That Saturday, October 12th, be and it is hereby designated as Liberty Bond Day. And on this day I especially enjoin all stores, schools and all fac- tories, not engaged in war work, other industries, to close their doors until four o'clock in the afternoon. Let the school children of the State, under the direction of Superintendent J. Y. Joyner, join hands in making this a great and glorious day in Worth Carolina annals by doing their utmost in selling Liberty Bonds, and in arousing their friends and neighbors to the peril and the necessity of the hour. The last Liberty Loan drive took place in the month of May, and the bulk of our people had no ready funds in hand, and so it came about that, while we over- subscribed our allotment (the allotment being $18,555,000, and our subscription being nearly twenty-five million dollars, or thirty-one per cent over the top), less than four per cent of the people of the State purchased these bonds. This was the lowest ratio of any state in the Union. In the present subscription it is earnestly hoped and believed that, with practical unanimity all the people of the State will participate. Let the slogan be, "A Bond in Every Home." Napoleon once said that in every battle five minutes decided which army would conquer. We have now reached this moment in the World War. Men of this Commonwealth, which historians agree is the freest of the free, in this hour, big with the fate of America and of Freedom, let us highly resolve that, under God, we will do our full duty, withholding nothing from the cause — howsoever costly or dear — -for "It may be in yon smoke concealed, Your comrades chase e'en now the fliers, And, but for you, possess the field." Done at our City of Raleigh, this the twenty-sixth day of September, [great in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and eighteen, and in seal] the one hundred and forty-third year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor: Governor. Santfoed Martin, Private Secretary. PROCLAMATIONS BY TEE GOVERNOR 101 (20) THANKSGIVING DAY, 1918 State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh Thanksgiving Proclamation There has always been danger that our annual Thanksgiving Day might be- come a mere formality observed at the behest of the State. But this year our hearts forerun all proclamations, and the grace of gratitude attunes our souls for the universal anthem of praise on Thanksgiving Day. We are grateful that we did not go to war in anger or in haste, but soberly, reverently, in the fear of God, and in love of humanity. We are grateful that our people were given eyes to see a righteous cause, and ears to hear a holy call to arms. We are grateful for the miracle wrought in the transportation of our soldiers through perilous seas and in their delivery on the battle front in time to save the civilization of the world. We are grateful that these soldiers, fresh from civil life, fought with the heroism and fortitude of seasoned veterans, and won for themselves and their country the love and admiration of all mankind. We are grateful that at the council table and on the field of battle American officers and men exemplified the ideals of a Christian civilization. We are grateful that a righteous peace has come to all the war-weary peoples of the earth. We are grateful that it is the inflexible purpose of the victors to dethrone the gun and make the Christianized conscience of mankind the supreme arbiter of the destiny of nations. We are grateful for Woodrow Wilson — that God brought him "to the kingdom for such a time as this," and through him has made America the hope of all peoples who seek blessings of liberty under laws of righteousness. Therefore, I, Thomas Walter Bickett, Governor of Worth Carolina, do hereby proclaim Thursday, November 28, 1918, a day of public thanksgiving. On that day, let us go up to the House of the Lord and lift up our hearts in a service of prayer and praise. "A noble army; men and boys, The matron and the maid, Around the Saviour's throne rejoice, In robes of light arrayed. They climbed the steep ascent to heaven, Through peril, toil and pain. God, to us may grace be given To follow in their train." 102 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Done at our City of Raleigh, this the eighteenth day of November in [great the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and eighteen, and in the seal] one hundred and forty-third year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor: Governor. Santford Martin, Private Secretary. (21) OUR SACRED HONOR State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor Honor is finer than honesty, as sentiment is higher than thought. There is scant virtue in merely keeping within the law. "The fear o' hell 's a hangman's whip, To haud the wretch in order; But where ye feel your honor grip, Let that aye be your border." In the call to buy Victory Bonds honor grips hard. To achieve the victory we pledged our lives, our property and our sacred honor. The pledge of life has been fully redeemed. The blood cost of victory was paid with solemn pride. To fail or falter in meeting the money cost would immediately brand us with infamy and ultimately mark us for destruction. Our sacred honor drives us to offer our property as freely as our soldiers offered their lives. They "fought a good fight." We must "keep the faith," or wither in fires of self-contempt. The Imperial German Government asserted that a solemn obligation was but a scrap of paper, and that government has been consigned to the scrap-heap of civilization. "God is not mocked" and this Nation will surely become as Nineveh and Tyre if we keep back the price of our redemption. No nation can survive that advertises to the world that it holds money dearer than manhood, that while it was willing to sacrifice the only son it cannot spare the firstlings of the flocks. I beseech all ministers of the Gospel and all men and women of every class and condition who have faith in the final perseverance of moral values to enlist in the great Victory Campaign to the end that our national honor may be redeemed and our destiny secured. Done at our City of Raleigh, this the third day of April in the [great year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and nineteen, and in the one seal] hundred and forty-third year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor : Governor. Santford Martin, Private Secretary. PROCLAMATIONS BY THE GOVERNOR 103 (22) BOY SCOUTS State of North Carolina Executive Department Kaleigh A Proclamation by the Governor Any movement or organization that has for its ohject the training and develop- ment of the boys of America merits the support of our entire citizenship. Such an organization is the Boy Scouts of America, and the country does well to set apart a week in which this organization may be given full recognition and sub- stantial support. If for no other reason, the service rendered by the Boy Scouts of America in the "World "War entitles the organization to a place of honor in our great Nation. The war record of this admirable organization is little short of amazing. In every Liberty Loan campaign the Boy Scouts took a conspicuous and useful part ; they were the right hands of Red Cross organizations in every community throughout the country; no reception to our brave soldiers was complete without the participation and indispensable assistance of the Boy Scouts ; and in a hundred other ways this unique organization contributed gloriously to the win- ning of the war. But not alone for the services that have been rendered by the Boy Scout move- ment should we give it our support in this week of endeavor. The movement offers a hopeful solution to some of the grave problems that are confronting the Nation. If Americanism is to maintain its high integrity; if terrorism and bolshevism are to be eradicated from our national life; if our America is to be kept true to its high mission, the boys of today — America's men of tomorrow — must be trained and developed for the great task of citizenship. The Boy Scouts of America is an organization admirably designed and equipped for giving to our American boys just such training. Therefore, I, Thomas Walter Bickett, Governor of the State of North Carolina, do hereby commend the observation of the period beginning Sunday, June 8th, and ending Flag Day, June 14th, as Boy Scout "Week throughout the United States, for the purpose of materially supporting and strengthening the work of the Boy Scouts of America. I earnestly recommend that in every community of North Carolina a Citizens Committee, whose chairman is the Hon. William G. McAdoo, be organized to cooperate in carrying out the program for Boy Scout Week. I also call upon the people of North Carolina this week to give honorable recognition to the Boy Scout movement, and I urge the citizens of the State in this week of enlistment to identify themselves with a movement so hopeful for the future of America. Done at our City of Raleigh, this the tenth day of June, in the year [great of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and nineteen, and in the one seal] hundred and forty-third year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor : Governor. Santford Martin, Private Secretary. 104 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT (23) THE HIGH COST OF LIVING State of North Carolina Executive Department Ealeigh A Proclamation by the Governor The high cost of living is agitating the whole world. The inability to procure the necessities of life at reasonable prices is a menace to the stability of all governments. The situation is not local, but world-wide, and demands the best thought of all good men. In order to correct the evils in the United States the President is calling on all State and County Food Administrators to seek out and put an end to profiteering, wherever it may be found. I urge all good citizens, and all State and local officials to lend their aid and influence in the prosecution of this work. Every consideration of wisdom and of safety calls for complete cooperation on the part of our people in the solution of the distressing problem that confronts us. Done at our City of Raleigh, this the fourteenth day of August, in the [great year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and nineteen, and in the one seal] hundred and forty-fourth year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor : Governor. Santford Martin, Private Secretary. (24) A PREVENTABLE TAX State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor It has been said that there are two things that no man can escape — death and taxes. The heaviest tax that is annually levied upon the people of North Carolina can he easily avoided ; that is, the fire-waste tax. It amounts to more than all other taxes, and yet the citizen can reduce it to a minimum. The Insurance Commissioner of North Carolina has for years been educating the people in ways and means of preventing this tax. The methods suggested are PROCLAMATIONS BY THE GOVERNOR 105 not fanciful, but have been tested and found to be wonderfully efficacious through, years of experience. Therefore, in accordance with section 4821 of the Revisal, I hereby set apart Thursday, October 9th, as Fire Prevention Day; and on that day I urge all the people of the State to unite in a sincere and intelligent effort to apply the remedies for fire prevention prescribed by the Insurance Commissioner of North Carolina, and thereby relieve themselves from this staggering but wholly unnecessary burden. Done at our City of Raleigh, this the twenty-ninth day of September, [great in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and nineteen, and in seal] the one hundred and forty-fourth year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor: Governor. Santford Martin, Private Secretary. (25) ROOSEVELT DAY— OCTOBER TWENTY-SEVENTH State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor I hereby set apart October 27, 1919, as Roosevelt Day. On this day the people throughout the United States will join in honoring the memory of this great American citizen, and I ask the people of North Carolina to testify by appro- priate words and acts their appreciation of the sterling qualities of mind and heart of Theodore Roosevelt. Done at our City of Raleigh, this the twenty-third day of October, in [great the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and nineteen, and the seal] one hundred and forty-fourth year of our American Independence. T. "W. Bickett, By the Governor: Governor. Santford Martin, Private Secretary. 106 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT (26) REMEMBER THE HORSE THAT PULLED THE PLOW State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor When folks are sick and all things go awry, "God and the doctor!" is the cry. When folks are well, and all things righted, God's forgot, and the doctor slighted. These homely lines explain the apparent apathy of some of our people in regard to the American Cotton Association. When the association was formed the cotton market was desperately sick and there was the wildest enthusiasm for the association. The condition of the market is tremendously improved; indeed, it is approaching robust strength, and there has been a consequent loss of interest in the "doctor." The association has done a monumental service to all the people of the cotton states, and it would be a tragic blunder to allow it to go into a decline. More than any other agency the association demonstrated to buyers from every nation at the World Cotton Conference that the farmer has not been getting a fair price for his product. So impressed were the spinners from England with the facts furnished by the Cotton Association that they openly said that they did not desire to buy cotton produced under the conditions that have heretofore ob- tained in the cotton states. The spinners urged the farmers to cooperate in the matter of production, of baling, housing, selling and transporting their cotton. These are the definite aims of the association ; and the success of all these under- takings will inure to the benefit of the farmer, the cotton spinner, the merchant, the banker and the consumer of cotton goods. The association makes no appeal to class feeling or class prejudice, but urges all our people to join the association and cooperate in making our royal staple a blessing to all the people from producer to consumer. From November 10th to 15th, 1919, inclusive, a drive for membership will be made in North Carolina. During that week I urge our people of every class and condition to join this association. Give heed to the admonition of Governor Vance, and "remember the horse that pulled the plow." Done at our City of Raleigh, this the third day of November, in the [great year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and nineteen, and in the one seal] hundred and forty-fourth year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor: Governor. Santford Martin, Private Secretary. PROCLAMATIONS BY TEE GOVERNOR 107 (27) ARMISTICE DAY— NOVEMBER ELEVENTH State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor In accordance with the mandate contained in Chapter 287 of the Public Laws of 1919, I hereby set apart Tuesday, November 11th, generally known as Armistice Day, as a legal holiday, and call upon all the people of the State to appropriately celebrate and observe the same. I suggest that the best way to celebrate the day is to make substantial contributions to every movement in the State looking to the honor of men, living and dead, who wrought so grandly and so well to advance American ideals and institutions and to save the civilization of the world. Done at our City of Raleigh, this the eighth day of November, in the [great year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and nineteen, and in the one seal] hundred and forty-fourth year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor: Governor. Santford Martin, Private Secretary. (28) THANKSGIVING DAY, 1919 State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor Our forefathers established the beautiful custom of setting apart one day near the end of the harvest time to return thanks to Almighty God for the blessings of life. In this good year, 1919, how much have we for which to be grateful! Our soldiers, who on last Thanksgiving Day were far away in foreign lands, have safely crossed the seas, and are at home again in happiness and in peace. The Lord of the Harvest has been good to us. Our fields have yielded bounti- fully. Our industries have thrived wonderfully. Prosperity smiles on farm and factory, bank and store. In every line of business endeavor we are prospering beyond the fondest dreams of our fathers. 103 PAPERS OP THOMAS WALTER BICKETT There has been also a mighty triumph of spiritual forces in our midst, for which we should be profoundly grateful. The fruits of this victory are seen in the great forward movements of all the churches; in the finer educational advan- tages enjoyed by all the children of the State ; in the growing demand for complete economic and social justice in taxation and all other matters; and in the larger opportunities offered on every hand to the average man and the average woman. Surely in this day God has given to men everywhere a bigger, broader con- ception of Christian service than they ever had before. North Carolina is singularly blessed in that in this time of turmoil she is almost entirely free from industrial and racial bitterness and strife. We should be deeply thankful for the spirit of friendship and good will that prevails among us. Let us pray for absolute justice for all, by which alone this spirit may be strengthened and maintained. Now, therefore, I, Thomas Walter Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, in obedience to the custom established by our fathers and in accordance with the proclamation of the President of the United States, do hereby proclaim Thursday, November 27th, a day of public Thanksgiving. Let this be a day of rest and rejoicing, observed by everybody. Let us not forget the orphan, the poor, and the unfortunate. I earnestly trust that all the people will assemble in their places of worship and make this a real Thanks- giving Day. Done at our City of Raleigh, this the twelfth day of November, in the [great year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and nineteen, and in the one seal] hundred and forty-fourth year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor: Governor. Santford Martin, Private Secretary. (29) LAW ENFORCEMENT DAY State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor On January 16, 1920, according to the action of the citizens of this Nation, the fundamental policy of this Government regarding the liquor traffic will change and, according to our Federal Constitution, it will be unlawful to manufacture, sell, transport, import, or export intoxicating liquors for beverage purposes in the United States. Under the provisions of the law-enforcement code passed by Congress October 28, 1919, the Internal Revenue Department is charged with the enforcement of this law, and Mr. Roper, the head of this Department, is appealing PROCLAMATIONS BY TEE GOVERNOR 109 to citizens and State officers to give the Federal officers full cooperation in this work. Now, therefore, I, Thomas Walter Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, by virtue of the authority vested in me, do hereby proclaim that Sunday, January ISth, be set apart as Law Enforcement Day, and I request that the ministers of the State, on that day, read this proclamation to their congregations and call on them to cooperate with the officers for the enforcement of our National and State anti-liquor laws. Done at our City of Raleigh, this the sixth day of January, in the [great year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and twenty, and in the one seal] hundred and forty-fourth year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor : Governor. Santford Martin, Private Secretary. (30) NATIONAL THRIFT WEEK OF Y. M. C. A. State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor Whereas, National Thrift Week of the Young Men's Christian Association, January 17-24, 1920, which has the full support of the United States Treasury and of the leading financial, commercial, and civic and educational organizations throughout the United States, is well designed to promote the prosperity of our citizens and of our communities ; and Whereas, it behooves every right-minded citizen to take serious thought to lessen foolish extravagance and waste, to abate inflation of credit, to release through intelligent saving and investment the capital needed to finance production and employment, to combat unrest and to build up a more stable, prosperous and truly American population; and Whereas, the program of economic education of National Thrift Week is well devised to foster all these desirable conditions : Now, therefore, I, T. W. Bickett, Governor of the State of North Carolina, do call upon all officers of the State, the mayors and county officials, the superin- tendents and teachers of our public schools, and upon each and every citizen, business establishment, industrial plant, trade, civic or other organization and all employees or members thereof, to exert every effort, individually and through their Community Thrift Committees, to make National Thrift Week a period of con- structive thought and action and of economic planning for every one within their several communities. 110 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT Done at our City of Raleigh, this the ninth day of January, in the [great year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and twenty, and in the one seal] hundred and forty-fourth year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor : Governor. Santfoed Martin, Private Secretary. (31) SHIP-BY-TRUCK WEEK State of Worth Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor Whereas, there is a constant and growing need of quick transportation for short hauls; and Whereas, many tons of perishable produce is allowed to waste yearly through the lack of adequate transportation facilities; and Whereas, the modern motor truck, a "speedster" as regards transportation for short distances, brings the farm near good markets; and Whereas, good markets always encourage increased production ; and Whereas, increased production will at this time very materially cut the high cost of living : Now, therefore, I, T. W. Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, do, in harmony with many executives of other states, proclaim the week beginning Monday, May 7, 1920, as Ship-by-Truck Week in North Carolina, and I hereby ask all citizens of the State interested in transportation and the best public welfare to consider seriously the problems apparent in our Commonwealth as to transporta- tion of produce and supplies with the view of providing eventually a complete, efficient, and economical scheme of transportation. Done at our City of Raleigh, this the twelfth day of May, in the [great year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and twenty, and in the one seal] hundred and forty-fourth year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor : Governor. Santfoed Martin, Private Secretary. PROCLAMATIONS BY THE GOVERNOR 111 (32) CONVENING THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY IN EXTRA SESSION ON AUGUST 10, 1920 State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation, by the Governor By and with the advice of the Council of State, I, Thomas "Walter Bickett, Governor of the State of North Carolina, in the exercise of the power conferred upon me by the Constitution, and as contemplated by section 3 of chapter 84 of the Public Laws of 1919, do issue this my proclamation on this extraordinary occasion convening the General Assembly in extra session ; and I hereby notify and request Senators and Members of the House of Representatives of the General Assembly of North Carolina to meet in their respective halls in the Capitol in the City of Raleigh, on Tuesday, the 10th day of August, 1920, at eleven o'clock a. m., for the following specific purposes : 1. To prescribe such tax rates as may be wise and just in view of the actual value of the property in the State as ascertained by the Revaluation Act. 2. To consider constitutional amendments reducing the tax rates that may be hereafter levied. 3. To consider such other matters of grave importance to the public as the General Assembly may deem wise. In witness whereof, I, Thomas Walter Bickett, Governor and Commander-in- Chief, have hereunto set my hand and caused the Great Seal of the State to be affixed. Done at our City of Raleigh, this the seventh day of July, in the year [great of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and twenty, and in the one seal] hundred and forty-fifth year of our American Independence. Thomas Walter Bickett, By the Governor: Governor. Santford Martin, Private Secretary. 112 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT (33) COTTON DAY State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation hy the Governor Whereas, North Carolina is primarily an agricultural State and the State's cotton crop is one of its chief sources of wealth; and Whereas, the recent astonishing decline in the price of cotton presents a situation which cannot he properly dealt with by individual cotton growers, each man acting for himself. There must be united effort on the part of the men who grow the cotton, and on the part of business men and bankers whose prosperity depends so largely upon the farmers' prosperity; and Whereas, the American Cotton Association at its recent meeting in Mont- gomery, Ala., asked that Monday, September 20, 1920, be observed in all the cotton growing counties of the South as Cotton Day, the farmers and interested business men of each county to be asked to assemble at their county-seats at eleven o'clock on the morning of that day to join farmers and business men from all other parts of the cotton belt in a southern campaign for fair-priced cotton and all that it means to our people: Now, therefore, I, Thomas Walter Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, in accordance with the wishes of the cotton growers of the South, and acting in co- operation with other governors of cotton-growing states, do issue this my procla- mation calling on the cotton growers of each cotton-producing county in North Carolina, together with other citizens interested in their welfare, to assemble at their county-seats at eleven o'clock next Monday, September 20, 1920, to discuss the following subjects : 1. Plans for holding the cotton of the county until fair and just prices can be obtained, together with plans for cooperative marketing. 2. Plans for fully utilizing warehouses and warehouse facilities of the county, and for erecting additional warehouses, with special emphasis in this connection on practicable plans for financing the crop. 3. Plans for immediately increasing the acreage in fall-sown small grains, as the one wise and certain plan of effecting a reduction in cotton acreage, pledges to this effect to be taken. Done at our City of Raleigh, this the fourteenth day of September, [great in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and twenty, and in seal] the one hundred and forty-fifth year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor : Governor. William Y. Bickett, Private Secretary. PROCLAMATIONS BY THE GOVERNOR 113 (34) ARMISTICE DAY PROCLAMATION State of North Carolina Executive Department Ealeigh A Proclamation by the Governor On the eleventh of November, nineteen hundred and eighteen, the most gigantic war the world has known was brought to a righteous conclusion by the timely intervention of American arms and American statesmanship. The deep-laid schemes of a sinister autocracy were completely baffled, and the worshipers of "blood and iron" were beaten to the dust. In remembrance of this mighty deliverance the General Assembly of North Carolina has decreed that Armistice Day shall be a legal holiday throughout all our generations. Therefore, I, Thomas Walter Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, in obedience to the mandate of the General Assembly, do hereby proclaim and set apart Thurs- day, November 11, 1920, as a legal holiday. On that day let our people desist from their usual employment and join in celebrating the day of the world's redemption from the grip of fire and sword. And especially let us all pray that the God of peace and justice may so overrule the deliberations and the decisions of the Government of the United States that our high objective shall not be defeated, and our dead shall not have died in vain. Done at our City of Ealeigh, this the fourth day of November, in the [great year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and twenty, and in the one seal] hundred and forty-fifth year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor : Governor. "William T. Bickett, Private Secretary. (35) THANKSGIVING PROCLAMATION State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor A Nation-wide survey discovers on the surface of things little to stimulate public gratitude. A blight is on our material prosperity, and the faith for which we fought has been denied. 8 114 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT But adversity is the supreme test of character. By way of the cross we pass to immortality. Moreover, it is somewhat to have felt the mighty urge born of great humanities; to have heard the trumpets of God calling us to a great adventure; to have battled, albeit in vain, to set the nations free from the grip of blood and iron, and guide them in the footsteps of the Prince of Peace. In North Carolina our people have been blest with health and strength. The fields have yielded an abundant harvest; the heads and hands of industry have arrived at a closer understanding and sympathy; the public conscience has awakened to the necessity for radical increases in our educational facilities; and, even on the dread and dreary field of taxation the light has fallen, and error and injustice are passing away. Therefore, I, Thomas Walter Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, do pro- claim and set apart Thursday, the twenty-fifth day of November, one thousand nine hundred and twenty, as a day of public Thanksgiving and prayer. On that day let our people repair to their several places of worship and return thanks to the Lord for his enduring mercy and unfailing love; and especially let us remember that pure religion and undefiled is to visit the fatherless and widow in their affliction and to keep ourselves unspotted from the world. Done at our City of Raleigh, this the fifteenth day of November, in [great the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and twenty, and in the seal] one hundred and forty-fifth year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor: Governor. William Y. Bickett, Private Secretary. (36) A CHILD'S CRY FOR HELP State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation by the Governor If there be one sound that goes straight to a man's heart and rouses all his energies, it is the cry of a child for help. Such a cry comes to us from over the seas. There millions of little children are literally freezing for lack of clothing and starving for kick of bread. We have no right to be happy over here while God's little ones are dying by the thousands over there. There can be no Christ- mas in our hearts unless we show forth the spirit of Christ. I urge our people to cut their own Christmas expenses to the bone and seek their happiness in relieving the misery of millions in other lands. A great drive for the relief of these people under the leadership of Hon. Henry A. Page of Aberdeen is now on. Let every man, woman and child in the State PROCLAMATIONS BY THE GOVERNOR 115 first make their gift towards tlie relief of these little ones, and then shout, "Hurrah for Christmas." Done at our City of Raleigh, this the twenty-first day of December, [great in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and twenty, and in seal] the one hundred and forty-fifth year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor : Governor. William Y. Bickett, Private Secretary. (37) KEEP BOYS AND GIRLS IN COLLEGE State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh A Proclamation hy the Governor As the time approaches for the reopening of the various colleges of the State, I am constrained to issue this — probably my last — proclamation to the people of North Carolina. I call upon parents who have sons and daughters in college not to allow the present financial depression, which we believe is only temporary, to prevent the return of these boys and girls to college. Let us rather make any sacrifice that may be necessary in this matter which so vitally concerns the future not only of the boys and girls themselves, but of our whole State as well. We should economize in almost every other way, but in God's name let there be no stint in education or religion. Even if it shall be necessary to go in debt, this is a small thing compared with the future of your boy or girl. Few men who are now fifty years old or over were able to go through college without indebtedness on the part of themselves or their parents ; yet in all my acquaintance with men throughout the State, I have never found one who regretted the money spent, the sacrifices made, or the debts incurred, for his own or his children's education. Done at our City of Raleigh, this the day of December, in [great the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and twenty, and in the seal] one hundred and forty-fifth year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor: Governor. William Y. Bickett, Private Secretary. (Ill) APPEALS TO THE PUBLIC APPEALS TO THE PUBLIC 1917 1. Call for Volunteers for the Navy. 2. Beginning and Ending at Jerusalem. 3. The Day and Its Duties. 4. Recruits for Marine Corps. 5. An Appeal to the Bankers. 6. "That Nothing be Lost." 7. The Disloyalty of the Reserves. 8. Thrift Month. 9. Food Conservation. 1918 10. War Savings Certificates. 11. Soldiers' Life Insurance. 12. Insurance for Soldiers. 13. Help for Stricken Town of Atlantic. 14. The Reserves to the Colors. 1 5. A Call for a War Savings Institute. 16. Letters to Soldiers. 17. Enforcement of Vagrancy Laws. 18. War Savings Campaign. 19. Boys' Working Reserves. 20. All Men Must Work. 21. Labor Agents and Idlers. 22. A Call for Nurses. 23. Receiving Fees from Soldiers. 24. Teacher-training Sunday. 25. Let Not a Lock be Lost. 26. A Dash for the Home Plate. 27. Pershing Day. 28. In Your Own Vineyard. 29. The Home and the "Child in the Midst." 30. On Reopening the Churches. 31. United War Work Campaign. 32. Soldiers' Insurance. 1919 33. The Cotton Situation. 34. A Wider Door for the Children — A Squarer Deal for the Teachers. 35. The Appointment of Tax Assessors. 36. Help for the Helpers — A Plea for the Salvation Army. 37. To the People of Charlotte and Mecklenburg County for Cooperation of Labor and Capital. 38. A Letter from the Governor to Mr. Average Citizen. 39. North Carolina Traffic Association. 1920 40. Recommending Service in the Army. 41. Special Letter from the Governor to Mr. Solvent-Credit Owner. 42. America's Gift to France. 43. The Restoration of the Holy Land. 44. American Legion Week. 45. Urging Soldiers to Keep up Their Insurance. 46. The Ghost of a Lost Opportunity. (1) CALL FOR VOLUNTEERS FOR THE NAVY Raleigh, N. C, April 19, 1917. To the People of North Carolina: The Nation has called upon the State of North Carolina to furnish four hundred men for the United States Navy. This is a modest demand, and yet only about fifty men have thus far volunteered. I am persuaded that the failure to enlist is largely due to lack of knowledge of the work of the Navy and of the supreme necessity for additional men at this time. Therefore I call on all the people of the State to give earnest heed to the needs of the Nation, and urge that in every town in the State containing as many as twenty-five hundred people there be commenced an active campaign for the Navy, beginning on Monday, the 23d, and ending on Monday night, the 30th of April. On the night of the 30th let the campaign he closed with a great patriotic mass-meeting in which the paramount importance of the Navy as our first line of defense should be set forth. At these meetings the actual work of the men in the Navy, with the chances of promotion, should also be fully explained. Recruiting stations for the Navy are now located at Asheville, Charlotte, Winston-Salem, Raleigh, Fayetteville, Goldsboro, and Wilmington. Officers will be sent to any town in the State upon request made to the nearest recruiting station. It is necessary for North Carolina to raise her allotment not later than May 5th. I cannot conceive it to be possible that the State that has had five Sec- retaries of the Navy will fail to do its plain duty in this crisis of the Nation's life. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (2) BEGINNING AND ENDING AT JERUSALEM Raleigh, N. O, May 13, 1917. To All the People of North Carolina: The World War is on and we are face to face with famine. Millions of men whose business in time of peace it was to produce are now called upon to destroy. Unless drastic and revolutionary efforts be made to increase our food supply per capita the amount on hand next Christmas will be less than it has been for a thousand years. The great Northwest advises us officially that it cannot next year furnish us the food we have heretofore bought from it, but that its surplus must be sent to feed the men who fight. In this emergency we are not called upon to feed other nations, but simply to take care of ourselves. We are not required to go into all the earth, but our work is both to begin and end at Jerusalem. 120 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Much time has been lost, but there is still time left to provide against the coming day of want. We still have six months of sunshine. We have abundant vacant lands. And we have the people to cultivate these lands if they have a mind to work. I think the farmers are doing what they can. The duty rests upon the people in the towns and cities to utilize their idle hours and idle men in making food for themselves. Let the cities and towns take steps to have vacant lots plowed and turned over free of rent to people who will cultivate them. The teams and labor in control of the cities might well be taken from their present work during the month of May and used in preparing vacant lands for immediate cultivation. The towns should also arrange for the purchase by wholesale of containers for the use of canning clubs and of fertilizers and distribute these to the people at prime cost. Public funds could well be employed in this way, and it would be better for the streets of the town to be unswept for two or three weeks in May than for our pantries to be bare next winter. I urge every man in town to go into the surrounding country and procure from one to five acres of land and plant it in corn, potatoes, peas and beans, and thus make sure provision against want in his own family. Do not expect your neighbor to do this, but do it yourself. I earnestly urge every man in the State who has an idle acre to list it with the mayor of the nearest town as rent-free land for any person who will plant it in food and feed crops. All forms of idleness and waste of time should be discouraged. I love a game of baseball, but it seems to me that the summer of 1917 is no time for professional baseball, and I think all professional leagues should be disbanded. The man who is able to play professional baseball ought to be either in a trench or in a furrow. And the "fans" and "fannies" who hold down the bleachers can find recompense and recreation in a corn field. Let the automobile ride be given up entirely. Surely this much of self-denial can be practiced by every man in the State. If every man who owns an auto- mobile would cut his gasoline bill half in two, much would be saved to meet the necessities of the people and a vast quantity of gasoline would be made available for the uses of war. I am advised that Mr. Rockefeller could, in the face of this economy on the part of the people, manage to get along. We should make a frolic of our necessities and should force our fads and fancies to furnish us food. As the children would say, let's all play at farming this year. Seriously, men and brethren, let us shake off our fatuous complacence and give ourselves no rest until we know that we and our loved ones are secure from the wolf whose gaunt specter even now looms large against the sky-line. Let us work while it is summer. Winter cometh. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. APPEALS TO TEE PUBLIC 121 (3) THE DAY AND ITS DUTEES Ealeigh, 1ST. C, May 26, 1917. To the People of North Carolina: North Carolinians, the fifth day of June draws nigh. It behooves us to put our house in order and be ready for its coming. All peoples in all cities have their eyes fixed on that day — the day whereon a mighty nation is to register its con- secration to selfless service in the cause of universal justice and abiding peace. The day is destined to loom large in history, and will be forever linked with a world-wide acceptance of the rights of man first declared at Philadelphia and made secure at Yorktown. Happily in North Carolina there is no longer division or debate. "With a faith that casts out fear we go forth to register a stern challenge to the blood-red prestige of a band of hereditary autocrats who have made unto themselves and unto their people an Iron Image and called it God. But the registration in a single day of all the men in the State between the ages of twenty-one and thirty-one calls for persistent and systematic work. I therefore urge — I. That all ministers of the Gospel of every race and creed call attention at every service conducted by them between now and the fifth of June to the follow- ing duties of citizenship and commands of the law : (1) That the registration books will open at 7 a. m. on Tuesday, the 5th of June, and close at 9 p. m. (2) That it is important to register early in the day in order to avoid con- gestion in the closing hours. (3) That the law applies to white and black alike. Ministers and teachers of the colored race are requested to emphasize the fact that all colored men between the prescribed ages are required to register in precisely the same manner as the whites. (4) That no physical disability will excuse a man for failing to register. If he is between twenty-one and thirty-one years of age he must register in person or send his card, no matter what his physical condition may be. The question of exempting him from service on account of physical unfitness will be determined at a later day. It in no way affects the obligation imposed upon him to register. (5) That if a party willfully fails to register he will forthwith be arrested. Our people must be given to understand that they have no discretion in this matter. If their names do not appear on the registration cards when they are canvassed a warrant will be sworn out against them at once. I sincerely trust that not a man in North Carolina will be arrested for failing to do his duty. (6) That of the men who register on the 5th of June probably not more than one out of twelve will be drawn for service on the first call. But if a man shows any disposition to avoid or evade his responsibility he will in all probability be the first man who will be sent to the training camps. In every conceivable aspect it will pay the citizen to cheerfully comply with the law. II. I urge every newspaper in the State to call attention to the six matters above mentioned in every issue of the paper from now until registration day. 122 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT III. I urge all traveling men, rural mail carriers, physicians who practice in the country, all merchants and bankers and all employers of men, and all land- lords to call the attention of their customers, employees and tenants to the re- quirements of the law. IV. I urge every man who knows about registration day to deem it his patriotic duty to see to it that every man in his precinct is informed of the re- quirements of the law, and let each precinct in the State take pleasure and pride in seeing to it that no man in that precinct shall be arrested for failure to do his duty. V. I suggest that on Sunday afternoon, June 3d, or on the night of June 4th, there be held in every town and city in the State a patriotic rally. Let there be music and flags, and a great outpouring of the people, and then let some one briefly and clearly state the requirements of the law. VI. I do not ask that June 5th be made a holiday. That question may be safely left to the judgment of each community and to those in charge of the industries of the State. If a field needs cultivating, if machinery needs to be kept running in order to meet the exigencies of the times, work ought not to be suspended in order to make a holiday. But I earnestly trust that throughout the State the day may be made one of consecration and prayer. I do urge that every man who can spare the time will turn out on registration day and assist in every possible way in securing a complete registration in every precinct. Let the women and the children, together with the older members of the family, go to the place of registration with the boy who is to record his name as a champion of justice to all men and of peace for all time. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (4) RECRUITS FOR MARINE CORPS Raleigh, K C, May 31, 1917. To the People of North Carolina: The week of June 10-16 has been designated as National Recruiting Week for United States Marine Corps. Four thousand enlistments have been called for during that week. This number of recruits, I am informed, is absolutely nec- essary in order that this efficient branch of the Nation's military service may do the job assigned to it now with the same thoroughness and high degree of efficiency as has marked the work of the American Marines on every sea and in every land from 1798 to this crucial hour. North Carolina's quota of recruits needed is only seventy. Of this number the Raleigh recruiting station is asked to furnish fifteen men; the Durham recruiting station, fifteen men; the Winston-Salem recruiting station, twenty men; and the Charlotte recruiting station, twenty men. I call upon the people of these four cities and of the whole State to rally to the Marine Corps during the week designated. Indeed, it ought not to require a APPEALS TO THE PUBLIC 123 week; a day should be long enough to raise the State's full quota of recruits for this great arm of our country's defense. The Marine Corps is one of the oldest and most efficient branches of the military service, and any young man should count himself fortunate to be enlisted in it. The marine is a soldier and a sailor too. The advantage he has in the variety of experience and training are unexcelled. He is drilled as an infantry- man ; he is trained as naval gunner ; he becomes a good field artilleryman ; and he learns to manipulate the machine guns. He is in the landing party from war- ships, and is the first to go on expeditionary duty. Surely, the young man who wants to serve his country in the hour of need cannot find a better place to render effective service than in the United States Marine Corps among the soldiers that go to sea to defend the rights of Americans and maintain the honor of the Flag throughout the world. I, therefore, earnestly urge the young men of North Carolina to present them- selves at the various recruiting stations in the State ready to volunteer for this service on the morning of June 11th. I sincerely hope that the young manhood of the State will respond to this call so quickly that North Carolina will be able to report her full quota raised in a single day. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (5) AN APPEAL TO THE BANKERS Raleigh, K C, June 1, 1917. To the Bankers of North Carolina: The bankers of North Carolina are patriotic. In times past they have heroically come to the rescue and saved the credit of the State. An unparalleled opportunity for public service now confronts them. They have already demon- strated their willingness to use this opportunity and are affording the people every reasonable facility for buying Liberty Bonds. In order to release their energies and give them time for further service, I urge them to make Tuesday, June 5th, a banking holiday. On this day let there be a concerted effort on the part of all banks to induce the people to invest in Liberty Bonds. Let there be a dedication of the money power as well as the men power of the State on this great day. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. 124 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT (6) "THAT NOTHING BE LOST" Raleigh, K C, July 14, 1917. To the People of North Carolina: On the sixteenth day of March I issued my Planting Day Proclamation. The appeal made therein reached a people who had "ears to hear," and a record- breaking crop of fruits and vegetables is at hand. The plain duty of the hour is to save all that has been made, and to "gather up the fragments, that nothing be lost." My information is that the United States Government will, in all probability, purchase the entire output of all the commercial canneries in the country. There- fore, if our people are to have canned and dried fruits and vegetables during the coming winter they must put them up in their own homes. I urge the people not to do this work spasmodically, but to make it a part of the daily program in every home to "put something up." The press of the State has been generous and patriotic to the nth degree. Its intelligent cooperation has made the campaign for increased food production a notable success. I call upon the press to now unlimber its batteries in the cam- paign for saving what has been made. Waste is always folly ; today it is crime. Let every issue of every paper in the State, during the next sixty days, carry this salutation, "Good morning! Are you going to dry today? If not, what are you going to can?" Some such daily reminder will spell the difference between poverty and plenty in many homes. Let every householder secure copies of Extension Circulars Nos. 50 and 11, issued by the Agricultural Extension Service. Write Dr. B. W. Kilgore, Director, Raleigh, N". C, for these circulars, as they give all necessary information about drying and canning fruits and vegetables. I desire to call special attention to the use of tobacco barns in drying fruits and vegetables. The method is simplicity itself. The only thing necessary is to prevent contact between the fruit and vegetables and any of the old wood or poles inside of the barn. The fruit or vegetables to be evaporated are placed in pans, dishes or on clean boards and placed inside of the tobacco barns. The pans, dishes or boards can be conveniently rested on the poles on which the tobacco sticks are hung. Every tier in the barn can be filled with the fruit or vegetables to be evaporated just as they were filled with tobacco, except instead of hanging like tobacco the boards, pans, or dishes are placed on the poles. Fire is then built in the furnace just as for tobacco, and the heat regulated according to the rules required in evaporating each of the fruits or vegetables, and generally one day is sufficient to dry all except unusually pulpy fruits or vegetables, like blackberries or peaches. The drying can be accomplished in a small fraction of the time required for air-drying. And evaporating can be accomplished as quickly as with a high-priced evaporator, and a very much larger quantity can be evaporated at one time than in any evaporator sold on the market for individual use. Ordinarily only one kind of vegetable or fruit should be evaporated at one time, for the different kinds require different degrees of heat, and the evaporation of peaches and berries requires much longer time than apples and some kinds of vegetables. APPEALS TO THE PUBLIC 125 There is a better way to preserve cabbage tban putting it up as sauer kraut. The cabbage head should be quartered, put into barrels or casks and covered with brine, the water being so salty that it will float an egg. The cabbage is weighted down in the barrel by a board or barrel top so as to keep it submerged in the brine, and it will keep indefinitely. When desired for use, the cabbage is soaked or boiled until the excess of salt has been removed, and then cooked as other cabbage. Cabbage so cooked is difficult to distinguish from fresh cabbage. Let me close this appeal by giving you the salutation that I hope will greet you every morning for sixty days, "Good morning ! Are you going to dry today ? If not, what are you going to can?" Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (7) THE DISLOYALTY OF THE RESERVES Raxeigh, K C, July 26, 1917. To the People of North Carolina: The men on the firing line have implicit faith in the Reserves. They could not hold the trenches if they felt that there was treachery, cowardice, and incompe- tency in the rear. In Worth Carolina there enlisted in the National Guard 8,500 men. There will be called to serve in the National Army 15,974 men. These men represent North Carolina on the firing line. Every man, woman and child left at home is a member of the Reserve Corps. Tremendous responsibility rests upon the young men of the Reserve Corps who are under twenty-one years of age. For these men to fail to make themselves fit for efficient service is the essence of disloyalty. In this supreme hour to run from work is as cowardly as to run from war. The call will surely come to every man in the Reserves — possibly to war, surely to work — and the young man who fails to prepare himself for the work that he knows must be done, either in the midst or in the wake of war, is disloyal to the men at the front and to the women and children at home. The schools will open soon. Every school is a training camp for the Army that is to determine the course and color of civilization when this war is ended. Now things are being fought out, forever hereafter things will be thought out. Hence, it is of superlative importance for every boy who does not go to war to go to school, and study as boys never studied before. The schoolboy who fails at this time to do hard, honest work, is the worst sort of a slacker, and merits the contempt of his fellows. If the young men who are left behind shall do their work with as much heroism and self-denial as those who go to the front, the welfare of the State will be secure; but if they shall fail to put themselves in a high state of preparedness for the work that surely lies before them, then the saddest chapter in the history of the war will be the disloyalty of the Reserves. Respectfully, T. "W. Bickett, Governor. 126 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT (8) THRIFT MONTH Ealeigh, 1ST. O, September 15, 1917. To the Farmers of North Carolina: "Opportunity has hair in front. Behind she is bald. If you seize her by the forelock, you may hold her, but once permitted to pass, not Jupiter himself can catch her again." So runs an ancient aphorism. This year Opportunity stands before the farmers of North Carolina with a forelock that reaches to the ground. You have with superb common sense increased your food and feed crops. You have with splendid foresight canned and dried your surplus fruits and vegetables. For you the high cost of living holds few terrors. Empyrean prices are being paid for the products of your toil. Never before in this generation, and possibly never again, will there come to the average farmer so large an opportunity to lift himself and family to a higher level of happiness and hope. Temptations to fritter away the proceeds of your crops will crowd thick upon you. Improvidence will lure to sleep, and pleasure and prodigality will call to you with many voices. The "blue sky" artists are already on your trail. They have heard that you are fat, and have marked you for their own. All kinds of get-rich-quick schemes will be dangled before you, and the voice of the agent will be heard in the land. Smooth and wordy venders of lightning rods, and ranges, and organs, and pianolas, and sewing machines, and churns, and washing machines, and patent medicines, and county rights, and crayon portraits, and shares in excessively capitalized stallions will spring up around you as countless as the frogs that came up on the land of Egypt, and seek to enter into the reward of your labors. In my Inaugural Address and in a series of bills submitted to the General Assembly, I endeavored to make plain a purpose to make life on the farm just as profitable and just as attractive as life in the town. The intensity of that purpose has deepened with the passing months, and I now call upon the farmers to make a supreme effort in this direction and to capitalize the opportunity of the hour. To this end I earnestly beseech the farmers of the State to set apart the month of November as Thrift Month, and urge every farmer to do something definite and substantial during that month that will inure to the permanent betterment of his condition in life. I suggest the following specific accomplish- ments and appeal to every farmer to do one or more of these things : 1. If he be a tenant, to buy, if possible, a small farm and make the first pay- ment on the purchase price. 2. To pay off all debts, and go on a cash basis next year. 3. To start a savings account in some bank or credit union. 4. To buy a milch cow or brood sow. 5. To install home waterworks and lights. 6. To paint his house. 7. To set out an orchard. The Agricultural Department, the Joint Committee on Agricultural Work, and the State Department of Education will generously cooperate with the farmers APPEALS TO TEE PUBLIC 127 in making Thrift Month a notable month in the agricultural life of the State. I call upon the teachers in the rural schools to read this appeal to the children. Complete plans for taking a census during the first week in December will be arranged, to the end that we may know at the end of the month just how many farmers have redeemed the great opportunity that now confronts them and have preserved for their wives and children some portion of the blessings of this un- paralleled year. Respectfully, T. "W. Bickett, Governor. (9) FOOD CONSERVATION Raleigh, K C, October 29, 1917. To the Women of North Carolina: Before the breaking out of the World War a saturnalia of extravagance threatened to undermine the foundations of the character of our people. Economy was a lost art and frugality a forgotten virtue. Indolence led to waste, and pride to prodigality. Men mortgaged their homes for automobiles and women bought diamonds on the installment plan. A valuable by-product of the war is that we have been forced to return to habits of industry and self-denial, without which no man and no nation can achieve enduring power. Thousands of people are daily learning how vital are the processes of elimination to bodily comfort and efficiency, and that every ounce of surplus food taken into the body means excess baggage for blood and brain. Every consideration of health and wealth urges a program of simplicity and frugality. But the argument comes with the force of a command when we con- template the results of our personal indulgence upon our own armies and the armies of our allies in the field. The battle line halts until the bread line advances. Shall we jeopardize the whole world's birthright for a mess of pottage? In order that self-denial at the table may be universally practiced, and in ways that will accomplish the largest good, the National Food Administrator is calling upon every woman who is at the head of a home or public eating place to give this week her written pledge that she will observe certain rules and regu- lations for the conservation of food. Our State Food Administrator joins in this appeal and gives to the regulations prescribed by the National Administrator his emphatic approval. I therefore earnestly request every woman in the State to sign the Food Pledge Card, and thus dedicate herself and her family to this high service. Our women are patriotic to the core, and unselfish to the last degree. I register my faith that every woman in North Carolina to whom the Food Card is presented will cheerfully sign it, and in this way secure our ultimate triumph, and hasten the end of the war. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. 128 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER B1CEETT (10) WAR SAVINGS CERTIFICATES Raleigh, N. C, January 7, 1918. To the Ministers of the Gospel in North Carolina: In behalf of the State of North Carolina, in behalf of the Nation, and in behalf of all humanity I thank you for the high service you have rendered the whole world in the supreme crisis that now confronts it. With an insight born of God you have grasped the true relations and the true proportions of the conflict and have wrought mightily for enduring safety and enduring peace. The Nation has just launched its offensive for the winning of the war. That offensive is designed to rally to the Nation's support the mind and heart of every man, woman and child in all the land. The sure way to reach this end is to get all the people to put some of their earnings into the fight. "Where the treasure is, there will the heart be also." If every man, woman and child would buy one or more War Savings Certificates the moral and military value of these investments would multiply their money value a hundredfold. I therefore earnestly request every minister of the gospel in the State to preach a sermon to his people on this great movement on Sunday, the 13th of January, or at the earliest date thereafter possible. Literature fully explaining the plans and purposes of the war savings campaign can be obtained from Col. F. H. Fries, State Director, at Winston-Salem, N. C. "Into the breach once more, kind friends, once more." Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (11) SOLDIER'S LIFE INSURANCE Raleigh, N. C, January 17, 1918. To North Carolina Soldiers: My dear Friend : — Though you are no longer under the authority of the State of North Carolina, the State has a deep and abiding interest in your welfare, and in the happiness of your loved ones at home. As your Governor I am earnestly desirous of helping you and your people in all possible ways while you are de- fending the honor and safety of us all. The Government has with benevolent fore- sight provided that every soldier may take out insurance on his l:'fe in a sum of from one to ten thousand dollars at a rate miraculously low. This is one of the very finest things the Government has done for the protection of your loved ones. I urge every one of you to take advantage of this opportunity. Think of what it means to your loved ones at home and apply for this insurance at once. Do not delay the matter. Delay will be fatal. You cannot obtain this insurance after the 12th day of February. APPEALS TO THE PUBLIC 129 If you find it impossible to pay the small premium out of your wages, apply for the insurance at once anyway; pay the first premium and then write to some member of your family or to some friend to arrange to pay this small premium for you. I am morally certain that there is not a North Carolina soldier who cannot get some member of his family or some friend to carry this insurance for him if the soldier finds that it is impossible for him to pay the premium out of his own wages. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (12) INSURANCE FOR SOLDIERS Ealeigh, N. C., January 18, 1918. To the Families and Friends of North Carolina Soldiers: The civil and military authorities are doing everything in their power to get North Carolina soldiers to apply for the amazingly cheap insurance the Govern- ment is offering them. Every officer and enlisted man is entitled to take from one to ten thousand dollars of this insurance, and it is the supreme duty of every soldier to take advantage of this wonderful opportunity. But despite the earnest and persistent efforts of the civil and military author- ities, North Carolina soldiers are neglecting to take advantage of this great opportunity. General S. L. Faison, Commanding General at Camp Sevier, and himself a North Carolinian, deeply interested in the welfare of her soldiers and in the prosperity and happiness of their people at home, writes me as follows : I regret to inform you that only about 50 per cent of this command have taken out any insurance whatever. So far they have turned a deaf ear to all appeals. I am presenting this matter to you with the hope and expectation that you will cooperate with the Government and my own efforts in more effect- ively reaching the individual soldiers of your own State by issuing a proclamation, or otherwise, as you may deem best, to the people of your State and more particularly to those dependents and relatives immediately concerned, to write letters to their soldier friends, urging them to take out all the insurance they can carry, up to $10,000. I entreat and beseech the families and friends of our soldiers to take vigorous action at once to have the soldiers apply for this insurance. Not a single soldier should be overlooked. If a soldier cannot pay the small premium charged by the Government, then let the family and friends of the soldier pay it for him. It is the best investment on earth. Bear in mind that this opportunity expires on the 12th day of February. After that day no soldier can obtain this Government insurance. Delay is fatal. Act today. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. 130 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT (13) HELP FOR STRICKEN TOWN OF ATLANTIC Raleigh, N. C, January 18, 191S. To the People of North Carolina: Citizens of the town of Atlantic, North Carolina, inform me that their com- munity is in sore distress. A cyclone swept the town on January 15th, totally wrecking one-fifth of all the buildings and damaging many others. In an appeal to me the local Relief Committee says : The boats which are our only means of livelihood are wrecked upon the shores of the sea; one man dead and others injured. This awful storm came just after a terrible blizzard of a month's duration, during which time our people were cut off from their only means of livelihood. Many of our people had exhausted their supplies and some of them were without bread. Now that the boats and houses are wrecked the people are without means of making a living until these are repaired. I deeply sympathize with the people of Atlantic and regret that there is no provision in law by which the public funds can be expended for their relief with- out a special act of the Legislature. I therefore earnestly appeal to the people of the State to come to the rescue of their neighbors who are in distress at Atlantic. Let me urge you to send donations in money or supplies quickly, as the need for immediate relief is most imperative. Checks should be mailed to J. R. Morris, Treasurer of Relief Committee, Atlantic, North Carolina. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (14) THE RESERVES TO THE COLORS Raleigh, 1ST. C, January 24, 1918. To the People of North Carolina: On the third day of September, 1917, I issued a proclamation calling into active military service all men between the ages of twenty-one and forty-five. These men constitute the Home Guard and are the guardians of the peace and safety of the State. I now call to the Colors all the women in the State, and all the boys and girls between the ages of twelve and twenty-one. The one supreme task before the American people is the winning of the war. The one supreme necessity for the winning of the war is food. The one sure way to supply this supreme necessity is to man the bread line with the woman power, the boy and the girl power of the State. I hereby nominate and appoint every woman in the State a committee of one on garden spots. The duty of each committee is twofold — APPEALS TO THE PUBLIC 131 1. To take steps at once to prepare and cultivate a garden spot for herself and family. 2. To see to it that every vacant parcel of land in the neighborhood in which she lives is converted into a garden spot. I urge every woman in the State to join some active canning and drying club, to the end that everything may be saved and nothing be lost. Last year the women canned and dried eighteen times as much fruits and vegetables as they did the year before. This is a glorious record. Double it. I call to the Colors every boy and girl between the ages of twelve and twenty- one. I urge every one of you to join the Corn, the Pig, and the Poultry Clubs. In so doing you will become an essential part of the army that must win the war. Today we have only thirty-six hundred Corn Club boys. I want to see one hundred thousand marshaled in invincible array. Let no boy be a slacker, but let every one fall promptly in line. If these reserves shall bearken to this call we will surely win the war, and the victory so achieved will count as much for happiness in the coming years as it will count for success in this supreme crisis in the world struggle for enduring peace. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (15) A CALL FOR A WAR SAVINGS INSTITUTE Raleigh, 1ST. C, January 31, 1918. To the People of North Carolina: The one supreme task that confronts this Nation is the winning of the war. To this end the Government is calling on the people of North Carolina to invest forty-eight million dollars in Thrift Stamps and War Savings Certificates. To the timid this task is a terror; to the heroic it is a challenge. If the people of North Carolina respond to this call it will mean two things: First. That we have done, not our bit, but our best. Second. The habits of thrift necessary to save forty-eight million dollars and the working capital thereby created will insure the financial independence of our people. To accomplish this gigantic task, plans systematic and comprehensive must be laid. To this end and at the request of Col. F. H. Fries, State Director of the National War Savings Committee, I hereby call a War Savings Institute to be held in the city of Raleigh on the 12th and 13th days of February, 1918. Trained experts will conduct the institute, and on Tuesday night, the 12th, speakers of international reputation will address the public. All people interested in the work are cordially invited, but I nominate and appoint the following special delegates : 1. Every county superintendent of public instruction. 2. Every superintendent of town and city schools. 3. Every farm demonstration agent. 132 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT 4. Every home demonstration agent. 5. One physician from each county in the State, to be named by the State Board of Health. 6. Every county chairman of a political party in the State. I earnestly urge the boards of county commissioners to pay the actual expenses of the Farm and Home Demonstration Agents and the physician. I earnestly urge the county and city boards of education to pay the actual expenses of their repre- sentatives. It would be impossible for these boards to spend money that will yield larger returns to the public. Let it be borne in mind that this meeting is not to be a celebration ; but, as its name implies, it is to be a school, and all who attend will be thoroughly taught just what they are expected to do and just how to do it. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (16) LETTERS TO SOLDIERS State of North Carolina Governor's Office Raleigh February 8, 1918. To All Ministers of the Gospel: My dear Sirs : — I am satisfied that there is not a person in North Carolina who would knowingly get a soldier into trouble. I am satisfied that the families and friends of the soldiers earnestly desire them to stand well in the esteem of their officers and their comrades in arms. And yet soldiers in the camps are constantly receiving letters from home whose tendency is to make the soldier unhappy and to cause him to leave camp without permission. For a soldier to do this is technically desertion, for which the ex- treme penalty is death. I deeply regret that some soldiers from North Carolina, moved by sad and sorrowful letters from home, have quit the camps, have subse- quently been arrested, and a few have been severely punished. I have just returned from a visit to Camp Jackson and Camp Sevier. My judgment is that the soldiers in these camps are better fed, better clothed, and lead more wholesome lives than ninety-five per cent of the men of the same age at home. They are a husky, handsome lot, with muscles as hard as nails, and with hearts aglow with a high purpose to serve and to save the world in this supreme crisis. The most demoralizing feature of their life in camp is letters from home con- taining tales of misery and woe. On account of these things, I earnestly request you, at the earliest possible date, to preach a sermon to your people on this subject. Beg them to write cheer- ful letters to the boys. The boys need it. Beg them to write letters to the boys telling them how proud the family is of their representative on the field of honor. APPEALS TO THE PUBLIC 133 Such letters will make heroes of every one of them. I am not denying nor dis- counting the fact that there is sorrow and suffering in all our homes and all our hearts, but I am insisting that the boys who are offering to sacrifice their lives should not be burdened with tales of our troubles. And after all, the very saddest thing that could possibly happen to any North Carolina home would be for the soldier who went out from that home to be shot for desertion. Not every one can buy a Smileage Book, but every one can write a smileage letter; and I earnestly trust that henceforward every letter that goes from North Carolina to any soldier will carry a message of happiness and cheer. Eespectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (17) ENFORCEMENT OF VAGRANCY LAWS Baleigh, N. C, March 4, 1918. To All Mayors and City Commissioners: Our country needs workers as it has not needed them in years. Every branch of industry is suffering for lack of man power. "We cannot, during a great war, afford to have any unproductive consumers of food in our State. This is no time for parasites and idlers. At the last meeting of the State Council of Defense I was asked, after reports as to labor needs were considered, to urge every executive officer in the State to strictly enforce the vagrancy laws. See section 3740 of the Revisal of 1905. No able-bodied man in the commonwealth should be allowed to dodge his con- tribution of labor. "Go to work or go to the roads," should be our war-time watchword. I am, therefore, urging you to see that all vagrants are routed out in your town, and either set themselves to work or be set to work by you, and that there be no relaxation in the observance of such men as are directed to get employment and to keep employed. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (18) WAR SAVINGS CAMPAIGN Raleigh, N. C, March 12, 1918. To the People of North Carolina: It is of superlative importance to devote all the time and all the energy the people can spare from the prosecution of their daily business to the War Savings Stamps campaign from now until the 6th day of April, when the campaign for the sale of the Third Liberty Loan bonds begins. 134 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT The value of this War Savings campaign to the Government in the winning of the war and to the people in training them to lay aside a working capital for use after the war cannot be overestimated. I earnestly hope that all war workers will, between now and the 6th day of April, lay aside the particular work in which they are engaged, and unite in giving a grand impetus to the War Savings campaign. For three weeks let the stamps and certificates have the right of way. If everybody will pull together to secure every pledge possible to make a monthly investment in these stamps from now until the end of the year, we will be able to carry this movement over the top. These three weeks are the critical period in this campaign. They will determine its success or its failure. That success or failure depends upon the number of pledges we can obtain to make monthly investments, and I arnestly entreat every person in the State to sign one of these pledges for a monthly investment during the next three weeks. I earnestly urge all local and district officials and committees connected with this campaign to redouble their efforts during these three weeks; and my judgment is that if we shall go forward with untiring zeal during this period, on the 6th day of April the goal will be in sight. Surely this is a challenge worthy of a supreme effort. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (19) BOYS WORKING RESERVES Raleigh, N. C, March 20, 1918. To the Boys of North Carolina: Your brothers are on the firing line. If they fight they must be fed — and this is the job of the folks at home. The food and feed crops will constitute America's great offensive this year. They may win the war before our boys are fully ready for the fray. The army and all sorts of war industries have depleted the ranks of farm laborers. To fill up the ranks President Wilson is calling on the boys between sixteen and twenty-one years of age to enlist in the Boys Working Reserves. North Carolina is asked to furnish seven thousand recruits for the farm ; and I earnestly urge every boy in the State, white and colored, who does not already have a good steady job, to at once hand in his name to some school teacher, the county superintendent of public instruction, or the farm dem- onstration agent. Your name will then be enrolled in the county and State headquarters, and you will soon be notified that a good job on a farm is ready for you. For full particulars write to J. M. Johnson, State Director, West Raleigh, 1ST. C, but by all means enlist at once. Boys in schools and colleges can enlist in their schools, and their names will be duly certified to county and State head- quarters. I trust that no boy in North Carolina will prove a slacker in this emergency. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. APPEALS TO THE PUBLIC 135 (20) ALL MEN MUST WORK State of North Carolina Governor's Office Raleigh June 11, 1918. To the People of North Carolina: I am profoundly convinced that the people who do not work, or work only half time, do not understand that their idleness means death to our soldiers in the trenches ; but that is exactly what it does mean. I appeal to all good citizens to stop talking about idleness and to go straight to the man you know is an idler and explain to him in a kindly spirit that his failure to work means the prolongation of the war, and this means death to the men who fight. To fail to supply our soldiers with food and clothing, munitions and imple- ments of war, is both treason and murder. Please go to the idle rich as well as to the idle poor. Go to the man who drives an eight-cylinder as well as to the man who pushes a wheelbarrow. Neither wealth nor social position affords any excuse for manslaughter, and in this hour of the Nation's peril idleness is manslaughter. If the idler will not agree to take a job and stay on it, then report that idler by name to the County Council of National Defense. The County Council is urged to summon before it all parties complained of and explain to them just what idleness means to the Nation at this time. Let the Council further explain that unless an idler goes to work it will become the duty of the Council to send his name and address to the Governor of the State, who in turn will forward all such names to the "War Department at Washington. The name of every idler will then be on file with the War Department, and this will be used as the basis of an amendment to the Draft Law, empowering the local exemption boards to put in Class 1 all able-bodied men between the ages of eighteen and fifty who refuse to do regular work. There is no desire to conscript any man to work for any private individual or corporation, but the people of this country have made up their minds that if a man won't work he must be made to fight. I have instructed all police officials to rigidly enforce the vagrancy laws. All men, rich or poor, black or white, who refuse to work for five days in the week, after having been given notice by the County Council of National Defense, should be prosecuted for vagrancy. In some cases such parties will be able to show that technically, under existing laws, they are not legal vagrants, but are only moral vagrants. WTien the court finds this to be true, then I urge the courts to enter a judgment, and have it duly recorded, that the court finds the accused guilty of moral vagrancy, but owing to the limitations of the statute it is unable to impose punishment. This will reach the idle rich as well as the idle poor. The defendants so convicted will then have their names listed in Washington as slackers and traitors to our soldiers, and on the records in the community where they live as moral vagrants. 136 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Again let me urge every citizen not to indulge in wholesale charges about idleness and vagrancy, but let him go to or point out the individual idler or vagrant, to the end that such idler or vagrant may be persuaded to go to work, if possible, and, if persuasion fails, that he may be sent to the front-line trenches or to the county chain-gang. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (21) LABOR AGENTS AND IDLERS State of North Carolina Governor's Office Raleigh June 11, 1918. To Mayors, City and Town Councils, Sheriffs, Recorders, and other Officials: The professional labor agents who are continually enticing laborers to move from place to place inside and outside of the State have become a menace and disturbance. They are crippling industrial and agricultural enterprise. They must be suppressed. Every such agent, or his employee, should be instantly arrested on his appearance unless he produces a county license, and the burden of proof put upon him to show that he is not acting unlawfully. Section 73, chapter 231, Laws of 1917, provides that every labor agent must pay a tax of $200 in every county in which he operates. It is practically certain that this tax has never been paid in any county. All such are, therefore, acting unlawfully. Section 3365 of the Revisal should be explained to employers in order that they may make specific contracts when employing labor. I urge that the vagrancy laws be rigidly and tirelessly enforced. Persons who do not work regularly should be regarded as vagrants. Lists of all such should be made, and the public made aware of who and where they are. Loafing places and all idling congregations should be broken up. Loafing and voluntary idleness are not to be tolerated. Create a public sentiment to this effect. Let it start at the top and go through all classes. If respectable people of your community set the example, the easier it will be to make the others follow suit. Take hold of the situation in your community and work it out. Enclosed you will find a copy of the resolution passed by the State Labor Conference on June 4th. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. . APPEALS TO THE PUBLIC 137 (22) A CALL FOR NURSES Raleigh, N. C., August 9, 1918. To the Women of North Carolina: I am just in receipt of an appeal that cannot be denied. It is an appeal from a patriotic woman to her sisters in North Carolina. Mrs. Claude Barbee, who writes this appeal, is herself a graduate nurse and regularly enrolled in the Red Cross service. She knows exactly what she is writing about, and what she says is entitled to the prayerful consideration of every young woman in North Carolina. I ask you to read every line that she has written, and sincerely trust that North Carolina will respond with a number greatly in excess of the 460 nurses that our Government is asking us to enroll. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. [The communication of Mrs. Barbee is given below in full.] Dear Governor Bickett: — The Government is calling for 25,000 young women to join the United States Student Nurse Reserves, and hold them- selves in readiness to train for service as nurses. The war is creating an unprecedented demand for trained nurses. Only those who have taken the full training course are eligible for service with our forces overseas. These nurses are being drawn largely from our hos- pitals at home. Their places must be filled by student nurses enrolled for the full training course of from two to three years. Every young woman who enrolls in the United States Student Nurse Reserve is releasing a nurse for service at the front and swelling the home army which we must rely on to act as our second line of hospital defense. Upon the health of the American people will depend the spirit of their fighting forces. What the Training Course Prepares for. At present every woman who completes satisfactorily her training in any accredited school is eligible for service to duty abroad. At the same time she will be qualified to earn her living in one of the noblest professions open to women. It should be remembered, furthermore, that her usefulness will begin not when she graduates from the training school, but as soon as she enters it. Practical nursing is a part of the work of every training school, and the student nurse is not only learning to serve, but serving her country from the outset. The country will need all the nurses that can be trained, not only during the war but after it, especially for reconstruction work. Even if the war ends within three years, every student nurse will be able to complete her training and will be needed. An Honorable Service. Ever since the days of Florence Nightingale the nursing profession has been one of especial honor. It was never so hon- orable as it is today. The Army needs every nurse it can get to "keep up with the draft." The United States Student Nurse Reserve is equivalent for women to the great National Army training camps for soldiers. The Government will rely upon the student nurses to fight disease at home, to care for those injured and disabled in our hazardous war industries, and to make themselves ready to serve when the time comes as fully trained 138 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT nurses, either abroad or at home. Let us show that we know how to answer the Government's call to the women of the country. There exists now an extreme need for at least 25,000 women of character, intelligence and education to fill the gaps in our hospital staffs caused by the calling of many thousands of skilled nurses to the fighting front. There is only one way to fill these gaps: by keeping our hospital train- ing schools supplied with students, who are not only preparing for service abroad and at home at the end of their course and at the same time are equipping themselves to earn their living in one of the noblest professions, but from the very outset of their course are serving their country as well as learning. The service which we are asking calls for the best that the womanhood of America can offer in courage, devotion, and resourcefulness. We cannot go forward to victory overseas if the wives and families of our fighters are not sustained in health and strength, if we do not protect our workers against the hazards of war industries, if we do not defeat accident and disease, our enemies at home. Upon the health of the American people will depend the spirit of their forces in the field. It is probable that even with the ban removed from women with relatives in the Army, there will not be a sufficient number of nurses to meet the need "over there." The normal sickness among five million men, not in- cluding wounds in battle, is 100,000. That is the smallest percentage under normal conditions. Add to this the large casualty percentage, and we can ship all the trained nurses in the United States and still have too few to meet the need. It seems to me that this is one of the best ways in which women of strong bodies and steady minds can serve. Respectfully yours, Mrs. Claude Barbee. (23) RECEIVING FEES FROM SOLDIERS Raleigh, 1ST. C, August 15, 1918. To All Notaries Public and Justices of the Peace of the State of North Carolina: During the last few days there have come to the Governor's office complaints that notaries public and justices of the peace are charging registrants fees for preparing affidavits and taking acknowledgments of the same. This custom is by no means general, for the great majority of notaries and magistrates are assisting the registrants without any compensation whatever. I earnestly desire every notary public and justice of the peace in the State of N"orth Carolina to decline to receive any fees for work done for registrants or soldiers. These men are giving every- thing to their country, and those of us who are not called upon or are not in a position to make the supreme sacrifice should witness our devotion to the cause by helping in every way possible the men who are giving their all. I know that our notaries and magistrates are patriotic men, and I am sure that when their attention is called to this matter they will gladly respond to this appeal. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. APPEALS TO THE PUBLIC 139 (24) TEACHER-TRAINING SUNDAY Raleigh, N". C, September 14, 1918. To the People of North Carolina: President "Wilson has called upon every agency in America to do its part in the great enterprise of saving our Christian civilization. Every resource is pledged to help win the war. Surely the Sunday school with its millions of pupils is one of these resources. ISTot only must it do its part, but it has a part to play that no other agency can do as well. To it is given the important task of building up the Nation's moral resources. It is needed to keep the boys and girls pure and strong. It is needed to prevent the alarming increase in juvenile crime. It is needed to help guard our homes and schools in order that childhood and youth may he built up and not weakened. It is needed to train the coming generation in whose hands will be the destiny of the world that is now being saved by the splendid sacrifice of our young manhood on the altar of war. In order that the Sunday school may do its most effective work, it is imperative that its officers and teachers thoroughly understand the situation. It is as imperative that they be trained as it is that the officers of our armies should be trained. The teachers must understand the idealism for which we are fighting in this great war. They must learn the best methods of training children in order that they may be best able to rebuild a world. They must know how to teach the children most effectively how to live in these war times. The thirty denominations composing the Sunday School Council of the United States and Canada have invited all others to cooperate with them in a great teacher-training drive to be conducted during the months of September and October. They invite you to participate in this great effort. I want to add my voice to their calls and invite the people of North Carolina to take part in this important work, and do hereby set apart Sunday, the 29th day of September, 1918, as Teacher-training Day. I request that all newspapers give the widest publicity to this day, and hope that special mention will be made of this work in the editorial columns. On that day I urge all ministers and leaders to present this great cause to the people in order that they may be aroused to the necessity of preparing our people for the tremendous moral tasks that confront us now and that will confront us even more emphatically when this great war is won. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. 140 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT (25) LET NOT A LOCK BE LOST Kaleigh, K C, October 7, 1918. To the People of North Carolina: The cotton crop is short. The world's need is great, and today the South's kingly staple is more precious than was Jason's Golden Fleece. Every considera- tion of patriotism and profit urges that not a lock be lost. Waste is always folly — in the presence of want it is crime. Therefore heroic and organized efforts should be made to prevent loss or damage to the cotton that has come white to the harvest. To this end I earnestly urge : First. The Council of National Defense in every cotton county to establish at once a Cotton Pickers' Bureau. Second. All farmers who need cotton pickers to submit at once their needs in detail to this bureau. Third. All school children in our cities and towns, and all other persons who are not engaged for the whole day in some useful work, to file their names with the Cotton Pickers' Bureau, and offer their services to farmers needing pickers, these services to be paid for by the farmers at current prices. The details for putting into execution this plan can be worked out in each county, according to local conditions. The children and adults who respond to this appeal will render a threefold service : 1. They will help win the war, for cotton is a vital necessity in maintaining our man power and our gun power on the field of battle. 2. They will make for themselves many honest dollars, and in the salvation of the crop will swell the sum total of wealth in their community. 3. They will vastly improve their own health. A half day in the cotton field is a better tonic than a car load of Swamp Boot, Peruna, and Tanlac. The outdoor life and exercise will tend to prevent the spread of influenza, and if the disease should be contracted the system will be better able to withstand its ravages. I earnestly urge every child, every man and every woman who has a few idle hours each day to report at once for patriotic, profitable and healthy work to the Cotton Pickers' Bureau. Bespectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (26) A DASH FOR THE HOME PLATE Kaleigh, TS. C, October 14, 1918. To the People of North Carolina: The most critical minute in a baseball game is in the last inning when all the bases are full. The batter who then knocks a home run is the "man of the hour." Precisely this situation today confronts the American people. It is the last inning of the war. Our boys have found the enemy, hit him hard and the bases APPEALS TO THE PUBLIC 141 are all full. A six-billion-dollar hit will bring them all over the home plate and win the war. A strike-out now would be a world tragedy. Therefore I urge that in every town and township a house-to-house canvass be made. We can have no public meetings, but we can and must see the people face to face. If you are afraid of influenza spray your nose and throat, put on a gas mask, and go into the fight. The Nation sorely needs this money to send the boys to complete victory and bring them home. I pray that every individual may make this question an intensely personal one. Stand face to face with your own soul and say, "The boys are doing their level best over there. Am I doing my level best over here?" Victory is in the air. The goal is almost in sight. The hour is big with destiny. "Into the breach once more, Kind friends, once more!" Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (27) PERSHING DAY Raleigh, N. C, October 16, 1918. To the People of North Carolina: Saturday, October 19th, is Pershing Day. I want the people of North Carolina on that day to think of the great drives General Pershing has been making for us, and to highly resolve to make an equally great drive for him. The following message comes to us from National headquarters : Let the concluding day ot the Liberty Loan campaign be one of militant America fully aroused and realizing its patriotic obligations, that an overwhelming oversubscription to the Nation's bond issue may result in a great tidal wave of patriotism and enthusiasm, which will roll from ocean to ocean, striking fresh terror to the heart of the Hun, and secure for all time the freedom of the world. The order comes direct from our Commander-in-Chief that on Saturday we go forward. On that day the Nation expects every man to do his duty. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (28) IN YOUR OWN VINEYARD Raleigh, N. O, October 28, 1918. To the People of North Carolina: The United States Government is undertaking to do big things in North Caro- lina. It is endeavoring to build up a great shipbuilding plant at Wilmington; to establish and equip one of the biggest artillery camps in the world near Fayette- ville; the only tank camp in the United States at Raleigh; a large hospital for the care of our soldiers near Biltmore, and the largest wireless plant in the world 142 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT near Monroe. These enterprises call for labor, and today there is dire need for fifteen thousand laborers at Camp Bragg, three thousand at Camp Polk, two thousand at Biltmore, and one thousand at "Wilmington. The Government naturally expects North Carolina to furnish this labor, and North Carolina can do it if North Carolina laborers will quit leaving the State and will work in North Carolina. I therefore appeal to our citizens to stay at home and work on these Govern- ment plants. The work being done is largely of a permanent character, and will mean much to the State for many years to come. I appeal to the Local Exemption Boards and the District Exemption Boards to enforce rigidly the principle of work or fight. There is plenty of work to do, at remunerative wages, and if any man in the State between the ages of eighteen and forty-five is not working steadily in some useful employment, he should be sent to the training camps at once. I trust that our citizens will put forth every effort to meet the reasonable expectations of the Government. The Government has done in these things what our people urged it to do; now let us do what is absolutely necessary to the com- pletion of the work. I direct the special attention of our citizens to the United States Employment Service that is prepared to bring laborers and employers together and to afford every facility to the man who wants a job, and to the job that wants a man. The headquarters of this service are located at Raleigh, but there is a representative and enrolling agent in every county, and I urge our people to make the fullest use possible of these agencies. Respectfully, T. "W. Bickett, Governor. (29) THE HOME AND "THE CHILD IN THE MIDST" Raleigh, N. C, November 4, 19] 8. To the People of North Carolina: Amid the thunder of guns and the bickerings of politics there is danger of losing sight of the two most vital forces in our civilization. These are the home and "the child in the midst." The two constitutional amendments that will be voted on Tuesday are designed to multiply the homes of the land and to give to the children a wider opportunity than they have ever known. Such measures would be helpful at all times and in all lands. But these measures rise to the dignity of "life savers" amid the perils and problems that are even now upon us as the world war nears a victorious end for the ninety and nine. The period of readjustment that will follow the war will tax the strength of every government, and test the intelligence and character of every people. The sane reconstructionist, the Utopian dreamer, and the red-handed revolutionist will each bid high for the allegiance of the people. In such an hour the intelligent citizen, anchored in his own home, is the Nation's hope and reliance. APPEALS TO THE PUBLIC 143 "Land without population is a wilderness; population without land is a mob." The most enduring bulwark against the spirit of mob rule and the wild, mad ex- cesses of bolshevism is the man who lives under his own roof and tills his own soil. The constitutional amendment exempting from taxation the home owner's note and mortgage given to acquire his home, makes it possible for every honest and industrious man to live under his own vine and fig tree, and I earnestly beg every citizen who desires to multiply the home owners of the land to vote for this amendment. Again, a well informed, well disciplined citizenship is a mighty barrier against the tides of ignorance and of prejudice. The six months school amendment keeps open the schoolhouse for every child six months in the year. Let all good men labor and pray for the adoption of both of these amendments. Let us open wide the doors of knowledge to every child, lay deep the foundations of our homes, and neither the insidious encroachments of autocracy nor the muddy, bloody tide of mobocracy shall prevail against us. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (30) ON REOPENING THE CHURCHES Raleigh, K C, November 11, 1918. To All Ministers of the Gospel: Today our hearts leap for joy: our eyes shine with gladness, and our lips are full of praise. "God's in His Heaven, All's right with the world." For many weeks our churches have been closed. On next Sunday they will be opened again ; therefore, I devoutly urge that every service be one of prayer and thanksgiving. Let all the people assemble in their places of worship and lift up their hearts in praise of the Lord of Hosts for His mighty deliverance, and in prayer that in our day of triumph He will keep us just and gentle still. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. 144 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT (31) UNITED WAR WORK CAMPAIGN GOVERNOR AND MRS. BICKETT'S PROCLAMATION FOR OUR "BOYS AND GIRLS" A PLEA FOR THE BOYS By Governor T. W. Bickett Just before Hector went forth to die in a duel with Achilles he took his little son in his arms and prayed to his gods, "O Zeus, and all ye gods, grant that this my son may grow in wisdom and in grace, and may the time come when the people shall say of him, 'Far greater is he than his father was,' and his mother's heart be glad." This is the universal prayer of fatherhood, and the men and women of the United War Workers are offer- ing their very lives to make this prayer come true. The most fearful strain upon the moral and spiritual life of the boys will come when the big fight is over and the victory won. The reaction will be like the breaking up of the snows in springtime when the south winds blow and the rivers are full. Every agency will be taxed to save the boys from the damnation of drink and the fascina- tions of those "whose feet go down to death, and whose steps take hold on hell." The United War Workers constitute the first line of defense against these enemies more deadly than the Hun, for they have power to destroy both body and soul. Let us stand behind these conse- crated men and women, even as they stand before our boys and work and pray and laugh and sing to woo the boys from haunts of sin, and send them back to mother and sweetheart and wife with bodies unblemished and souls unstained. North Carolina is called upon to contribute one million dollars to this A PLEA FOR THE GIRLS By Mrs. T. W. Bickett "Over there" in Flanders Field where poppies blow, thousands of our boys rest today; over there in huts and hospitals thousands are lying wounded sorely, but with an unquenchable spirit shining through their battered bodies, and saying always to those who come, "Just tell the folks at home I am fine." Over there our boys are fighting with purpose and spirit unequaled in any land or age. Right gloriously our boys are "carrying on." Over there and over here men and women in our various organizations are giving themselves, their very lives, with- out stint in a noble service to our boys and to the war-weary people of battle- scarred Belgium and France. These, too, are "carrying on." To us at home comes the oppor- tunity to join this great multitude who serve today. To us may not come the active service to which so many fortu- nate ones are called. We may not see the comfort and joy that come to the women and boys who visit our hostess- houses, or the satisfaction and cheer of the thousands of girls housed and cared for in our camps and cities. We may not see the brightness on the face of a soldier boy when he sees an Ameri- can woman over there, or hear the thrill in his voice when he says, "Gee, that nearly bowled me over, seeing some one from home !" or " Jiminy, I wonder if you women know how it helps us to straighten just to know you are here." We may not see the tragic sweetness on the face of a weary munition worker as she sits in the bright foyer and hears the soft strains of music, or words of APPEALS TO TEE PUBLIC 145 high service. Conditions make it im- possible to meet the people face to face, but I ask every man and woman to put to himself the question, Is the boy who risked his life for his country worth a supreme effort to save? In every county there will be a roll of honor recorded and preserved for all time, and on this roll will appear the name of every person who con- tributes to this work of love and salva- tion. I sincerely hope that this honor roll will be a complete census of our population, that the name of every man, woman and child of the State will be written there. comfort and cheer from "one who cares." We may not hear the pathos in the voice of the rescued girl as she says, "Because of you I shall go back to the old life no more." We may not see the refreshment, the peace that comes to our nurses as they sit quiet for a while in the Rest Houses that are planned for them, and get rest and recreation for mind and body, and re- newed strength to go on with their glorious work. And yet we, too, can be a part of the great company. From our home fires we can light the torches that those who go forth must bear, and in spirit and truth with them we, too, can "carry on." From camp and field, from devas- tated homes and shell-shattered villages, from the cross-filled fields of the Marne and the Somme, Chateau Thierry, and St. Mihiel they are calling us today. We must not, we cannot, fail them now. Every man, woman and child must give ear to their Macedonian cry. We must "stand by" through the fierce fury of battles yet to be fought, through days and months when, peace declared, our boys shall still dwell in a foreign land and amongst a strange people. We must not faint nor falter in our support until we shall bring to perfection the fruits of their high endeavors — and we have them all safe again in this blessed land of ours "where the air is full of sunshine and the flag is full of stars." (32) SOLDIERS' INSURANCE Raleigh, 1ST. C, November 30, 1918. To the Soldiers of North Carolina: Whatever else you may do, hold on to the life insurance the Government has provided for you. It is the cheapest insurance ever issued in the history of the world, and the safest. You have done everything for your country, now do this thing for yourself, for your own loved ones. 10 146 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT I hope some relative or friend of every soldier will write to him at once to hold on to his insurance now. If he wants to change later he can do it, but he should by all means hold on until he gets home and can fully understand what a great investment he has in this insurance. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (33) THE COTTON SITUATION Raleigh, K C, February 15, 1919. To the People of North Carolina: Every citizen of North Carolina is vitally interested in cotton. Though a man may live on a mountain top or on the seashore where cotton is neither grown nor manufactured, his welfare is deeply touched by the staple that contributes so enormously to the wealth of the State. The present cotton situation is distressing. The crop was made on the basis of thirty-five cents a pound and is now selling for twenty.two. The situation of the manufacturers is as precarious as that of the farmers. They have much high- priced cotton and cotton goods on hand. They made their contracts and employed their labor on the basis of high prices, and today they can find no market for their goods. All good men in every walk of life will desire to relieve these distressing con- ditions. Measures must be devised for holding the cotton we have and reducing the acreage of the next crop. To this end a great Cotton Convention was held in Raleigh on the 11th day of February, and the Governor was requested to appoint a committee of seven men to take charge of a campaign for holding the cotton we now have and for reducing by at least one-third the next crop. I have appointed on this committee the following gentlemen : CD. Orrell Moncure W. G. Clark Tarboro S. H. Hobbs Clinton J. Z. Green Marshville G. N. Ne wsom Goldsboro E. B. Crow Raleigh O. L. Clark Clarkton February 22d is Washington's birthday, and will be celebrated as North Caro- lina Day in every public school in the State. A most attractive program for the day has been prepared by the State Department of Education. I earnestly urge every teacher in a district where cotton is grown to have some farmer explain to the people, on the 22d of February, the exact cotton situation, and get them inter- ested in the campaign to hold and reduce. At every schoolhouse let delegates be selected to attend the great Cotton Con- vention which is to be held in every courthouse in the cotton belt of the State on Saturday, March 1st, for the purpose of thoroughly organizing the county. I beg all good citizens, farmers, manufacturers, bankers, and men of all classes and APPEALS TO THE PUBLIC 147 conditions to attend this meeting at the county courthouse on Saturday, March 1st, to the end that the common sense and judgment of the people may be pooled and the wisest measures possible devised to meet the distressing and demoralizing situation that now confronts our people. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (34) A WIDER DOOR FOR THE CHILDREN— A SQUARER DEAL FOR THE TEACHERS Rausigh, K C, March 12, 1919. To the People of North Carolina: The General Assembly of 1919 enacted four laws that are epoch-making in the history of education in North Carolina. First. It was a comparatively easy thing to secure an order from the people for a six-months school, but the filling of that order taxed the brains and the patriotism of the General Assembly, the State Department of Education, and every friend of education in the State. The fact that the bill in its final shape passed without substantial opposition is a high tribute to the men who devoted themselves to its preparation. Second. Next in importance to the passage of the act providing the funds for conducting a six-months school is the act compelling every child under fourteen years of age to attend that school during the entire term. One of the most inter- esting things in the history of the General Assembly is that, under the clouds of dust and smoke made by the fight over whether this man or that should enforce the Child Labor law, the General Assembly, without debate and without division, passed as fine a compulsory school law as can be found in any state in the Union. These two acts open for the children a wider door than they have ever known. The act providing for a sixty-five dollar minimum salary for the teacher in the public schools, and the act providing for a better system of teacher-training, give to the teachers of the State a squarer deal than they have ever had. The State is now definitely committed to educational policies worthy of a great people, and the outlook justifies a robust optimism. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. 148 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT (35) THE APPOINTMENT OF TAX ASSESSORS State of Worth Carolina Governor's Office Raleigh April 5, 1919. To the Board of County Commissioners: Gentlemen : — On the first Monday in April you are called upon to discharge the most important duty that has devolved upon you in many years, that is, to appoint two men to act as assistants to the county supervisor in carrying out the provisions of the Revaluation Act of the General Assembly of 1919. This act means more for the moral and material advancement of North Carolina than any act that has been passed within my recollection. But the act will utterly fail to accomplish the wise and just purpose intended unless men of splendid intelligence, of lofty integrity and of great firmness of character are selected to carry out the law. Therefore, I urge you before making your appointments to take pains to ascertain whether or not the parties under consideration have the qualities above named. I especially urge you to summon before you the parties you are thinking of appointing, explain fully to them their duties under the law, make it as plain as day that it is the fixed purpose of the act to put every piece of property on the tax books at its actual value without .fear and without favor, and ascertain from them whether or not they are in genuine and lively sympathy with its purpose. If the administration of the law shall be placed in the hands of men who approach the performance of their duties with the correct conception of what the law means, and who are in sympathy with that meaning, then there will be little trouble in securing a wise and just administration of this great act. To this end I bespeak your hearty and sympathetic cooperation. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (36) HELP FOR THE HELPERS-A PLEA FOR THE SALVATION ARMY Raleigh, N O, April 22, 1919. To the People of North Carolina: "A man may be down, but he's never out." This slogan of the Salvation Army adequately expresses the faith of its officers and enlisted personnel in the saving grace of Christ Jesus; a faith that has led them to the uttermost parts of the earth and produced results among men of all colors and races. The Salvation Army is now established in almost every nation. What about its maintenance? APPEALS TO THE PUBLIC 149 "We," says Commander Evangeline Booth, "are going to hold to our contract with God and man and press on to greater heights of devotion and sacrificial service, and you, we hope and pray, will help us with your kind thoughts as we toil still further up the long hill in the cause of humanity. "We will shoulder new responsibilities which are inevitable, but we shall do so as the unassuming, plain, seven-days-in-the-week serving Salvation Army." For this continuous fight the Salvation Army needs munitions. Surely, if its soldiers spend themselves in the service of humanity, the men and women of the United States and of North Carolina will see to it that the troops on the battle- fronts are supplied with the means of waging war on sin in its most unlovely forms. Not all of us can go to the aid of the soul mired up ; but who can't help support the efforts of those who do ? Rescue homes, maternity hospitals, industrial homes, orphanages, nurseries, shelters for the homeless and the unwanted, the sinned against and sinning — a man or woman who would be denied entrance to dive or brothel is welcomed by the Salvation Army. Oh, you who love your fellowman, who acknowledge your debt to your elder brother, Christ Jesus ! What better use can you find for your money than lending it to the Lord for use by the Salvation Army? Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (37) TO THE PEOPLE OF CHARLOTTE AND MECKLENBURG COUNTY FOR COOPERATION OF LABOR AND CAPITAL Raleigh, 1ST. C, May 30, 1919. Charlotte Observer, Charlotte, N. C. Please publish in your morning paper the following appeal to the people: To All Good Citizens of the City of Charlotte and County of Mecklenburg: A situation has developed in the city of Charlotte pregnant with danger to the lives and property of our citizens. Without respect to the causes that produced the situation, violence is no remedy for its solution, and it is my duty and fixed purpose to maintain peace and order without regard to cost or consequence. The Mayor of the City of Charlotte has advised me that the situation may grow so that it cannot be controlled by the local authorities, and I have ordered certain companies of the .Reserve Militia to be ready to proceed to Charlotte and maintain law and order. More troops will be promptly sent if the necessities of the situation demand it. I call on all good citizens of Charlotte and Mecklenburg County and in the State at large to cooperate with the authorities and to refrain from any acts of violence or intimidation. I give solemn warning to all that the law must be upheld. I have given strict instructions to the military authorities to keep the peace, to protect property, and these instructions will be diligently carried out. If any man or set of men shall presume to defy the law and resort to violence, 150 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT tlieir blood will be on their own beads. Without regard to the justice or the wisdom of any action of the mill owners or the mill operatives, I propose to enforce the law. Neither side to the controversy will be permitted to assert its contentions by a resort to violence. Having said this much, I would be false to my sense of duty if I did not say more. The facts leading up to the present dangerous situation are undisputed. A considerable number of mill operatives join a labor union. Thereupon the owners notify these operatives that they must withdraw from the union or they will not be permitted to work in the mills. The operatives refused to withdraw from the union and were discharged. This position on the part of the mill owners is unwise, unjust, and cannot be maintained. Labor has just as much right to organize as capital. This right — the right of collective bargaining on the part of labor — is recognized by every civilized government in the world. This right is guaranteed to labor everywhere by the world treaty of peace that has just been framed in Paris. When the mill owners discharged the operatives because they joined a union, they resorted to force and not to reason to sustain their position. A lockout is war — industrial war waged by organized capital against labor. A walkout is war waged by organized labor against capital. Neither a lockout nor a walk- out bears any relation to the sources of wisdom and of justice. In the case of a walkout or a lockout each side is trying to starve the other side into sub- mission to its will. The right of labor to organize cannot be challenged, but I am persuaded that the kind of organization that both capital and labor now maintain can never bring about that confidence and good will between employer and employee that is essential to the success and happiness of both. Labor and capital are in separate camps viewing each other with suspicion and distrust. Such an attitude spells failure. The only hope for better conditions, for enduring peace, is for labor and capital to stand together in a spirit of mutual helpfulness. There must be co- operation and not competition between the men who furnish the capital and the executive ability on the one hand and the men who furnish the labor on the other. I earnestly urge the owners and operatives in Charlotte and in the adjoining sections to get together, for eventually the happiness of all must depend upon the prosperity of the enterprise in which all are engaged. I am absolutely certain that a wise and just plan of cooperation can be devised. In the formation of this plan there should be the fullest and freest participation by the representatives of capital. Pending the working out in good faith of such a plan of cooperation, I urge that all the mills be reopened and that all the laborers return to their work. When the mills reopen any and every American citizen has a right to work in the mills whether he belong to a labor union or not. ISTo mill owner has any right to say a man shall not work because he belongs to a labor union. N"o labor union has a right to say that a man shall not work because he does not belong to a labor union. That is a question for each man to decide for himself, and the State of North Carolina will not tolerate any interference in either case. I give my solemn warning that the full power of the State will be exerted to protect any man who wants to work, and any one who shall dare to interfere with a willing worker will do so at his own peril. Eespectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. APPEALS TO THE PUBLIC 151 (38) A LETTER FROM THE GOVERNOR TO MR. AVERAGE CITIZEN State of North Carolina Executive Department Raleigh July 11, 1919. My dear Mr. Average Citizen : — An intimate acquaintance with you, extend- ing over a number of years, leads me to write you this intensely personal letter. I know that you love truth, that you despise injustice, that you are a robust champion of the square deal. The possession by you of these cardinal virtues makes North Carolina a truly great State. The most vital power of the State is the power to tax, and you believe that this vital power should be exercised with a full knowledge of the truth. You believe that from this full knowledge of the truth there will flow perfect equality in taxation. For the first time in the history of the State you, Mr. Average Citizen, have it in your power to write the full truth and perfect equality in the tax books of the State. You have never been called upon to do this before ; indeed, you have never been permitted to do this before. But now the General Assembly has enacted a law that places the matter entirely in your hands. The new tax law is written on correct principles. The machinery for its enforcement is adequate and appro- priate. The law is so written that it will be easy for the citizen to do right and hard for him to do wrong. But on you, Mr. Average Citizen, rests the respon- sibility of determining whether or not the wise and just purpose of the law shall be carried out. Now, Mr. Average Citizen, you will receive a questionnaire and will be called upon to swear before God and all your fellow-citizens what is the fair market value of your property. When you come to take this solemn oath it will be helpful to you to put to your own conscience this question : "If I did not own this property, but wanted to buy it, what would I be justified in paying for it?" and again, "If I wanted to sell this property, not at a forced sale, but in the way and on the terms that property of this class is generally sold in this community, what do I really believe I could get for it?" The answer to these questions will point with reasonable accuracy to the fair market value of your property. This fair market value you must write down in your questionnaire, else you will cease to be Mr. Average Citizen and become Mr. Undesirable Citizen. When you, Mr. Average Citizen, tell the truth about your property, it will do no good for your neighbor, Mr. Undesirable Citizen, to tell a lie about his property. Because the books show truly what the property of Mr. Average Citizen is worth, this evidence will clearly and conclusively show what the property of Mr. Undesirable Citizen is worth. The local and district assessors, when they come to fix the value of property, will be governed by the sworn testimony of Mr. Average Citizen. And when you, Mr. Average Citizen, tell the unvarnished truth about your property, that truth will wipe out every discrimination and every inequality in taxation in North Carolina. True values are always equal values, but the greatest expert cannot equalize a series of falsehoods. 152 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BIOKETT When all the property in the State shall be placed on the books at its fair market value, many benefits will accrue to you, Mr. Average Citizen. 1. You will have the great satisfaction of knowing that the record written by all the people of the State is a true record and not a libel on the commonwealth. This knowledge will wonderfully strengthen the moral fiber of our people. 2. You will know that every discrimination in taxation is wiped out, and that every citizen is carrying his fair part of the burden. 3. As the values go up the rate of taxation will go down, and hereafter North Carolina will be known far and wide as a wealthy State with a low rate of tax- ation instead of a poor State with a high rate of taxation. 4. The General Assembly has made a pledge not to collect, under the proposed true valuation of property, revenues greater than ten per cent in excess of the revenues collected under the present false values. This means that the total revenues collected by the State shall not be greater than ten per cent in excess of the total revenues collected under the present law. This most emphatically does not mean that no particular citizen will have to pay taxes in excess of ten per cent of the amount he has heretofore paid. A particular citizen may pay less taxes than he has ever paid before. He may pay double what he has heretofore paid. This depends on whether or not he has heretofore paid his fair share of the taxes according to his true worth. If he has paid more than his fair share the increase as to him will be less than ten per cent ; if he has paid less than his fair share the increase as to him will be more than ten per cent. You, Mr. Average Citizen, will at once perceive the essential justice in thus equalizing the public burden. I call on you to lend your vigorous support, first, by example, and then by precept, to this attempt by the General Assembly to build up a taxation system in North Carolina grounded on perfect truth and perfect justice. By so doing you will help to practically demonstrate that it is profitable in money and in morals to a people as well as to an individual to tell the truth and shame the devil. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (39) NORTH CAROLINA TRAFFIC ASSOCIATION A CALL BY THE GOVERNOR Raleigh, ST. C, October 24, 1919. At the request of the President of the North Carolina Traffic Association, I urge all shippers and receivers of freight in North Carolina to attend a convention to be held in the City of Raleigh on Friday, October 31st, where the entire freight rate situation in this State will be thoroughly considered. This is a most important meeting and it is hoped that all interested will attend. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. APPEALS TO THE PUBLIC 153 (40) RECOMMENDING SERVICE IN THE ARMY Raleigh, N. C, January 19, 1920. To the People of North Carolina: Whereas, we should consider our Army as a part of us, and not as a thing apart; and Whereas, our Army is our safeguard against domestic and external violence; and Whereas, the Congress of the United States has wisely appropriated funds for the vocational training of our soldiers ; and Whereas, there have been established schools in 117 camps, posts and stations of our Army; and Whereas, the physical development, the education and the vocational training afforded by our Army will promote good citizenship : Therefore, I heartily recommend a period of service in the United States Army to the youth of North Carolina, and especially to young men in need of a common school education or of training in some vocation that will enable them to make a better living than they are now making. And I hereunto affix my hand and seal. Respectfully, Attest : T. W. Bickett, Governor. B. S. RoYSTER, Adjutant General. (41) SPECIAL LETTER FROM THE GOVERNOR TO MR. SOLVENT-CREDIT OWNER Raleigh, N. C, February 3, 1920. My dear Sir :— Heretofore you have had a just grievance against the State of North Carolina. Your solvent credits were grossly discriminated against and were taxed to a point approaching confiscation. While real property and tangible personal property were being taxed at from one-third to one-tenth of their real value, you were required to list your credits at full face value. On account of these discriminatory and confiscatory taxes against your prop- erty you resorted to many devices to keep your solvent credits off the tax books. Sometimes you sent them out of the State and deposited them in a bank or trust company, and flattered yourself that this made them exempt from taxation. This was a delusion, for solvent credits owned by a resident of North Carolina are taxable here no matter where they are. Sometimes you resorted to fancy book- keeping and made fictitious offsets against your solvent credits. Sometimes you 154 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT swapped securities temporarily for the purpose of evading the taxes, and in a great many cases you simply did nothing and said nothing, but conveniently forgot that you owned any such property. All this was done and justified in your own mind because of the discrimination against and practical confiscation of solvent credits under the old tax system. Because you were being sinned against you did a little sinning yourself, and public opinion condoned your evasions on the ground that "you were more sinned against than sinning." Under the Revaluation Act all your grievances have been removed, and every discrimination against you has been wiped out. All tangible property, real and personal, is now being placed upon the books at its true value. By doing this the tax rate will be reduced to a point where you can pay the taxes on your credits and still have a reasonable income left. Heretofore the taxes on such credits have averaged in the towns and cities about three dollars on the hundred. Under the Revaluation Act they will average about one dollar on the hundred. Heretofore it would have taken one-half of your income from solvent credits to pay taxes on the same, but now it will take only one-sixth. You are no longer sinned against, and there is left to you no shadow of excuse for failing to accurately list your solvent credits. The State is dealing fairly with you, and it expects and demands that you shall now deal fairly with it. This year North Carolina expects you to list every note, stock, bond, open account, and all money on hand. If you fail to do it, you will be burned in the hot fires of public contempt. Your neighbor will no longer respect you and you will not respect yourself. Moreover, you will wake up some morning and find your debtor refusing to pay you because you have failed to list for taxation your debt against him. The law gives him the right so to do. The law will not assist you in the collection of your debt when you disobey and defy the law in respect to that debt. The history of every state and nation shows that when solvent credits have been taxed at a low rate they have straightway come out of hiding and appeared on the tax books. One illustration : A few years ago in the city of Baltimore there was a high rate on solvent credits. Under the high rate only six millions of credits were listed for taxation. The rate was divided by four, and there then appeared on the tax books four hundred and fifty millions of these credits. This case is typical of the experience in every place where such a course has been pursued. The people of North Carolina are fundamentally honest. They want to do the right thing, and will do it when they feel they are treated right. So, Mr. Solvent- Credit Owner, the State, having come clean with you, confidently expects you to come clean with it. I have a supreme faith that you will fully meet this expectation. What I have said with respect to solvent credits applies to all classes of per- sonal property ; to goods, wares and merchandise ; to raw material and manu- factured products held by our mills and factories, to automobiles, and to personal property of every description. There is an exemption of $300 instead of $25 as heretofore, allowed to every taxpayer ; but, after deducting this exemption, personal property must be listed at its fair market value. Respectfully, T. "W. Bickett, Governor. APPEALS TO TEE PUBLIC 155 (42) AMERICA'S GIFT TO FRANCE Ealeigh, N. 0., April 2, 1920. To the People of North Carolina: The Statue of Liberty which stands in the entrance to New York harbor was the gift of France to America. It was not the gift of the wealthy, but of all the people. The schools of France led the move, and from every corner in the land millions of contributions poured in. America has determined to make a similar gift to France. It will take the form of a heroic statue, and will be erected in the town of Meaux to commemorate the First Battle of the Marne. No large contributions are sought, and none will be accepted. We want France to know that this gift is from the people of the United States. I earnestly beg every man, woman, and child in North Carolina to give one penny to this beautiful memorial. To this end I am placing the movement in the hands of the school teachers of the State. On Tuesday, the 6th of April, which is Tuesday after Easter Monday, I want the school children to carry to their teachers one penny from every member of the family to which they belong. The children of France, and their children, will rejoice in such a tribute of admiration and love. The number of contributions from each state will be certified to France, and I want North Carolina, in proportion to our population, to lead all the rest. All teachers will please take notice of this appeal and enlist the sympathy and cooperation of the children. Eespectfully, T. "W. Bickett, Governor. (43) THE RESTORATION OF THE HOLY LAND Ealeigh, N. C, April 14, 1920. To the People of North Carolina: All good men rejoice that the Holy Land is to be forever free from the grip of the shameless Turk. To be permanently free the land must be rehabilitated, its resources developed, its waste places restored and government in harmony with the highest ideals of the times firmly established. To this end the Zionist movement is directed. This movement is in charge of wise and patriotic Jews in this and other lands. There is in it nothing of fanaticism nor of race prejudice, but it is a sane effort to build up the Holy Land so as to make it a great spiritual asset to Christian and Jew alike. Surely the hearts of our people will respond to this noble undertaking of a wandering race to rebuild its native land, thus fulfilling the hope voiced by our own Vance that the time would come when the Jews would take their harps down 156 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT from the willows and no longer refuse to sing the songs of Zion because they are captives in a strange land. "And where shall Israel lave her bleeding feet! And when shall Zion's songs again seem sweet, And Judah's melody once more rejoice The hearts that leaped before its heavenly voice? Tribes of the wandering foot and weary heart How shall ye flee away and be at rest? The wild dove hath her nest, the fox his cave, Mankind their country — Israel but the grave." Our people are being called on to lend a helping hand to this movement, and I trust they will respond in a way worthy of the cause and of their own character. Eespectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (44) AMERICAN LEGION WEEK Kaleigh, 1ST. 0., May 3, 1920. To the People of North Carolina: The National Commander of the American Legion requests that the week of May 17th to 22d be observed as American Legion Week. During that week a special effort will be made to increase the membership of the Legion, and I sincerely trust that every ex-service man in North Carolina will join the Legion. The American Legion can be made a great instrumentality for good in the Nation. It stands for Americanism and for patriotism, and is worthy of every encourage- ment. Kespectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (45) URGING SOLDIERS TO KEEP UP THEIR INSURANCE Kaleigh, N. C, May 4, 1920. To All Soldiers of the World War: During the war I made every possible effort to induce soldiers to take out the life insurance offered by the Government. I am gratified that so large a per- centage of the North Carolina soldiers took advantage of this exceptional oppor- tunity. I am distressed that so many of our soldiers are failing to follow up this advantage and are allowing their policies to lapse. The Government is offering great inducements to soldiers to continue their policies, and I trust that every soldier in North Carolina who has a policy will APPEALS TO THE PUBLIC 157 take advantage of the offers now made by the Government. It would be a tragedy not to do so. Major Benjamin H. Hind, an ex-service man, has been placed in special charge of this work in North Carolina, with headquarters in Raleigh. A letter addressed to him will secure all desirable information ; and I earnestly hope that the members of the American Legion will busy themselves in seeing to it that all ex-service men are properly protected by this great Government insurance. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. (46) THE GHOST OF A LOST OPPORTUNITY Raleigh, 1ST. C, June 16, 1920. To North Carolina Soldiers of the World War: Soldiers, do you believe in ghosts? I do. In the daytime we hear their whisperings, and at night their shivering figures drive slumber from our eyelids. There are ghosts of evil deeds, ghosts of sudden passion, ghosts of dead loves and neglected friendships; but the one that haunts us most is the ghost of a lost opportunity. Many North Carolina soldiers are in danger of hearing this ghost wail around their bedsides in their declining years. Soldiers, your Government is holding out to you a wonderful opportunity. It is beseeching you to take advantage of the best and cheapest insurance this world has ever known. Think of the little woman who will some day walk by your side ! Think of the children who will some day lisp your name ! Think of your own old age when your strength shall waste away and the grasshopper shall become a burden ! And, thinking of these things, make haste to secure the blessings of this golden oppor- tunity. This is your last chance. On July 1st the books will be closed, and unless you act between now and then your chance will be lost forever. Forget everything else. Quit everything else until you have made sure that your insurance policy is in full force. N"o matter how long you have allowed it to lapse, you can get reinstated if you will act at once. I call on all relatives of soldiers, on all friends of soldiers, on all public-spirited men and women to see to it today that not a single soldier fails to take advantage of this great benefi- cence. Soldiers, a marvelous opportunity is knocking loudly at your door. In God's name rush out and seize it. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. -IV) PUBLIC ADDRESSES PUBLIC ADDRESSES 1917 1. Founders' Day at University of North Carolina. 1918 2. The Tie that Binds. 3. State and National Efficiency. 4. Bonds that Bless. 5. Social Purity. 6. The Ashe County Case. 1. The Triumph of the English People at Y orktown. 8. Patriotism and Politics. 9. A Bar to Bolshevism — The Christian School. 1919 10. Products and By-products of the World War. 11. North Carolina's Welcome. 12. First Reunion of the Thirtieth Division. 13. A Fair System of Taxation the Finest Exhibit at the State Fair. 14. A Debt of Honor. 15. Stand Still and See the Salvation of Righteousness. 1920 16. Daughters of the Confederacy. 17. Ho, for Carolina. DELIVERED AT VARIOUS TIMES 18. Speech at Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute. 19. How to be Beautiful. 20. Civic Righteousness. 21. Educational Dividends. 22. Tenth of May Celebration in Gaston County. 23. Good Roads. 24. Lee. 25. Mass Conscience. 26. Weights and Measures or Standards of Value. ADDRESS AT THE UND7ERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA ON FOUNDERS' DAY, 1917 In one of Kipling's most popular poems he says: "The harder you're hit the higher you bounce! Be proud of your blackened eye. It's not the fact you are licked that counts; It's how did you fight and why." I propose to reverse the order of Kipling's question and discuss Why do we fight and how? The United States went in because it could no longer stay out and retain its own self-respect. If the Government had failed to accept Germany's defiant challenge an American citizen would have teen ashamed to look at his own face in the glass. It is proper to have a decent respect for the good opinion of others, but it is a necessity for a man to keep on speaking terms with his own conscience. King Arthur required each of his knights to swear that he would reverence his conscience as his king, and the hour a man or nation fails to do this the processes of disintegration begin. There are three considerations, either one of which was sufficient to force the United States into this war. 1. Common gratitude. We owe our very existence as a republic to France. When George Washington marched from N~ew York to Yorktown he marched at the head of two thousand Americans and four thousand French soldiers. When he reached Yorktown the French fleet landed three thousand more soldiers ; so that the French had seven thousand men at Yorktown, trained soldiers, more than half of the army that captured Yorktown, and in addition the French fleet made it impossible for Cornwallis to escape by sea, and on land stood LaFayette, a host in himself. Moreover, before the Continental soldiers left New York they were paid off in French gold. Without the man power, the money power and the brain power of France at Yorktown, Cornwallis would have laughed at the Continental army, and the probabilities are that George Washington would have been hanged as a traitor. Today France cries to us as we cried to her when the Nation was struggling for its life. France did nothing to provoke war. Her wealth and her beauty were her only offense. Upon these Germany for thirty years has looked with lustful eyes. 2. Our own peace and safety compelled us to go in. England and France were lost. The mailed fist was raised to strike the last decisive blow when Uncle Sam reached for his gun and said, "Not yet." And if Germany had conquered England and France, it is as plain as day that the United States would soon have been called upon to bow to the Kaiser's will. No direct frontal attack would have been immediately made upon us. Germany is entirely too smart for that. But there is already strong German influence in Brazil; and, flushed with victory, Germany would have at once established a protectorate over Brazil and coolly inquired of us, "What are you going to do about it?" Then we would have been compelled to fight Germany single-handed and at a place of her own choosing, or else have advertised to the world that our 11 162 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT Monroe Doctrine was simply a bluff. And having established its supremacy in all South America, it would have been easy for Germany to have intrigued with Mexico and attacked us at will on sea and land. The whole course of events points with unerring certainty to this inevitable result. Last year the Kaiser became annoyed at the many notes he was receiving from Mr. Wilson and forgot his discretion but not his purpose, and said to Mr. Gerard: "When this war is over I will not stand any more nonsense from the United States." As early as 1892 the Kaiser issued a pamphlet to his soldiers in which he stated that the ultimate object of his Government was to Germanize the whole world. He had a map made of the world showing Berlin as the capital, and England, France and Eussia as German provinces, while "Germania" was stamped all over the United States and Canada. In 1898 a German officer in Manila made a statement to the same effect, and Admiral Dewey thought the statement of sufficient importance to incorporate it in his official report. We all know that Germany wanted to butt in when the United States was at war with Spain, and only held back when the British lion growled a dissent. Last year, while professing a desire for enduring friendship between Germany and the United States, the Imperial Government was endeavoring to bribe Mexico and Japan into a combination against us. And yet despite these facts, a few people more feeble-minded than faint-hearted insisted that we ought to have waited until Germany attacked us on our own soil. Such a course would have been criminal stupidity. We are sending our armies to Germany to keep the German armies from coming here, and the South is the last place on earth that ought to complain because a war is not fought out on its own soil. We saw enough and felt enough of that from '61 to '65, and we ought to be deeply grateful that the Government at Washington had sense enough to see that a clash was inevitable, and to fight it out while there is plenty of help, and on a foreign shore. 3. The third and most potent reason for our going in is that this war will mold and color the civilization of the whole world. Despotism, autocracy, plutocracy, militarism, pacificism, constitutional monarchies, oligarchies, bereau- cracies, socialism, nihilism, are all in the melting pot. The thing that comes out will rule the earth for a thousand years to come. The quarrel between Austria and Servia has been well-nigh forgotten ; the rape of Belgium is remembered as a ghastly dream ; the submarine question is but a bubble on a boiling sea. The one vital question is, Who and what shall rule the earth ? If American ideals are to come out they must be put in. If by any chance Germany should emerge victorious, then for a thousand years the ideals of Prussianism will reign and men will be taught that a gun is God, and before it there is none other. Every Government on earth will of necessity be fashioned after the Prussian model. The nations will be converted into armed camps ready at a moment's notice to spring at each other's throats. All the products of peace will be fed to mills of war and every private citizen will carry a soldier on his back. On the other hand, if the Allies shall triumph war will come no more upon the earth. We are fighting the very soul of war. We are fighting to send militarism to the scrap-heap of civilization. We are fighting to make the con- science of mankind the supreme arbiter of a nation's rights. We are pouring out blood and treasure to build up a civilization in which a woman's finger will weigh more than a mailed fist, and the voice of a little child will be heard farther than PUBLIC ADDRESSES 163 a cannon's roar. Is it not worth fighting for? God knows I hate war, and have no lust for battle. I love the ways of pleasantness and the paths of peace, but "To every man upon this earth Death cometh soon or late," and I know of no finer way to meet the grim, pale messenger than to traverse the wide waste of waters and, in an unknown land, register a stern challenge to the blood-red prestige of a band of hereditary autocrats who have made unto them- selves and all their people an iron image and called it God. There is no more inspiring story in all literature than the story of the Hebrew Children told in the Book of Daniel. When Nebuchadnezzar set up his golden image and commanded all men to fall down and worship it, the Hebrew Children refused to obey the command. The king in a great rage ordered them to appear before him, and said : "If ye fall down and worship the image which I have made, well ; but if ye worship not, ye shall be cast in the same hour into the midst of a burning, fiery furnace, and who is that God who shall deliver you out of my hands?" Then came the heroic answer: "O Nebuchadnezzar, we are not careful to answer thee in this matter. If it be so, our God, whom we serve, is able to deliver us from the burning, fiery furnace; but if not, be it known unto thee, O King, we will not serve thy gods nor worship the golden image thou hast set up." Young men, I appeal to the red blood in you and ask where can you find a finer thing than that. There was the divine recklessness that counts not the cost when great principles are at stake. There was the blindness to consequences that is the birthmark of the true sky-born, and I am deeply grateful that when the testing time came this Nation looked into the seething hell of war and neither balked nor blenched. I greatly rejoice that in this hour big with destiny, this Nation, free from lust for power or pelf, lured by no dream of conquest, but driven by the very majesty of its soul, is consecrating its virgin powers on the altar of a world's civilization grounded on reason and righteousness, not on blood and iron. I rejoiced to hear that wondrous voice at "Washington in tones as calm as the Master when he spoke to the storm-lashed sea, "The world must be made safe for democracy." And that still, small voice was heard around the world. Far across the sea the Imperial Kaiser heard it and, for all his legions, was afraid. The weak peoples of the world heard it and thrilled with a larger hope than they had ever known. The young Davids of democracy heard it and "from Greenland's icy mountains to India's coral strand" they are coming up to do battle with the Goliath of autocracy in his last bloody lair. A battle line that girdles the globe is grinding Prussianism in the mills of the gods, and the day is at hand when the Hohenzollerns and the Hapsburgs shall be sent the way of the Romanoffs, when every stronghold of autocracy shall be laid low, and upon their very ruins shall be builded the solid fabric of a world-wide Christianized democracy. But how are we to win the war? By fighting with every resource at our command — talon, tush and claw. We must put all our moral power, all our money power, and all our man power into the fight. Every blow delivered must carry the entire weight of the Nation. Every student in this University can help to this end. You can help to solidify public sentiment and thus put the whole moral power of the Nation into the fight. A divided mind means a weakened arm. You can solidify public sentiment by telling others what you know about the causes of this war and its consequences to this Nation. 1 "This address existed in penciled notes, of which one page is missing at this point. — Editor. 164 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Again, every young man in this University can help by keeping himself in per- fect physical condition to serve his country when the call comes. When ~No. 258 was drawn at Washington one poor fellow whose registration number was 258 at once committed suicide. You say that was horrible — and it was; but the young man who by eating, drinking, smoking, immorality, or any sort of intemperance or excess, debauches his body, is a suicide so far as any service to his country is concerned. Every one of you belongs to the national reserves. The men on the firing line look to you for support. They cannot do their work with an undivided mind if they feel that there is treachery, cowardice, or incompetency in the rear. To fail to take advantage of the opportunities here afforded to make yourselves fit for high service is the essence of disloyalty. In this supreme hour to run from work is as cowardly as to run from war. The call will surely come to every one of you, possibly to the war, certainly to work, and the man who fails to equip him- self for the work he knows must be done in the midst or in the wake of war is a traitor to the men at the front, and to the women and children at home. Today things are being fought out. Forever hereafter they will be thought out. When the smoke of battle shall lift, the world will need as it has never needed before men with cunning hands and cultured brains. Hence, it is of superlative im- portance for every young man who does not go to war to go to school, and the student who fails to do hard, honest work in school is the worst sort of a slacker and merits the contempt of his fellows. If the young men who are left behind do their work with as much of heroism and self-denial as those who go to the front, the welfare of the State will be secure ; but if they idle while others fight, if they fiddle while Rome burns, the saddest and sorriest chapter in the history of the world will be entitled "The Disloyalty of the Reserves." The State of North Carolina confidently expects you young men to so order your 'lives that when the call comes to war or work every one of you can stand up with conscious power and say, "Here am I, send me." Young gentlemen, I believe you will measure up to the standards of your fathers and to the duty of the hour. My faith in you is Abrahamic in its proportions. In the name of this University, whose honor is in your keeping, in the name of your fathers and mothers who work and pray that you may grow into the full stature of the perfect man, in the name of this dear old State that looks to you for the fruition of its hopes, I appeal to you to rise to the greatness of the hour, "to run and not be weary, to walk and not faint." (2) THE TIE THAT BINDS ADDRESS BEFORE THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE ON RURAL EDUCATION AND COUNTRY LIFE, WASHINGTON, D. C, FEBRUARY 20, 1918 The supreme task of the hour is the winning of the war; but that is not the supreme problem. The supreme, the super-problem lies just beyond the accomplishment of the present task, and, when the war is won, will tax the strength and test the character PUBLIC ADDRESSES 165 of this Eepublic. That problem is to maintain in the country a government that will frankly recognize the right of the average man to a higher and broader plane of living, and will at the same time guarantee to individual initiative and individ- ual industry their just rewards. I do not find in my political pharmacopeia any specific warranted to solve this problem, but I do offer a tonic that will so build up the body politic as to enable it to survive the shock and strain the solution of the problem will shortly entail. That tonic is land. Mexico and Russia are gruesome and gigantic illustrations of James J. Hill's sanest epigram, "Population without land is a mob." It is easy for a man without land to become a man without a country. In political as well as in physical economy land is a centripetal force. It is the best of binders, and its wide diffusion is the surest guarantee of the safety and solidarity of the Republic. It follows that statesmanship should seek diligently ways and means of dis- tributing the land among a maximum number of citizens. This distribution may be accelerated in two ways : 1. By making it possible for the average man to obtain land at reasonable prices and on long time. 2. By making life out on the land just as profitable and just as attractive as life in the town. The Federal Land Banks are doing noble service in supplying money at reason- able rates and on long time. In North Carolina the General Assembly has just submitted to the people a constitutional amendment providing that notes and mortgages given for money with which to purchase a homestead shall be free from taxation of every kind. This provision, in conjunction with the Federal Land Banks, will enable every worthy man who wants a vine and fig tree he may call his own to obtain at reasonable rates and on long time the money with which to buy. But unless something can be done to prevent land grabbing by speculators and discourage land hoarding by men who do not and cannot put to any useful purpose vast areas held by them, the beneficent purposes of State and Federal legislation will be neutralized by arbitrary advances in land values. There are two ways of killing this snake : 1. By a tax on the unearned increment. 2. By a graduated tax on acreage. I incline to the opinion that the graduated tax would prove to be the more efficacious remedy. But no matter how reasonable may be the prices of land nor how ample the facilities for obtaining money with which to buy it, men and women will not live on it unless the attractions of the country in some degree approach the attractions of the town. Man cannot live on land alone. The main currents of life run in the direction of the keenest pleasures and the largest profits. In youth men run after pleasure, in age after profit. Says Lord Byron: "So for a good, old-gentlemanly vice, I think I must take up with avarice." We simply cannot keep the boys and girls on the land unless we can find means of enriching country life and giving to it wholesome diversions it has not here- tofore known. 166 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Having at last recognized this obvious truth, the General Assembly of North Carolina at its recent session enacted the following laws : 1. An act submitting to the people of the State a constitutional amendment making it mandatory to maintain in every district a public school for six months instead of four, which is required under the present Constitution. 2. An act appropriating $500,000 to assist rural districts in building better schoolhouses. 3. An act providing for schools for the teaching of adult illiterates. 4. An act to increase the age of compulsory attendance from twelve to fourteen years. 5. An act to increase the appropriations to rural high schools. 6. An act providing for the teaching of the basic principles of good farming in every rural public school. 7. An act providing for the medical inspection of all children who attend the public schools in order that physical defects may be discovered and corrected if possible in their incipiency. 8. An act providing for the improvement of highways by the expenditure of the automobile tax for this purpose under the direction of the State Highway Commission. 9. An act to encourage the installation of running water, electric lights and telephones in country homes and communities by furnishing engineers and expert advice and assistance free of charge. 10. An act providing for the incorporation of rural communities to the end that thickly populated communities in the country may take steps for their own betterment. 11. An act to make the schoolhouse the social center and to provide for whole- some entertainments in country schoolhouses that will be both instructive and relaxing. All these acts are designed and, it is believed, are well calculated to strengthen country life and give it a more attractive environment. But the one act I desire to emphasize is the act last named. Sections one and two of this act are as follows : Section 1. It shall be the duty of the State Superintendent of Public Instruction to provide for a series of rural entertainments, varying in number and cost and consisting of moving pictures selected for their enter- taining and educational value, which entertainments may be given in the rural schoolhouses of the State as herein provided. Sec. 2. The cost of such entertainment shall be borne one-third by the State and two-thirds by the county board of education or the rural school community desiring said entertainment. So far as I am advised, North Carolina is the only state in the Union that authorizes moving picture shows to be given in country schools and pledges the State to the payment of one-third of the cost of giving such shows. The possibilities under this act of adding to the health, the wealth and the joy of country life are infinite. By arranging a well balanced program the people can see the best way of doing everything that is done on the farm, can get vivid impressions of the big facts in science and history, and at the same time lose them- selves in thrilling adventures and wholesome fun. The pathos of rural life is its loneliness. Thousands of boys and girls are yearly driven from country life PUBLIC ADDRESSES 167 because of lack of wholesome diversions. The wives of many farmers are found in hospitals for the insane because their lives are the same yesterday, today and forever. By making the schoolhouse the social as well as the educational center of the district much of this grinding monotony can be relieved. But the moving picture business has been highly commercialized. We have found it extremely difficult to secure the films necessary to a well balanced program at prices rural communities can afford to pay. "We have arranged our circuits, provided the outfit and the operators, but have met with insuperable obstacles in our efforts to secure desirable films at reasonable prices. In our extremity we propose to appeal to the Federal Government. It would be a wise and profitable thing for the United States Government to furnish propaganda films from the educational, the health, and the agricultural depart- ments. Tons of printed propaganda are sent out from these departments that are never read. Everything that is put on a film will reach the minds and hearts of the people. Moreover, the Government could well afford to add to the prop- aganda films, films of a purely entertaining and diversional character, so as to make an inviting, inspiring and joyous program. For these diversional films the states and communities ought to pay the Government exactly what they cost. By producing them or purchasing them on a large scale the Government would be able to furnish them to the country schools at prices they could afford to pay. I am profoundly convinced that nothing the General Government could do along educational lines would yield larger dividends. Such a service would tend to divert millions of our people from the congested districts of the cities and secure for them the strength and the joy of life in God's great out-of-doors. It would anchor them to the soil, and the citizen so attached is the most cohesive force in the life of the Republic. (3) STATE AND NATIONAL EFFICIENCY ADDRESS BEFORE THE NORTH CAROLINA CONFERENCE FOR SOCIAL SERVICE, RALEIGH, MARCH 5, 1918 The Athenians were not a peculiar people in their fondness for new gods. The Israelites revealed a trait of character common to mankind when they shifted their religious allegiance because as a war measure the food administrator ordered them to substitute manna for onions and garlic. In the presence of discomforts and disappointments it is hard for men and nations to hold to the faith that the sources of real power and real joy are simple and the same yesterday, today and forever. To power add joy, and there is wholesome efficiency. The one sure source of this combined happiness and force is the home builded in the fear of God and on the unselfish and unbounded love of a good man and a good woman. The anchor and the hope, the sword and the shield of civilization are found in "The wee cot and the cricket's chirr, Love, and the smiling face of her." Destroy or in any way discount the power and the joy of the home, and the devil will find a world plastic to his touch. 168 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT The most powerful incentive to a man to be clean and strong, to be and to do bis level best, is the perfect love and perfect faith of the woman who walks by his side. And the finest forces in the life of the woman are born of such perfect love and perfect faith. Such faith, like mercy, is twice blest. It blesses the woman who believes and the man who is believed in. Whatever tends to conserve and to justify this boundless love and boundless trust, this relationship of mutual help- fulness and mutual dependency between the man and the woman at the head of the home, protects and promotes personal and public purity and efficiency. Any fact or fancy, reform or revolution that tends to discount this basic relation and send the man and the woman along separate ways in quest of happiness or of the fullest and finest expression of their lives, undermines the foundations of all life, of all love, of all law, and is costly at any price. I have no faith in nor patience with free love, but solemn marriage vows impart no sanctity to a loveless union. It is a fact both of pathos and of tragedy that sometimes womanhood is bartered at the altar as well as upon the streets. Every child has a God-given right to be the final expression of a great love, and not the mere by-product of a heartless convention. The vigor and the purity, the physical and spiritual dynamics of those who make marriage vows fix the measure of personal and ultimately of a national efficiency and purity. The double standard of morality is damnable. The colossal folly of the ages is the belief that a man may sin against his body, and then about-face and wipe it all out with a sigh and a tear. He can't do it. Nature keeps books, and with a heavy hand collects every debt contracted by sin or folly. In the economy of nature there is no pardoning power. We may look for mercy beyond the grave ; here there is none. "The moving finger writes, and having writ Moves on; nor all your piety nor all your wit Can lure it back to cancel half a line; Nor all your tears wash out a word of it." Today, as never before, the world needs clean men, for without purity there can be no power. Dr. Eliot says that in the French army more men have been put out of commission by vice than by bullets. Surgeon-General Gorgas says that any general on the western front, if given the option, would prefer to take the casualties created by bullets rather than casualties created by vice. And this, is due not to military but to civil life. I have recently visited three camps, and my judgment is that the men in these camps are leading cleaner and more wholesome lives than 95 per cent of men of the same age at home. The army authorities have carefully safeguarded the men, and have compiled the records, and these show that in the year 1917 in the Regular United States Army eighty-eight men out of one thousand were sick as the result of immorality, while in September of the same year in the National Army, made up of men fresh from civil life, 388 out of every thousand were afflicted with disease due to vice. This was in Sep- tember, during the period of mobilization, and by December these 388 per thousand had been reduced to 80 per thousand. These facts will be startling to every one who has not investigated the subject; they were fearfully startling to me. In my opinion one of the best ways to fight the spread of vice diseases is to give the people the ugly facts. These facts show that practically every immoral person is a diseased person, and if people knew that any breach of the moral law would almost certainly incur these frightful penalties this knowledge would operate as a PUBLIC ADDRESSES 169 powerful restraint. A eompaign of information in the press, from the pulpit and chiefly in the home would produce gratifying results. I think the Government would do well to throw these figures and charts on the screen in every moving picture show in the land. False modesty should no longer be allowed to camouflage the fearful ravages of social vice. I trust this conference will take steps to stage a vigorous campaign of information in regard to this vital question. It may be suggested that medical science is able to avert the penalties of social vice. To a degree this is correct, but the best thought in the modern world is that the best remedy is an appeal to the moral conscience of the individual. In this way you save not only bodies, but souls as well. Just a word about another matter. It seems to be well-nigh impossible for the State to erect buildings rapidly enough to take care of the ever increasing number of mental defectives. The condition of many of these defectives is directly due to diseases incurred by social vices. But one false step should not be forever perpetuated. "Ways and means should be devised to prevent the reproduction of these unfortunate people. The law very properly forbids the marriage of an imbecile, and the law should be equally diligent in preventing the unlawful increase of these miserable creatures. Personally, I think the State should make provision for rendering sterile any person adjudged by a competent board to be an incurable mental defective. Such a law would combine humanity and common sense. I suggest that this conference appoint a committee to consider the advis- ability and the feasibility of such a statute, and make report of their conclusion at the next session of this conference. It is a source of keen embarrassment to us all to even think about these horrible conditions; but I assume that the object of this conference is to get results, to translate its deliberations into action, and that it is not content to confine itself to the realm of purely academic discussion. (4) BONDS THAT BLESS ADDRESS ON THE OCCASION OF SECRETARY McADOO'S VISIT TO RALEIGH, APRIL 9, 1918 Liberty Bonds, like mercy, are twice blest. They bless the folks who stay at home and the men who are going to the front. They breed in the citizen faith in the soldier, and in the soldier respect for the citizen. They test and declare the physical and spiritual dynamics of this Republic. They appeal to the commonest kind of sense, and to the rarest sort of sentiment. In them will be found more of strength than in the lordly head of the herd, and more of warmth than in the fleece of the leader of the flocks. They will carry one farther than a "Tord" and faster than the fleetest de- scendant of "Nancy Hanks." They will yield more solid comfort for the inner man than 'possum and potatoes, and more juicy sweetness than the apples for which our first ancestors threw Paradise away. 170 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT They are absolutely free from the uncertainty that racks the nerves of men, and from the taxes that make the grasshopper a burden and mourners go about the streets. They will add to the glory of youth and to the grandeur of age. In them one may hear ten thousand cannon roar to save a little child, and see ten million men leap forward to die that others may truly live. They are preferred stock in The Gem of the Ocean. They are star dust from Old Glory. They are the soul of the Red, White and Blue. They are messengers of hope to our friends, and missiles of terror to our foes. They are harbingers of peace to all lands, safety to all seas, and freedom to all of the children of men. They are badges of chivalry, certificates of nobility, memorials of love. Buy one ! Buy today and live forever in your own esteem and in the gratitude of a world you help to save. (5) SOCIAL PURITY SPEECH BEFORE NORTH CAROLINA FEDERATION OF WOMEN'S CLUBS. WOMAN'S CLUB. RALEIGH. MAY 30. 1918 Some time ago, in my home town, a little girl was asked, "Annie Perry, what ' makes you so sweet?" "God and talcum powder," was the instant reply. All unconsciously the little girl stated the law of sweetness with fine apprecia- tion of the priorities. N~o life can be sweet and fresh and strong that is at enmity or at odds with the Father's will. And yet millions of men and women seek health in patent nostrums instead of in simple, wholesome living, and happiness in fads and fancies instead of in the great deeps of their own hearts. Today, as in the beginning, the devil finds it easy to induce men and women to barter Eden for an apple and to hypothecate their very souls for a new sensation. Loneliness depresses, monotony grinds, discomforts annoy, and hopes deferred make the heart sick. At such a time revelry bids high against righteousness and savory flesh-pots discount the land of promise. In the presence of these things it is hard to hold fast to the fact that the sources of real power and real joy are simple and the same yesterday, today and forever. To power add joy, and there is wholesome efficiency. The one sure source of this combined happiness and force is the home builded in the fear of God and on the unselfish and unbounded love of a good man and a good woman. The anchor and the hope, the sword and the shield of civilization are found in "The wee cot and the cricket's chirr, Love, and the smiling face of her." Destroy or in any way discount the power and the joy of the home, and the devil will find a world plastic to his touch. The most powerful incentive to a man to be clean and strong, to be and to do his level best, is the perfect love and perfect faith of the woman who walks by his PUBLIC ADDRESSES 171 side. And the finest forces in the life of the woman are horn of such perfect love and perfect faith. Such faith, like mercy, is twice blest. It blesses the woman who believes and the man who is believed in. Whatever tends to conserve and to justify this boundless love and boundless trust, this relationship of mutual help- fulness and mutual dependence between the man and the woman at the head of the home, protects and promotes personal and public purity and efficiency. Any fact or fancy, reform or revolution that tends to discount the basic relation and send the man and the woman along separate ways in quest of happiness or of the fullest and finest expression of their lives undermines the foundations of all life, of all love, of all law, and is costly at any price. I have no faith in nor patience with free love, but the solemn marriage vows impart no sanctity to a loveless union. It is a fact full of pathos and tragedy that sometimes womanhood is bartered at the altar as well as upon the streets. Every child has a God-given right to be the final expression of a great love, and not the mere by-product of a heartless convention. The vigor and the purity, the physical and spiritual dynamics of those who make marriage vows fix the measure of personal and ulti- mately of a national efficiency and purity. The double standard of morality is damnable. The colossal folly of the ages is the belief that man may sin against his body and then about-face and wipe it all out with a sigh and a tear. He can't do it. Nature keeps books, and with a heavy hand collects every debt contracted by sin or folly. In the economy of nature there is no pardoning power. We may look for mercy beyond the grave ; here there is none. "The moving finger writes, and having writ Moves on; nor all your piety nor all your wit Can lure it back to cancel half a line; Nor all your tears wash out a word of it." Today, as never before, the world needs clean men, for without purity there can be no power. Dr. Eliot says that in the French army more men have been put out of commission by vice than by bullets. Surgeon-General Gorgas says that any general on the western front, if given the option, would prefer to take the casualties created by bullets rather than casualties created by vice. And this is due not to military but to civil life. I have recently visited three camps, and my judgment is that the men in these camps are leading cleaner and more wholesome lives than 95 per cent of men of the same age at home. The army authorities have carefully safeguarded the men, and have compiled the records, and these show that in the year 1917 in the Regular United States Army eighty-eight men out of one thousand were sick as the result of immorality, while in September of the same year in the National Army, made up of men fresh from civil life, three hundred and eighty-eight out of every thousand were afflicted with diseases due to vice. This was in September, during the period of mobilization, and by Decem- ber these three hundred and eighty-eight per thousand had been reduced to eighty per thousand. These facts will be startling to every one who has not investigated the subject ; they were fearfully startling to me. The Selective Draft Law calls to the colors men between the ages of twenty-one and thirty-one. Of these men twenty-nine per cent have been found to be physi- cally unfit for military duty. Such a situation is cause for grave alarm. Such conditions must be corrected, for it is absolutely certain that no nation and no race can survive when one-third of the men who ought to be in the very exuberance of manly vigor are so depleted in blood and tissue that they are not fit to wear the uniform of a soldier. 172 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BIGKETT It is at least debatable whether or not a man who cannot stand a physical examination that will admit him to the army ought to be allowed to marry. Query : Is a man fit to marry who is not fit to fight ? In my opinion one of the best ways to fight the spread of vice diseases is to give the people the ugly facts. These facts show that practically every immoral person is a diseased person, and if people knew that any breach of the moral law would almost certainly incur these frightful penalties this knowledge would operate as a powerful restraint. A campaign of information in the press, from the pulpit and chiefly in the home would produce gratifying results. I think the Government would do well to throw these figures and charts on the screen in every moving picture show in the land. False modesty should no longer be allowed to camouflage the fearful ravages of social vice. I trust that this association will take steps to stage a vigorous campaign of information in regard to this vital question. It may be suggested that medical science is able to avert the penalties of social vice. To a degree this is correct, but the best thought in the modern world is that the best remedy is an appeal to the moral conscience of the individual. In this way you save not only bodies, but souls as well. Just a word about another matter. It seems to be well-nigh impossible for the State to erect buildings rapidly enough to take care of the ever increasing number of mental defectives. The condition of many of these defectives is directly due to disease incurred by social vices. But one false step should not be forever perpetuated. Ways and means should be devised to prevent the reproduction of these unfortunate people. The law very properly forbids the marriage of an imbecile, and the law should be equally diligent in preventing the unlawful in- crease of these miserable creatures. Personally, I think the State should make provision for rendering sterile any person adjudged by a competent board to be an incurable mental defective. Such a law would combine humanity and common sense. I suggest that this association appoint a committee to consider the advis- ability and the feasibility of such a statute and make report of their conclusion at the next session of this association. It is a source of keen embarrassment to us all to even think about these horrible conditions; but I assume that the object of this conference is to get results, to translate its deliberations into action, and that it is not content to confine itself to the realm of purely academic discussion. I suggest that this association prepare a memorial to be sent to our soldier boys, setting forth that the women of America expect American soldiers to conquer themselves as well as the enemy. (6) THE ASHE COUNTY CASE On the 24th of June, 1918, the Governor received the following telegram from the chairman of the Local Exemption Board of Ashe County : Jefferson, N. C, June 24, 1918. Around forty deserted in Ashe County. One civilian killed last night in attempt to arrest deserter. Situation serious. Home Guard selected but PUBLIC ADDRESSES 173 not yet organized. Can organize in a few days and want authority to call them to assistance. Have wired Washington for soldiers under military direction. Answer at once. w R McNeill> chairman. Thereupon the Governor sent Adjutant General Lawrence W. Young to Ashe County with instructions to take charge of the situation and make full report. On June 26th Adjutant General Young sent the Governor the following telegram : Jeffebson, N. C, June 26, 1918. Situation here appears to be acute. Have conferred with citizens. Opinion is that an organized force in addition to local officers will be needed to cope with the deserters. Is reported that every inducement has been offered them to voluntarily surrender and that the proposal has failed to bring results. The sheriff is reported to be in sympathy with fugitives, and I am informed that he will not cooperate. Citizens report that approx- imately thirty deserters are around and in hiding ready to resist arrest. Authorities believe if militia is sent that the deserters will surrender with- out resistance. I am convinced that the only solution is to send an outside force. Please advise. Young. To this telegram the Governor replied as follows : Raleigh, N. C, June 26, 191S. General Lawrence W. Young, Jefferson, N. C. Will arrive North Wilkesboro Friday night. Arrange to take me to Jefferson by motor car Saturday morning at six. Have notices sent to every nook and corner of Ashe County that I will address a mass-meeting of the citizens of Ashe at Jefferson, Saturday, three p. m. T. W. Bickett, Governor. The Governor also sent the following telegram to the Chairman of the Local Exemption Board: W. E. McNeill, Raleigh, N. C, June 27, 1918. Chairman. Local Exemption Board, Jefferson, N. C. Send notices by special messengers to every nook of Ashe County, especially the disaffected districts, that I will be in Jefferson Saturday and speak to the people at three p. m. I especially want all friends and relatives of delinquents notified. T. W. Bickett, Governor. Pursuant to the above correspondence, the Governor proceeded to Jefferson, the county-seat of Ashe. As soon as he arrived there one of the delinquents came in and surrendered to the Governor, and to him the Governor gave the following letter : 174 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Commanding Offices, Camp Jackson. Sib: — This letter will be presented to you by . . . who some time ago left camp at . . . without leave. I am sure that the action of this man was due to ignorance and to misinformation, and not to any lack of fundamental patriotism. He has seen the error of his way, has come in voluntarily and surrendered himself, and now desires to be given an oppor- tunity to make a good soldier. These mountaineers jump quick and shoot straight, and I am sure that they will give a good account of themselves when they stand face to face with the Hun. I am carrying on a regular campaign to get every man in North Carolina who quit camp without leave to return to his duty. I sincerely trust that the military authorities will see fit to restore these soldiers to rank, and to impose the very lightest punishment possible. T w BlCKETTi Governor _ Thereafter there was a mass-meeting in the courthouse, and the Governor spoke to the people for two and a half hours, saying, in part : Men of the mountains : I come to you today to save and not to destroy. I come to save the fair name of a county in which the whole State takes, and of which I have ever spoken with, peculiar pride. I come to save to you, men of the mountains, your birthright of honor and chivalry ; I come to save wayward and willful boys from the sad and certain consequences of ignorance and sin. My heart yearns after these boys even as the heart of David yearned after Absalom. Absalom had in him th'e elements of a hero. He was beautiful in form and brilliant in mind, but he listened to the whisperings of evil spirits. He deserted the house of his father ; he rebelled against the law of Israel ; he died as the fool dieth, and the King cried aloud : "Absalom, my son, my son, would to God I had died for thee." Already in North Carolina three young men, one in Jackson, one in Pitt, and one in Ashe, have followed in the footsteps of David's son. Like Absalom they have died as the fool dieth ; and to save others from this tragic and shameful end I am here today. I have tried honestly to get at the real cause of this unlovely situation. I have put to my soul the question, "Why do these men seek to hurt their country, when every hand should be stretched to help?" Certainly, it is not because they are afraid to fight. The mountaineer loves a scrap. He would just a little rather fight than not, for the same money. It is not because they are unwilling to do or to give their share. Nowhere on earth will you find truer hospitality than right here in these hills, and if you were to tell any man in this crowd that he was unwilling to pull his end of the single- tree, to tote his end of the log, that he was a slacker who wanted to saddle his job on another man's shoulders, you would — well, in a few minutes you would devoutly wish that you had been born with enough sense to keep your mouth shut. I speak whereof I know. I have spent much time in these hills, have walked with you along rushing mountain torrents and over rugged mountain slopes, and I know your hospitality and the real joy you take in doing your part and in helping another fellow along. PUBLIC ADDRESSES 175 I am forced to the conclusion that these mountain boys are giving trouble because they have not been told the truth about this war and because they have been told a lot of lies about it. Ignorance and misinformation are at the bottom of all this trouble and all this shame. It is my purpose to lay before you the everlasting truth about this war. America did not bring on this fight. You didn't want war. I didn't want it. He that sitteth upon the circle of the heavens and readeth the heart of man as an open book knows that Woodrow Wilson did not want war. The man is a school- teacher, a student, a historian. He loves the quietude of his study, the atmosphere of books. He loves to dig deep into the truths of history and the philosophy of civilization. He never dreamed of military glory. For him there is no intoxica- tion in the thunder of the captains and the shouting. He never carried a big stick in his life. And so we find in the beginning this quiet gentleman shrinking from every suggestion of war. He avoided it. He evaded it. He backed away from it. He taxed to the breaking point the greatest brain in this world to keep out of it. And when at last, with a bleeding and broken heart, he went before the Congress and lifted his voice in favor of war, it was because there was no other way. Peace is entirely too dear when it comes at the price of honor. Men and nations must preserve a measure of self-respect if they would survive the grinding of the years. When a man reaches the point where nobody loves him, nobody fears him, and nobody respects him, he is done for. When he descends to the point that be is ashamed to stand and look at his own face in the glass there is no good reason why he should not buy a cheap rope and hang himself. You all remember the long series of injuries and insults the Imperial German Government heaped upon this Nation; how, at the point of the sword, the Kaiser made a solemn pledge that henceforward he would observe the laws of nations and of humanity. It turned out that this pledge was a mere pretense made to gain time in which to build more submarines to do their dastardly work. And when they were builded and all things were ready the Kaiser coolly informed us that he proposed to treat the solemn compact made with this Government as a scrap of paper. If in the face of this defiant and contemptuous challenge our Government had folded its arms, then today Old Glory would float to the breezes in lonely isolation as the one flag on this earth that no other nation loves, no other nation fears, and no other nation respects. We had to go in to preserve a single vestige of our self- respect and the respect of others. In addition to what I have just said, there are three vital considerations, either one of which was sufficient to force America into this war. 1. America was forced into the World War by considerations of common grat- itude. Some folks consider gratitude an old-fashioned virtue, out of date, out of tune, without place and without power in modern thought or action. I am a bit old-fashioned myself and believe that gratitude is one of the heavenly virtues. If I am in a place of peril and a man at the risk of his own life comes to my rescue, then forever thereafter the safety of my soul drives me to his rescue and the rescue of his children's children through all their generations. There is nothing in literature more beautiful than the story of David and Jonathan, those fine young men who loved each other with a love "passing the love of women." Time and again Jonathan warned David of plots against his life, and finally when the revolution came in Israel, when the House of Saul 176 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT crumbled and David ascended the throne, his first royal proclamation was, "Is there any one left of the House of Saul that I may show him kindness for Jonathan's sake?" And they went out and found a crippled son of Jonathan and brought him before the King. I would give the half of my kingdom for a picture of that scene painted by a master hand. The royal servitors clad in the gorgeous livery of the court trundling the crippled lad into the great festal hall of the King, for the Bible narrative closes with the statement, beautiful in its simplicity, that "Mephibosheth sat at the king's table and was lame in both his feet." David had his faults, many and grievous. They were condoned, they were for- given; but if in the hour of triumph David had forgotten the friend of his youth, and failed to go to the rescue of his afflicted son, no inspired writer would have handed down to the centuries the declaration that "David was a man after God's own heart." This Republic owes its very life to France. But for France Old Glory would never have waved in the breezes "from the dawn's early light to the twilight's last gleaming." Cornwallis was in the South. He sent his trusted lieutenant, Ferguson, on a foraging expedition, but the sturdy mountaineers tore through the gaps and passes of the mountains and swarmed around Ferguson and his thousand men on the slopes of Kings Mountain, and every man was killed or captured. Cornwallis said, "I have lost my eyes." Subsequently Cornwallis met Greene at Guilford Court House, and beat him, but it was to Cornwallis a costly victory. His losses at Kings Mountain and Guilford Court House so depleted his ranks that he was eventually forced to seek a sea base at Yorktown. General Greene sent word of Cornwallis's movements to George Washington in command of the Continental Army at New York. When the news reached Washington his army was in a desperate plight. Half clad, half starved, with wages far in arrears, the soldiers were in no condition for any heroic enterprise. Rochambeau, the commander of the French, realized the desperateness of the situation, and ordered the gold sent ashore from a French ship, and before George Washington started on that world-famous march from New York to Yorktown the wages of the American soldiers were paid in French gold. And more than that. When Washington started on that immortal march to bottle up Cornwallis at Yorktown, he started at the head of two thousand American and four thousand French soldiers. And more than that. The French fleet came up the Chesapeake Bay, cut off all hope of retreat or rescue for Cornwallis by water, and then landed three thousand marines, the best trained soldiers on earth at that time. On the way down Washington had gathered up some four or five thousand more ragged Continentals; but even then, in addition to holding the waters, the French had on foot at Yorktown more than half of Washington's army, while at their head stood LaFayette, a host within himself. It is as plain as day that without the money power and the man power of France at Yorktown, Cornwallis, trained and gifted soldier as he was, would have made short work of the ragged Continentals, and America's only hope for freedom would have been lost forever and forever. As we were in 1781, France was in 1917. There is this exception in her favor. France did nothing, absolutely nothing, to bring on this war. Her wealth and her beauty were her only offense; but upon her the Black Eagle cast lustful eyes. For forty years, with tireless energy and matchless skill, the Imperial German Gov- ernment converted every citizen into a soldier and every industry into an arsenal; PUBLIC ADDRESSES 177 and when the work was complete, when a vast empire had heen forged into one living thunderbolt, suddenly, without warning, and without cause, this thunder- bolt was hurled at the devoted head of France. Under this awful impact France reeled and staggered back to the very gates of Paris ; and then, like a tigress about to be robbed of her whelps, she rallied all her strength, sprang straight at the invader's throat, and put up a fight that made all the world wonder. But despite the godlike heroism of her men and the godlike sacrifices of her women, the day came when France was bled white and starved thin. The Beast of Berlin was at her breast ; and, still too proud to cry aloud for help, she turned wistful eyes to this young giant of the West, and I know that the soul of every true American leaped for joy when General Pershing stood in the city of Paris under the shadow of a monument to LaFayette and, speaking for one hundred million American freemen, said, "LaFayette, we are here !" 2. Our own peace and safety compelled us to go in. When the American soldiers first landed on the other side the cause of the Allies was lost. Italy was torn with internal dissensions; Russia was reeling like a drunken man ; England was bleeding at every pore ; France was gasping for breath; the mailed fist was raised ready to strike the last fatal blow, when Uncle Sam reached for his gun and cried, "Not yet !" And if Germany should conquer Italy and Eussia and England and France, what next? Us. With the British Empire broken up, with all Europe at his feet, the United States of America comes next in the Kaiser's dream of universal empire. As early as 1892 the Kaiser issued a pamphlet to his soldiers in which he stated that the ultimate object of the Imperial Government was to Germanize the whole world. He had a map made of the world showing Berlin as the capital, England, France and Russia as German provinces, while "Germania" was stamped in red all over the United States and Canada. Permit me to pause long enough to say that every river in this land will run crimson to the sea before "Germania" is ever stamped on the face of this country. In 1898 a German officer in Manila made a statement to the same effect, and Admiral Dewey thought the statement of sufficient importance to incorporate it in his official report. When Dewey destroyed the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay the German admiral, Von Diedrich, stripped his ships for action against Dewey, but the British Lion growled a dissent, and the Hohenzollern held back. During the same Spanish War the German Government tried to get England and France to place the combined fleets of Germany, England and France between the United States and Cuba, to which England replied, "No; if England goes in it will be on the side of the Stars and Stripes." Last year the German ambassador, Von Bernstorff, was loudly proclaiming how dearly he loved us ; but at the very time he held out his right hand to the United States in token of eternal friendship, he had his left hand behind him offering a bribe to poor old poverty-stricken Mexico to join in a league against us. They told Mexico that if she would make war against the United States the Kaiser would restore to her the lost provinces of Texas and Arizona and New Mexico. And at the same time Germany was endeavoring to woo Japan from her allegiance to England into a big combine with Mexico and Germany against the United States. 12 J 178 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Last year the Kaiser got irritated on account of the many notes he was receiving from Mr. Wilson; and in a burst of anger forgot his discretion, but not his purpose, and said to Mr. Gerard, our ambassador, "You just wait till I finish this war, and I'll stand no more nonsense from the United States." The whole course of events points with unerring certainty to the Kaiser's plan to bring Europe to its knees, and then rattle his sword in the face of this Government. The original plan did not contemplate a direct frontal attack on us. Germany is entirely too smart for that. No one has ever said that Germany had no sense. The truth is, she has too much. The most dangerous man in this community is not a feeble-minded man, but the man that has the most sense and the least character. That is the position that today Germany occupies in the family of nations, and because she has so much sense and so little character, the conscience of the world is in arms against her. The plan was this : Down in Brazil there are strong German influences. At a signal from the Kaiser the Germans in Brazil would incite a revolution, and then, for the avowed purpose of protecting German citizens and German property, the Kaiser would intervene and establish a protectorate over Brazil; and then with the Brazilian fleet added to his own, with the mightiest army the world has ever seen, flushed with victory at his back, the Kaiser would turn to us and coolly inquire, "Now, my Uncle Samuel, what in the thunder are you going to do about it ?" And what would we do, and what could we do ? Just one of two things. We could salute, bow low, and say, "Dear Mr. Kaiser, be assured that there will be no trouble between us and thee. We suppose that you are thinking of that ancient doctrine sometimes called the Monroe Doctrine; but pray do not allow that to disturb you. We never did mean a word of it. It is just a great big international joke. It is true it is about the only thing we have. It is the one foreign policy that we have proclaimed. It is true that it has kept the peace of this continent for a hundred years and saved twenty baby republics to the south of us from being gobbled up by kings of Europe; but we never did mean it ; it was all bluff, sounding brass and tinkling cymbal ; and so good morning, Mr. Kaiser, and good day, Mr. Kaiser, and may you live long and prosper." We could have said that, and at once in our own estimation and in the estimation of all lands sunk below the level of a hound pup. The contempt for the United States in such a case would have been such that from Shanghai to Bagdad prin- cipalities and powers would join in the taunting chorus, "The United States ain't nothing but a hound, and any old country can kick her around." Of course we would not say it. We would stand by our honor and our tradi- tions. Unaided and alone, without the help or sympathy of any other nation, we would go down into the southern seas and fight it out with Germany at a place of her own choosing. Of course we would lose in such a fight, and then Germany would commence her triumphant advance. She would seize all the baby republics, for a single battleship can overpower any one of them ; and then, coming on north, she would intrigue with Mexico that is always ready to intrigue with anybody against the United States ; and, landing her victorious soldiers in Mexican ports, would establish a new Hindenburg line along the Bio Grande, and soon Texas would be another Belgium. Despite these facts, which are as plain as day, we find a few people, more feeble-minded than faint-hearted, who still insist that we ought to wait until the German hordes are treading our own soil, till the whirr of the Zeppelins is heard above our cities, and then call out our militia and clean up the whole crowd before PUBLIC ADDRESSES 170 breakfast. Such a course would be criminal stupidity. "We are sending our armies to Germany to keep the German armies from coming here. The South is the last place in the world to complain that a war is not fought out on our own soil. From '61 to '65 our fathers fought it out on our soil, and we are just beginning to recover from that tragic experience. The South ought to be deeply grateful that we had at "Washington a government that had sense enough to see that the conflict was inevitable, and to walk in and fight it out on a foreign shore while there is plenty of help. 3. The third and most potent reason for our going in is that this war will mold and color the civilization of the world for a thousand years. That far-flung battle line is one vast melting pot in which there is~T5eing tried out every theory of government and every ideal of humanity. Into this hissing, roaring cauldron there is being dumped despotism and anarchism, bolshevism, militarism, pacificism. Into the melting pot there is going autocracy, and plutocracy, and democracy ; and the thing that emerges triumphant from this ordeal of fire will rule this earth for a thousand years to come. The quarrel between Austria and Servia has been well-nigh forgotten. The rape of Belgium is remembered as a ghastly dream. The submarine question is but a bubble on a boiling sea. The one vital question is, "Who and what shall rule the earth? Suppose Germany should win. Suppose Prussia in shining armor should leap triumphant from the melting pot. Then for a thousand years the ideals of Prussia would reign and men would be taught that a gun is God, and before it there is none other. Every government on earth would of necessity be fashioned after the Prussian model. Nations would be converted into armed camps ever ready as Prussia was ready to' spring at another's throat. For a thousand years all the products of peace would be fed to mills of war and every private citizen would carry a soldier on his back. On the other hand, if the Allies shall achieve a great victory, then I devoutly believe that war will come no more upon the earth. "We are fighting the very soul of war. We are battling to send militarism to the scrap-heap of civilization, and to make the conscience of mankind the supreme arbiter of the rights of nations. We are pouring out blood and treasure to build up a civilization in which a woman's finger will weigh more than a mailed fist, and the voice of a little child will be heard farther than a cannon's roar. Is it not all well worth fighting for? God knows I hate war, and have no lust for battle. My heart bleeds with com- passion for the mothers and fathers and wives of the men who are moving to the front. I shall deeply mourn the unreturning braves. But, my friends, "To every man upon this earth Death cometh soon or late." And I know of no finer way to meet the grim, pale messenger than to traverse a dangerous sea and in an unknown land register a stern challenge to the blood-red prestige of a band of hereditary autocrats who have made unto themselves and all their people an iron image and called it God. But how can we win ? By fighting with every resource at our command — talon, tush and claw. "We must put all our moral power, all our money power, all our man power into the fight. Every blow must carry the weight of the entire Nation. This is precisely what we are doing. To this end we are training our soldiers in the right way. I have recently been through the training camps. I went through for the purpose of seeing what was being done to and with our boys. They are 180 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT making mighty men of them. I noticed what they had to eat. I ate with them. I observed their sleeping quarters. I took a nap in one of the bunks. I noticed the precautions taken to protect the health and morals of the boys, and I can say to you mothers and fathers advisedly that the boys in the camps are better fed, better clothed, are leading more healthful and more decent lives than the men of the same age at home. We are raising our army in the right way. The Selective Draft law is a legis- lative embodiment of the principle of equal justice to all and special privilege to none. It is the essence of Americanism and the sublimation of the square deal. The man who understands the law and does not endorse it is not a good citizen. He is worse than a slacker — he is a shirker. He wants the other fellow to carry his part of the load. He believes in equal rights, but despises equal duties. When we come to raise money by taxation we all say that there must be absolute equality. The situation requires it and the conscience of the people approves it. To call a citizen to war is the highest tax a government can levy. It is the tax of blood and death. Should there be uniformity in taxing property, and discrimination in taxing life? Should there be equality in peace and favoritism in war? If there is to be preference, to whom should it be shown — you or me? If there is to be prejudice, against whom should it be directed — your boy or mine? ~No, my friends, the innate American love of fair play forces every man to admit that equal benefits and equal burdens go hand in hand; and the man who holds that the Selective Draft law is founded on the wrong principle does not believe in the Declaration of Independence and is an alien to the genius of this Republic. I said the law is the essence of Americanism. Let me illustrate: A number of years ago Bill Fife, the drummer evangelist, and Mr. Litch, who was the Fife of South Carolina, joined forces down in Monroe, and held a great meeting. They converted a livery stable into a tabernacle, and preached hell fire and damnation straight from the shoulder three times a day. They held the congregation over the burning pit and fairly singed it. In the town there lived a little fellow by the name of June Hamilton. June weighed about ninety pounds, and kept a set of books for the Farmers Alliance store that weighed more than he did. One day the boys were gathered in front of the store and one said to June, "Did you hear Brother Litch this morning?" Said June, "I was right there." "Well," said the boy, "according to Brother Litch about ninety-nine folks out of every hundred are going straight to hell." "Yes," said June, "I am a bookkeeper, and that's the way I figure it out. It's awful, boys, ain't it? It's horrible, terrible to contemplate; but I tell you, I have just made up my mind that if the other ninety-eight can stand it, I can." That is Americanism red-hot. We are perfectly willing to carry our end of the singletree if the other fellow carries his. We are willing to line up to the rack, fodder or no fodder, if every other man is compelled to line up to the same rack. We are willing to stand hell fire and damnation if every other man is required to stand the same thing. And that is precisely what the Selective Draft law requires. It measures every man with the same yardstick, and feeds him out of the same spoon. It is no respecter of persons, but treats every man exactly alike from John D. Rockefeller, Jr., up. And this is fair treatment. It is good medicine, compounded of the logic of justice and the grace of common sense. If a man is not willing to take the medicine, we propose to hold his nose and pour it down. PUBLIC ADDRESSES 181 The volunteer system is always unwise and unjust. It places a tax on patriot- ism and a premium on cowardice. When the war drums throb and the bugles blow, the brightest and the bravest rush to the front, while baser breeds skulk at home and become the fathers of the race. The cruel injustice of such a system is only surpassed by its colossal stupidity. In raising our first National Army the military necessity of the hour forced the War Department to place the emphasis on the drafting principle in the law. In the present call the emphasis is placed on the selective principle. Men are called in the order that will entail the least hardship on families and communities. To this end all registrants are divided into classes. In a general way the single men will be called first, married men without children second, and married men with children third. Unskilled labor is called before skilled labor, and the idle before the industrious. Indeed, in the forefront of the first class will be placed married men who have not habitually supported their families. The man who has been boarding with his wife is going to try Uncle Sam's grub for a while. The fellow whose chief occupation has been holding down a goods box is going to take up his goods box and walk for the United States "from the dawn's early light till the twilight's last gleaming." The fellow who has been hanging around the corner drug store with a cigarette at an angle of forty-five degrees in the south- west corner of his mouth is going to hold a rifle on his shoulder at an angle of seventy degrees in the sun where it is ninety-six in the shade. The poolroom aristocracy and the coca-cola gentry are going to be rounded up. After this call I will be able to issue a proclamation over the Great Seal of the State that between the ages of twenty-one and forty-five there is not a loafer left in North Carolina. The net is spread and the camel-and-needle act is dead easy compared with any attempt of a loafer to get away from a fair chance to die for his country. CO THE TRIUMPH OF THE ENGLISH PEOPLE AT YORKTOWN ADDRESS DELIVERED AT MOORE'S CREEK BRIDGE, JULY 25, 1918 We are met to celebrate the first victory of American arms in the War of the Revolution. On this spot, one hundred and forty-two years ago, democracy in arms presented a stern challenge to the advance of autocracy in the New World, and made that challenge good. Moore and Lillington and Caswell, and their devoted followers, here planned so wisely and fought so well that the Battle of Moore's Creek Bridge will be forever charted on the map of Freedom as a place where, in a crucial hour, the divine rights of kings went down before the diviner rights of men. The victory here achieved strengthened the arms of our people and inspired them to carry on through days of darkness and disaster until the final triumph at Yorktown. This brings me to the central thought that I desire to impress upon you today. Yorktown was a great victory for the American armies, but it was an even greater triumph for the ideals and aspirations of the English people. To every true lawyer there come cases he cannot afford to win. To win the case would be 182 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT to lose the law to which he owes his first and highest allegiance. This is as true of contests on the field as in the forum. From Moore's Creek Bridge to Yorktown the English Government was endeavoring to win a case contrary to English law. The attack on the rights of Englishmen here was a flank attack on the rights of Englishmen at home. William Pitt, the great commoner, sensed the real issue, and rising from his seat in Parliament, passionately exclaimed : "I rejoice that America has resisted ! Three millions of people so dead to all feelings of liberty as to voluntarily submit to be slaves would be fit instruments to make slaves of the rest of us !" In humble petitions, in dignified protests, and in ringing resolutions the colonists made it plain that "the rights and privileges of Englishmen" were their lawful inheritance, and that they would be satisfied with nothing less. Edmund Burke, in his immortal speech on conciliating America, maintained that English colonies could not be established on any other basis. A noble array of broad- minded, farseeing English statesmen stood with Pitt and Burke on the side of the colonies. But these "English liberties" were the pet abomination of George III. His ruling passion was to destroy government in England by a Ministry and Parliament responsive to the will of the people, and to make the royal will the law of the land. He had no patience with the British theory of a democratic monarchy, for he was a German autocrat to the bone. GEOEGE III ONLY ONE ONE-HUNDBED-AND-THIRTY-SIXTH ENGLISH The truth is, that only one drop of blood out of every hundred and thirty-six in George III was English blood. One thirty-second part was Scotch and the balance was plain, petrified German. The king was as hostile to English law as he was ignorant of the English language, a language he never learned to speak. His mother was a German princess, and from childhood dinned into his ears the injunction, "George, be king !" The result of this German blood and German "kultur" is stated by the great English historian, Green : "In ten years he reduced government to a shadow and turned the loyalty of his subjects at home into disaffection. In twenty, he had forced the American colonies into revolt and independence. The House of Commons was the slave of the king. The ministry of Lord North was a mere cloak for the direction of public affairs by George himself, and the shame of the darkest hour of English history lies wholly at his door." A German king, backed by a servile minister, a corrupt and cowardly Parlia- ment, supported by the German soldiers that the king hired, made war on our forefathers because they boldly asserted the rights and privileges that had come down to them through a thousand years of struggle and bloodshed. When these rights and privileges were saved for us at Yorktown, they were saved for our kinsmen on the moors of Devonshire and in the shadows of Westminster and St. Paul's. It is true, England lost the American colonies, but in losing them she learned how to save Canada and India and Egypt and Australia, and the vast dominions on which the sun never sets. After Yorktown the policy of England toward her colonies was one of liberality and generosity. Green says : "To the nations that she founded she was to give not only her blood and her speech, but the freedom which she had won." In this wise England became the Mother of Colonies. When Cornwallis fell, Lord North fell, and the autocratic power of the king waned until it was lost in the gloom of insanity that shrouded his declining PUBLIC ADDRESSES 183 years. Since then no king of England has seriously denied that in all vital matters he was subject to the will of the English people. The broad views of Camden and Pitt and Burke have molded the entire course of English history, and today the successors of these men are fighting side by side with the successors of "Washington and Jefferson against the people of George III. Ever since York- town the principles for which the colonies fought have been followed by England, and on the Fourth of July of this year the British ambassador in Paris made this noble confession : "England owes America a debt of gratitude for the Ameri- can Revolution." ENGLAND A FOETEESS AND A FRIEND Great Britain has in a number of crucial hours proved herself our fortress and our friend. We have had some quarrels with England about trade and com- merce, but on all questions affecting territorial rights in this hemisphere, and the principle of government by consent of the governed, England has given us lively sympathy and mighty support. Napoleon Bonaparte, in the heydey of his glory and power, forced the proud King of Spain to turn over to him that vast empire that stretches from the Mississippi to the Rocky Mountains. He then planned to establish in this virgin territory a French empire that would be a perpetual barrier to the growth and a perpetual menace to the existence of democracy on this continent. He perfected his plans with Napoleonic energy and completeness. He arranged to send over here a highly trained army to take possession of the territory he had wrenched from Spain, and to destroy all opposition to his ambitions in the New World. Thomas Jefferson at once recognized the peril to this Republic involved in such an expedition, and he took swift and heroic action to prevent it. He first obtained assurance from Great Britain that in case of war between the United States and France the English fleet would at once seize the city of New Orleans and hold it for the United States. Thus fortified, Jefferson directed the American minister in Paris to offer to buy this territory from Napoleon and, in case Napoleon refused to sell, to proceed to England and make preparations for war. Napoleon was the very incarnation of autocracy. After him the Kaiser has sought to fashion his own life, for he despised the rule of the people and gloried in the edicts of kings. But, though he despised this Government and held our military power in contempt, he had vast respect for the British navy; and when he realized that the British fleet stood between him and New Orleans, he said : "It is certainly worth while to sell, when you can, what you are certain to lose." And so, for the sum of fifteen millions of American money, backed by the navy of Great Britain, Napoleon transferred an empire to the Republic he despised. In this fashion there was saved to the country the city of New Orleans and the mouth of the Mississippi, through which at that time three-fourths of our inland commerce passed; the territory of the Republic was more than doubled and the hopes of despotic governments of Europe to establish themselves in the heart of this continent were forever blasted. THE BEITISH FLEET THE BULWARK OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE The Monroe doctrine is the most vital international policy ever declared by the United States. For nearly a century it has saved all the baby republics of this hemisphere from being the spoils of the kings of Europe and the hotbed of inter- national strife. Senator Lodge, in his history of the United States, says: "It 184 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT has so commended itself to the people as a wise and proper course, as so vital to the existence of the United States, that it has been cherished and enforced by all political parties and by all subsequent statesmen of the Eepublic." It is therefore of absorbing interest to inquire just how the promulgation of this doctrine came about. It did not originate with Monroe. Washington him- self was in favor of the principle, and so were Jefferson and Madison. The people generally were committed to the view that European intervention in American affairs would be a menace to our own safety. The difficulty was that the United States was not in a position to enforce the doctrine. It was here that England came to the rescue. The colonies of Spain had revolted against despotic rule. South America had become inoculated with the spirit of our own revolution. In lively sympathy with the aspirations of the people to the south of us, the Congress of the United States recognized their independence. Thereupon the Holy Alliance, a compact between the emperors of Russia and Austria and the king of Prussia, proposed to intervene in South America and impose upon the people the absolute rule of a distant king. Erance was not a party to the Holy Alliance, but Louis XVIII was in sympathy with its purposes in South America. At this juncture England, through her Foreign Secretary, George Canning, proposed to the American Minister, Mr. Richard Rush, for Great Britain and the United States to unite in a declaration that the two powers would not brook any interference in American affairs. For some reason the joint proclamation was never made, but Mr. Rush submitted the proposition to President Monroe, who at once sent the entire correspondence to Jefferson, in retirement at Monticello, and Jefferson promptly wrote him to pro- claim the doctrine and it would be the greatest American document since the Declaration of Independence. Thereupon, Monroe made his famous proclamation, and true to the assurance of Canning, Great Britain gave notice that the British fleet stood ready to maintain the doctrine. GREAT BRITAIN THE CHAMPION OF REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT Not alone on questions of territory, but whenever the existence of our form of government has been assailed England has championed our cause. In 1820 there was a healthy spirit of freedom in Europe. The emancipated soul of the ISTew "World was making itself felt in the monarchies of the Old. Kings felt the breath of the people's hopes, and trembled on their thrones. Thereupon the Holy Alliance called a congress of the great powers at Verona, at which Austria, Russia, Prussia, France, and England were represented. The congress solemnly resolved to stamp out republican government wherever found in Europe, and to prevent its spread in America. Thereupon the Duke of Wellington washed his hands of the whole business and refused to have anything further to do with the deliberations of the congress. In this fashion England served notice upon the absolute monarchies of the Old World that she would be no party to any designs to destroy government by the chosen representatives of the people. In 1892 the Emperor of Germany published a pamphlet in which he stated that the ultimate purpose of the Imperial Government was the Germanization of the world. When the United States intervened in Cuba, in 1898, to protect the suffering people of that fair land from the tyranny and inefficiency of Spanish rule, the Kaiser at once perceived that such action on our part tended to blast his PUBLIC ADDRESSES 185 dream of a Germanized world. He deeply resented any republic interfering with any king. One of his favorite sayings was : "We princes must stand together." Therefore the Kaiser proposed to England and France to unite with Germany and place the combined fleets of the three powers between the United States and Cuba. England said : "No ; if the British fleet goes in, it will be on the side of the United States." In Manila Bay the German admiral, Von Diedrich, got ready to fire on Dewey, but the British lion growled dissent and the Hohenzollern held back. Afterwards the Kaiser said : "If I had had a larger fleet I would have taken Uncle Sam by the scruff of the neck." The only reason he did not try was because he knew that the British bulldog would have at once taken him by the scruff. THE KINSHIP OF THE SOUL The United States and England are thus bound together by ties of a common blood and a common language, by a joint inheritance of the blessings of constitu- tional liberty, by a chain of epoch-making events that have given course and color to world history, and, what is more than all these, by the essential kinship of the soul. The waves may now and then clash, but the great tides of American and British thought advance side by side. Our thoughts are their thoughts ; their ways are our ways. Britannia and Columbia "are sisters under the skin." TWO EEMAEKABLE STATEMENTS Recently the world has heard two remarkable statements — one by the Kaiser, and one by Lloyd George. In his speech, celebrating his ascension to the throne, the Kaiser recently de- clared that the real issue involved in this war was whether or not Teutonic or Anglo-Saxon ideals shall triumph in the earth. Intoxicated by his faith in the divine right of the Hohenzollerns to rule the earth, the Kaiser was betrayed into the first truthful statement he has given as to why this war was "made in Germany." It was to compel all nations and tongues to bow down to the iron image the Kaiser had set up. And the war is going to settle for all time whether "blood and iron" or reason and righteousness shall rule on land and sea and in the hearts of men. "We have accepted the challenge. The nation that has appealed to the sword must perish by the sword. And we and all our allies must not cease to strike until the German people shall themselves confess that militarism is a ghastly failure, and shall with contrite hearts unite with us in wiping autocracy off the earth forever and forever. The other statement was made by Lloyd George, once a Welsh peasant, now Prime Minister of Great Britain. Just the other day Lloyd George said : "Ger- many can have peace at any time on terms that are satisfactory to the United States." This is the noblest tribute ever paid to the wisdom and the justice of our people. Just as the military leadership of the Allies has been delegated to General Foch, the moral leadership has been delegated to Woodrow Wilson. And with Foch as our Joshua, and Wilson as our Moses, we shall carry on until all the "Sons of Anak" have been put to the sword, and all the people of the earth can sit down under their own vine and fig tree in the blessed assurance that there are none to molest or make them afraid. 186 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT (8) PATRIOTISM AND POLITICS SPEECH AT SPENCER ON LABOR DAY, SEPTEMBER 2, 1918 This is election year, and doubtless you have wondered why it is that I, who am the accredited head of the Democratic Party in North Carolina, have spoken for nearly two hours and have said not one word about politics. The answer is that since this Nation entered the world war we have all been trained in the school of self-denial ; we have been drilled in the art of doing without things. We do without sugar — to win the war; we do without wheat bread — to win the war; we do without beef — to win the war; we do without our boys — to win the war. And there is nothing that will help so much, and hurt so little, as to do without partisan politics. "What purely political issue is today presented to the American people? The tariff? It sleeps, and no man cares to awaken it. The trusts? Neither party makes them an issue, and many of them are in the control of the Government, and being used to help win the war. Circulating medium? It is so plentiful one can scarcely cart enough of it around to pay traveling expenses. Initiative and referendum ? Even Mr. Bryan has thrown it into a fence corner, while he stands on the topmost rail and vociferates that there are but two sides to a fight, and the nearest way out is the straightest way through. No, my friends, there is but one issue before the American people, and that is how to lick hell out of Germany. I live always under the blood-red shadow of that colossal undertaking. So living, it is impossible for me to understand how any human being can this year be interested in discussing the ancient, if not always honorable, differences between a Democrat and a Republican. The son of the Republican and the son of the Democrat are touching elbows over there ; together they are going over the top ; side by side they are falling in the great adventure, and the angels of God are bearing them away to the same reward. Shall we at home snarl over petty personal and political differences while the boys die together for a common cause? \ This is my plea, this is my prayer, straight from the heart of a Democrat to the heart of a Republican : For the sake of the boys let us love one another, let us pull together over here as they strike over there. Let one hundred million loyal and loving hearts present a united front to the foe, and hell and Hun shall not prevail against us. Some folks doubted the wisdom and some the sincerity of my position; but, God help me, I can take no other. There is need, sore need, for every man and \ every dollar to fall in line, and while I have a fairly big mouth, possessed of a \' fair degree of elasticity, it is neither big enough nor elastic enough to enable me to cuss a Republican out of one side of it, and ask him to buy a Liberty Bond out of the other. PATRIOTISM AT THE POLLS \f But one can be just as patriotic at the polls as in the trenches. The first duty of every patriot is to go to the polls. Let no good citizen this year stay away from the election. It is the high privilege and the solemn duty of every citizen to turn out on election day, and with his ballot do all that he can to win this PUBLIC ADDRESSES 187 war. If he stays at home he is the worst sort of a slacker, for this is slackerism without the semblance of an excuse. GUIDES FOB PATEIOTS But how must a patriot vote ? The answer is easy. Vote like you fight. Con- sider your ballot a bullet, and make sure before it is cast that it is aimed straight at the heart of a Hun. Stand there at the ballot box in the same spirit that the boys stand in the trenches. Strip yourself of every political and personal preju- dice ; forget that you ever voted before ; remember only the common enemy of your country and of all mankind, and then, in the fear of God and with reverence for your own conscience, cast your ballot. Do that, do it boldly, do it sincerely, and I will take off my hat to you no matter for what candidate you may cast your ballot. I do not presume to sit in judgment on the conscience of any man; I simply insist that he shall have respect for his own conscience. THE ACID TEST Apply the acid test of patriotism to every candidate. Vote for no slacker, and for no man who curries favor with slackers or seeks their support. So far as I know, no man who has a drop of my blood in his veins, on either my father's or my mother's side, ever scratched a Democratic ticket ; but show me a Democratic candidate who, since the day war was declared against Germany, has failed to do a man's part in the winning of this war, and, although he may have been nominated by every Democratic organization, from a precinct meeting to State- wide primary, I'll see him in hell before I'll vote for him. If a candidate has failed to do his part in the War Stamps and the Liberty Bond campaigns; if he has failed to respond to the plea of the Red Cross ; if he has apologized for this war or damned it with faint praise; if he has skulked in the bush and sought to get votes from folks who are opposed to this war, let no patriot debauch his ballot by casting it for such a renegade. DANGEROUS TO SWAP HORSES IN THE MIDDLE OF THE STREAM Abraham Lincoln has set up a guide-post for patriots. It is entitled to vast respect because Lincoln set it up. When General McClellan allowed General Lee to beat him all over Virginia, Lincoln removed McClellan as commander-in-chief of the Army of the Potomac. Thereafter McClellan ran against Lincoln for President. Mr. Lincoln made no speech against McClellan, but he did make a remark, and that was a plenty. Lincoln's immortal remark was, that the Ameri- can people had too much sense to change horses in the middle of the stream. They did, and the years have justified their wisdom. And one hundred years from today history will write down in letters of gold that the immortal triumvirate of American presidents is George Washington, Abraham Lincoln and Woodrow Wilson. COMMON SENSE STILL ABIDES Today this Nation is confronted with the same perils and perplexities that confronted it in the days of Lincoln, and the common sense of the people will at once perceive the great danger of "swapping horses in the middle of the stream." V 188 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Under the Constitution the President is charged with the duty of prosecuting this war to a victorious and righteous conclusion, and any vote that would tend to tie the hands of the President or discredit him in the eyes of the world would postpone the hour of final triumph. Patriots, put to yourself, in solemn sincerity, the question : Will it help Woodrow Wilson to win this war by changing the political complexion of Congress, and confronting the President with a House or a Senate of a political faith opposite to his own? PICK THE BEST WAR HORSES The leaders on the tickets this year in North Carolina are Furnifold M. Simmons and John Motley Morehead. Which of these two is the best war horse? Would it help to win the war to swap Simmons, who is at the head of the Senate, for Morehead, who, under the rules, would stand at the foot ? Would Morehead have a greater desire to win the war or greater ability in framing and getting enacted laws for that purpose? In a word, would Morehead weigh and count more in the Senate for the winning of the war than Simmons? If so, then it is your duty, to God and to your country, to vote for Morehead, although you may be in the habit of voting the Democratic ticket. On the other hand, if Simmons would keep in closer and more sympathetic touch with the President ; if, by reason of his long training and experience, he can do more in framing and getting enacted wise war measures than Morehead, then it is your duty, to God and to your country, to vote for Simmons, although you may be in the habit of voting the Republican ticket. Apply this principle to every candidate, from United States Senator to township constable, and you will cast the ballot of a patriot and not of a partisan. WHAT WILL THE KAISER SAT? The most vital question for the patriot to consider at the polls is what effect his vote will have on the enemy. Will it discourage him, or give him aid and comfort ? This is of supreme importance, for it means the shortening or the pro- longation of the war. If the elections this year discourage Germany they will shorten the war. If they give hope to Germany they will prolong the war. North Carolina is a rock-ribbed Democratic State, by from forty to fifty thousand majority. If it should go Republican this year, what would the Kaiser say ? What would the German people think ? Why, the Kaiser would issue a royal proclamation, and every German paper would publish in screaming headlines that the people of North Carolina had repudiated the war. Nothing on earth could convince the German people that when North Carolina shifted from a rock-ribbed Democratic to a Republican State it was due to anything except opposition to the war. And our boys would have to do at least one year more of hard fighting to shoot that opinion out of Germany's head. Suppose the National House or the Senate should be converted from a Democratic to a Republican organization, what would the Kaiser say? Instantly he would proclaim to his subjects that the American people had repudiated Woodrow Wilson and were opposed to the further prosecution of this war. It would take a year of hard fighting to shoot that conviction out of Germany's head. PUBLIC ADDRESSES 189 THE EYES OF THE WORLD Not only in Germany, but in the eyes of the world, "Woodrow Wilson would be discredited if our people should confront him with a Congress of a political faith hostile to his own. This would be most unfortunate, for today the world expects Woodrow Wilson to dictate the terms of a righteous and enduring peace. When the nations shall sit down in a peace conference, Wilson will sit at the head of the table. Just as the military leadership of the Allies has been delegated to Marshal loch, the moral leadership has been delegated to Woodrow Wilson. Just the other day Lloyd George, the Prime Minister of Great Britain, said Germany can have peace at any time on terms that are satisfactory to the United States. If we want to get exactly what we are fighting for, if we want American ideals to mold and color the peace pact of the world, then we must let the world under- stand that the voice of Woodrow Wilson is the voice of the American people. As I said in my Goldsboro speech, I say again : This year politics should be submerged in patriotism. We are fighting one battle, under the supreme command of one leader, and every patriot should highly resolve to give to that leader un- faltering support, and to cast no ballot that would tend to hamper him at home or discredit him abroad. (9) A BAR TO BOLSHEVISM— THE CHRISTIAN SCHOOL EXTRACT FROM SPEECH AT THE FIRST BAPTIST CHURCH IN CHARLOTTE, SUNDAY, DECEMBER 1, 1918 A proposal to raise a million dollars is to little souls a terror, to great souls a challenge. The very bigness of the thing is an inspiration. And now that the war is won, this campaign is the biggest thing before the people of North Carolina. I come before you in two capacities : first, as the Governor of North Carolina ; and second, as an alumnus of Wake Forest College, the next-door neighbor of Meredith, and a warm personal friend of all the schools embraced in this movement. This million dollars will mean much to the State of North Carolina, and I do not know how I could at this time serve the State better than by urging the people to respond to this call in the same spirit of generosity and self-denial that has characterized their answer to every appeal made for the winning of the war. America's primacy The war has been fought to a noble finish. America has not been seduced by avarice nor degraded by brutality. Above the roar of a million guns the Nation has heard the celestial mandate, "Keep thine heart with all diligence, for out of it are the issues of life." And because of the very purity of our purpose we are clothed with power. Today the whole world looks to the United States to blaze the new path in which all nations must henceforth walk. It is grand, and at the same time an awful thing to be given in charge the peace and happiness of all mankind. 190 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT Our only hope to measure up to the opportunities and obligations of the hour is to bring to our task free, strong minds and hearts of health. Ignorance would lead straight to destruction, selfishness would cover us with eternal shame. In a democracy the integrity and efficiency of the government depend abso- lutely upon the virtue and the intelligence of the people. The people cannot select intelligent officials unless they themselves are intelligent. They will not call virtuous men to power unless they themselves love virtue. The chain of schools and colleges embraced in the Million-Dollar campaign are indispensable channels for the diffusion of knowledge and the spread of righteousness. They constitute a magnificent line of defense against which billows of ignorance and avarice and anarchy will break in vain. They impart knowledge, they inculcate wisdom, they develop understanding. They show forth the beauty of literature, they explain the truths of science, they unfold and illuminate the facts of history. But more important than any or all of these things, these schools burn into the hearts and hammer into the very souls of men that "The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom." Such men will make good citizens, and such citizens will make a great State. THE WORLD PEACE PACT There will soon meet the most august body that ever assembled upon this earth. It will have in charge the very destiny of the world. I shall not be con- cerned about the hundred and one details that will come before that great tribunal, and be embodied in the immortal document it will write, if the conference shall lay down in the beginning the broad and basic declaration that the principles of the Ten Commandments and the Sermon on the Mount are as binding on nations as they are on individuals. The only way to secure forever the peace and happi- ness of the world is for nations as well as men to "Fear God and keep his com- mandments." The supreme task that today confronts us all is to make the public conscience as sensitive as that of the individual. These schools and colleges are doing noble work in informing the public mind and vitalizing the public conscience. They are rendering to this commonwealth a service incapable of human appraisement, and, therefore, as Governor of the State, I feel in duty bound to urge our people to give to this vital movement love, sympathy, and liberal support. WHSS PROPHECY IS A LIABILITY Militarism has been completely overthrown. Prussianism has gone down in death and dishonor — and yet the world is not safe for Democracy. In Russia the despotism of a czar has been supplanted by the despotism of a mob, and the last state of that unhappy land is worse than the first. The deadly virus of bolshevism is being injected into Austria, into Hungary, into all the Balkan states, and even in Germany the red flag has been raised and the red terror stalks in the background. And right here in our own dear land, where men enjoy larger freedom and wider opportunities than they have ever known, fanaticism is digging in and preparing to undermine the foundations of this Republic. An era of readjustment and reconstruction is before us, full of peril and perplexity. Myriads of isms and schisms will spring up and run riot in the earth. The sane reformer, the Utopian dreamer, the red-handed revolution- PUBLIC ADDRESSES 191 ist will each bid high, for the allegiance of a world intoxicated with a new birth of freedom. The best antidote for bolshevism is an educated, Christianized citizenship. Ignorance is the mother of poverty, and the handmaiden of crime. Atheism and anarchy walk hand in hand. I want the men of means to let this statement soak in : Close down either the churches or the schools, and your property will become to you a liability instead of an asset. In Russia today the naked fact that a man owns property makes him a mark for a firing squad. You pay yearly premiums to insurance companies for protecting your property from fire. Mark this : The most powerful companies in which you can insure that property is in the churches and the schools. Neither is safe without the other. The Quaker poet sums up the truth : "The riches of a commonwealth Are free, strong minds and hearts of health. And more to her than gold or grain, The cunning hand and cultured brain. Nor heeds the skeptic's puny hand While near her schools the church spires stand; Nor fears the blinded bigot's rule While near her church spires stands the school." And there is no room nor wisdom for enmity between the State and the church school. It would be the acme of unwisdom for the State to undertake the work of the church schools. It would be the height of folly for the churches to assume the obligation that rests upon the State to educate all the people. The two systems supplement each other, and both are vital necessities to a well ordered, well balanced civilization. Training in the three R's — Readin', 'Ritin' and 'Rithmetic — is well, but the fourth R, of Righteousness, must be added to make a fine and firm foundation for a prosperous and happy state. (10) PRODUCTS AND BY-PRODUCTS OF THE WORLD WAR SPEECH BY GOVERNOR BICKETT AT PEORIA, ILLINOIS, FEBRUARY 22, 1919 For some reason the United States Census Report does not contain the exact number of times that Lillian Russell got married, but her matrimonial ventures were sufficiently numerous to lead Mark Twain to inquire: "Why do people marry Lillian Russell?" I am equally puzzled by the practice among clubs and societies of bringing men halfway across a continent to speak anywhere from fifteen minutes to two hours and a half, according to the humanity of the speaker and the fortitude of the audience. It has recently occurred to me that grown-ups import speakers for the same reason that children go to the zoo. They want to see the animals. This view is supported by a newspaper report of a county fair in North Carolina. The orator of the fair was one J. M. Gray. A near-poetess told the story of tbe day in rhyme, and embalmed the orator of the occasion in this immortal couplet : 192 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT "The chief attractions of the day "^n^ Were Bynum's bull and J. M. Gray." I suspect that my invitation is largely due to a desire on your part to see just what sort of an animal the Governor of the finest State in the Union is. But whatever may be the psychology responsible for my presence here, it is a real joy to be with you and to extend to Illinois the friendly hand of Carolina. I am not here to indulge in flattery. The State of Abraham Lincoln, Ulysses S. Grant, and Eugene Field is too conscious of its own dignity to be cheapened by fulsome praise. And then, not that you needed him, nor that we could very well spare him, but just to give you a sample of the stuff we grow, North Carolina loaned to Illinois for and during the term of his natural life, that venerable and pious sage of Danville, "Uncle Joe." I do not come around with prescriptions for the treatment of the social and industrial problems peculiar to your State. I am no more qualified to advise Illinois how to solve her labor problems than you are to advise North Carolina how to solve her race problem. But I left my home and trusted my State to the tender mercies of the General Assembly now is session and came out here because I very greatly desire to vitalize and make enduring the friendship between Illinois and North Carolina. In this big, blessed hour, when the purity of American arms is the marvel and the glory of the world, I desire to advance Americanism and wipe out sectionalism forever and forever. The American soldier has found out that no section of our country and no class of our people has a monopoly of brains or courage or character. In camp and field the soldiers met on the eye level. They were disciplined by the same training, they were subjected to the same tests, they were ground together in all the mills of war. In the trenches they stood shoulder to shoulder and took the battle's blood-red bath. Together they leaped over the top, side by side they fell in the great adventure, and the angels of God bore them away to the same reward. Shall we perpetuate sectional and political strife when our boys have died together for a common cause? This is my message, straight from the heart of the South to the heart of the North : For the sake of the boys, let us love one another. I am proud of these boys, and I don't care who knows it. I am proud of the heroic living and of the deathless dead. I am proud that these boys got to France just in time to save the civilization of the world. And they did. The Allies were lost when we went in. Once that was debatable. Nobody debates it now. Russia was reeling like a drunken man; Italy was torn with dissension; England was bleeding at every pore; France was gasping for breath; the mailed fist was raised ready to strike the last fatal blow, when Uncle Sam reached for his gun and cried, "Not yet !" General Jubal A. Early of the Confederate Army, was once asked to give his opinion as to why General Lee lost the Battle of Gettysburg. Said Early, "That question has been debated for twenty years. I have read books on it, hundreds of magazine articles, listened to scores of speeches; and, besides, I was there myself, and I have at last reached the conclusion that the Union Army had right much to do with it." And when fifty years from now the world shall debate as to why Germany lost the war, the universal opinion will be that the Army of the United States had right much to do with it. In the midst of the German offensive PUBLIC ADDRESSES 193 last spring when it seemed that absolutely nothing could stop it, Lloyd George said, "The race is between Hindenburg and "Wilson." Today the ends of the earth know and, knowing, rejoice that Woodrow Wilson won that great Olympic. And yet the man who was once the senior partner of the firm of "Me und Gott" said that we would not fight. He thought that because we were a peace-loving people we were afraid. Well, as Uncle Eemus would say, "Right dar is whar de Kaiser drapped his jug er molasses." We gave him the same medicine that the old Quaker gave his enemy. This enemy, knowing the Quaker's aversion to fighting, lurked in his path, and when he came along arose and smote him on the right cheek. In orthodox fashion he turned the left, and the enemy landed there; and then the old Quaker quietly removed his coat, rolled up his sleeves and said, "Now, thou son of Beelzebub, having fully complied with the law of heaven, I shall lick hell out of thee." And then, the Kaiser argued that we could not fight ; that we did not have an army; that we could not raise one; that if we raised one we had no officers to train it; that if we raised it and trained it we could not equip it ; that if we raised and trained and equipped it we could not transport it ; that the Germans would cross the Seine before the Americans could cross the sea. The Kaiser ought to have known better. He ought to have known, for he is a scholar, that every Yankee is descended from the fool who did not know a thing could not be done, and done it. He ought to have remembered that in the sixties while we were fighting each other this country raised two great armies, and either the army under Grant or the army under Lee could have licked the stuffing out of any army Europe had ever seen. But he did not know. He failed to remember, and there came to him the sharp and fatal awakening that came to the daring investigator in the foothills of Carolina who sat down on a circular saw to see (_ whether or not it was running, and the neighbors who gathered up his fragments said she was running some. The war has brought to each of us proof of the worth of the rest of us. A heterogeneous population has been fused into a homogeneous Nation, and today from the Gulf of Mexico to the Yukon, and from Sandy Hook to the Golden Gate we are one people. This is the first by-product of the war, and to us it is worth all that it cost. The very life of this Republic depends on the preservation of this homogeneity of thought and purpose. During the era of readjustment we do not want to be distracted by the inflow of millions from Europe who have no comprehension of and no sympathy with American ideals and institutions. It is the plain duty of Congress to forbid for a period of five years immigration to this country from any land under the sun. And those who are here already and are seeking to undermine the foundations of our institutions ought to be told to move out, and not to stand on the order of their going, but to go at once. We ought to say to every one of them just as we did during the war, "If you don't like your Uncle Sammy, then go back to your home o'er the sea." The war not only linked North and South and East and West with bonds of mutual respect and affection, but it has intrenched America in the very heart of France. A rather curious trait of human nature is that we are not apt to think well of our creditors. The sense of obligation is irritating. Shakespeare was thinking of this when he said, "A loan oft loses both itself and friend." Since 13 194 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT 1781 this country has been under a deep sense of obligation to France. Indeed, this Eepublic owes its very life to France. Cornwallis was in the South. He sent his trusted lieutenant, Ferguson, on a foraging expedition, but the sturdy moun- taineers poured through the gaps and passes of the mountains and swarmed around Ferguson and his thousand men on the slopes of Kings Mountain, and every man was killed or captured. Cornwallis said, "I have lost my eyes." Subsequently Cornwallis met Greene at Guilford Court House in North Carolina and beat him, but it was to Cornwallis a costly victory. His losses at Kings Mountain and Guilford Court House so depleted his ranks that he was eventually forced to seek a sea base at Yorktown. General Greene sent word of Cornwallis's movements to George Washington in command of the Continental Army at New York. When the news reached Washington his army was in a desperate plight. Half clad, half starved, with wages far in arrears, the soldiers were in no condition for any heroic enterprise. Rochambeau, the commander of the French, realized the desperateness of the situation, and ordered gold sent ashore from a French ship, and before George Washington started on that world famous march from New York to Yorktown, the wages of the American soldiers were paid in French gold. And more than that. When Washington started on that immortal march to bottle up Cornwallis at Yorktown, he started at the head of two thousand American and four thousand French soldiers. And more than that. The French fleet came up the Chesapeake Bay, cut off all hope of retreat or rescue for Cornwallis by water, and then landed three thousand marines, the best trained soldiers on earth at that time. On the way down, Washington had gathered up some four or five thousand more ragged Continentals, but even then, in addition to holding the waters, the French had on foot at Yorktown more than half of Washington's Army, while at their head stood LaFayette, a host within himself. It is as plain as day that without the money and the man power of France at Yorktown, Cornwallis, trained and gifted soldier as he was, would have made short work of the ragged Continentals and America's only hope for freedom would have been lost forever and forever. As we were in 1781, France was in 1917. There is this exception in her favor. France did nothing, absolutely nothing, to bring on this war. Her wealth and her beauty were her only offense ; but upon these the Black Eagle cast lustful eyes. For forty years, with tireless energy and matchless skill, the Imperial German Gov- ernment converted every citizen into a soldier and every industry into an arsenal, and when the work was complete, when a vast empire had been forged into one living thunderbolt, suddenly, without warning and without cause, this thunder- bolt was hurled at the devoted head of France. Under its awful impact France reeled and staggered back to the very gates of Paris, and then, like a tigress about to be robbed of her whelps, she rallied all her strength, sprang straight at the invader's throat, and put up a fight that made all the world wonder. But despite the Godlike heroism of her men and the Godlike sacrifices of her women, the day came when France was bled white and starved thin. The Beast of Berlin was at her breast; and then, too proud to cry aloud for help, she turned wistful eyes to this young giant of the West. And I know the soul of every true American leaped for joy when General Pershing stood in the city of Paris under the shadow of a monument to LaFayette and, speaking for one hundred million American freemen, said, "LaFayette, we are here!" PUBLIC ADDRESSES 195 In going to the rescue of France this Nation preserved its self-respect and the integrity of its soul. The books have been balanced between two great republics. On neither side is there any irritating sense of obligation, but on both sides there is respect, admiration and love. The spirits of Washington and LaFayette brood over these mighty republics ; hand in hand America and France will march down the ever broadening highways of civilization, and by day her lilies and by night our stars shall point the way. This is the second by-product of the war. The war has brought about a family reunion between England and the United States. For many years there has been a feeling on both sides that there ought to be such a reunion, but there was no great occasion to bring it about. The Hun furnished the occasion, and we owe him something for that. Talk about neutral- ity ! I was perfectly neutral so long as I was firmly convinced that England and France could lick hell out of Germany. Down in my State an old justice of the peace lived on a farm, and the fence that enclosed his farm was on the line between North and South Carolina. One day his son and the hired man got into a fight. The old justice mounted the fence, and as in duty bound called out, "In the name of the State of North Carolina I command the peace!" The fighters heeded him not, and presently the hired man seemed to be getting the best of the boy. The old man jumped from the fence into the State of South Carolina and shouted through the crack, "Give him hell, Jim. I have lost my jurisdiction." Not for one moment did we dream of allowing dear old England to be crushed under the heel of the Hun. She is our mother and the mother of our civilization. We left her because she was at the time misruled by a German autocrat. Only one drop of blood out of every one hundred and thirty-six in George III was English blood ; one thirty-second was Scotch and the balance was German. George III was as hostile to English liberties as he was ignorant of the English language, a language he never fully learned to speak. His fixed purpose was to destroy constitutional government in England, and his direct attack against the rights of Englishmen in these colonies was a flank movement against the rights of Englishmen at home. William Pitt, the Great Commoner, sensed the real issue, and rising from his seat in Parliament thundered out, "I thank God America has resisted !" Yorktown was a great victory for American arms, but it was an even greater triumph for the English people. When our rights and privileges were saved at Yorktown the same rights and privileges were saved for our kinsmen on the moor of Devonshire and in the shadow of St. Paul's. It is true England lost the American colonies, but in losing these she learned how to save India and Egypt and Australia, and all her vast dominions on which the sun never sets. This is why on the Fourth day of July of this year the Ambassador from Great Britain to France made a speech in the city of Paris and said, "England owes to the United States a debt of gratitude for the American Revolution." Since Yorktown we have had some minor troubles with England, but in every crucial hour, on every crucial question involving the integrity of our own territory or the principle of government by the consent of the governed, England has been our fortress and our friend. But for England it is doubtful if Peoria would be in the United States. Napoleon Bonaparte, in the heydey of his glory and power, forced the proud king of Spain to turn over to him that vast empire that stretched from the 196 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Mississippi to the Rocky Mountains. He then planned to establish in this virgin territory a French empire that would be a perpetual barrier to the growth and a perpetual menace to the existence of democracy on this continent. He perfected his plans with Napoleonic energy and completeness. He arranged to send over here a highly trained army to take possession of the territory he had wrenched from Spain, and to destroy all opposition to his ambitions in the New World. Thomas Jefferson at once recognized the peril to this Republic involved in such an expedition, and he took swift and heroic action to prevent it. He first obtained assurance from Great Britain that in case of war between the United States and Trance the English fleet would at once seize the city of New Orleans and hold it for the United States. Thus fortified, Jefferson directed the American minister in Paris to offer to buy this territory from Napoleon, and in case Napoleon refused to sell, to proceed to England and make preparations for war. Napoleon was the very incarnation of autocracy. After him the Kaiser has sought to fashion his own life, for he despised the rule of the people and gloried in the edicts of kings. But though he despised this Government and held our military power in contempt, he had vast respect for the British navy ; and when he realized that the British fleet stood between him and New Orleans, he said, "It is certainly worth while to sell, when you can, what you are certain to lose." And so, for the sum of fifteen millions of American money, backed by the navy of Great Britain, Napoleon transferred an empire to the republic he despised. Some people profess -to fear that in the League of Nations we are going to abandon the Monroe Doctrine. As I read the Constitution of the League of Nations, thirteen other nations swear they will help us maintain the doctrine. Who wants to abandon it ? Who has suggested that we abandon it ? Certainly not England. She was responsible for its original proclamation. In the first quarter of the nineteenth century the South American countries became inoculated with the spirit of the American Revolution. Thereupon the Holy Alliance, a compact between the rulers of Russia, Austria and Prussia for the purpose of maintaining the divine right of kings, proposed to intervene in South America, to put down the revolutions of the people and impose upon them the rule of a distant monarch. Then it was that George Canning, the Foreign Secretary of England, proposed to Mr. Richard Rush, our minister to the Court of St. James, that Great Britain and the United States should unite in a declaration that they would not brook any interference by European kings in American affairs. Mr. Rush submitted the propo- sition to President Monroe, who at once sent the entire correspondence to Thomas Jefferson, in retirement at Monticello; and Jefferson promptly wrote him to pro- claim the doctrine, and that it would be the greatest American document since the Declaration of Independence. For some reason Great Britain did not join in the proclamation, but Monroe proclaimed the great doctrine that bears his name, and true to the assurance of Canning, Great Britain gave notice that the British fleet would maintain the doctrine, and, with the exception of a slight misunder- standing about Venezuela when England declined to fight, she has kept the faith and the British navy has been the bulwark of the Monroe doctrine. In 1898, when we declared war on Spain, the Kaiser proposed to Britain and France to place the combined fleets of the three nations between the United States and Cuba. England said, "No; when the British fleet goes in it will go under the Stars and Stripes." The whole world is familiar with the incident in Manila Bay when the German admiral wanted to fire on Dewey's fleet, but the British Lion PUBLIC ADDRESSES 197 growled its dissent, and the Hohenzollern held back. Afterwards, in discussing this question, the Kaiser said, "If I had had a fleet big enough I would have taken Uncle Sam by the scruff of the neck." The United States and England are thus bound together by ties of a common blood and a common language, by a joint inheritance of the blessings of constitu- tional liberty, by a chain of epoch-making events that have given course and color to the world's history, and, what is more than all these, by the essential kinship of the soul. The waves may now and then clash, but the great tides of American and British thought advance side by side. Our thoughts are their thoughts; their ways are our ways. Britannia and Columbia "are sisters under their skins." It was because of this essential kinship of the soul that Lloyd George said last spring, "The central powers can have peace at any time on terms that are satis- factory to the United States." The welding together of all classes and sections of our country, the establish- ment of friendship between America and France on a basis of mutual affection and esteem, and the reunion of the great English households constitute in them- selves a foundation for a League of Nations that will endure. It is cause for pride and gratitude that the President of the United States is translating into reality Tennyson's Dream of the Parliament of Man. On the 8th day of January, 1918, Mr. Wilson stood before Congress, interpreted the best thought of the world, and set up the solid framework of a civilization grounded on reason and righteousness and not on blood and iron. I do not speak as a partisan — God forbid — but reverently, and weighing my every word, I say that these now world-famous Fourteen Articles have in them more elements of salvation for the ninety and nine than any utterance this world has heard since the Man of Galilee preached His Sermon on the Mount. The proclamation of these articles and their acceptance by every great power marks the transition of governments from the Mosaic to the Christian dispensation. Henceforward people are going to insist that governments must be just as honest, just as truthful, just as fair in their dealings with each other, and just as careful of human life as governments require individuals to be. In the new day that is now upon us the community conscience must be just as sensitive as that of the individual. A last word: The great Italian patriot, Massini, said : "Those who can deny the existence of a God on a starry night, at the graves of their dear ones, or in the presence of martyrdom, must be greatly unhappy or greatly wicked." He must be a very unhappy or a very wicked man who does not see the hand of the great Creator saving, molding, and coloring the life of this Nation. In every supreme crisis there has been a man sent from God to show us the way. And what men they have been ! "When you go home, if you will turn to Green's History of the English People, you will find a splendid full-page portrait of the man whose birth we this day celebrate, and on the opposite page you will find this remarkable statement by the great English historian : "George "Washing- ton was the noblest figure that ever stood in the forefront of a nation's life." My countrymen, what a start was that ! And then in the dark days of the sixties, when it seemed that our ship would be battered to pieces upon the rocks of internal dissension, and the monarchies of the Old "World were watching and waiting to 198 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT administer upon the wreck, there was a man sent straight from God to pilot us safely through the night and the storm. My father fought against that man for four years, and the record of that Confederate soldier is my most precious inher- itance, and his memory my dearest inspiration. I am profoundly certain that under the Constitution as it was written any state had the right at any time to quit and go in peace; but this man sent from God conceived that the Union was more sacred than the Constitution, and highly resolved to save the Union if he had to smash the Constitution to smithereens. On that question he was eternally right, and tonight the son of a Confederate soldier honors and blesses the name of Abraham Lincoln. And now in this big hour, when the whole world is in the birth throes of a new order, God raised up in our midst a man whom the ends of the earth hail as prophet and builder of a better day. Like "Washington and Lincoln, Woodrow Wilson is building, not on the things that are seen and temporal, but on the things that are unseen and eternal. From 1783 to 1789 is rightly called the critical period in American history. The most critical hour in that critical period was when the delegates in the Federal Convention seemed disposed to submit to the people a weak, half-baked constitution because they feared that the people would not adopt a strong and vital one. Then it was that George Washington, who presided over the Convention and had had but little to say, arose and ex- claimed in tones of suppressed emotion : "It is too probable that no plan we propose will be adopted. If to please the people we offer what we ourselves disapprove, how can we afterward defend our work? Let us raise a standard to which the wise and honest can repair ; the event is in the hand of God." The delegates took new courage and went forward with their great work. The Union was not saved at Gettysburg. It was saved when there was born into the soul of Abraham Lincoln the spirit that made him stand in Cooper Institute in February, 1860, and say: "Let us have faith that right makes might, and in that faith let us to the end dare to do our duty as we understand it." Successor to the high courage of Washington, heir to the serene faith of Lincoln, Woodrow Wilson today stands before the assembled powers of the earth and demands world-wide and enduring peace bottomed on world-wide justice. The high priests of privilege and profit, the Pharisees and Sadducees of the old order are rising up and shouting, "Crucify him! Crucify him!" but in the ends and girdles of the earth, in the caves of every mountain and on the shores of every sea, the common people hear him gladly as he cries, "A new commandment give I unto the nations, that they love one another." PUBLIC ADDRESSES 199 (H) NORTH CAROLINA'S WELCOME Soldiers of the 113th Artillery: This is a happy day for North Carolina. Our hearts are brim full with gratitude; Our eyes shine with gladness, Our lips quiver with prayer and praise As you stand before us in martial array. As we grasp your rugged hands, As we hear your voices, And realize that in very truth you are home again, Safe from the perils of the sea, Delivered from the dangers and horrors of war, Crowned with victory and clothed in immortal honor, We lift up our hearts to the God of battles and cry, "Bless the Lord, O our souls, and forget not all His benefits." All we have and are is yours : We are yours by right of deliverance and redemption, For us you answered the high, clear call, For us you endured the privations of the camp, For us you braved the serpents of the sea, For us you made the long, long march, For us you stood in the trench and took the battle's blood-red bath, For us you bared your breast to liquid fire and leaden hail, For us many of your comrades found a soldier's sepulcher, And in "Flanders Field where poppies blow" await the reveille of the eternal morning. I voice the soul of North Carolina when I say, God bless you, every one ! We are so gratefully proud of you — Proud that you went and were willing to go, Proud that you arrived just in time to save the civilization of the world, Proud that you planted Old Glory high on the peaks of fame and deep in the hearts of men, Prouder still that you did the biggest, finest thing that mortal men can do — That you not only conquered the Hun, but yourselves as well, And bring home an official record of personal purity unsurpassed by any regiment in any war in any country in any time. It follows, as the morning follows the night, That you look mother and sweetheart and wife in the face unashamed and unafraid. When you were about to go forth to war, You stood before Carolina, the beautiful and loving Mother of us all, and in your hearts said, "Carolina, we, who are about to die, salute you." Today, Carolina, arrayed in happiness, Athrill with the joy of triumphant motherhood, cries, "O sons, who are about to live, Carolina salutes you." 200 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT (12) NOTES ON REMARKS AT THE FIRST REUNION OF THE THIRTIETH DIVISION (Greenville, S. 0., September 29, 1919) Tennessee and the Carolinas make a trinity of virtue, of vigor, and of faith that just one year ago a Hindenburg found it impossible to hinder. The people of the three states are essentially one. Tennessee is the beautiful, if at one time the somewhat rantankerous, daughter of North Carolina, while the two Carolinas are knit together by ties of blood and business and by a common inheritance of the birthplace of Andrew Jackson. All of us are happy today. Our eyes shine with gladness, our hearts thrill with gratitude, and our lips are full of praise. Boys, we are all proud of you ; we are delighted with you — the truth is, we are a bit puffed up about you, and we don't care who knows it. Even the girls are glad to see you. They are plumb crazy about you. (Tell the story of the girl in Raleigh who lassoed sixteen soldiers. The derivation of the word "lassie.") And so I am happy to be here, and help do honor to the men who on a foreign shore lifted high the flag of this Republic, snatched victory from the jaws of disaster, and won for themselves and all their countrymen an immortality of renown. Eighteen months ago we saw you girded for the fray. With anxious hearts we watched you launched out into a submarine infested sea. With prayers of thanksgiving we heard of your safe arrival on the other side, and then with bated breath watched for your blood-red challenge to the foe. That foe was drunk with victory and pride. He felt that he belonged to a super-race, and nothing seemed able to halt his triumphant advance. The Allied lines staggered on the verge of ruin, the heart of Christendom was shrouded in despair. Then came the Thirtieth Division, and, glory to God, what a coming was that ! Cradled in the very heart of Dixie, where disloyalty is a monstrosity and cowardice a crime, exalted with the knowledge that around the home fires every man was counted a hero, sustained by a flaming faith in the justice of your cause, and goaded by the arrogance and insults of a brutish foe, you leaped to the attack with a divine scorn of costs and consequences, and the Hindenburg line was not ! Would that I had the gift divine to write for you a fitting hymn of praise, but I am oppressed with a sense of inadequacy that amounts to pain when I contrast the most that I can say for you with the least that you have done for us and for all humanity. Pitiful is the poverty of language in the presence of battles and wounds and graves and all the blood-red drama of war. Powerless is tongue or pen to add to the sublimity of the record you wrote with flame and carved with steel and sealed with blood. That record is its own noblest eulogy. It declares its own glory. But while I may not with words emblazon valor that made all the world wonder, I want you to know that all our people rise up and call you blessed, that your children will cherish your record as their most precious in- heritance, and find in it their dearest inspiration. The name of the Thirtieth PUBLIC ADDRESSES 201 Division belongs to Freedom now and Fame, "one of the few immortal names that were not born to die." Just one practical word. We, most of us, realize that a soldier cannot live on bread alone. The love and gratitude of a people are precious possessions, but they do not constitute a well-balanced diet. Our soldiers seek no charity — they would scorn it — but every man of them has a blood-bought title to a good job. I have endeavored to so impress this truth upon the people of North Carolina that today every normal man in the State would count it a joy to rise up at midnight and assist a soldier in getting a decent job. Not only should a soldier be given a decent job, but he should be given a fair chance to get a decent home of his own to live in. This is not charity; it is common sense, it is statesmanship. The citizen standing in the doorway of his own home is at once the builder and the bulwark of the Eepublic. The surest protection against mob rule, against the insanity and butchery of bolshevism, is the man who is anchored to a home that is all his own. Give every soldier a fair chance to make an honest living, give him a fair chance to own the home he lives in, and Trotsky, Lenine, Emma Goldman and Berger, and all the legions of hell and Hearst cannot prevail against us. (13) A FAIR SYSTEM OF TAXATION THE FINEST EXHIBIT AT THE STATE FAIR SPEECH AT STATE FAIR, OCTOBER 21, 1919 [The General Assembly of North Carolina requires the Governor to open the State Fair. In performing this statutory duty Governor Bickett today said :] I congratulate the management of the State Fair upon securing for the edifica- tion and entertainment of the people such a large and attractive line of exhibits. These exhibits demonstrate in convincing fashion the abundance and variety of our natural resources and the industry and ingenuity of our people. But the most inspiring exhibit that can be made at a State Fair is a fair state — a state arrayed in vestments of wisdom and justice seeking diligently to give to all her citizens the largest possible measure of opportunity and of hope. The one indispensable requisite to such a state is a just and adequate system of taxation. Therefore, ladies and gentlemen, I present to you as the fairest and finest exhibit at this Fair the system of taxation enacted by the General Assembly of 1919. Fermit me to call your attention to several features of this magnificent exhibit. 1. It permits the people of the State to tell the truth about their property. The people have not heretofore enjoyed this privilege. The people have been slandered by a system, degraded by a mechanism of falsehood, with whose opera- tions they had little or nothing to do. 202 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT 2. The tax books are forced to tell the truth. The machinery is so constructed that of itself it cannot lie, and any officer or individual who tampers with the machinery in order to make it lie will find the jail doors opening to receive him. 3. The new system through the Eevaluation Act wipes out forever inequalities in taxation. True values are always equal values, but the wisdom of Solomon and the genius of Edison combined cannot equalize a series of lies. It has been said, "The truth shall make you free," and this applies with mathematical accuracy to freedom from inequalities in taxation. The Revaluation Act is an earnest search for the truth, and the man who runs away from it simply confesses that he is afraid of what the truth will reveal. Why? 4. The fourth feature of this exhibit, upon which I desire to focus your attention, is that it requires that what a man pays out in taxes shall be in part determined by what he takes in. This is the Income Tax Amendment. Under the general law a reasonable tax is levied on all classes of property, but if these are found not to be sufficient to meet the demands of a growing state, then the additional burdens are laid on the shoulders best able to bear them. This is the very essence of wisdom and of justice. It is the divine plan for raising funds for the support of the church. The Great Apostle says : "On the first day of the week let every one of you lay by in store as God hath prospered him." 5. Pots and pans, beds and blankets, tools and books get an immunity bath. Property of the above description to the amount of three hundred dollars is made absolutely free from taxation of any kind. This is as it should be. The State of North Carolina is too big and too rich to levy a tribute on these simple necessities and comforts of the home. If there is anybody opposed to this exemption let him send me his name and photograph and I will publish both. When the new system of taxation is in full force, North Carolina can point with pride to the lowest tax rate of any state in the American Union, to a system that wipes out every inequality and every discrimination in taxation, to a well balanced, well digested scheme of taxation that will entail no hardship on any class of property or people, and will raise revenues sufficient to maintain in our borders a decent and enlightened, progressive civilization. (14) A DEBT OF HONOR [In his address before the Georgia Memorial Association in Atlanta on the, night of November 11, 1919, Governor T. W. Bickett of North Carolina said in part :] I am always happy to run far down the road to meet an opportunity to co- operate in any movement looking to the honor of the men, living and dead, who, in the darkest hour of the world's history, lifted high the flag of this Republic, snatched victory from the jaws of disaster, and won for themselves and all their countrymen an immortality of renown. Some two and a half years ago, with mingled emotions of pride and sorrow, we saw our young men moving to the camps to train for the great adventure. PUBLIC ADDRESSES 203 Later, with anxious hearts we watched them start across a sea infested with German submarines ; with tears of joy and gratitude we heard of their safe arrival on the other shore, and then, with bated breath, we waited for their blood-red challenge to the foe. That foe was drunk with victory and pride. He had been fed up on the conceit that he was an invincible warrior, that he belonged to a super-race ; and in a frenzy of fanaticism his legions swept forward like the billows of a storm-lashed sea. Nothing seemed able to halt his victorious advance. The Allied line staggered on the verge of ruin. The heart of humanity was shrouded in despair. Then came the American soldiers ! And, glory to God, what a coming was that ! Bred in a land where tyranny is a monstrosity and freedom a dream come true, exalted by the knowledge that around the home fires every man was counted a hero, sustained by a flaming faith in the eternal justice of their cause, and goaded by the insolence and arrogance of a brutish foe, the American soldiers crashed like a living tornado through the far famed Hindenburg line, and the "invincible warriors of the super-race," cringing and crawling in the dust, cried "Kamerad!" ONE INCONTROVERTIBLE, COLOSSAL FACT After every great war many questions arise which are the subject of legitimate controversy. But already out of the smoke and dust of the world war there looms up one incontrovertible, indestructible, and colossal fact : during the year 1918 the American army and the American people accomplished vastly more than our enemies dreamed we could, and vastly more than our friends hoped we could, and vastly more than we ourselves believed we could. Germany treated our threatened intervention with open contempt. She said that we had no army, and could not raise one ; that if we raised it we had no officers to train it ; that if we trained it we could not equip it ; that if we equipped it we could not transport it. And so the Kaiser and all his captains proclaimed to the world that the Germans would cross the Seine before the Americans could cross the sea. Our friends did not hope that we could do anything substantial in a military way in 1918. The High Commissions from Great Britain and France came over in January of last year and asked earnestly for money for munitions for the physical equipment of war, but said very little about men. They did hope that we would be able to rush over a few divisions just for the moral effect, and when the Secretary of "War intimated that if they would furnish some ships we could put a half million fighting men in France by midsummer they were dizzy with delight overshadowed by doubt. Our own folks did not believe that we could make a substantial contribution to the military forces in France by midsummer (Senator Chamberlain, Dem- ocratic chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs in the Senate, ran up to ]STew York and made a speech and said that the War Department had broken down and could do nothing), and when Mr. Baker went before the Committee on Military Affairs and told them that he was planning to place a half million men in France by July 1st, some members of the committee snickered, and others laughed aloud. The great newspapers took it up and ridiculed the Secretary of "War; said that he was indulging child's talk, and broadly intimated that he ought to be sent to a school for the feeble-minded when he indulged in such 204 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT ridiculous prophecies. Then on the 22d day of March the Hun launched his terrific offensive. Nothing could stop him, and everything seemed to he lost. In this fateful hour Lloyd George stood up, and looking wistfully towards the West, said : "The fight for civilization is on, and the race is between Hindenburg and Wilson." Over here we caught the S. O. S. signal from Mother England. We treated it as a challenge and a Macedonian cry. We sprang forward with a fury and efficiency that made all the world wonder; and it will be written in history in letters of gold that Woodrow Wilson won that great Olympic. On the fourth day of July the President of the United States proclaimed to the world that America had one million men in France. In January a half million men was a schoolgirl's dream ; in July a million men in line was a solid, invincible, and immortal reality. If we had not gone into the fight the world would have branded us as a nation of ease-loving, money-hoarding cowards. From Shanghai to Bagdad principalities and powers would have joined in the chorus — "The United States ain't nothing but a hound, And any old country can kick her around." But we went in — and today there is not a nation on the face of the earth that would not walk a thousand miles out of its way to keep from stepping on the toes of your Uncle Samuel. As a matter of national defense the reputation that our soldiers made for courage and fortitude over there and the reputation that the people at home made for capacity to endure and to sacrifice are worth more than all the forts and all the ships we could build in a hundred years. We owe it to the American soldier and to ourselves as well to do the things that will certify to the waiting centuries our admiration, our gratitude, our love for the men who wrought so grandly and so well to advance American ideals and institutions and to save the civilization of the world. INTOXICANTS NOT A WELL BALANCED DIET But a soldier cannot live on honor and praise. Memorials and music and love and kisses and flowers are intoxicants — about the only intoxicants not under the ban of the National Bone-Dry Law. But intoxicants, while tremendously exhil- arating, do not make a well balanced diet. We owe it to the American soldier to afford him a fair chance to make a decent living. He seeks no charity — he would scorn it — but every soldier has a blood-bought title to a good job. We want to so hammer this truth into the hearts of the people that every man will count it honor and joy to rise up at midnight and help any soldier find honest and lucrative employment. THE BEST BARRIER AGAINST BOLSHEVISM We also owe it to the soldier to make it easy by laws, State and National, for him to acquire and pay for a home. This is not charity. It is common sense; it is statesmanship. The most impregnable line of fortification that the Nation can erect to check the blood-red tide of bolshevism is a network of homes that will measure the land "from sea to shining sea." The mightiest forces for law, for peace, for prosperity, are — "The wee cot and the cricket's chirr, Love, and the smiling face ot her." PUBLIC ADDRESSES 205 A homeless people may at any time make of us a Russia or a Mexico, but the citizen standing under his own vine and fig tree is at once the builder and the bulwark of the Republic. OUR SACRED DEBT OF HONOR Our one sacred debt of honor to the American soldier, a debt unshirkable and inescapable, is for all the people to maintain in purity and power over here the principles for which he fought over there. The first principle to which the American soldier gave spectacular and im- mortal recognition is that no individual citizen has any rights the assertion of which would prove fatal to the welfare and happiness of all the people. In the spring of 1917 the individual citizen was tremendously busy about his personal affairs. He was enjoying to the fullest degree the life, liberty and pur- suit of happiness guaranteed to him by the Declaration of Independence. The farmer was pitching tremendous crops to feed and clothe a hungry, naked world; the manufacturer was running his plant overtime to meet the orders that flowed in from every quarter of the globe; the merchant was laying in his stock to be ready for the unprecedented demands of trade; the doctor was riding day and night ministering to the sick and the dying ; the lawyer was burning the midnight oil in getting ready to try his cases in court. Then suddenly there stood before the individual citizen a tall, gray figure and touched him on the shoulder and said, "Son, come; I have need of thee." The individual said, "What are you going to do with me ?" Uncle Sam replied, "I'm going to put you into a training camp and work you from five o'clock in the morning until nine o'clock at night for one dollar a day. I'm going to take you out of the shade and march and counter-march you in the broiling sun until the sweat rolls off you in drops as big as muscadines, and you lose every pound of your surplus flesh. I'm going to make you salute second lieutenants 746 times a day to imbue you with proper respect for military discipline, and then, when I get you whipped into proper shape and discipline, I'm going to load you on a ship, about ten thousand at a time, and carry you three thousand miles through German submarines. When you get over to the other side I'm going to march you over to Flanders and point out to you several million German soldiers and say, 'Go after them and get their limburger before they get your cigarettes !' " The individual citizen said, "Well, Uncle, that is something fierce; what's it all about? What is it for?" Uncle Sam replied: "It is for the future safety, peace, prosperity and happiness of all the people of the United States." Thereupon the individual straightened up, squared his shoulders, and with a light in his eye, and a ring in his voice that boded ill for the Hun, he said, "Well, Uncle, if that's the game, I'm your meat." And the result was that the doughboy went forth to fight for the welfare and happiness of all the people of the United States. Yes, he made a good job of it. Even the Kaiser will admit that the American doughboy "seen his duty and done it." Then he came back home, threw down his gun, took off his uniform, became a private citizen and settled here in Atlanta to enjoy the blessings and privileges of the community he fought to save. The folks were delighted to see him. They 206 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT gave him the glad hand. They got him a good job, and then he went around to see the little woman who had waited and prayed for him while he was on the other side ; and it was not long before they called in the parson and started down the long path hand in hand. They were very happy. The years stretched before them in all the glory and freshness of a dream, and life was strangely sweet, as it ever is to the young when the heart beats fast and hopes climb high. Then one morning he stepped out into the streets, saw the people gathered in excited crowds, went up to see what was the matter, and he read in flaming head- lines in the Constitution, in the Georgian, in the Journal, that Atlanta, the gate city of the South, was isolated from the rest of the world. No telegraphic, no telephonic communication, no trains could enter or leave the city, and the erst- while soldier exclaimed : "Am I dreaming ? Is this some frightful nightmare, or have I been living in a fool's paradise? Have those pesky Germans tricked us after all, and in a mighty aerial squadron swept across the sea and surrounded this city in a single night?" The neighbors said, "Oh, no, son; no Huns around anywhere. The employers and employees in the telegraph, telephone and railroad companies have had a disagreement, and everybody got mad and quit. They won't work themselves and they won't let anybody else work." And then the doughboy laughed aloud and said, "You just leave it to me and I'll settle this damned foolishness in fifteen minutes." And he threw back his head and in stentorian tones that had many a time made the Hun tremble in his dug-out, he cried, "Uncle Sam ! Uncle Sam !" Instantly there stood before him the tall, gray figure that had touched him on the shoulder in the spring of 1917. The soldier said, "Uncle, two years ago you needed me; now I need you. Way up in the mountains the dear old mother is wasting away. The last letter that came said that she was anxious to see her boy before she passed over the river. I cannot hear from her any more — no mails, no telegrams, no telephones. I would like to go up and see how she is getting along, but no trains are permitted to enter or leave the city. And then, Uncle, you know when I got back home I married Mary, who had waited patiently for me. I got a good job. I commenced to save my money to build a little nest, and, Uncle, just in a little while the Heavenly Father is going to send a little angel down to brighten and bless our home. But the factory where I work has only three days supply of coal. If no more coal comes in, the factory will close down. I will be out of a job, the winter is coming on, and God alone knows what will become of Mary and the baby that is to be. Now, Uncle, I want you to put an end to this damned foolishness. I want you to issue an order that all the wires shall be opened, and that every train shall move on schedule time." But the shoulders of that tall, gray figure drooped, a look of unutterable sadness and shame comes into his face, and he says, "Son, I am very sorry, but in a crisis like this I can do nothing." Then that soldier leaps to his feet like a tiger that fights for mate and cub, his lips curl, his eyes blaze, he points his finger at that tall, gray figure, and says : "Two years ago you snatched me from home and job, hurled me across the sea, stood me up before German machine guns and told me to kill or be killed for the welfare and happiness of the people. Now if a handful of men can cut this city off from the world, close up every store, shut down every factory, and starve and freeze the women and children, then tell me, my Uncle Samuel, what in the hell was I fighting for ?" Ah ! was that paying the debt ? PUBLIC ADDRESSES 207 A NEW BREATH OF LIFE When the American soldier sacrificed every individual right, abandoned every personal pleasure and buried every personal profit for the common good, he breathed new life into the principle that no individual in the United States has any rights the assertion of which would prove fatal to the welfare and happiness of all the people. Water, lights, means of communication and transportation are essential not only to the welfare and happiness, but to the very life of the people. It follows, as the night the day, that the people of the United States have an inalienable right to utilities that will surely provide these necessities. If a group of financial magnates, or industrial magnates, or labor magnates, singly or combined, have the power to tie up the public utilities of the continent, immediately paralyze the business of the Nation and ultimately starve and freeze the people into submission to their will, then government for the people has already perished from the United States. Congress owes it to the American soldier to at once enact a law that will absolutely guarantee to the people the constant and efficient operation of all public utilities engaged in interstate commerce. Of course, any such law would provide a tribunal of the people to hear grievances, and in case of disputes to fix wages, but all men engaged in operating such utilities, whether employers or employees, must be made to understand that they are servants of the people, that they must trust the people to deal fairly with them, and that they cannot come before the tribunal of the people with a plea of justice in one hand and a six-shooter in the other. A NOBLE OBJECTIVE We have seen that the American soldier made every sacrifice for the common good. What was that good? What was America's final objective when she went forth to war? It was to end all war — to put down the reign of blood and iron, and to set up the rule of reason and righteousness in every corner of the earth. If this is not precisely what we fought for, then we are a Nation of liars. The President, standing on the topmost peak of fame, with the light of the world beating on his face, proclaimed that America was raising her army to send militarism to the scrap-heap of civilization, to wipe out autocracy wherever found, and to secure the blessings of liberty under laws of righteousness to all the peoples of the earth. Amid the fierce clamor of industrial and political strife, above the tread of armies and the din of battles, the voice of the President rang out like a prophet in the wilderness, proclaiming that a new dispensation was at hand. The bleeding heart of the world leaped for joy at the celestial note in that high, clear call. Straightway ministers of the gospel climbed into their pulpits, and in the name of the Prince of Peace urged men to go forth to war. Teachers gathered the children about them and thrilled their young hearts with the story that we were sending our armies forth to drive the bloody dragon from the world forever and forever. Gentle women thrust guns into the hands of their sons and sped them forth to battle for a civilization in which a woman's finger would weigh more than a mailed fist and the voice of a little child would carry farther than a cannon's roar. All classes and conditions of men and women stood on a 208 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT hundred thousand platforms and hurned it into the hearts of the people that America was waging war against the very soul of war; that we were in a death grapple with a power that had decreed that a gun is God and before it there is none other. The press, in ten million flaming headlines spread the news from pole to pole that America's great objective was to dethrone the gun and make the enlightened conscience of mankind the supreme arbiter of the destiny of nations. All these things were devoutly believed by the fathers and mothers of the land and by the soldiers who rushed eagerly to the fray. In confirmation of these I am going to put on the witness stand a young North Carolina Captain in the Thirtieth Division. On the 29th of September last the Thirtieth Division won immortality by being the first to smash the Hindenburg line, and on that day the young Captain made the supreme sacrifice. Just two weeks before he wrote his mother a letter from which I make the following extract : "This is a wonderful Sunday night, clear moonlight, in a beautiful, peaceful country. Trees, grass, berries on the hedges along the roads, the stacked wheat making beautiful silhouettes against the sky line. Just such a night as I want to take you in my arms and talk to you, tell you what my heart feels. Soon, very soon I feel, we are going back into the line, and what that holds for me, God alone knows, and I am going in with a singing heart and a light heart. I'm not worrying, for I'm not making a sacrifice. It is the dear mothers like you, the wives, the babies who are making the sacrifice. We are granted a blessed privilege of giving our pitiful little all, and cheerfully we are giving it. We will not only give our lives, but we will give them with a smile, for we know that our gift will be made that you mothers may never again look with tear-dimmed eyes at the boys you held once so close to your breasts and whose tiny feet you led and whose lips you taught to say, 'Wow I lay me' — that you may never again watch them march away to war ; that wives may never again have to sit in fear, dreading the approach of the postman, lest he bring unwelcome news ; that babies may no more cry for daddies that have died for the other babies. Remember that it's for you, the mothers, wives, and babies, we are fighting, and we are going to do such a good job that you shall never again know heartache from wars." Tonight, with thousands of his comrades, the Captain rests in Flanders field, waiting for the reveille of an eternal morning. But from every soldier's sepulcher there comes to this Nation the solemn warning, "If you break faith with us who died, we shall not sleep." DANGEROUS TO LIE TO GOD I am not a preacher, nor the son of one; but there are some things that I devoutly believe. I believe that it is a dangerous thing to lie to God. Two years ago this Nation went down on its knees before the altars of the Most High. We called for His blessings on our forces on land and sea, and we told Him that we were fighting to establish "peace on earth and good will toward men." "God is not mocked," and if in the day of our pride and power we shall forget the solemn vows we made to him, there will descend upon this Nation some withering curse and our greatness will pass away like the glory that was Greece and the grandeur that was Rome. THE DEATH WAKKANT OF WAK The League of Nations is an honest, earnest effort to keep the faith. It is the only chart ever framed by man that maps out for all peoples ways of blessedness PUBLIC ADDRESSES 209 and paths of peace. "When this covenant shall be signed and sealed by the great powers of the world it will be the death warrant of war. Let all good men pray that to the Senate of the United States there may be given wisdom and grace to ratify this immortal document and thus usher in the good, glad time by poets and prophets foretold — "When peace shall over all the earth Her final splendors fling, And the whole earth send back the song That now the angels sing." (15) STAND STILL AND SEE THE SALVATION OF RIGHTEOUSNESS ADDRESS BEFORE THE NORTH CAROLINA TEACHERS' ASSEMBLY, RALEIGH, NOVEMBER 28, 1919 In his address to the Teachers' Assembly, Governor Bickett said in part : It is known of all men that in North Carolina there has been mapped out a wholesome program for the enlargement and enrichment of the life of all our people. Our faith is that this can be done by treating our wonderful resources, in men and material, with a well balanced solution of Christianity and common sense. President Wilson has well said that back of every reform lies the means of getting it. And the means indispensable to solid and permanent progress is a system of taxation that is fair to all classes of people and property, and that will produce revenues sufficient to meet the legitimate needs of a decent and progressive civilization. Such a system of taxation was devised by the General Assembly of 1919. This system I commend to your careful consideration. Mark this : the chief objective of the new system is not increased revenues; these could have been obtained in easier ways. The real objective is a system of taxation that is intelli- gent and fair. The old system was neither. Indeed, the injustices and inequalities under the old system were largely due to a lack of knowledge of the essential facts. A child is able to see that it is impossible to frame a tax law just and adequate without any accurate knowledge of the value of the property to which the law is to be applied. There are three evidences that the State is not seeking primarily to increase its revenues : 1. During the next two years the State will collect forty per cent less revenues from property than it would have collected if the General Assembly had not written a line on the subject of taxation. The State foregoes the collection of forty per cent of revenues that it would have received in order to try out, for the first time in our history, a tax plan bottomed on accurate knowledge of all the facts and a passion to do equal justice to all classes of people and property. 2. The poll tax in many of our towns and cities runs as high as from six to eight dollars. Under the new plan the largest possible poll tax that any one can be 14 210 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT required to pay, under any combination of taxation, will be three dollars, and in the vast majority of cases it will be less. 3. Heretofore there has been an exemption allowed of only twenty-five dollars. Under the new plan this tax exemption is increased to three hundred dollars, and household and kitchen furniture, wearing apparel, books, scientific instruments, mechanics' tools, and farming implements that do not exceed in value three hundred dollars, are made absolutely exempt from taxation of any kind. This is done to encourage people in having these comforts and conveniences, and also to relieve the tax books of the burden of this class of property. FINDING THE FACTS The Revaluation Act is an honest effort to find the facts in regard to the property in North Carolina. At present the facts are utterly unknown, and we are compelled to levy taxes on a good-natured or ill-natured guess as to values, made by men without the time, without the evidence, and in many cases without any desire to ascertain the real facts in the case. When the facts are all in, the General Assembly can proceed intelligently to enact such laws as in its wisdom it may see fit. The Revaluation Act is finding the facts. For the first time in our history our people have been given the privilege of telling the truth about their own property, and they are telling it. I now speak with authority and from the record : At least four out of five men are telling the truth about the value of their property, and are telling it gladly. Everybody knows that when four witnesses out of five to a transaction tell the absolute truth it does not do the fifth witness a bit of good to lie about it. In one township that has recently been considered there were some- thing less than one thousand property owners. When the questionnaires were all in the assessors fixed the value at exactly what seven hundred of them had sworn their own property was worth. Over sixty of the property owners had placed values on their property that the assessors deemed too high, and these were lowered to harmonize with the values fixed by the seven hundred. In about two hundred cases the values given in by property owners were raised, some very slightly, some very radically, to make these values conform to the true values ascertained by the testimony of the seven hundred witnesses. This township is not exceptional, but rather typical of the work that is being done all over the State. BE YE PATIENT A few people seem to think that the new system is concerning itself only with the revaluation of land. This is not true. The Tax Commission has a corps of able experts who are making a complete examination of every industrial plant in the State, and the true value of all business property will be ascertained. Take two examples : 1. Two cotton mills in the same county, and in sight of each other, were recently examined. Our experts ascertained that one mill was on the tax books at seventeen per cent of its true value and the other at sixty-five per cent. Next year both of these mills will be placed on the tax books on a basis of one hundred per cent of their true value. The result will be that the seventeen per cent mill will pay vastly more taxes than it has heretofore paid, and the sixty-five per cent mill will pay vastly less. Any man who will contend that this is not right is in urgent need of the prayers of all the churches. PUBLIC ADDRESSES 211 2. The Kevaluation Act is finding a lot of property that has never been on the tax books at all. We are finding a considerable amount of land that has never formed the habit of being taxed and we are finding millions of dollars worth of personal property that is an absolute stranger to the tax books. In one town of more than ten thousand inhabitants there will be placed on the tax books next year personal property that has never paid any taxes, greater in value than all the real and personal property now on the tax books in that town. Not only are we finding this property, but a lot of it, millions of it, will voluntarily come out of hiding. The present tax rate on money and solvent credits is confiscatory, and this class of property flees for its very life from the tax gatherer. This is not prophecy, but it is the experience of every government in this world that has dealt with the subject. I am not in the habit of making promises, but I will absolutely guarantee that next year, under the Revaluation Act, there will be on the tax books of this State ten times as much personal property as we find there at the present time. When the facts are all in and the values of all properties are ascertained and recorded, the wisdom of the act will be so manifest that there will not be found in all our borders a single fair-minded man who will dispute it. For the present I urge the people to stand still and see the salvation of righteousness. The time limits of this talk will not permit a discussion of the income tax provided in the Constitutional Amendment. Suffice it to say that if this amend- ment shall be adopted, and we apply to incomes received from property the same graduated tax rate of from one to two and one-half per cent that we now apply to incomes received from work, it will not be necessary for the State to levy any taxes for the support of the State Government on any real or personal property. North Carolina is the only State in the Union, and the only government in the civilized world that does not have the right to levy taxes on incomes from property as well as on incomes from work. We need some revenues from this source, and our people are able to pay it. In the last two years the people of North Carolina have paid for the support of the Federal Government vastly more money than they have paid for the support of the State Government from the signing of the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence down to this good hour. This does not mean that North Carolina can afford to misspend a single dollar. Waste is crime and extravagance is vulgarity, but it does not mean that we can plead poverty as an excuse for denying to the children and to the unfortunate of the State the things that are demanded by every consideration of justice and humanity. ^ 212 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BIGKETT (16) DAUGHTERS OF THE CONFEDERACY ADDRESS OF WELCOME AT ASHEV1LLE, NOVEMBER, 1920 Daughters of the Confederacy: I have been admonished by the management to be short and sweet. This is easy. It is in perfect harmony with my proportions and my disposition. Fronted and flanked as I am tonight, rigid self-restraint is required to keep from being too sweet. North Carolina is happy to have in her borders an organization that through all the years has played the part of both Martha and Mary to the weary pilgrims in gray. You have kept ward over the welfare of the Confederate soldier and watch over his honor and fame. You are the guests of a State that loves peace, that was slow to leave the Union, but, having left, gave her all to the new Nation. Though North Carolina counted only 115,000 voters in all her borders, she marshaled 127,000 men under the Bonnie Blue Flag. And the women were as brave as the men. They worked as hard and suffered more. In a public square in the city of Paris there is a statue in bronze by the great sculptor Mercie. A woman is bearing a wounded warrior from the field of battle. He hangs limp and unconscious on her shoulder, but in his right hand he still holds with stubborn grip his broken sword. The statue is called "The Glory of the Conquered." Nothing could more fittingly portray the Confederate soldier at Appomattox. He fell, but with relentless grip he held to his broken sword, while the womanhood of the South in mighty arms of love bore him from the field. It would ill become the exalted dignity of ber character for me to cheapen the woman of the South with fulsome praise. She sent her warrior forth while her eyes flashed and her heart bled. She suffered and sacrificed and gave no cry when she knew that her dearest had found a soldier's sepulcher. When the Confederate soldier returned wan and wasted and bleeding at every pore, she broke for him the alabaster box of an immeasurable love whose fragrance filled the earth. On the ruins of shattered dreams the Southern man, upheld by the love of the Southern woman, began to build a new civilization. Though overpowered they refused to be degraded, though cast down they would not be destroyed. Unarmed, they defied bayonets; compassed about with enemies, they laughed at laws aimed at their destruction. They swore that they would not touch pitch and that pitch should not touch them. Immutable as the rocks and glorious as the stars, they stood for the integrity of a white civilization and a white race ; and by reason of their immortal stand North Carolina today holds in trust for the safety of the Nation the purest Anglo-Saxon blood to be found on the American shores. We are proud, we are happy, we are highly honored to have in our midst the chosen representatives of the womanhood of the Confederacy. In behalf of all oiir people I give you the hand and heart of Carolina. PUBLIC ADDRESSES 213 (17) HO, FOR CAROLINA ADDRESS BEFORE THE NORTH CAROLINA SOCDZTY OF PENNSYLVANIA, PHILADELPHIA, DECEMBER 4, 1920 For many years North Carolina was known as the Rip Van Winkle State of the Union. For many years the State was pictured in the public mind as a barren strip of land over which it was necessary to pass from Virginia to South Carolina, During these years our patriotic spellbinders would point with pride and say, "God bless North Carolina, there she stands." And she did. For thirty years the State was a study in statics. She was as steadfast in her position as the Georgia Cracker. A stranger, traveling through Georgia, said that he had always wanted to see a typical Georgia Cracker. A bystander remarked, "Well, between here and the next county-seat you will see many of them." "How can I know when I see one?" the stranger asked. The Georgian replied, "Well, you will be driving along, and out in the fields you will see two dark objects; one of them is a stump, the other is a Georgia Cracker. The one that moves first is the stump." This condition, it is fair to say, was not due to lack of initiative or energy upon the part of the people of North Carolina, but to the complete paralysis wrought by the havoc of war. When the Confederate soldier got home from the war "he had nothing, nothing to get nothing with, and nothing to put it in." About thirty years ago the old State arose like a giant refreshed from sleep, and began to make tremendous strides along all the highways of progress, and today it can be said of North Carolina as it was of Theodore Roosevelt, that her "natural gait is running away." I am sure you will be interested in hearing about some of the outstanding characteristics and achievements of this truly wonderful State. OUE FOLKS OUE BEST ASSET 1. The most valuable and interesting asset of any country are the folks that live in it. The folks in North Carolina are the purest Anglo-Saxon stock on the American continent. The Geographic Magazine some time ago published a colored map showing that less than one per cent of the population of North Carolina is foreign born. Biologically, our Americanism is one hundred per cent pure. Theologically, we believe in a good God, a bad devil, and a hot hell. Sociologically — well, a Bolshevist would live in North Carolina about as long as a Spanish mackerel on the summit of Mount Mitchell. Politically, though for the time we have been carried away into captivity, we still pray with our faces toward Jerusalem, and though overwhelmed by legions of sinners, we still cherish an Abrahamic faith in the final perseverance of the saints. A DEARTH OF COFFINS A DELUGE OF CRADLES 2. Next in importance to folks is health, and North Carolina is the healthiest State in the Union. The records show that our death rate is the lowest, and our birth rate the highest, of any state. According to population, we buy more cradles and fewer coffins than any other state in the Union. This marvelous 214 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT record is based on a climate more soothing than "Mrs. Winslow's Syrup" and more intoxicating than anything you can buy in open market. A KOYAL MIXTURE But folks love land, and that is one reason why they are just now crazy about North Carolina. We have the land — more than fifty-seven varieties of it — for beauty and for use. In going from Cape Hatteras to the Smoky Mountains you will find a greater variety of soil and climate than in going from Hatteras to Boston. A lot of this land was not originally productive; in fact, at one time some of it was so poor that we would have to hold an inquest over it to find out who owned it. But in recent years, with the cunning of an alchemist, we have learned to mix Tar Heel brains with Tar Heel dirt. This mixture has wrought miracles on our farms. Today we grow more cotton per acre than any other state in the Union. Also, we grow peaches that blush at their own loveliness, grapes that rival "the vintage of Abiezer," and apples that tempt us to forgive Adam for throwing Paradise away. During the last nine years North Carolina has climbed from the twenty-second to the fourth state in the Union in the value of agricultural products. Only Texas, Iowa and Illinois beat us last year. Texas is not a state — it is an empire. Speaking in terms of states, only two — Iowa and Illinois — made a larger con- tribution of agricultural wealth last year. WEALTH IN WATEE We also have a wealth of water. In a speech on "How to Build Up the American Navy," Mark Twain once said : "It is easy enough. All we need is some men and ships. We've got the water." North Carolina has the water. Our average rainfall is 50.12 inches per year. This not only furnishes a plentiful supply of water for animal and vegetable life, but from the mountains to the sea we have a fall of seven thousand feet, and this gives us water power sufficient to pull all the trains, light all the cities, and run all the factories in the State. Engineers call running water "white coal," and we can gather up enough of this white coal to make it unnecessary for North Carolina to call for a single ton of black coal from the mines. We have already gone far in this direction. Charlotte, North Carolina, is the largest distributing center of hydro-electric power in the world. But we need more capital to conserve this unfailing source of power and heat and light, and statesmen with a nation-wide and century-long vision would do well to give profound study to the water powers of North Carolina. THE WHEELS GO BOUND While agriculture has gone forward, manufacturing has not lagged in the background. For many years about the only thing we made in North Carolina was mistakes. We would dig something out of the ground or cut it from the forest, sell it to you folks in Philadelphia for ten cents, and then you would blow on it and sell it back to us for a dollar. The only reason this process did not kill us long ago was because of our amazing vitality. Thirty years ago everything we manufactured in the State was worth forty million dollars. Last year a single PUBLIC ADDRESSES 215 concern turned out manufactured products worth two hundred million dollars, and while the exact figures are not available, our total manufactured products during the last twelve months will approximate one billion dollars. We manufacture more cotton goods than any other state except Massachusetts. For a long time our cotton mills confined themselves to the production of yarns and the cheapest grades of plaids and sheetings, but now they make everything from jeans strong enough to hold a bucking schoolboy to hosiery so delicate it is invisible to the naked eye. A FEW LEADING SAMPLES And we do not confine ourselves to cotton. Winston-Salem manufactures more tobacco than any other city in the world. At Canton, in Haywood County, we have the largest wood pulp mill in the world. High Point makes more furniture than any other city in the world except Grand Rapids. At Badin, on the Yadkin River, we have the second largest aluminum plant in the world. At Kannapolis is the largest towel plant in the world. Durham is the center of the largest hosiery industry in the world. Greensboro is the home of the largest denim mill in the world. What we do, we do with all our might. Worth Carolina was slow to leave the Union, but when she left she went with all her might, and although we had only 115,000 voters in the State, we marshaled 127,000 men under the Stars and Bars. And then we came back — back with all our might — without reservations, or secret evasions of mind ; and as an illustration of how completely we have come back to the Union, there is today in Winston-Salem a factory that makes more union suits than any other place in the world. TRIBUTE TO CLESAR There is another substantial bit of evidence that we are essentially in and of the Union. Last year North Carolina paid in taxes to the support of the Federal Government $163,000,000. Only seven states paid more, and forty paid less. And after paying out all this money, and taking more than our allotment of every Liberty Bond issue, on the first day of January, 1920, we still had on deposit in our banks $359,000,000. It is said that currency is the blood of commerce. A fair conception of the growth of North Carolina commerce during the last twenty years may be ob- tained from the fact that in 1900 we had on deposit in our banks $18,000,000; in 1910, $66,000,000, and in 1920, $359,000,000. North Carolina is today, per capita, the richest state between the Potomac and the Rio Grande, and a recent radical but scientific revision of our tax laws gives us the lowest tax rate of any state in the Union. A GLANCE AT THE PROCESSION The limits of this address will not permit even a snap picture of what has been done in recent years for the physical, intellectual and spiritual regeneration of 216 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT our people. In 1918 the people in ninety-nine out of one hundred counties voted to put into our State Constitution a mandate for a minimum six-months public school in every district in the State. Theretofore the minimum had been four months. The General Assembly of 1919 more than doubled the tax rate levied for the support of the public schools. The physical examination of school children at public expense; a thoroughly modern system of juvenile courts; a public wel- fare commission that touches every phase of the State's life; moving pictures in country schoolhouses to relieve the monotony of lonely lives; a comprehensive and highly efficient system of farm demonstration and home economics; intelligent aid and supervision on the part of the State in installing telephones, electric lights and waterworks in country homes ; a liberal and elastic law for the establishment of farm credit associations ; a determined crusade against the crop lien's deadly blight ; a health campaign that has planted the banners of Life in the very citadels of Death : these are a few of the things that moved a great teacher in our University to say in a recent public address that "our Valley of Humiliation has been changed into the Valley of Decision that the Prophet Joel saw in his dreams." Therefore, ladies and gentlemen, not in pride, but with the grace of gratitude. I give you the toast : "Here's to the land of the long-leaf pine, A summer land where the sun doth shine; Where the weak grow strong and the strong grow great — Here's to Down Home — the Old North State!" (18) SPEECH AT HAMPTON NORMAL AND AGRICULTURAL INSTITUTE (Friday, April 15, 1921) Though only fifty-three years old, the Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute has achieved the unique and noble distinction of becoming at once a fountain and a shrine. From it are constantly flowing streams that make waste places glad, and from every quarter of the continent weary pilgrims come here for a new birth of courage, of faith and love. This exalted position is at once an asset and a liability. Opportunity is ever the forerunner of obligation, and power is inseparably linked with responsibility. All our holdings are in trust, and institutions and men must render unto the Lord His own, with usury. The students of this institution should never forget that their own people look to them for light and leadership. The civilization of your race is in its infancy, and millions of your fellows are plastic to your touch. Herein lies your tremen- dous power and your fearful responsibility. If you shall use this power to lead your people away from ignorance and poverty, from disease and crime; if you shall use it to multiply among them the PUBLIC ADDRESSES 217 forces that make for industry and economy, for cleanliness and morality, for stability and reliability, you will discbarge your debt to God, to tbis institution, and to your fellows. If you sball use your power to mislead your people, to explort them or to debauch them; if you shall sing a song of hate or hang out false lights along a dangerous coast, then it were better for you that a millstone were hanged about your neck and you were cast into the midst of the sea. Your mission is clear and compelling. It is to make your people free. But you may say, "Mr. Lincoln freed us," and in a way he did. He gave you physical freedom, the right to rise up and lie down, to come and go, at your will. Such freedom ought to be a blessing; sometimes it is a curse. The mudsill of all genuine freedom is self-control. The most abject slave in this world is the man who is a slave to himself, to passion, to appetite, to hate. To such a man Magna Charta and the Declaration of Independence are empty words. No writ of habeas corpus can release him from bondage, no emancipation proclamation can break his shackles. Upon the altar of genuine freedom must be sacrificed every selfish instinct and every savage passion. I recently saw confined in a great iron cage two magnificent tigers. My first thought was that the cage was for the protection of the people, but upon reflection, I realized that it afforded even greater protection to the tigers. Outside of that cage the tigers would not have lived for an hour. If a man is disposed to let loose the beast there is in him, the safest place in the world for him is in jail. Turn him out, and he will be shot or lynched. You have heard it said that vigilance is the price of liberty. I say unto you that obedience is the price of life. All this vast scheme of things moves in obedience to law, and the man who goes counter to the law, either in the physical or moral world, will be ground to powder. Self-discipline, self-denial, self-control, are the only gateways that lead to the marvelous light and liberty of the children of God. Again, you cannot have even physical freedom if your body is ravaged by disease. Disease forges more chains than crime. Elbert Hubbard says, "It is a greater disgrace to be sick than to be in the penitentiary," and there is more than a grain of truth in the saying. A man gets into the penitentiary by violating the laws of man, while he frequently gets sick by violating the laws of God. In a vast majority of cases, sickness may be traced to ignorance or vice on the part of the public or the individual. Why is the negro more frequently afflicted with smallpox than the white man? It is not an African disease; it flourishes most in cold countries. I leave the answer to your imagination. Booker "Washington says that one of the most valuable things that he learned at Hampton Institute was the use of the bath. Let the educated negro, first by example and then by precept, preach the gospel of cleanliness, and the race will take a long step in the direction of genuine freedom. Again, a man cannot be truly free when he is everlastingly in debt. It is certainly no disgrace not to have a dollar, but it is sometimes excruciatingly in- convenient. I may want to travel and I am at liberty to do so, but tbis liberty is of little worth if I can't raise the price of a ticket. Before the war if a ne°ro wanted to leave his master's plantation, he had to get a permit. If he did not the patrol was likely to give him some embarrassment ; hence, the old plantation song, "Run, Negro, run, or the patrol will get you." This was a humiliating 218 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT situation, but the negro who has to get an order from a white man before he can buy a sack of meal or a side of meat is almost as much a slave as the man who had to get a permit before he could leave his master's land. The borrower wears the yoke of the lender. Put this down : The negro as a race will not travel far until his credit in store or in bank is as good as that of the white man who lives at the other end of the street. Again : The place that any race occupies in the scale of civilization is largely determined by the way it treats its women, and the negro race will not climb high until it learns to treat its wives and its mothers and its daughters with the same consideration and respect that the white man treats his. Let the negroes who go from this institution hammer it into the souls of their people with a white-hot brand, that the negro man who allows his wife to support him, who beats her or neglects her, or spends his dollars on another woman, is a disgrace to all his people. So, I say that self-control, cleanliness, morality, industry, reliability, and proper regard for its women, are the plain highways that lead to a larger freedom for the negro race. Follow these highways, do not stray from them, and you will by and by enter fully into that freedom to which Mr. Lincoln merely unlocked the door. In all your high endeavors to reach this goal, you may be assured of the un- stinted sympathy and cooperation of every good man and woman in the South. We are not only willing, but very eager to help. My wife's old negro mammy was a most lovable, and also a most original character. She was a sort of female "Uncle Remus." One day when my wife was just budding into young womanhood the old mammy said to her, "Honey, a man has got a sugar tongue, but doan you lis'en to de things he say ; you watch de things he do." I propose to meet mammy's test, and lay before you some of the things that have actually been done in North Carolina during the last four years. I shrink from speaking of my own administration as Governor, and do so only because I devoutly believe that the administration truly reflected the best thought of the best people of North Carolina, and of the entire South. The negro is entitled to equal and exact justice before the law. The white man must accord him that justice or be false to all those traditions that have made the Anglo-Saxon race the glory of the world. If there is anything that a white man despises it is another white man who tries to cheat a negro out of his wages or his property. One of the first cases that ever came to me as a lawyer was one in which a white man was trying to swindle an old negro out of his wages. Hot with indignation I went to the jury, preached for one-half hour on the text, "The laborer is worthy of his hire." The jury administered on that white man and gave the old negro every dollar that he claimed. Mark this : While the white man has a profound contempt for another white man who won't pay a negro for his work, he has a like contempt for a negro who won't work for his pay. When I became Governor, I highly resolved that during the four years of my administration there should be measured out to black and white exactly the same quality and quantity of justice. One of the very first things that I did was to make a careful survey of the State prison, and in it I found many of your people, literally buried alive. Their very families had forgotten their existence. I found one boy who was sent to the prison when he was eleven years old, and had been there twenty years. I reached down a hand and lifted about forty of these out of PUBLIC ADDRESSES 219 a living grave. All during my administration the hand of executive clemency knew no color line, and I opened the prison doors to more than four hundred of your people. To me the most beautiful of all hymns is, "Abide with me ; fast falls the eventide." The most beautiful lines in that most beautiful hymn are: "When other helpers fail and comforts flee, Help of the helpless, oh, abide with me." I shall ever be deeply grateful that for four years I was given the almost Godlike power to be the "Help of the helpless." Sentiment against mob law is steadily growing in North Carolina. During my administration I preached against it and I fought against it. I rushed troops to protect prisoners, leaders of mobs were indicted and convicted, and I personally walked right into a mob that had its guns drawn on me, and persuaded it to abandon its purpose. During my administration only one person was lynched after he had been taken into the custody of the law. Much work was also done to build up the negro along physical, moral and educational lines. A reformatory for delinquent negro boys was established, a sanatorium for the treatment of negroes afflicted with tuberculosis was provided for, and the appropriation for negro teacher-training schools was multiplied by five. Much was also done to build up a strong public sentiment for better accom- modations on the trains. When a negro pays the same money, he is entitled to ride in a car as safe, as clean, and as comfortable as the white man rides in. It is best for both races that they ride in separate cars, but the accommodations should be the same. The law already requires this, and you will find the good people of the South everlastingly with you in insisting upon its efficient administration. All these things show with convincing certainty that we are profoundly in- terested in the protection of the life, the liberty, and the property of the negro; and that we propose to lay ever deeper and broader foundations for his physical, moral and intellectual welfare. The one fly in the ointment, the one discord in the music, the one stumbling block in the path of the negro's progress is the fool and the fanatic who go about, stirring up prejudice and ill-will between the races. There are in this land today negroes with brilliant minds who are using their talents in sowing seeds of hate between the blacks and the whites. They are blinded by their own passions, and in the insanity of wrath would lead the whole race into an open grave. There are two classes of these agitators. In one class is the man who goes around secretly, in the lodges, in the churches, among the families, and poisons the minds and hearts of negroes against their white neighbors. Beware of the whisperer! The devil whispered in the ear of Eve to eat of the forbidden fruit and she would not surely die. She hearkened to his poisonous tongue, and lost for herself and her race a Paradise. Beware of the whisperer ! In this free country the message that cannot be proclaimed from the housetops ought not to be heard by a loyal American citizen. The Ku Klux Klan believes in the whisper, and that is one of the reasons why, when the strong man from Texas tried to establish one in ISTorth Carolina, I rose up and hit it with all my might, and drove it from our borders. Listen to your leaders who proclaim their message from the pulpit and through the local press, and when the whispering agitator comes around, say unto him, "Get thee behind me, Satan." The other class of agitator is the man who does not come down into the South at all, but who stays one thousand miles away and through newspapers and cir- culars and magazines sings his song of hate. He writes about appeals to force, 220 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT but lie does not make bare bis mighty arm. He talks about guns and revolutions, but be does not come down and bead tbe procession. He exercises magnificent "long distance" courage. Seated in a swivel cbair in a luxuriant office one thou- sand miles from tbe firing line, be bravely sbouts to you : "JSTow is tbe time ; up and over tbe top." Tbis brand of agitator reminds me of tbe speecb made by Artemus Ward during the War Between tbe States. Said Artemus: "I tell you, people, tbis Union must be preserved. I bave already sbed tbe blood of two brothers, five uncles and thirty-seven cousins in the defense of this Union, and I am willing to keep up the fight for the Union until T have shed the last drop of blood in all my kinsfolk's veins." Seriously, my friends, suppose the agitator should succeed in his purpose; suppose tbe seeds of bate take root, and the two races in the South rise up against each other — what will be the consequences? History makes that plain. Three hundred years ago a handful of negroes landed on this continent in a state of slavery. They found here millions of Indians in a state of royal freedom. Today the handful of negroes has grown to twelve million, while the millions of Indians have dwindled to a handful. Why? The Indian refused to live on friendly terms with the whites. He learned to bate the white man and to defy him. We hear him sing the spirit of his people : "I love among the wounded to hear the white man groan, And catch, while chanting at his side, the music of his moan." When tbe white man wronged the Indian — and he did wrong him — the Indian scorned to appeal to the white man's sense of justice; he appealed to the tomahawk, to the torch — and tbe places that knew him once, know him no more, forever! There is no doubt that these apostles of hate and violence offer a permanent solution to the negro problem, for there can be no negro problem when there are no negroes. Let me make a candid and solemn confession : The whites in the South and in the Worth as well do not always deal justly by the negro ; we sometimes do him wrong, and God knows I am ashamed of it; but violence will not hasten the day of your deliverance, and hate will always binder. Tbe God of your redemption will come, not in the migbty wind, not in tbe earthquake, and not in the fire ; but in a "still, small voice" that will trouble the white man's conscience and drive sleep from his eyes until he gives to your people the fullest measure of justice. Tbe one safe path for the negro to follow is tbe path that leads straight to the door of the white man's conscience. As your ardent friend, let me urge you to rest your case on the white man's sense of justice, and to keep it there. Let it be known that you propose to appeal to no other tribunal; that through days and nights, in sun and rain, you are going to stand patiently at the door and knock. And not today, and perchance not tomorrow, but as sure as tbe Lord God lives and rules in the hearts of men, some day every plea that is born of wisdom and justice will be allowed. Any other policy will surely result in failure and may result in tragedy. Radical measures of any kind will lock the wheels of your progress for fifty years. Appeal to force, and you reap a riot; appeal to the fears of the whites, and the sheeted legions of the Ku Klux Klan will bring on nights of horror. Make a drive for political dominion, and the red shirt will again take the saddle. But while PUBLIC ADDRESSES 221 hate and wrath will lead to failure and destruction, love and faith will surely conquer. "Love never f aileth." My message, my prayer to both races is, "First, love one another, and all these things will he added unto you." (19) HOW TO BE BEAUTIFUL Max O'Rell tells the following story on himself. Say he: "I was once scheduled to lecture before a woman's college in the United States. During the day the members of the senior class called on me at my hotel, and the president of the class asked me on what subject I would lecture that evening. I replied, 'On Woman.' I thought I detected a look of impatience in the face of the young lady, and said, 'Is madamoiselle not pleased?' 'Well,' she replied, 'I was just wondering why you should leave your home in the pleasant land of France and travel three thousand miles across the ocean to talk to an audience of women upon a subject about which any girl of sixteen years knows more than you will ever dream of.' " Well, it is a truism that no man profits by the experience of another, and very few by their own. And so in spite of Mr. O'Rell's experience, I am going to talk to you today about women. A man is so constituted, and woman may be his sister in this respect, that he will talk about that which is of absorbing interest to himself. And a man's interest in a subject is frequently in inverse proportion to his knowledge. The Athenians were not a peculiar people in their disposition to worship an unknown God. Indeed, I will hazard the statement that a measure of mystery is essential to romance, and it may be that the very elusiveness of woman accounts for her perpetual lure. However deficient the treatment may be, you will all allow that I have selected an attractive subject, that subject being yourselves. I suspect that the only subject that could rival it, not in attractiveness, but in interest, would be ourselves. I confess, however, that I am awed by my own daring, when I tell you that I am going to talk to you on How to be Beautiful. My first remark is : Be beautiful. You must be. If you cannot be entirely beautiful, then wage an unwearying campaign to be as beautiful as you can be. Wo woman has a right to be ugly. An ugly woman is a mistake; a misfit; out of joint; out of tune; at war with the law and the purpose of her being. Whenever I see an ugly woman I know that somebody, somewhere, has either sinned or blundered, and the woman has been cheated of her birthright. It was the first intention, the original plan, that woman should be beautiful, the climax and the glory of creation. In the very genesis of the race "the sons of God saw the daughters of men that they were fair." Says the Scotch bard: "Auld Nature swears the lovely dears Her noblest work she classes, oh. Her 'prentice han' she tried on man, And then she made the lasses, oh." 222 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT And Milton, old and blind though he was, and unfortunate in his domestic relations, says of the first woman, as she came fresh from the hand of God : "Grace was in all her steps, Heaven in her eye, In every gesture dignity and love." The poets are the best witnesses. To them are given eyes to see, and I could marshal them all in shining array to bear witness to the truth that it is the natural right of every woman to be beautiful — it was her first estate. But, while chivalry shrinks from it, candor forces the admission that some have fallen from that high eminence. How ? Partly through sin — chiefly through folly. And not the least folly is that of tamely submitting to ugliness as a dis- pensation of Providence. Such a mental attitude would be blasphemy if it were not for its colossal stupidity. We stand up in church and recite, "The heavens declare the glory of God and the firmament showeth His handiwork," and then go out and in our hearts charge Him with responsibility for the things that are defective and ugly and vile. Mark it, memorize it and inwardly digest it : ugliness is a preventable disease. It belongs in the same category with smallpox, tuberculosis and typhoid fever. Once we get it properly classified, branded in the public mind for what it is, we have gone far towards accomplishing its annihilation. Again, some supposedly strong-minded women and a few anemic men belittle the value of beauty, and what is cheapened is neglected. Why, some people in mock humility return thanks because they have no looks to make them proud. They treat the absence of physical beauty as evidence of spiritual grace. They make capital of their ugliness as Tom Sawyer did of his sore toe. Let it be understood, once for all, that woman's crowning glory and chief endowment is her beauty. Lord Byron did not draw on his poetic license when he wrote : "Who doth not feel, until his failing sight Paints into dimness, at its own delight, His changing cheek, his sinking heart confess, The might, the majesty of loveliness?" » Her own loveliness is the lever by which woman is enabled to mightily in- fluence the world in favor of the things that are lovely and of good report. Beauty is the master key that opens every door. The world has never yet denied a beauti- ful woman a fair chance. If a good face is a letter of recommendation, a beautiful one is a letter of credit. In the outset, the world never rates a woman at less than her face value. One of the most human of all stories is that of Samson. It will be remembered that when he fell in love with the woman of Timnath his father remonstrated with him and said : "Is there never a woman among the daughters of thy people that thou goest to take a wife of the uncircumcised Philistines?" But Samson said unto his father: "Get her for me; she pleaseth me well." In this attitude Samson is typical of all his brothers. When a strong man loves a beautiful woman, entreaties and arguments fall upon deaf ears. With a blind- ness to consequences at once foolish and sublime, he says : "She pleaseth me well." But it may be said that events show that Samson played the fool. Granted. But the fact remains that he was Samson, the strongest man that ever walked this earth, and the Judge of Israel for twenty years. PUBLIC ADDRESSES 223 All history shows that in the supreme crisis of life sentiment triumphs over thought. The cold figures on the bank ledgers bear witness that the world pays far more for fancies than it does for facts. Herein may lie the explanation why a man sometimes spends more money on his sweetheart than he does on his wife. A sweetheart is always a fancy; the wife may descend to or be reduced to a mere fact. Then comes disillusionment, disenchantment, and the man and woman who erstwhile took passage on a golden galleon for the Islands of the Blest, find them- selves adrift on a common freighter, bound for one of three ports : the first is the port of Indifference, and many there be who anchor there ; the second is the cold, bleak harbor of Despair, and the third the murky, muddy water of Divorce. A woman went to a lawyer one day and told him a tale of domestic woe. The lawyer said: "Well, madam, under this state of facts you are clearly entitled to a divorce." "But I don't want a divorce," said the woman. "Well, then," said the lawyer, "I can get you a liberal allowance for alimony." "But I don't want any alimony," replied the woman. "Well, my dear woman, what do you want me to do for you," asked the lawyer. "I want you to make him love me." Well, we lawyers are wonderful men. At least, we like for our clients to so regard us ; it pays. But even a lawyer cannot make Humpty Dumpty whole again. But what the lawyer, with all his wisdom and his cunning, could not restore, the woman might have preserved in its primal vigor by the judicious use of a smile, a ribbon and a rose. Women may not like flattery; men do — from a woman. "When I tell Csesar he hates flatterers, he smiles and says he does, Being then most flattered." And there is no more delicious flattery to a man's vanity than for a woman to dress up, to take pains to make herself look beautiful, just for him. And this flattery loses none of its magic if the woman happens to be his own wife. Byron struck a deep note when he wrote " 'Tis sweet to know there is an eye will mark your coming, And grow brighter when you come." Just one word more on the supreme importance of being as beautiful as you may. If a woman will not take pains to look beautiful in the eyes of her husband, there is always the possibility that some other woman will. An eminent American physician discovered a profound insight into the real character of a man when he said : "When a man limits his praises of his wife exclusively to her good judgment and fine traits of character, it is high time for her to take a vacation and get some new clothes." But the practical question is: How may this kingdom of beauty be acquired? N"ow, do not think for one moment that I am going to venture into the bewildering labyrinth of hats and hairpins, and laces and furs, and ribbons and embroideries, and flounces and frills, and whalebone and cosmetics. My prescriptions relate to the woman and not to her environment. I offer just three. First. Be strong. This is basic, fundamental. The dictum of Herbert Spencer that it takes a good animal to make a good man is now accepted as a working principle in every movement for the uplift of the human race. The beginning of beauty is a good digestion. Try just for a moment to associate in your mind beauty with dyspepsia. You can't do it. The two are not affinities. It follows that the triumphs of the parlor begin in the kitchen. The cook does the first, best work in the creation of the belle of the ball. 224 PAPERS OP THOMAS WALTER BICKETT How does the florist produce a perfect rose? By a careful study of soil and atmosphere. A flower cannot realize its finest possibilities unless it be properly fed. Neither can a woman. A sensible diet should be the first course in every school for girls. A practical course in dietetics will contribute more to the development of a fine type of American womanhood than a taste of near-French or a glimpse of far-off art. The importance of a sensible diet deserves daily emphasis. It is hard to get a sweet, fluffy young thing to understand that the simplest fare is the best. Young ladies, there are more roses for your cheeks in poached eggs and turnip salad than in those dainty, delicious promoters of indigestion that Mr. Huyler sells for eighty cents a pound. There is more elasticity of step in a sound, ripe apple than in all the fifty-seven toothsome varieties that Mr. Heinz has made famous. There is more sparkle for your eyes in a glass of pure buttermilk than in the whole sizzling aggregation of soda fountain concoctions. There are more graceful curves for your figure in dry toast than in those darling little wafers and Zu-zus that have brought wealth and fame to the National Biscuit Company. An immortal illustration of how a simple diet makes for personal beauty is found in the Book of Daniel : And the king appointed them a daily provision of the king's meat, and of the wine which he drank, so nourishing them three years that at the end thereof they might stand before the king. But Daniel purposed in his heart that he would not defile himself with the portion of the king's meat, nor with the wine which he drank; therefore he requested of the prince of the eunuchs that he might not defile himself. And the prince of the eunuchs said unto Daniel, "I fear my lord the king, who hath appointed your meat and your drink; for why should he see your faces worse liking than the children which are of your sort?" Then said Daniel to Melzar, "Prove thy servants, I beseech thee, ten days; and let them give us pulse to eat and water to drink. Then let our countenances be looked upon before thee, and the countenance of the children that eat of the portion of the king's meat, and as thou seest, deal with thy servants." So he consented to them in this matter, and proved them ten days. At the end of ten days their counte- nances appeared fairer and fatter in flesh than all the children which did eat the portion of the king's meat. Now at the end of the days that the king had said he should bring them in, then the prince of the eunuchs brought them in before Nebuchadnezzar. And the king communed with them; and among them all was found none like Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael and Azariah; therefore stood they before the king. Wot only should the girls be taught the value of food products, but they should be trained in cooking the food so as to make a palatable, wholesome meal. I do not say you should be a cook, but I do say that you should master the art. Tou owe it to yourself, and to the brethren, to be an authority on the subject. The things that come from the kitchen tend to kill or to make alive. Here you are in a very real sense your brother's keeper. I often dream of what I would do if I were a Carnegie. It is a delightful and withal inexpensive sort of diversion. I would spend millions in establishing cooking schools. I would put one in every county in Worth Carolina, and then I would have my legislature — for of course, if I were a Carnegie, I would have me a legislature — I would have my legislature to pass me a law that no license should be issued for the marriage of any woman in Worth Carolina who could PUBLIC ADDRESSES 225 not produce a diploma from one of those cooking schools. Oh, they would be great institutions ! They would do more for the health of the people than all the doctors and more for religion than half the preachers. For making a man live in love and fellowship with his neighbor, for making him feel like he has old-time religion, a good cook can beat a revivalist. But the development of beauty that will neither wash off nor wear off requires daily exercise as well as daily bread. The God of Nature has enacted one inexor- able law. The penalty for disuse is death. Service is not only the test of efficiency ; it is the very condition of life. Every bone and nerve and sinew in the wonderful mechanism of the human body daily cries out, "Lean on me, use me, let me labor that I may live." Begin the day with at least ten minutes exercise in some of the gymnastics prescribed by Sargent of the Harvard School of Physical Culture or by any standard authority on the subject. Then when you are through with your classes, make for the open air, and spend at least one hour in playing tennis, basketball or some other lively outdoor sport. The Olympic games furnished Grecian sculptors the finest models the world has ever known. But above all things walk, walk from three to five miles a day. The child is supposed to be able to walk well when it is two years old. I have seen girls of sixteen who had never walked enough to know how. And do not walk in a house ; you need to spend every hour possible in God's great out-of-doors. Put on a sensible pair of shoes and strike out across the country. "Walk briskly up and down hill, through woods and fields, jump ditches, walk slippery logs, scale a barbed wire fence, climb a hickory-nut tree; and then go home and be sure that you are in bed by ten o'clock; take a ten hours beauty sleep with your windows wide open, and when you come down the next morning to breakfast the very sight of you will make any son of Adam feel like he has been hit by a bolt of sweetened lightning. The very foundation of all beauty is a well trained body. If books or bodies must be neglected, then throw books out of the window. A good red corpuscle is of more value than a curriculum. An education that takes the roses from a girl's cheeks, the spring from her steps or the light from her eye is a crime against girlhood and against womanhood. Over the gateway of every college, on the walls of every classroom should be emblazoned the prayer of the Latin poet : "Orandum est ut sit mens sana in corf ore sano." Of all the nature poets Wordsworth has the finest, the most unerring touch. In lines as beautiful and more enduring than the tracing of Phidias on Parian marble, he tells how nature fosters and fashions a perfect woman. Three years she grew in sun and shower, Then Nature said, "A lovelier flower On earth was never sown; This Child I to myself will take; She shall be mine, and I will make A lady of my own. 15 226 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT "Myself will to my darling be Both law and impulse; and with me The Girl, in rock and plain, In earth and heaven, in glade and bower, Shall feel an overseeing power To kindle or restrain. "She shall be sportive as the fawn That wild with glee across the lawn Or up the mountain springs; And hers shall be the breathing balm, And hers the silence and the calm Of mute, insensate things. "The floating clouds their state shall lend To her; for her the willow bend; Nor shall she fail to see Even in the motions of the Storm Grace that shall mould the Maiden's form By silent sympathy. "The stars of midnight shall be dear To her; and she shall lend her ear In many a secret place Where rivulets dance their wayward round, And beauty born of murmuring sound Shall pass into her face. "And vital feelings of delight Shall rear her form to stately height, Her virgin bosom swell; Such thoughts to Lucy I will give While she and I together live Here in this happy dell." My second prescription is : Be natural. It is the only way to be forceful. The great actresses are easily numbered. Few people can pose and not be ridiculous. Affectation spoils more faces than smallpox. You simply cannot develop grace and charm in a self-conscious personality. Be genuine, be open-minded, be sincere. Ours is an age of imitation, of sham. So many things are painted over, or powdered over, or plastered over, or veneered over. Notwithstanding the Pure Food and Drug Act, it is hard to find anything that is exactly what it purports to be. Satin has given way to sateen, velvet to vel- veteen, beer to beerine, and even butter to butterine. The "eens" are in the saddle. Is there a danger that our girls will become "girlines" ? Please don't ! Be a girl, be yourself, and not the shoddy imitation of somebody else. Find the niche in the Pantheon the Builder designed you should fill, and then fill it, fill it to the uttermost, "for the gods see everywhere." A young lady, a relative of mine, was once going to meet a lot of new people. She said to me, "I am afraid I won't know what to say to those people." I replied, "Say what you think." She said, "I might not think anything." I said, "Then sav that." PUBLIC ADDRESSES 227 One child is as interesting as three grown people ; why ? The child is always perfectly natural. It says exactly what it thinks and in its own way. It is some- times as embarrassing as it is interesting. Said the small boy to the visiting lady: "My paw says you ain't no two-faced woman." "How nice of your papa!" ex- claimed the lady. "Yes," said the small boy, "my paw says you ain't no two- faced woman, cause if you was you would wear your other face." I once asked a young lady what she thought of a certain book. She said that she thought nothing of it, that books bored her. She said she liked to talk about hats, and asked me what I thought of the one she had on. How delightfully refreshing that was! The girl knew all about hats, could talk interestingly and discriminatingly about hats; and how much better that was than a lot of stereo- typed, mildewed, moth-eaten platitudes and insipidities about books of which she knew little and cared less. Know what you pretend to know. Do not be smatter-brained ; do not be scatter-brained. Be accurate, be thorough. Inaccuracy lives next door to dis- honesty, and slovenliness in work or dress is half-sister to immorality. In the matter of dress — "To thine own self be true; And it must follow, as the night the day, Thou canst not then be false to any man." I want to see the day when the refined, cultured women of America will defy the shopkeepers of Paris ; when they will refuse to hop because some sprig of royalty goes lame. Speaking of the state of slavery in which American women are held by the United Dressmakers Association, Dr. Woods Hutchinson says : "When the par- ticular Hindoo idol atrocity for the year of grace has been established, nine- tenths of the intelligent, cultured, refined and beauty-loving women of the country fairly tumble over one another in their eagerness to bow down before it, and make themselves like unto it. As a crusher-out of individuality and whole- some beauty, the modern god Style has the car of Juggernaut beaten to a frazzle. These extravagances are merely the result of our attitude of frank and cheerful idiocy toward beauty and its claims. The best way to abolish them is to encourage the banner of revolt which the natural taste and good sense of woman has already raised against the adoption of any style, no matter what its popularity, which does not happen to be becoming to her personality." That is the doctrine; that is the new Declaration of Independence that will give to American women the largest measure of freedom. Dress is essentially and intimately personal. Every woman of culture knows all about colors and proportion, and knows what is personally becoming to her. I am glad that so many college-bred women are asserting their independence in the matter of dress. They can render their less fortunate sisters heroic service by leading the revolt that will throw off the yoke of these lowborn tyrants, whose business it is to distort and caricature the human body that profits may accrue. Go your own way, travel your own gait. "Study well, wherein kind nature meant you to excel." If your talent be to sew, then sew with hand and heart, and verily there shall be virtue in the hem of the garment. If it be to sing, then sing from your heart a song that will reach the heart of the world ; and the young shall see visions and the old dream dreams. Throw yourself, all of you, into your work, and you will do your part toward bringing on that ideal hour when — 228 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT "Each for the joy of the working, And each in his separate star, Shall draw the Thing as he sees it, For the God of Things as they are." I have said that in order to be beautiful, be strong, be natural. A last word : Be holy. You must be if you would enter into the full kingdom of the Woman Beautiful. The King's daughter is, and of necessity must be, all glorious within. No scientific truth is more surely established than that the face is an etching of the soul. "A merry heart maketh a comely countenance; a man's wisdom maketh his face to shine." Stephen had climbed to the hour of his martyrdom. In the midst of the council that had met to condemn him to die, he stood calm, peaceful, unafraid. It was not a miracle, but the operation of an eternal, natural law, that made his enemies see his face "as it had been the face of an angel." The intimate relation between beauty and holiness was felt by dear John Charles McNeill, and he has forever linked the two in his inimitable poem on Sunset. I knew him and loved him well, and I shall always think of him as standing on the brow of a lonely hill, gazing deep into the glories of the sunset, seeing far beyond its radiant glow, his dark face illumined with a "glory brighter than the sun" as he translates for us the beauty of the scene : "Hills wrapped in gray, standing along the west; Clouds, dimly lighted, gathering slowly; The star of peace at watch above the crest — Oh, holy, holy, holy! We know, O Lord, so little what is best; Wingless, we move so lowly; But in Thy calm all-knowledge let us rest — Oh, holy, holy, holy!" Mind you, I did not say, be sanctimonious. Please don't be. Above all things, do not sap your strength of mind and heart in speculations upon the myriad creeds and isms that divide and distract the world. It is a sinful waste of God's good hours. But in all sincerity I urge you to be holy. "Take time to be holy; the world rushes on." In that exquisitely beautiful sketch, "The Pride of the Village," Washington Irving says : "She was ever surrounded with a halo of virgin purity, and within that hallowed circle no guilty thought could live." The world needs this kind of atmosphere ; it must have it or perish from moral malaria. It is the high privilege of woman to supply this demand. Man cannot do it. Every morning he faces the problem of how to make a living. He must go down into the dust and mire of the streets, and sometimes must wade through the very sewers of life to solve it. In the rude crush, in the stress and strain of competition, in the eternal duel with "faces lined with scheming," the finest instincts, the gentler impulses are impaired, if not destroyed, and the man some- times finds that part of his nature which God intended should blossom as a rose, hardening into flint. It is at this point that woman can save him; it is her opportunity — her hour. In the world about us there is no lack of suffering, of sorrow, of tragedy. On every hand we hear the low moan of pain, the wail of wild unrest. Many and varied are the forms of human suffering; but there is PUBLIC ADDRESSES 229 one man who stands alone, apart, the very chief of sufferers. It is the man who, when he has done his day's work and starts home, goes down grade ; when the woman to whom he goes, be she mother, sister or wife, lives on a lower plane, has more sordid and selfish views of men and things than he has. God pity such a man ; he lives in a cellar. But blessed the man who climbs to his home, who can go down to his work and when the struggle waxes fierce, when temptations to do an unworthy thing crowd thick upon him, he can lift his eyes to the hills and through the smoke and dust see his home — shining like a star. This is the climax of the power and the glory of the Woman Beautiful. But the soul, like the body, grows on what it feeds on. Then be careful of your thoughts. Read the best literature and commune with the best thought of all times. "Keep thine heart with all diligence, for out of it are the issues of life." Let nothing low or little find a lodgment in your mind; set an angel with a flaming sword at every gateway of the soul, that no creeping, crawling thing may enter. Feed on flowers ; live in light ; climb high upon the mountain-top ; catch a glorious vision of your destiny; and then come down and let a tired and tempted world behold the ineffable beauty of the face of a woman, "sweet with the breath of the angels," and "bright with the kisses of the stars." (20) CIVIC RIGHTEOUSNESS When the achievements of the Twentieth Century shall be viewed in the dry light of history I hazard the opinion that it will be recorded that the most whole- some contribution this century made to the progress of civilization was not wire- less telegraphy nor flying machines nor submarines, but was the universal acknowledgment by enlightened peoples that a man's life should be measured by its relation to the common good. The significance and potency of this contribution will be seen to rest on the fact that the acknowledgment was not merely verbal, but was made in terms of service and self-denial. It is now elementary to say that Christianity is not a creed, but a life. Faith itself is submitted to the acid test of facts. Likewise governments are no longer classified according to forms through which they express themselves, but rather according to the measure of opportunity to grow to the humane provisions made for those who through no fault of their own are unable to care for themselves. As the women of the State have always exerted a profound influence in securing legislation designed to better the condition of the unfortunate, it occurred to me that you would be interested in a brief review of just what the State has done and is now doing in this direction. Demosthenes says that eloquence consists of three things : First, action ; second, action; third, action. Fine phrases harvest indifference or derision unless they be born of, or lead to, finer facts. I have heard many eloquent things said about the North Carolina soldier in the Civil War, but the finest thing that ever has been or ever can be said is the simple statement that though North Carolina only counted one hundred and 230 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT fifteen thousand voters in all her borders, she marshaled one hundred and twenty- seven thousand men under the "Bonnie Blue Flag." The most eloquent declaration of love I ever read is found in Les Miserables. A battle was raging in the streets of Paris. Epoinine, a girl born to poverty and neglect, had become interested in Marius. She saw a soldier level his gun on Marius, and without a moment's hesitation she jumped in front of the gun and received the entire load in her own side. As she lay dying, Marius bent above her and asked, "Epoinine, why did you do this thing?" With a smile that borrowed radiance from the skies, she answered, "I think, Monsieur, I was just a little in love with you." What is true in love and war holds in the social and political entity we call the State. North Carolina will always be seen to the best advantage if we let the simple facts appear. Up to 1848 the State had made no provision whatever for the care of those bereft of reason. At least one thousand of these unfortunate people were scattered /throughout the State. Many were in what were very properly called "poorhouses." Some were confined in dark cells in loathsome jails, while some were kept by their own to the infinite distress of whole families and to the terror of whole com- munities. Miss Dorothy Dix of Massachusetts, a woman of wealth and culture, gave her whole life to the betterment of the lot of these unfortunates. In 1848 she labored in North Carolina, going from one end of the State to the other and gathering together the actual facts, which she presented in a memorial to the General Assembly. A bill to establish a State insane asylum, carrying an appro- priation of $75,000, was introduced. But North Carolina is constitutionally opposed to doing anything new, and the bill went down to defeat. The biggest man in the General Assembly was James C. Dobbin of Cumberland, who afterwards became Secretary of the Navy under President Franklin Pierce. The wife of Mr. Dobbin was spending the winter in Raleigh with her husband, and during the session of the General Assembly she grew desperately ill. Miss Dix, among her other accomplishments, was a good nurse. She and Mrs. Dobbin had been thrown much together, and when Mrs. Dobbin grew ill Miss Dix was unwearying in her ministrations. Realizing that she had but a little while to live, Mrs. Dobbin asked Miss Dix if there was anything she could do to show her appreciation of her great kindness. Instantly Miss Dix said, "Yes; ask your husband if he won't use his influence to get my asylum bill reconsidered." Mrs. Dobbin readily promised to do this ; and in her last hours Mr. Dobbin gave his pledge to his wife to do what he could to have the bill reinstated on the calendar and passed. A day or two after his wife was buried Mr. Dobbin arose in his seat in the House of Representatives, moved a reconsideration of the vote by which the bill had been defeated, and in its support made one of the most powerful speeches ever heard in the General Assembly of North Carolina. Mrs. Dobbin was in her grave, but verily on that day she spoke with the tongue of men and angels, and the bill which had been previously defeated now passed by an overwhelming majority. The hospital was built, and the place where it stands is still called "Dix Hill" in loving memory of the woman who gave her whole life to the cause. In twenty states in the Union and in foreign lands she succeeded in having erected comfortable homes for those who grope in the blackness of mental night. While making a visit to a beautiful home she had been instrumental in getting the State of New Jersey to build she grew ill. She was made the guest of the institution, and her last years PUBLIC ADDRESSES 231 were spent in the retreat she had planned for others. When she passed away at the extreme age of eighty a great physician said, "There has died and been laid to rest the most useful and distinguished woman America has yet produced." While North Carolina is constitutionally opposed to doing anything new, yet when she has once put her hand to the plow she never turns back. Having once seen her duty with respect to the care of the insane, the work has gone steadily forward as the wealth and population have increased. The General Assembly at the session of 18S1 recognized the duty of the State to our negro citizens and made just and adequate provision for the care of the insane of that race by establishing the State Hospital at Goldsboro. This in- stitution has been a perfect Godsend to the negro race in North Carolina. At the same session an act was passed for the establishment of another hospital for the white insane at Morganton. The first superintendent of this hospital was Dr. Patrick Livingston Murphy, who continued at the head of the institution until his death in 1907. In this quarter of a century Dr. Murphy made the hospital at Morganton one of the greatest institutions of its kind in all the land. He was one of the first alienists to abolish forever the dark cell and the straitjacket. Largely through his influence the conception of an institution of this kind was changed from that of a jail to a hospital. On a tablet in the main building at Morganton there will be found the following eloquent inscription : TO THE MEMORY OF PATRICK LIVINGSTON MURPHY 1848-1907 The wise and beloved Physician and gifted Alienist who organized this Hospital and was its Superintendent for the first twenty-five years of its existence, from January, 1SS3, until his death, September 11, 1907. A Strong Man of Large Human Sympathy, Vigorous of Intellect, Coura- geous of Thought and Action, Firm of Will, Steadfast and Noble of Purpose, Conscientious in the Performance of Duty, Broadminded and of Far-seeing Vision, He Wrought to the Limit of His Strength and Splendid Capacity for the Good of His State and its People and Died as He Had Lived, in Full Enjoyment of Their Affectionate Esteem and Grateful Confidence. In 1907 the writer introduced in the General Assembly a bill to appropriate $500,000 for the purpose of enlarging and improving the facilities at Raleigh, Morganton and Goldsboro for taking care of the insane. This was by far the largest appropriation for a single object the State had ever been called upon to make. But to the honor of our people be it said that when the bill had been fully explained every member of the House, without regard to politics, voted in favor of the bill. Today the State is taking care of 4,488 insane people, that is to say, 1,469 at Raleigh, 1,655 at Morganton, and 1,276 at Goldsboro, and 85 in the department for the criminal insane in the State's Prison. In addition to the cost of enlarging the permanent improvements, the State is spending yearly for the support and maintenance of these people the sum of $500,000. An institution closely allied to these hospitals for the insane is the Caswell Training School at Kinston. This institution receives children who are not insane, but who are below normal in their mental development, and who require special attention and training. It is impossible to realize what a blessing this 232 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT institution has been to homes where a child of this class had to be kept prior to the opening of this school. The school has been opened for only about three years, but there are in it one hundred and ninety-five of these children, and we are spending for their maintenance $40,000 a year. This makes a total of 4,683 mental defectives cared for by the State at a yearly cost of $540,000. In 1848 a bill carrying the pitiful sum of $75,000 to build one hospital was defeated, and it required the eloquence of a man speaking under the inspiration of a deathbed promise to his wife to resurrect the bill. Today the General Assembly appro- priates without a dissenting voice a half million dollars for larger facilities, and spends a half million more for the maintenance of these unfortunate people as a matter of course. Verily the "Thoughts of men are widening With the process of the suns." In addition to these hospitals, the State maintains at Ealeigh a school for the white blind, in which there are 208 children, a school for the colored deaf and blind, in which are 201, and at Morganton a great school for the white deaf, in which are 313 children, making a total of 722 blind and deaf children cared foi by the State at an annual cost of $151,000. Practically all of these children when they leave these schools are burdens neither to themselves nor to the communities in which they live, but are taught to be self-supporting, contented, useful citizens. Another charitable institution which has just gotten fairly under way is the Tuberculosis Sanatorium at Sanatorium. In 1916 there were 434 patients treated in this institution. The State appropriated $20,000 towards the support of the institution, and ten thousand a year for extension work. Those who are able to pay can secure expert treatment in this institution for one dollar per day, a nominal sum compared with the charges in private institutions that do no better work. The Stonewall Jackson Training School at Concord was established in 1907 by the same General Assembly that appropriated the half million dollars for enlarging the facilities for the insane. Virtue, as well as vice, is largely a matter of habit. This school is for the training of boys who violate the laws of the State who ought not, on account of their tender years, to be sent to the State Prison or to county chain-gangs. It is proper to say, and the writer speaks advisedly, as he was a member of that General Assembly, that the women of the State, and in a large measure the King's Daughters, are responsible for the establishment of this school. In this school boys are confined, but are sent reg- ularly to school and are trained besides in some useful trade to the end that when they are discharged from the institution they will be in a position to make an honest living. In 1916 121 boys were trained in this institution at a cost to the State of $18,000 for maintenance and $18,500 for permanent improvements. The Soldiers' Home takes care of 204 soldiers at an annual cost of $35,000, while over $500,000 are annually paid out in pensions to Confederate veterans and their widows. In all of these institutions the State is today taking care of 6,164 unfortunate people at a cost of $769,500. The institutions whose work has been briefly reviewed devote themselves in the main to caring for and curing, if possible, mental, moral and physical defectives. A vastly more important work, and one to which the State is just beginning to give serious attention, is to wage war, offensive and defensive, against the forces PUBLIC ADDRESSES 233 that produce these defectives. The chief object of the Penitentiary is to keep folks out of it. The State Hospital at Raleigh is just beginning a campaign of education in mental hygiene, insanity being one disease with respect to which the proverbial ounce of prevention is worth a ton of cure. Not until about seven years ago could it be said that the State of North Carolina had a Department of Public Health. It is true that in 1877 the General Assembly granted to the State Board of Health permission to exist, and contrib- uted to its sustenance the munificent sum of one hundred dollars per annum. The man who first said "Show me" may have been in Missouri when he made that famous remark, but I would wager my bottom dollar that he or his ancestors went to Missouri from North Carolina. So the General Assembly said to the infant State Board of Health, "Here's a hundred dollars. Show us what you can do with it." The show must have been fairly satisfactory, for the next year the appropriation was doubled. Then for twelve years the State Board managed to keep alive on this pitiful sum, but in 1897 the appropriation was increased to $2,000; in 1909 to $10,500, and in 1915 to $50,500. In 1913 the writer framed a bill levying a tax of one-fourth of one cent on a glass or bottle of coca-cola and all kindred concoctions, the proceeds of this tax to be turned over to the State Board of Health to be used in improving the health these beverages tend to impair. Not less than $50,000 could have been raised in this way, but the General Assembly in its wisdom saw fit to chloroform the bill. However, since 1909 the State Board of Health has been doing efficient work and getting good results. Its activities may be divided into two classes — office and field. Necessarily some work is done partially in the office and partially in the field. The major part of the office work is done by the Laboratory of Hygiene. The magnitude of the work done in this Laboratory will be seen from the official reports, which show that in the year 1915-16 there were made in this Laboratory 10,000 microscopic or chemical examinations. The law requires a monthly examination of samples of water taken from sources of public supply, and also of bottled water sold to the public. Any citizen who suspects that his well or spring is contaminated can have the water analyzed without cost. In 191-6 there were 3,289 samples of water analyzed, and . . . were condemned as dangerous to health. These examina- tions would have cost the State $16,500. There were many examinations made to detect the germs of diphtheria, tuberculosis, rabies and malaria. In 1915, 175 persons were given the Pasteur treatment for the prevention of rabies. Each person so treated was saved at least $100, making a net saving to the citizens of $17,200. General statistics show that one person out of every two hundred and fifty who apply for the Pasteur treatment dies from rabies. In our State Labora- tory of Hygiene 1,556 people have been treated, and not one has died. In 1915 the Laboratory distributed 12,385,200 units of diphtheria antitoxin, at prices that saved to the people $30,000. During the same period the Laboratory made and distributed to the citizens 456,180 doses of typhoid vaccine, a quantity sufficient to immunize 150,000 people. This was done absolutely without charge, and upon the basis of lowest retail price of this vaccine it saved to the people $150,000. The Laboratory has an appropriation of $25,000, and with this it saves in dollars and cents $200,000 ; and this takes no account of the incalculable value of the protection it affords to the lives and health of the citizens. 234 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT The most important part of the field work is educational in its character. The Health Bulletin, which is issued monthly by the Department, is now eagerly read by the people, and the press of the State is doing splendid and unselfish service in publishing many of the articles that appear in the Bulletin. The field campaigns against the fly and mosquito have assumed large pro- portions. A well-screened house is rapidly becoming an absolute necessity, in the minds of the people, and even the children have been taught to take great joy in swatting the fly. In 1915 a typhoid campaign was conducted in twelve counties, with the result that in these twelve counties deaths from typhoid fever were re- duced from 175 in 1914 to 132 in 1914, a net saving of 43 human lives. But by far the most important field work done is in collecting vital statistics. In 1913 the General Assembly passed an act providing for the registration of every birth and every death in the State. This law is the imperial demand of Star-eyed Science that she be given all the facts. When the facts are all on record, con- clusions may be drawn with mathematical certainty, the weak points in our public health line will be disclosed, and the forces that combat disease can be concentrated at these points. These vital statistics show that the birth rate in North Carolina for 1915 was 31.7 per hundred thousand of the population, while the death rate was 13.2. It is interesting to know that there is a call for two and one-half times as many cradles as coffins in the State. The counties are being encouraged to elect whole-time health officers wherever they have sufficient funds and where an official can be secured. North Carolina has more county whole-time health officers than any other state in the Union. This is the best investment a county can make, provided a conscientious, intelligent physician is assigned to this work by reason of his fitness for the work and not by reason of a political pull. Such an investment will pay bigger dividends in dollars and cents than the same amount invested in any business enterprise in the county. This is not sentiment, it is sense — spelled both ways. To correct, while it may be corrected, some defect in the hearing or sight of a child, to convert one dull mind into a bright one by the removal of adenoids, to arrest the development of an incipient disease, to make one defective into an effective child, will save to a county more money than the salary of a health officer for an entire year. The wealth of any community is determined by the earning capacity of the average man, and this earning capacity is wholly dependent upon all the faculties of body and mind being kept in good working order. In counties where there is no whole-time health officer the State Board of Health is proposing to send out a member of its own staff who will make a careful examination of all the children in a school for $10 per school. This work has recently been done thoroughly in Alamance and Wilson counties, and with great satisfaction to the people. In the forenoon the children are examined, in the afternoon the physician talks to the children on the health catechism prepared by the State Board of Health, and at night a lecture is given to which all the people are invited, a magic lantern being used to illustrate the lecture. The State Board of Health cannot be too highly commended for the relentless war that it wages against quacks and quackery. The motto of Barnum, that the people dearly love to be humbugged, applies with tragic emphasis to the treatment of disease. It would require a book to deal with the fake foods, fake drugs, and fake mechanical devices that are palmed off on the public. Sanatogen is advertised PUBLIC ADDRESSES 235 in all high-class magazines as the most marvelous food tonic, and yet Dr. Wiley- says the preparation has practically no medicinal value, and that one cent's worth of wheat flour has as much food value as a dollar's worth of Sanatogen. The Bye cancer cure had a wide sale in eastern North Carolina. I was down in Currituck County this year and the people told me of an old woman who nearly starved herself to death to save up $75 to pay for a cancer treatment which when analyzed turned out to be glycerine, cottonseed oil, and sweetened water. The whole combination did not cost over thirty cents. One of the greatest fakes ever palmed off on the public is the Oxypathor, that retails for $35. The writer had an aunt of limited means who paid this sum for one of those contrivances. A member of the General Assembly of North Carolina tells this story on his wife: She bought an Oxypathor for $15, and, according to directions, she would fasten the cord around her ankle when she went to bed and let the battery hang out of the window. The theory was that the battery extracted the oxygen from the air, and this was carried by the cord to the body and accomplished wonderful results. Now the lady left the battery hanging out of the window with the cord fastened to the bed-post during the daytime, and she would attach it to her ankle at night. She protested to her husband that she was deriving great good by the treatment, when one day it was discovered that the goat had chewed the cord in two, and during the time she claimed to have derived the greatest benefit no battery was attached to the cord at all. It is to the eternal honor of the General Assembly of 1917 that these frauds can no longer be perpetrated. It is now a crime in North Carolina to sell, or advertise for sale, a cure for an incurable disease. A man who advertises a cancer cure will now be put in jail. Likewise the Electropoise, and all of its kind, have gone to the scrap-heap, for it is a crime to sell or advertise for sale any mechanical device for the treatment of diseases when the North Carolina State Board of Health declares that such a device is without curative value. The recent General Assembly also passed a law making mandatory an exam- ination, under medical supervision, of every child who attends the public schools. In my opinion, the value of such a law is beyond all computation. In addition to this, the General Assembly made a special appropriation of $15,000 a year for a campaign for rural sanitation, and also made a special appropriation to encourage the installation of running water, electric lights, and telephones in country homes. Dr. E. C. Brooks, of Trinity College, tells of a friend of his who lived up in one of our fine mountain counties and graduated at the University of North Carolina. Upon returning to his mountain home he noticed his mother carrying water from the spring, and made an exact calculation of the distance she had walked in doing so, and demonstrated that this woman, in carrying water for household purposes, had walked three times the distance from Raleigh to San Francisco. The General Assembly furthermore made an appropriation of $25,000 a year to aid in giving wholesome entertainments in country schoolhouses to relieve the monotony of country life. One of the very finest things done by this General Assembly was to establish a home for crippled children, where their infirmities can be cured, if possible, and if not, they can be taught some useful occupation so they will be saved from the misery of being burdens to themselves and others throughout life. What are well-nigh miracles are wrought in institutions of this 236 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BIOKETT kind in behalf of little children. For example, they are given artificial hands, and are taught to use them in operating the typewriter and other kinds of machinery. This institution was established largely as the result of one man and one woman, Mr. It. B. Babington and Miss Lena Rivers Smith, and their work suggests the lines of John Hay in "Little Breeches" : How did tie get thar? Angels. He never could have walked in that storm. They just swooped down and toted him To where it was safe and warm. And I think that saving a little child, And fetching him to his own, Is a dern sight better business Than loafing around the throne. Then the home for delinquent women also shows that the General Assembly of 1917 was responsive to the suggestions of humanity. It seems to me that over the doorway of this home should be written the lines of that most beautiful of all the hymns, "Help of the helpless, Lord, abide with me." The everlasting truth is that the record of the General Assembly of 1917 is attracting world-wide attention to North Carolina. In addition to the specific acts I have mentioned, it made the following appropriations to increase the per- manent equipment of our educational and charitable institutions : For the blind, $125,000; for the feeble-minded, $75,000; for the insane, $525,000; for the deaf, $60,000; for the treatment and prevention of tuberculosis, $150,000; for the reformatory school for boys, $50,000; for the University of North Carolina, $500,000; for the State Normal and Industrial, $500,000; to aid in building public schoolhouses in the country, $500,000 ; for the East Carolina Teacher- Training School, $200,000 ; for the Agricultural and Engineering College, $300,000, and for other educational institutions, $75,000. All these things require a vast amount of money, but how could it be better spent? The money must go somewhere. Croesus is a figure of speech, and Dives is a reproach, but the ointment that Mary wasted on the Master's feet is a memorial to her forever. These things call for taxes, and the average North Caro- linian requires an anesthetic to pay taxes without pain ; but it is written in the very constitution of things that salvation comes through sacrifice, and today, when the world is girdled with war's blood-red bands, there is universal acceptance of the doctrine of the Nazarene that only he who is willing to lose his life can save it. Tennyson never struck a truer note than when he said, "Men may rise on stepping stones of their dead selves to higher things." No individual and no nation ever achieved enduring power that was unwilling to immolate the pleasures and the profits of today upon the altar of tomorrow. PUBLIC ADDRESSES 237 (21) EDUCATIONAL DIVIDENDS It is said, "All the world loves a lover." This may be open to some doubt, but it is absolutely certain that the average man and woman cherish a positive affection for a dividend. The stockholders of a corporation may sleep three hundred and sixty-four days in the year, but on dividend day they awake right early. If the corporation pays no dividends, the jaws of that modern dragon, the receiver, open wide to devour it. Saint and sinner concede that the judgment pronounced upon the barren fig tree was the very essence of justice. It deserved to be cut down. Education should stand or fall by the same test. If it does not yield a fair return upon what is invested in it, either the matter taught or the method of teaching, it deserves utter condemnation. Education means efficiency. It is not a badge; it is a tool. It is not a uniform; it is an equipment. It is not knowledge ; it is power. Its first dividends should be the capacity to earn a living, and its second, an understanding of the meaning of life. I have neither sympathy nor patience with that cheap brand of pessimism that considers every man who has a dollar ahead a suspicious character. I know the dollar has sinned. I also know it has been sinned against. The abuse of it is often made a cloak for emptiness of mind and littleness of soul. A dollar honestly earned has a value and a virtue entirely independent of its purchasing power. The man who goes into the wilderness, into a factory, or into the marts of trade, and with clean hands builds up a fortune, is worth more than his property. His energy, his intelligence, his character, his success, are all assets to the community in which he lives. In the evolution of civilization, material well-being has always been a vital condition of growth. A vigorous body is the natural if not necessary antecedent of a vigorous mind. In the divine economy man's body was first made, sym- metrical and strong, and thereafter man became a living soul. In many of our plans for the betterment of mankind we fall into the error of discussing ways and means of employing forces not at our command. Suppose you were solicited to buy a book on "How to Eeform the Man in the Moon." The thought would naturally arise that the author could have spent his time to a better purpose by first showing us how to reach the moon. The problem of re- forming the man in it could well wait. In every community there will be found a surplusage of men who can tell us exactly what to do with money, but there is a painful scarcity of men who can tell us how to make it. In the very nature of things, the creation of wealth must precede its regulation. You are doubtless familiar with the famous receipt for making the best rabbit pie. It begins : "First catch the rabbit." Certainly, before wealth — whether of goods and chattels or of intellectual and spiritual power — can be expended for the uplift of the race, that wealth must be acquired. This leads to my basic proposition, to wit : the first thing to do with a dollar is to make it. Any educational system which fails to recognize this primal necessity must either die or be born again. I am not making the dollar the measure of man, but am saying that it is the imperative duty of the parent or the State to so train a child that when it arrives at its majority and is thrown upon its own resources, it will be able to make a living. 238 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT A child must be able to walk before it can carry many burdens. The engine that is so faultily constructed that it cannot pull its own weight is without value in any system of transportation. No sort of war can be long waged without the sinews thereof, and a sane patriotism demands a knowledge of how to make gun- powder as well as how to sing the Star-Spangled Banner. How to feed in peace and war is an ever grave and pressing problem. And the man or nation that is always prepared to solve this problem has a tremendous advantage in any conflict. This is not a very poetic view to present, and I know it is not in the best of taste to lug the kitchen into the parlor, but I also know that when the kitchen goes out of business the parlor will not be crowded with guests. Every child should receive such a physical, mental and moral equipment as will enable it to make a living, because upon that ability depends and in it is involved something bigger and finer than the living itself. To me there is no more inspiring scene than that the world presents every morning when men and women in obedience to the divine command go forth to make their bread. How tremendously fascinating is the drama as the struggle grows hard and fierce. All the lines of hope and fear, of love and hate, of joy and despair, are seen on the faces of the toilers. The struggle is ever the same, even for so many pence per day; but how different the meaning! To the beggar, it means his crumb; to the king, it means his kingdom; to the farmer, his field and flocks; to the merchant, his stock and store; to the painter, his brush and a pictured glory; to the poet, the thrill and rapture of his song ; to the lover, a new fire kindled in the home and in the heart the light that never was on sea or land. Truly, in the ability to make a living there is involved something finer than the living itself. It is not denied that adversity has its uses, but it is none the less true that the tendency of grinding, hopeless poverty is to degrade. It represses the noblest instincts and stifles the finest sensibilities. It takes the snap, the freshness and too often the sweetness out of life to be constantly humiliated by being unable to pay for its common necessities. As a lawyer, time and again I have been out on the firing line with strong men in hours of financial storm and distress; and I tell you, it takes a higher degree of courage for a good man to face a line of creditors with an empty pocket than it does to storm a battery. It is the birthright of every child born under the American flag to receive such a training as will give him a market value in the world ; such that, come wbat may, he will be able with head or hand to produce something the world wants and is willing to pay for. Such men are the kings of this earth. They carry their sover- eignty in a cunning hand and cultured brain, and need never bend the knee that thrift may follow fawning. It makes a man a better neighbor and a better citizen to feel that he is always able to make a living and have a little to spare. "Not for to hide it in a hedge, not for a trained attendant, But for the glorious privilege of being independent." The true man loves to stand alone and carry others on his shoulders, and when he realizes that he cannot do it, the laughter dies out of his voice, the spring out of his step and the light out of his eyes, and too often misery deepens and darkens into crime. PUBLIC ADDRESSES 239 It is everlastingly true that man cannot live by bread alone, but the Heavenly declaration recognizes that bread is a primal necessity. Whether it be an individ- ual, a family or a nation, it must be able to make its bread or be eliminated from those forces that weigh and count in the world. In the beginnings of English history it often happened that a debtor unable to pay flung upon the ground his freeman's sword and spear, took up a laborer's mattock and placed his head as a slave within a master's hand. And down through the centuries comes the cry of the old monkish historian, bewailing the evil days when famine drove men to bow themselves for meat. All history shows with fearful certainty that a man or nation that always mortgages will in the long years become the slave of the mortgagee. The borrower wears the yoke of the lender. Israel went to Egypt for corn, and for four hun- dred years was in bondage to the House of Pharoah. But the vital question is, how may we increase the earning capacity of the average man, for the permanent happiness of any community depends not upon the gigantic fortunes of the few, but upon the opportunities of the many. An illustration is always better than an argument. Some years ago a great builder of engines in the State of New York was asked by the president of a rival house how he managed to get five cents a pound more for his engines than any one else. The great builder replied: "The answer is easy. I get five cents a pound more for my engines than you do because along with every pound of iron and steel that I put into my engines I put with it exactly five cents worth of brains." That's the proposition, that's the task that confronts Virginia and North Carolina, and all the states from the Potomac to the Rio Grande. "We have a section won- derfully rich in climate and natural resources, but if we are to take our rightful place in the march of progress and in the scale of civilization, we must so train the heads and hands of our people that to the pound of raw material that every- where abounds they will be able to add the five cents worth of brains. We can felicitate ourselves that we are making substantial progress in this direction. A few years ago I was a member of the General Assembly of North Carolina and was making a short speech on the floor of the House in favor of the establishment of a school of technology. A member from one of the mountain counties arose and said, "Will the gentleman from Franklin please tell me what a school of technology is ?" I replied, "It is a school to teach our folks how to make silk out of cotton." The mountain member said : "Well, then, I am in favor of the bill." For many years after the Civil War about the only thing we made in the South was mistakes. We would dig something out of the ground or cut it out of the forest, ship it North and sell it to the Yankee for ten cents, and he would blow on it and sell it back to us for a dollar. During these years our people were simply hod-carriers, straining their backs and receiving a pittance for carrying building material to the trained artisans upon the scaffold. Now, our mills turn out almost everything and in North Carolina our cotton mills produce everything that can be made from cotton, from jeans strong enough to hold a bucking school- boy, to hosiery so delicate it is invisible to the naked eye. On the farm as well as in the factory, training pays. A little brains mixed with your favorite brand of V. C. makes the very finest fertilizer. Just a few years ago Moore County, in our State — in which is now located Southern Pines and Pinehurst — had the reputation of being the very poorest county in the 240 PAPERS OP THOMAS WALTER BICKETT State; and deserved it. The lands were so poor that the sheriff had to employ detectives to find out who owned them. Fifty cents an acre was a fancy price. I remember as I used to pass through the county on the train and look out upon the emptiness and poverty on every side, that it occurred to me that it must have been somewhere out there on the white sand-hills of Moore that Lazarus got his start in the world. But by and by eyes that could see rested upon those barren hills; trained hands commenced to busy themselves in bringing out their latent possibilities. Patiently through the long years the poor old hills had waited for their hour, and now with a joyous bound they sprang into life; with swelling pride they decked themselves in the verdant glory of tree and vine, and today no lands in the South pay handsomer dividends than the once despised lands of Moore County. Climate, plus soil, made a desert ; climate, plus soil, plus brains, made a paradise. But if the first thing to do with a dollar is to make it, the second is to use that dollar for the glory of God and the happiness of mankind. An idle dollar is just as vicious as an idle man. Neither has any place in a progressive community. The work that we do in making the dollar gets color and character from the use to which we propose to put it. What relation do you sustain to your wealth ? Do you fancy you have a right to use it, not use it, or misuse it, as you see fit ? If such be your faith, then you are traveling one of those ways "that seemeth right unto a man, but the end thereof is death." In the divine economy there is no such thing as a fee-simple estate. All our holdings are in trust, and whether we have wealth of goods, of intellect, or heart, we are under compulsion to use that wealth in accordance with the will of Him who gave to one five talents, to another two, and to another one. When a man dies an administrator is appointed by the court and an inventory of his assets and liabilities is taken ; his estate is wound up, a final report is made to the court, and an entry is made showing a balance on the debit or credit side of the column. I am not a preacher nor the son of one; I belong to a profession the members of which are not generally accused of having more religion than the law allows; but I devoutly believe that sometime, somewhere, the great Admin- istrator of the Universe takes an account of every man's life; and if in the great accounting it shall appear that a man got more out of the world than he put into it, that he allowed humanity to do more for him than he for it, then no matter what the books in the courts here may show, there the entry will be made and will stand, that the man was insolvent and died in debt. It was possibly some such notion as this that made Andrew Carnegie say it was a disgrace for a man to die rich. When the achievements of the twentieth century shall be viewed in the dry light of history I venture the opinion that it will be recorded that the most wholesome contribution this century made to civilization was not wireless teleg- raphy, nor radium, nor flying machines, nor submarines, but was the universal acknowledgment that a man's life should be measured by its relation to the common good. And the peculiar value of this contribution will rest in the fact that the acknowledgment was not merely verbal, but was made in terms of service and self-denial. Some time ago I read some lines, the title to which I do not now recall, but they sum up in striking fashion the spirit of the twentieth century. PUBLIC ADDRESSES 241 An old man, traveling a lone highway, Came at the evening, cold and gray, To a chasm deep and wide; The old man crossed in the twilight dim: The sullen stream had no fears for him. But he turned when safe on the other side And built a bridge to span the tide. "Old man," said a fellow pilgrim near, "You are wasting your strength in building here; Your journey will end with the ending day, You never again will pass this way; You've crossed the chasm deep and wide. Why build you the bridge at eventide?" The builder lifted his old gray head. "Good friend, in the path I've come," he said, "There followeth after me today A youth whose feet must pass this way. This chasm that was as naught to me To that fair youth may a pitfall be; He, too, must cross in the twilight dim; Good friend, I am building the bridge for him." (22) TENTH OF MAY CELEBRATION IN GASTON COUNTY The first cornerstone of a monument is laid in the hearts of a people. By these eloquent and imperishable witnesses we certify to the centuries the things we love and honor. The ideals of a people are discovered through their affections. The thing he loves the best is the measure of the man. It follows that every monument is at once an expression of love and a revelation of character. When we build a monument to the Confederate soldier we consecrate ourselves to the virtues he embodies. Hence it is with legitimate pride that I hail this day when the good County of Gaston leaves factories and fields, and clothed in the beauty of self-forgetfulness and led by these fair priestesses of the brave, makes her offering of love upon the altar of a lost cause and lays the cornerstone of a monument to those mighty spirits of sixty-one and five who had a faith and fought for it and died for it. Veterans, I come to you today with reverence in my heart, but with feeble phrases upon my lips. I am overwhelmed with a sense of inadequacy that amounts to pain when I contrast the most that I can say with the least that you did. Pitiful is the poverty of language in the presence of battles, wounds, and graves, and all the blood-red drama of war. Powerless is tongue or pen to add to the sublimity of the record you wrote with flame and carved with steel. That record is its own eulogy and its own monument. It declares its own glory. And yet, while I cannot with words emblazon valor that made the world wonder, I can and do come from your sons and daughters with a message — a message of pride, of admiration, of gratitude, of love. We realize that it is but 16 242 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT little that we may do. The years are not many; the shadows fall far to the east. The great gaps in your ranks show the hand of the reaper is busy among the ripened grain, and in battalions you are joining your comrades on those eternal camping grounds that lie beyond the stars. But while you are yet with us we want you to know and the world to know that your sons and daughters rise up and call you blessed; that we cherish and will forever defend your memory as our most precious inheritance, and in your heroism and endurance find our dearest inspiration. "While I was not in the Confederacy, I am essentially and everlastingly of it. My father served for four years, first as lieutenant in the Tenth Battalion, and afterwards as surgeon. This makes me a son of the Confederacy. And then I married the daughter of the Fifteenth 1ST. C. Regiment, and this makes me a son- in-law of the Confederacy. So I can establish my credentials both by blood and by marriage. I have sometimes heard speakers on occasions like this lament that they were not permitted to be with you on the field of battle. While I have always admired their enthusiasm, I have doubted their sincerity. I was born four years after the last gun was fired, and I have never railed against fate or anybody else on account of the date of my birth. In fact, I have always felt that it was a nice quiet time in which to be born. I am perfectly satisfied with the sort of fight you put up. It has never occurred to me that I could have improved it in any respect. I have always fancied that when a full- grown battery or line of infantry got down to business the farther off one hap- pened to be the more beautiful the scenery. Standing up before real guns is a perfectly serious business, and I am not complaining because I was not per- mitted to do so. There is another school of speakers and writers who exhaust their energies in an effort to prove that the South fought a rash and reasonless war. Such an attitude is a confession that they have made no adequate study of the underlying causes of that conflict. That war simply had to come; it was not made, it was born. The seeds of secession were sown in the very bed of our Constitution. The germ of war was imbedded in the very core and kernel of our political and social life. Most things can be thought out ; some things must be fought out. Wo tribunal could have written a final decree upon the stupendous issues involved in that conflict save the dread tribunal of war. If you had shown any disposition to shun the issue or shirk the conflict ; if you had been less conscious of your rights or less fearless in maintaining them, you could have delayed a war you w T ere powerless to prevent. You could have be- queathed the quarrel to this generation. Bethel and Appomattox had to come, but if you had so willed they would have come in the nineties instead of in the sixties. Your chief claim upon the gratitude of this generation lies in the fact that, seeing the conflict was inevitable, you did not run away from it. You did not cower behind your walls and wait for a siege, but boldly marched out into the open and startled the enemy with a challenge to submit the quarrel to the God of battles. With a courage that never faltered, with a faith that knew no fear, you faced the wrinkled front of war. For four years you presented your bodies a living sacrifice upon the altar of your faith, and under God worked out for your country a deliverance from a body of death, and made your sons and daughters the heirs of hope instead of fear, of peace instead PUBLIC ADDRESSES 243 of war, of life instead of death. Here and now on behalf of those sons and daughters, I make acknowledgment of the debt that we can never pay. I never see a Confederate soldier halting on his crutch, or his empty sleeve fluttering in the wind, without feeling in my heart, "There goes the man that took my place in the ranks." On Memorial Day, when I stand above the soldiers' ". . . low green tent, Whose curtain never outward swings," I always feel, "There lies the man who died that I might live." May "The benediction of the overcovering heavens Fall on their heads like dew, for they were worthy To inlay heaven with stars." I propose to call several witnesses, whose disinterested testimony conclusively refutes the charge that the South heedlessly and needlessly plunged into war. In 1837 De Tocqueville, the great French statesman, wrote his masterpiece, "Democracy in America." In this book, which was received with universal approval both in Europe and America, the author says: "However strong a government may be, it cannot escape from the consequences of a principle which it has once admitted as a foundation of its constitution. The Union was formed by the voluntary agreement of the states, and in uniting together they have not forfeited their nationality nor have they been reduced to one and the same people. If one of the states chose to withdraw its name from the compact it would be difficult to disprove its right of doing so, and the Federal Government would have no means of maintaining its claim either by force or by right." This was the voice of France a quarter of a century before the war. In 1887, Von Hoist, the great German philosopher and historian, wrote his monumental work on the "Constitutional History of the United States." He says : "Calhoun and his disciples were not the authors of the doctrine of nullification and secession. That question is as old as the Constitution itself, and has always been a living one, even when it has not been one of life and death. Its roots lay in the actual circumstances of the time, and the Constitution was the living expression of these actual circumstances." This is the voice of Germany a quarter of a century after the war. The next witness I call is Colonel Henderson of the British Army, whose "Life of Stonewall Jackson" has commanded worldwide attention. Colonel Hen- derson says: "There can be no question but that secession was revolution, and revolutions, as has been well said, are not made for the sake of greased cartridges. Secession in fact was a protest against mob rule. The spirit of self-sacrifice which animated the Confederate South has been characteristic of every revolution which has been the expression of a nation's wrongs. "When, in the process of time, the history of secession comes to be viewed with the same freedom from prejudice as the history of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, it will be clear that the fourth great revolution of the English-speaking race differs in no essential characteristics from those that preceded it. In each a great principle was at stake. In 1642, the liberty of the subject; in 1688, the integrity of the Protestant faith; in 1775, taxation only with the consent of the taxed; in 1861, the sov- ereignty of the individual states. Tbe world has long since done justice to the motives of Cromwell and of Washington, and signs are not wanting that before many years have passed it will do justice to the motives of the Southern people." This is the voice of England today. 244 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT For my last witness I go to the very heart of the enemy's camp, the venerable State of Massachusetts. The most scholarly man in public life in Massachusetts today is United States Senator Henry Cabot Lodge. Mr. Lodge has written the "Life of Daniel "Webster." N~ow, when the most scholarly statesman in Massachu- setts sits down to write the life of the greatest man Massachusetts ever produced, it is fair to assume that he will write as one having authority. In the "Life of Webster," Senator Lodge says : "When the Constitution was adopted by the assembly of states at Philadelphia, and accepted by votes of states in popular convention, it is safe to say that there was not a man in the country, from "Washing- ton and Hamilton on the one side, to George Clinton and George Mason on the other, who regarded the new system as anything but an experiment entered upon by the states and from which each and every state had the right to peaceably withdraw, a right which was very likely to be exercised." I will add that this doctrine that any state had an undoubted constitutional right to withdraw from the Union is emphatically and clearly taught in Rawle on the Constitution, a text-book used by the United States Government in the Military Academy at West Point when Jefferson Davis and Robert E. Lee were cadets in that academy. The scope of this address does not comprehend any elaborate argument upon the constitutional right of secession. But I submit that the voices of these eminent and disinterested statesmen from Prance, Germany and England, and the testi- mony of the most scholarly statesman now in public life on the other side, should forever silence those latter-day bigots who would teach that the Confederate soldier died as the fool dieth, who would fain translate his patriotism into prejudice and his heroism into folly. The past is secure. The Confederate soldier can no longer be calumniated or misunderstood. With simple dignity he faces the judgment bar of the centuries and with serene confidence says : "I stand amid the eternal ways, And know my own shall come to me." Fifty-two years have elapsed since the Confederate States of America passed into history. What message do we of today find on their red-leaved record? "What voices speak to us from a Nation's sepulcher? What is our heritage from the Titanic struggle? Were the blood and treasure all wasted? Were a million sacrifices made for naught? Did the Confederate soldier die as the fool dieth? I think not. There is in the natural world a law of the conservation of energy. This law denies that anything can be wholly lost. It stands for the immortality of matter. I steadfastly believe in the existence of such a law in the moral world. ISTo good deed is ever wasted. Sometime and somewhere it will find its place in the eternal scheme and swell the sum total of those forces that bless and uplift the world. "No action, whether foul or fair, Is ever done, but it leaves somewhere A record, written by fingers ghostly, As a blessing or a curse, and mostly In the greater weakness or greater strength Of the acts which follow it." PUBLIC ADDRESSES 245 And so out of the crucible of war there comes to your children three im- perishable lessons : How to fight ; how to fall ; how to rise again. Wo man who ever faced your battle line will deny that you knew how to fight. You were a quiet, peace-loving people, slow to leave the Union, but when there could be no peace except at the price of honor, you gave your all to the new nation; and with only 115,000 voters in all her borders, North Carolina marshaled 127,000 men under the Bonnie Blue Flag. It is not my purpose to discuss in detail the causes that led to the war, nor review its many battles. No tongue can fitly tell the story of those four years of heroism and hardships. The daily life of the Confederate soldier spelled out the great words, "Obedience," "Sacrifice," "Courage," "Death." In a single letter General Lee has embalmed the North Carolina soldiery in an immortality of fame. I quote it in full. August 29, 1864. His Excellency, Z. B. Vance, Governor of North Carolina, Raleigh, N. C. I have frequently been called upon to mention the services ot North Carolina soldiers in this army, but their gallantry and conduct were never more deserving of admiration than in the engagement at Reams Station on the 25th ultimo. The brigades of General Cooke, MacRae, and Lane, the last under the tem- porary command of General Conner, advanced through a thick abatis of felled trees, under heavy fire of musketry and artillery, and carried the enemy's works with a steady courage that elicited the warm commendation and the admiration of the army. On the same occasion the brigade of General Barringer bore a con- spicuous part in the operations of the cavalry which were no less dis- tinguished for boldness and efficiency than those of the infantry. If the men who remain in North Carolina share the spirit of those they have sent to the field, as I doubt not they do, her defense may securely be trusted in their hands. I am, with great respect, Your obedient servant, R. E. Lee, General. Lee was no wordy warrior. He weighed well his words as he did his deeds, and this letter ought to be framed and hung in every home in North Carolina. It is a certificate of nobility, issued by the knightliest Christian soldier this world has ever known. Such is your record, and our inheritance. It calls like the trumpet, it guides like a star. The boyish eagerness for the fray; the tears that fell like rain as the women watched the gray legions march to the front ; the slow starvation in the camp ; the ice-clad sentinel on his lonely beat ; the wild, mad charge ; the shout of triumph when the red field was won ; the soldier's shallow sepulcher. All these call to us of today to be strong and to quit ourselves like men. We must measure up to the standard or wither in the slow fires of self-contempt. Shall the cub of the lion be a cur? I tell you, Veterans, if your sons should balk in the face of deadly peril, should falter in any crucial hour, your graves would open and your reincarnated spirits would stalk forth and scourge them into the path of honor. "Thy dead men shall live," cries the Hebrew prophet, and the 246 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER PICKETT shrouded legions of a Lost Cause give color and character to the civilization of the hour. But if your fight was glorious, your fall was sublime, and this is the rarer virtue. Adversity is the supreme test of character. Then the soul, stripped of its trimmings and trappings, stands naked before God and man. Your crowning glory lies in the fact that on the field of battle you acted like men, and in the hour of defeat you acted like gods. This is the crucial test : the temptation that came to you in the wilderness of despair, and from its darkness and desolation you emerged with souls unsullied, heroes still, "with hearts of gold." You gave up your guns at Appomattox — that was all. Your ranks were broken, but your souls never left the firing line. You surrendered, but you did not quit. You bowed low as the great tidal wave of destiny swept over you, and, rising with the light of battle in your eyes, you faced the future unashamed and unafraid. At Appomattox God said to the Confederate soldier : "About face !" In obedience to the celestial order there was change of front. By the alchemy of a divine faith and a divine heroism, the soldier of war was translated into the soldier of peace, and in the place of the man with the sword stood the man with the hoe. In a public square in the city of Paris there is a statue in bronze by the great French sculptor Mercie. A woman is carrying a wounded warrior from the field of battle. He hangs limp and unconscious on her shoulder, but in his right hand he still holds, with stubborn grip, his broken sword. The statue is called "The Glory of the Conquered." Nothing could more fitly portray the Confederate soldier at Appomattox. He fell, but with relentless grasp he held to his broken sword while in mighty arms of love the womanhood of the South bore him from the field. It would ill become the exalted dignity of her character for me to cheapen the woman of the South with fulsome praise. As she sent her soldier forth while her eyes flashed and her heart bled; as she suffered and sacrificed and gave no cry when she knew that her dearest had found a soldier's sepulcher, so now, when he returned, worn and wasted and bleeding at every pore, she broke for him the alabaster box of an immeasurable love whose fragrance filled the earth. On the smouldering ruins of a hallowed past the Southern man, upheld by the love of a Southern woman, began to build anew. Together they wrought out the grandest chapter in American history. Though they had been overpowered, they refused to be degraded. Though cast down, they would not be destroyed. They swore they would not touch pitch and that pitch should not touch them. They defied bayonets; they laughed at statutes. Immutable as the rocks and as glorious as the stars, they stood for the integrity of a white civilization and a white race. And by reason of your immortal stand North Carolina today holds in trust for the safety of the Nation the purest Anglo-Saxon blood to be found on the American shores. And the Nation is beginning to realize how well you served it when, in the hour of utter desolation, you refused to be defiled. Secretary of State John Hay, when he pronounced his great eulogy upon the martyred McKinley, before the assembled representatives of the civilized world, paid high tribute to you men in gray because when you ceased to be soldiers you became the best of citizens. PUBLIC ADDRESSES 247 The New York Sun, a paper of strong Northern prejudices but edited with matchless scholarship, has declared that the Fifteenth Amendment, which gave the negro the right to vote, was the most colossal blunder and crime in the history of the civilized world. Everywhere the people are beginning to recognize that the South and only the South is competent to deal with the race question, and the doctrine of "Let the South alone" is in the saddle in the very heart of the North. Yes, Veterans, I come to you today with good tidings. The night is far spent, the day is at hand, and I rejoice that some of you have been spared to see the realization of the prophecy of the South's tenderest and sweetest poet : "And the graves of our dead, with grass o'ergrown, Shall yet be the footstool of liberty's throne, And each single wreck in the warfare of night Shall yet be a rock in the temple of right." And now, Veterans, in behalf of your sons who on this Memorial Day stand with uncovered heads to do you honor, in behalf of these Daughters of the Con- federacy, guardian angels of the shattered remnant of your immortal line, I say, God bless you, every one. May your last days be your best days ; may loving hands lead you gently down the hill, and when, at last, you stand at its foot among the gathering shadows, God grant that it may be given to every one of you to say, in the language of your beloved Jackson : "Let us pass over the river and rest under the shade of the trees." (23) GOOD ROADS Every community engaged in the work of building good roads will need two things: money and encouragement. I am here today to lend you some en- couragement. And I know of nothing more encouraging to folks who are working toward a better achievement than the fact that another community similarly and no better situated has successfully and satisfactorily built good roads. The fact that it has been done is the finest proof that it can be done. That message I bring you and it is the excuse for my presence. Beginning less than three years ago in Eranklinton Township with a bond issue of $40,000, we now have in that one township sixty miles of splendid gravel roads. There are no grades in excess of five per cent, and only two places that exceed four per cent, and on an average Franklinton Township has more hills and valleys than "Wake County. All roads are thirty feet wide and well drained. They have been put where they ought to be. In no instance has the recommen- dation of a location by the engineer been disregarded. Carrying the election at first was a hard, close fight, in doubt till the last day, yet last December, on a proposition to spend $10,000 additional, there was prac- tically no opposition and the majority was overwhelming. "We have just passed through the hardest winter in my knowledge, yet the great majority of our roads have kept in good shape and the few places where the gravel was cut through can be repaired at small expense. 248 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Sixty miles of roads in one township means that every man travels a good road coming into town, it means that every section is reached and benefited, and it means a feeling of satisfaction among our people. Before the inauguration of any system of good roads there must be a program of education. Our people are all from Missouri when it comes to spending their money. With us it is impossible to carry out any office-made plan for public improvement. The average North Carolinian is unwilling for the Lord to change him into an angel before he is ready. For the permanent success of any plan we must have a majority of the people with us at the beginning and all along. We need their approval of the plan as well as of the end. They may seem unreasonable about it, unwilling to consider the larger public good or to look far enough ahead, but it is a condition and not a theory which we have to face. They must be made to understand two things : First, the economical im- portance and convenience of good roads. Second, that they will get value re- ceived for the money put into it. The first we are attaining through meetings like this and most largely through the help of newspapers both big and little. I do not know a country weekly in the State but is giving the weight of its influence to this end, and I believe in acknowledging our debt as we go along. Many folks, realizing the benefit of good roads, seem to believe that they come too high. They have pictures in their heads of broad macadamized highways. We need to emphasize more and more the gravel, sand-clay, and top-soil roads, which will meet admirably the traffic conditions in most places. However, the big job is to convince people that they will get value for the money that goes into the work. The first thing they will want is assurance of competent, efficient, and dis- interested management. I have no suggestions to make, but I do commend to you the example of three business men of my township who have given to the work their time, their ability, and their interest, who have had at all times regard to the public good, and have applied to the conduct of public work the same degree of intelligent care that they give to their private interests. And I want to say here and now that in my opinion these men have rendered a larger measure of service to this community than they could have done as governors or United States Senators. Also, the quicker the work is done the greater satisfaction will be given. Folks may not expect so very much in this world, but what they do want they want it quick. Hope deferred maketh the heart sick, but a good road delayed makes a man mad. For this reason, as well as many others, a bond issue is the only satisfactory method. I believe it would be wise in any county system to have sufficient road force and equipment to build roads as fast as an engineer could survey and locate them. Again, and it is the crucial test of the wisdom of any plan, a good roads system should be such that it will reach every section. Nothing is more resented than the belief that one section is getting the benefit of money which belongs to all. Highways which reach from one end of the State to the other, routes which connect the North and the South appeal to you and me. They link section with section, promote the intermingling of our people, and we would take a pride in them, but the average citizen requires something more than pride and sentiment to sustain his good humor when tax-paying time has come. PUBLIC ADDRESSES 249 And there is an economic reason. Roads, after all, are primarily to serve as channels of commerce. Railroads have long ago superseded country roads as the trunk lines of commercial interchange. Country roads now are but the little feeders running out from the big arteries to every part of the body, and their great office is to let a man get his stuff to market quickly, surely, and cheaply. They are essentially for the man who sells and the man who buys. To the visitor, the traveler, the churchgoer, a good road is a convenience. To the farmer and the merchant it has become a necessity. A system is to be judged not by the length of its highways, but by the thoroughness of the service it gives to the people. Agricultural papers and town folks are forever advising farmers to diversify their crops. Well, the quickest road to diversified industry on the farm is a good road to town. When all the counties get good roads we will have the State-wide highways all right, but I do not believe we can build up a permanent sentiment for good roads unless the primary aim of our plans shall be the bringing of the folks and all the folks closer to the market. (24) LEE A Prince once said of a Monarch slain, "Taller he seems in death." This is even so of Robert E. Lee. The figure that loomed so grandly in the red glare of battle towers higher still in the pure white light in which men are measured before the judgment bar of history. There are just three qualities of Lee I desire to emphasize : 1. His supreme and superb unselfishness. This quality is not only a badge, but is the condition of greatness. No man ever rose to true greatness on the wings of a selfish spirit. Great deeds born of love and executed in a spirit of self-immolation are the price of an enduring place in the minds and hearts of men. On earth as well as in heaven the truth holds that "he who would save his life must lose it." This quality of Lee that molded and colored his whole life is immortalized in three incidents. First, his refusal to accept the command of the Union Armies when this position was tendered him by Mr. Lincoln. By birth and training Lee was essentially a soldier. His father, who died when he was only eleven years old, and whose memory he idolized, was "Light Horse Harry" of Revolutionary fame. He it was who said of Washington that "He was first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen." And as Washington was the idol of the father, he was the model of the son. Lee was connected with Washington by more than one strain of blood, and he married Miss Custis, who was the granddaughter of Washington's adopted son. He was trained for a soldier's life at West Point, and in the Mexican War he displayed such convincing evidence of military genius that General Scott, the commander-in-chief of the forces in Mexico, said: "If I were on my deathbed tomorrow, and the President of the United States should tell me that a great 250 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT battle was to be fougbt for tbe liberty or slavery of the country, and asked niy judgment as to tbe ability of a commander, I would say witb my dying breath, Let it be Lee." It was doubtless this opinion of General Scott that led Mr. Lincoln to tender to a colonel tbe position of Commander-in-Chief of the Armies of the North. Thus highly endowed, Lee must have foreseen what the end would be. He must have divined that the day would come "when valor and strategy could no longer cope with overwhelming numbers and resources." In view of all this, the offer of Mr. Lincoln was in very truth a temptation in the wilderness. Lee was carried to the top of a high mountain and shown this world and all the glory of it, and dominion over it all was tendered him if he would turn his back upon his native State. If there had been in him one spark of the selfish ambition that has made angels fall he would have surrendered to the temptation. But no selfish motive could find lodgment in the imperial soul of Robert E. Lee. Beyond the dazzling offer, through all the clouds of glory, he saw the pleading face of his own Virginia, and with that indifference to conse- quences that is the birthmark of the true sky-born, he walked straightway to her side. In this act he parallels the great leader of Israel who "refused to be called the son of Pharaoh's daughter, choosing rather to suffer affliction with the people of God." I was amazed some weeks ago to know that a school teacher in one of the principal cities of the State denied that Lee was ever offered the command of the Union Army. I want to settle this question forever in the minds of all present. Thomas Nelson Page in "Lee, the Southerner," at page 32, says : "The President of the United States tendered to Lee the command of the armies of the Union about to take the field." Woodrow Wilson in his great work, "The History of the American People," in Vol. 4, page 226, says: "Mr. Lincoln had offered him (Lee) the command of the Army which was to act against the South, but he had declined the command." Long before the people of the United States made him their chief executive, Mr. Wilson bad a worldwide reputation as a historian, and his statement will be accepted as respectable authority. The most exhaustive and accurate history of this particular period is that of James Ford Rhodes of Massachusetts, who writes seven large volumes and covers only twenty-seven years of American history, the period from 1850 to 1877 ; and in Volume 3, page 412, this profound historian from Massachusetts says : "The active command of the Federal Army with the succession to the chief place was virtually offered to him." But the very best evidence on the subject is to be found in the statement of Lee himself. I take it that 99 per cent of the men who faced him on the field of battle will accept his statement at par; and in a letter written February 25, 1868, by General Lee to Senator Beverly Johnson, Lee says that he had a con- versation with Mr. Francis P. Blair, and Mr. Blair, at the instance of Mr. Lincoln, tendered him the command of the army that was to be brought into the field. This is the very last word that can be said upon this subject. The second illustration of Lee's supreme unselfishness is in his treatment of Longstreet at Gettysburg. In the first day's fight, which was stubborn and bloody, Lee achieved a signal victory, capturing Gettysburg with about five thousand prisoners. It was Meade's plan to destroy the army in detail : in other words, to whip it after the fashion of Stonewall Jackson, on the installment plan. This was fully determined on. Longstreet was opposed to fighting at Gettysburg at all, and had attempted to dissuade Lee from offering battle, and the next morning, PUBLIC ADDRESSES 251 instead of executing the orders of his chief, he hunted Lee up and again protested against making the fight. Lee then inspected the entire line and again reached his original conclusion, and ordered Longstreet to attack at 11 o'clock, as previously- directed. Again Longstreet delayed until the afternoon, hut with all this delay, the second day's fight was really a drawn battle. On the third day Lee ordered Long- street to attack soon after sunrise. Longstreet's infantry did not move until 2 o'clock in the afternoon, and in the meantime regiment after regiment by forced marches had come to the relief of Meade. Colonel Henderson, the great military critic of the British Army, in reviewing this battle, inquires, "Why did Longstreet delay his attack for eight hours, during which time Lee's second corps, with which Longstreet was to act, was heavily engaged? If he had moved only under com- pulsion, if he deliberately forebore to use his best efforts to carry out Lee's design and compel him to adopt his own, the case is very different." That he did so seems perfectly clear. Mr. Page, in his book on Lee, says : "Longstreet at Gettys- burg is a subject that few Southerners can contemplate with philosophic calm." And he further says that soon after the war it was common for Confederate officers to say that Lee should have ordered Longstreet to be shot for insubordina- tion. But Lee, with that grand unselfishness which is the keynote of his character, while he knew most fully how absolutely Longstreet had frustrated his plans, took all the blame upon his own shoulders, and there it rested until the quiet judgment of history lifted it forever. After the war Lee said, and in this judgment the military critics of the world agree, that if Stonewall Jackson had been with Lee at Gettysburg the Confederate Army would have won a great victory. If Jack- son had been ordered to attack at sunrise, at daybreak the wild rebel yell that startled Hooker at Chancellorsville would have roused the sleeping Federals like the crack of doom, and the sun would have risen upon the Confederate hosts in triumphant array on the crest of Cemetery Ridge. Much has been said about "The High Tide at Gettysburg," but I venture to say that the high tide of the Confederacy was reached at Chancellorsville. It is true that a wave dashed up to the crest of Cemetery Ridge on that blood-red July day, but the real tide turned at Chancellorsville. The death of Jackson is embalmed in some tender verses by John Gillespie of North Carolina, a poet of real talent, who, like your own dear John Charles McNeill, too early went away. The foe in confusion was flying Prom the scene of the terrible fray, While wounded, bleeding, and dying, The invincible Stonewall lay. Yet still in fancy he was leading His legion after the fight, At God's holy altar was pleading For aid in the cause of the right. But the arrows were gone from the quiver, The cup was drained to the lees, As he cried, "Let us cross o'er the river And rest under the shade of the trees." 252 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT None heard the rush of the waters, None heard the splash of the oar, But the leader forever departed, And the army wept by the shore. The third incident that immortalizes Lee's unselfishness occurred after the war. Bill Arp says that "when the Confederate soldier got home from Appo- mattox, he had nothing, nothing to get nothing with, and nothing to put it in." The condition in which General Lee found himself was not unlike that of the soldiers in the rank and file. His magnificent home at Arlington had been con- fiscated and converted into a Federal cemetery. All of his private fortune had been exhausted during the long war and he and his family were reduced to absolute poverty. At this time a life insurance company offered Lee the sum of $50,000 a year to serve as president of the company. "But," said Lee, "I am not familiar with the work." "Why, General," replied the representative of the insurance company, "we do not expect you to do any work; we simply want the use of your name." "Well," replied Lee, "if my name is worth $50,000 a year, don't you think I ought to be careful about how I use it?" And so, again he turned his back upon all the world could offer, and went to work as president of a poor little college at a salary of $1,500 a year. Solomon said, "A good name is rather to be chosen than great riches." Lee exemplified it. Solomon reduced his faith to a proverb; Lee translated his into a life. Is it not suggestive of the real soul of the South that the two greatest men she has produced in a hundred years were college presidents? Lee crowned his life's work by teaching the young men of the land, while Woodrow Wilson made that teaching the basis of his subsequent career. The second quality of Lee I wish to emphasize is that the man was never submerged in the soldier. Lee is today by impartial critics placed in the first rank as a military captain, but never in all his career did the captain efface the Christian. He had in heroic fashion proved his allegiance to his native State, but never for one moment did he forget nor permit his army to forget that his and their supreme allegiance was to God and to humanity. ~No theories about military necessity could tempt him to forget the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man. Sherman said that war was hell, and in his march through Georgia and South Carolina he did his best to prove his own definition. In striking contrast with the conduct of Sherman in South Carolina is that of Lee in Pennsylvania. His general order 'No. 72 makes for him a place as lofty as it is unique in the history of an invading army. In that great order he says : The Commanding General considers that no greater disgrace would befall the army, and through it our whole people, than the perpetration of the barbarous outrages upon the innocent and defenseless and the wanton de- struction of private property that have marked the course of the enemy in our own country. Such proceedings not only disgrace the perpetrators and all connected with them, but are subversive of the discipline and efficiency of the army and obstructive to the ends of our present movements. It must be remembered that we make war only on armed men and that we cannot take vengeance for the wrongs our people have suffered without lowering our- selves in the eyes of all whose abhorrence has been excited by the atrocities of our enemy, and offending against Him to whom vengeance belongeth, with- out whose favor and support our efforts must all prove in vain. The Com- PUBLIC ADDRESSES 253 manding General, therefore, earnestly exhorts the troops to abstain with most scrupulous care from unnecessary or wanton injury to private property, and he enjoins upon all officers to arrest and bring to summary punishment all who shall in any way offend against the orders on this subject. R. E. Lee, General. If the spirit of this order had controlled the armies of Europe in the present war, what frightful suffering, what nameless outrages would have been spared the women and children of those unhappy lands. The third quality of Lee I desire to emphasize is that while in victory he was great, in defeat he was glorious — and this is the rarer virtue. Adversity is the supreme test of character, and through this furnace heated with the baleful fires of envy, malice and bigotry, Lee walked like the chosen of God in the olden times and came forth unscathed, unscarred, and without even the smell of fire upon his garments. One of his favorite sayings was that human fortitude ought always to be equal to human calamity. "When the test came he lifted his life to the level of his ideals. In a sense Lee failed just as Napoleon failed — each lost the army under his command. Neither accomplished the immediate object for which he fought. But to Napoleon the loss of his army meant a tragedy of impotency and despair ; to Lee it meant simply the shifting of his forces to a new field of endeavor. To Napoleon, Waterloo was a fathomless abyss ; to Lee, Appomattox was a vale of darkness and tears, through which he passed and led his people to a nobler and higher destiny. He incarnated the immortal lines of Tennyson, "That men may rise on stepping-stones Of their dead selves to higher things." But the thought I most love to dwell upon is that Robert E. Lee and Stone- wall Jackson are not merely individuals — they are types, they are the products of Southern civilization and sum up the virtues of their people. In them we find incarnated the noblest traits of the Confederate soldier. In their characters are realized the aspirations of the men who followed them. I am now going to make the strongest statement I ever made in my life. I have a son, an only son. I talk to him about Lee, read to him about Lee, give him books about Lee and pictures of Lee. I want to get his mind saturated with the spirit of Lee, for I would rather that boy would take Lee for his model, for his hero, than any human being that ever walked this earth. Take him as a boy of eleven, honoring the memory of his father and looking with tenderest solicitude after the comfort of his widowed mother; take him as a student, submitting to the rigid military discipline at West Point, going through the entire course without a single demerit against him and graduating second in a class of forty-six ; take him as a young officer, handsome as Apollo, the scion of a noble house, his lineage and his uniform threw wide open the doors of society, and temptations to lead a life of ease, of adventure, of knightly conquests, were as thick around him as flowers in springtime; and yet he works hard at his chosen profession, uses neither liquor nor tobacco, and brings to his young wife a record of personal purity as stainless as her own. Look at him as a subaltern in Mexico, watching with eagle eye for every opportunity to serve, and performing every service with such splendid efficiency and unselfish courage that General Scott came to love him as his own son, and in later years the old General begged the young Colonel with tears in his eyes to be the Commander-in-Chief of all the armies of the North. 254 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT Follow his majestic figure through the tangled mazes of the Seven Days Battle around Richmond, in the irresistible sweep of his legions at Chancellorsville, upon the trembling hills of Gettysburg, in the mad, wild work of the Wilderness, as with matchless skill he "rides the whirlwind and directs the storm." Go to the quiet shades of "Washington College and see him with simple dignity teaching the young men how to rebuild a wasted land. Taken all and in all, he was a man. We shall not see his like again. Young gentlemen, let us take these two types of the Southern soldier and the Southern gentleman for our models. Let us square our lives by their exalted standards. Let us hearken to the spirit of Lee and Jackson even as our fathers hearkened to their voice. Thus will the blood of our fathers find noble fruitage. Thus from the grave will come forth victory, and the sentinels whose beat is the sky-line will report to our deathless dead that "All is well in Dixie." (25) MASS CONSCIENCE Tn his "Chambered Nautilus," Oliver "Wendell Holmes says: "Year after year beheld the silent toil That spread his lustrous coil; Still, as the spiral grew, He left the past year's dwelling for the new, Stole with soft step its shining archway through, Built up its idle door, Stretched in his last-found home, and knew the old no more." This description of progressive achievement is as accurate as it is poetic, and applies widely to community as well as to individual life. All discarded customs, conveniences and creeds are outgrown shells of a civilization that by divine impetus moves ever on to higher and broader levels. Time was when the Samsons and Goliaths, the Herculeses, the Gargantuans and Brobdingnagians, held the world in their hands and lorded over their fellows by sheer brute force. Then the Caesars and Alexanders, Napoleons and Kaisers, forged men and machinery into thunderbolts and conquered and dazzled the world with military power and glory. The Rothschilds, the Goulds, the Rocke- fellers and the Morgans next gained the ascendancy and made the dollar-mark the sign manual of our civilization and hard cash the passport to power. All these have had their day and are still in our midst. But while we recognize their presence we no longer bow down to them nor worship them. A new force is gripping the souls of men and chiseling the civilization of the hour. It is the mass conscience of the race. Man had not traveled far from cave and jungle before he recognized that personal integrity was an essential factor to enduring happiness and success. There could be neither commercial nor social intercourse unless A. B. was required to deal fairly with C. D. The rights of the first and second persons had to be guaranteed before the rights of the third person could be considered. Hence, for PUBLIC ADDRESSES 255 nineteen centuries the moral energies of sages and prophets were exerted to produce a just man. Thousands of years ago celestial wisdom challenged the race "to mark the perfect man and behold the upright." The peculiar obligation of the twentieth century is to produce a just com- munity. Ours is the task to make the public conscience as sensitive as that of the individual. A crowd of college students will make a raid upon a chicken roost when no single boy among them could be tempted to commit petty larceny. A mob will lynch a prisoner when no man in it would commit murder. The sense of personal responsibility is lost in the crowd. Likewise, men banded together in corporations, in communities and in states absolve themselves of all individual responsibility for the conduct of the aggregation. They think of the corporation, of the community, of the state as an entity entirely separate and distinct from themselves. The times demand that there be driven into the hearts of men the truth, that if a corporation commits grand larceny every officer and director in it is a petty thief and every stockholder a receiver of stolen goods. If a town permits crime and preventable disease to flourish in its limits the sin lies at the door of every man in the town. Theologically and biologically, a clean street is as vital and as personal as a clean shirt. More than this: if a state stands by and allows a man who is engaged in a legitimate business to be sandbagged by a more powerful rival every citizen of that state is accessory to the crime. If one nation makes war on another in the absence of a supreme necessity all the citizens of that nation are guilty of manslaughter. Today the whole world has through agony and bloody sweat been driven to the conviction that the great command, "Thou shalt not kill," is as binding on the conscience of a nation as on that of an individual. Long ago governments decreed that men must not settle their differences by an appeal to "blood and iron." The adjudication of titles to land by wager of battle, the wiping out of personal affronts on the "field of honor," the levying of tribute by barons and buccaneers, the bloody clash of hostile clans, have all been barred and banned by "Order of the King." Governments have taught the people that brute force is savagery and have compelled individuals and communities to submit all their grievances to the judgment of an impartial tribunal. The people have learned that lesson well. They have become enamored of the principle, and today the mass conscience of mankind sternly demands that governments shall be as careful of human life as they require individuals to be ; that nations as well as men shall abandon the appeal to force and fear and settle their differences in a forum of reason and righteousness. The continued existence of civilization depends on the universal acceptance of two basic principles. First, that governments as well as men must come into court. Second, that no man nor group of men has any rights the assertion of which would be fatal to the peace and happiness of all the people. The last named principle was given spectacular and immortal recognition in the United States when we entered the World War. In the spring of 1917 the individual citizen was intensely busy about his personal affairs. He was enjoying as never before the life, liberty and pursuit of happiness guaranteed to him by the Declaration of Independence. The farmer was pitching tremendous crops to feed and clothe a hungry, naked world; the manufacturer was running his plant overtime to meet the orders that flowed in from every quarter of the globe; the merchant was laying in vast stocks of goods 256 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT to be ready for the unprecedented demands of trade; the doctor was riding day and night, ministering to the sick and the dying; the lawyer was burning the midnight oil, getting ready to try his cases in court. Then suddenly there stood before the individual citizen a tall, gray figure and touched him on the shoulder and said: "Son, come; I have need of thee." The individual said: "What are you going to do with me?" Uncle Sam replied: "I'm going to put you into a training camp and work you from five o'clock in the morning until nine o'clock at night for one dollar a day. I'm going to march and counter-march you in the broiling sun until you lose every pound of your surplus flesh and become as hard as nails. I'm going to make you salute second lieutenants 746 times a day to imbue you with proper respect for military authority ; and then, when I get you whipped into proper shape and discipline, I'm going to load you on a ship and carry you three thousand miles through German submarines. When you get) over on the other side, I'm going to point out to you several million German soldiers and say: 'Go after them, my son, and get their limburger before they get your cigarettes.' " The individual citizen said : "Well, Uncle, that is some fierce program ; what's it all about ? What's it for ?" Uncle Sam replied : "It is for the future safety, peace, prosperity and happiness of all the people of the United States, and for the civilization of the world." Thereupon the individual straightened up, squared his shoulders, and with a light in his eye and a ring in his voice that boded ill for the Hun, he said : "Well, Uncle, if that's the game, I'm your meat." And so the soldier went forth to fight and die for the welfare and happiness of all the people of the United States. He made a good job of it. The Kaiser and all his captains will admit that the American doughboy "seen his duty and done it." Then he came back home, threw down his gun, took off his uniform, became a private citizen and settled down to enjoy the blessings and privileges of the community he fought to save. The folks were delighted to see him. They gave him the glad hand. They got him a good job, and then he went around to see the little woman who had waited and prayed for him while he was on the other side; and it was not long before they called in the parson and started down the long path, hand in hand. They were very happy. The years stretched before them in all the glory and freshness of a dream, and life was strangely sweet, as it ever is to the young when the heart beats fast and hopes climb high. Then one morning he stepped out into the streets, saw the people gathered in excited crowds, went up to see what was the matter, and he read in flaming head- lines in the newspaper that the city in which he lived was isolated from the rest of the world. No telegraphic, no telephonic communication, no trains could enter or leave the city, and the erstwhile soldier exclaimed: "Am I dreaming? Is this some frightful nightmare, or have I been living in a fool's paradise? Have those pesky Germans tricked us after all, and in a mighty aerial squadron swept across the sea and surrounded this city in a single night ?" The neighbors said : "Oh, no, son — no Huns around anywhere. The employers and employees in the tele- graph, telephone and railroad companies have had a disagreement, and everybody got mad and quit. They won't work themselves and they won't let anybody else work." And then that doughboy laughed aloud, and said : "You just leave it to me and I'll settle this damned foolishness in fifteen minutes." And then he threw back his head and in stentorian tones that had many a time made the Hun tremble in his dug-out, he cried : "Uncle Sam ! Uncle Sam !" Instantly there stood before PUBLIC ADDRESSES 257 him that tall, gray figure that had touched him on the shoulder in the spring of 1917. The soldier said: "Uncle, two years ago you needed me; now I need you. Way up in the mountains the dear old mother is wasting away. The last letter that came said that she was so anxious to see her hoy before she passed over the river. I cannot hear from her any more — no mails, no telegrams, no telephones. I would like to go up and see how she is getting along, but no trains are permitted to enter or leave the city. And then, Uncle, you know when I got back home, I married Mary, who had waited patiently for me. I got a good job. I com- menced to save my money to build a little nest, and, Uncle, very soon the Heavenly Father is going to send a little angel down to brighten and bless our home. But the factory where I work has only three days supply of coal. If no more coal comes in, the factory will close down. I will be out of a job ; the winter is coming on, and God alone knows what will become of Mary and the baby that is to be. Now, Uncle, I want you to put an end to this damned foolishness. I want you to issue an order that all the wires shall be opened and that every train shall move on schedule time." The shoulders of that tall, gray figure droop ; a look of unutterable sadness and shame comes into his face, and he says : "Son, I am very sorry, but in a crisis like this I can do nothing." Then that soldier leaps forward like a tiger that fights for mate and cub, his lips curl, his eyes blaze; he points his finger at that tall, gray figure and says: "Two years ago you snatched me from home and job, hurled me across the sea, stood me up before German machine guns and told me to kill or be killed for the welfare and happiness of all the people. Now, if a handful of men can cut this city off from the world, close up every store, shut down every factory, and starve and freeze the women and children, then tell me, my Uncle Samuel, what in the hell was I fighting for?" When the American soldier sacrificed every individual right, abandoned every personal pleasure, and buried every private profit to fight for the common good in France he breathed immortal life into the principle that no man in the United States has any rights the assertion of which would prove fatal to the welfare and happiness of all the people. ^ Water, heat, light, and means of communication and transportation are essential not only to the welfare and happiness, but to the very life of the people. It follows as the night the day that the people of the United States have an in- destructible right to utilities that will surely provide these supreme necessities. If a group of financial magnates, or industrial magnates, or labor magnates, singly or combined, have the power to tie up the public utilities of the continent, immediately paralyze the business of the Nation and ultimately starve and freeze the people into submission to their will, then government for the people has already perished from the United States. Congress owes it as a debt of honor to the American soldier to enact a law that will absolutely guarantee to the people the constant and efficient operation of all public utilities engaged in interstate commerce. Of course, any such law would of necessity provide a tribunal of the people to hear grievances and, if necessary, to fix wages; but all men engaged in operating such utilities, whether employers or employees, must be made to understand that they are the servants of the people, that they must trust the people to deal fairly with them, and that they cannot come before the august tribunal of the people with a plea for justice in one hand and a six-shooter in the other. 17 258 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Walkouts and lockouts are on a dead moral level with fists and clubs and fire and sword ; and unless we can devise some saner method of adjusting industrial disputes that menace the very lives of the people our civilization will collapse and we will hark back to the law of the jungle, and let him take who has the power, and let him keep who can. But some one will cry: "You want to rob us of our personal liberty!" Alas, how many crimes have been committed in that name. The whole social fabric is built up on the principle that a man may not so use his liberty as to injure or destroy his neighbor. And whether or not one is so using his personal liberty is for the community, and not for himself, to decide. The genius of justice for- bids any man to sit in judgment on his own case. A claims that B owes him a large sum of money arising out of contract or tort. B denies that he owes anything. A says, "Well, let the courts decide the issue." "But," says B, "there is nothing for the courts to decide. The whole claim is a wicked frame-up, and if it should be allowed it would rob me and my family of all we have labored to accumulate in a lifetime, and leave my wife and myself paupers in our old age." This plea is powerful and pathetic, but of no avail. Society has decreed that B must come into court and abide its decision, no matter what the consequences may be. Again, A is indicted for murder and a warrant is issued for his arrest. He backs against the wall and says : "I am no murderer. I never saw the dead man ; I never heard of him. I was a thousand miles away when the crime was com- mitted. I have done nothing to be tried for, and I refuse to have my life placed in jeopardy when I am as innocent as the angels above." But society says to him : "Come into court and let twelve men, good and true, say whether or not you are to live or die." If society can compel an individual to submit to the judgment of an impartial tribunal a matter involving all the labor of all his years, and even life itself, it is tragic stupidity to allow a whole community to be frozen and starved while the men who have undertaken to supply it with fuel and food haggle over whether they shall receive sixty or seventy cents an hour for their services. All of us believe in justice to all men, at all times, but the vital question is, How shall what is justice be ascertained and decreed ? Savagery says, by a club ; civilization says, by the enlightened judgment of an impartial court. The mass conscience of mankind has rendered a definite decision in favor of the court and against the club. The world is weary of the thunder of the captains and the shoutings, and is ripe to yield allegiance to that wisdom whose ways are the ways of pleasantness and all whose paths are peace. But if the council table is to grip the souls of men and chart the highways of civilization there must be no quibbling nor any semblance of shuffling, but it must hand down decisions saturated with and sanctified by the "wisdom of the just." The great Cardinal Richelieu lay dying. His followers gathered about him and said : "Tell us, O Richelieu, the secret of your wondrous power." The dying Cardinal replied : "Some say it is courage — that I am a lion. Others say, it is cunning — that I am a fox. I tell you it is neither; it is justice." Justice, a divine sense of justice, regnant in the councils of nations and in the hearts of men, is the only power that can save the world today from a saturnalia of selfishness and savagery. The great statistician, Roger W. Babson, said in a recent address : "The funda- mentals of prosperity are in the Ten Commandments." / say that the funda- PUBLIC ADDRESSES 259 mentals of life are in the Sermon on the Mount. Those sinister spirits who despise all law and seek to dynamite the foundations of society keenly realize that Christianity is the barrier that blocks their way. Therefore, every anarchist in the world is an atheist, and bolshevisni shrieks from the housetops that there is no God. The only hope for humanity, the only power that can save it from hell — and not from some fanciful hell in the hereafter, but from hell right now — is in the voice that said to the troubled waters of Galilee, "Peace, be still." Young man, that voice straight from the skies calls to you today and says : "Son, give me thine heart." A world reeking with blood and drenched with tears waits and prays for your dauntless faith and deathless love. Out of the presses of the gods a new wine is gushing. Old bottles cannot contain it. The mighty issues of the hour cannot be met by those "whose windows are darkened and who are afraid of that which is high." The task calls for youth with its far, clear vision and its sublime audacity. "Our hearts, our hopes, our prayers, our tears, Our faith, triumphant o'er our fears, Are all with thee, are all with thee." (26) WEIGHTS AND MEASURES OR STANDARDS OF VALUE The story is told that some years ago, up in one of the western counties, the news went abroad that a certain elder in the Primitive Baptist Church was to be tried by his church on the charge of selling whiskey. Owing to the prominence of the elder and the nature of the charge, a vast crowd of people assembled at the church on the day set for the trial. At the hour appointed the Senior Elder of the church arose and said that he had learned since arriving upon the grounds that there was an impression that Elder Shelton was to be tried upon the charge of selling whiskey. He stated that this was a grave mistake; that no such charge had been preferred, and would not have been investigated by the church if it had been preferred ; that whether or not Elder Shelton should sell whiskey was a matter to be settled in his own conscience. But the very serious charge which had been preferred, and which the church felt called upon to sift to the bottom, was that when Elder Shelton sold whiskey he did not always give good measure. This incident serves to introduce the subject on which I propose to talk, to wit : "Weights and Measures or Standards of Value. The importance of weighing and measuring with absolute honesty and in- fallible accuracy is everywhere recognized. Business, morality, and religion unite in demanding standards of weight and measure that will guarantee twelve inches to the foot and sixteen ounces to the pound. Every enlightened people in every age have insisted upon standards that know neither variableness nor shadow of turning. Time and again in the history of that marvelous journey through the wilder- ness Jehovah warns his chosen people against sin in this respect. "Thou shalt do no injustice in judgment, in mete yard, in weight or in measure." 260 PAPEES OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT And the very wisest of men declares that "A false balance is an abomination to the Lord, while a just weight is his delight." The governments of the world have expended large sums of money and taxed the ingenuity of their men of science in bringing their systems of weights and measures up to the highest degree of perfection. Any error or uncertainty in this respect is odious and intolerable. The Pope may err — who cares? But if the peck measure falls from grace there is rebellion, chaos and confusion among the people. Many cunning devices for weighing and measuring with absolute accuracy have been invented, until today, from the machine in the grocery store that cuts you off exactly one-quarter of a pound of cheese, to those marvelous instruments with which we weigh and measure the stars in their courses, there is left no room for mistakes. Observations of daily life emphasize the necessity for correct standards. If the rule and square of the carpenter be untrue, who can vouch for the grace or the strength of the building? If the compass records a lie, the good ship will be driven far from her course and may, at any moment, go to pieces on unknown rocks in uncharted seas. The integrity of our standards must be preserved, else there will be waste, blunders, and crimes. Archimedes was one of the most celebrated mathematicians of ancient times. The Tyrant of Syracuse had given his jeweler a lot of gold to be made into a crown. The crown was made, but the Tyrant suspected that his jeweler had mixed with the gold some baser metal, and he called upon Archimedes to find out whether or not the crown was all of pure gold. The great scholar was much perplexed, but one day, while he was taking his bath, he began to think of how much less he would weigh in the water than out of it. The great law of specific gravity flashed through his mind, and he leaped from the bath-tub and without waiting to put on his cravat, ran through the streets of the city crying, "Eureka, eureka." Every man in this world is striving for a crown. Is it all of pure gold? What is this thing worth for which we are taxing the energies of body and soul ? What does it weigh and count in the "vast concerns of an eternal scheme" ? In every wholesale house there is a rating department. This is in charge of the credit man. A. B. sends in his order, but before it reaches the sales department it must pass the rating department. The credit man says the first word. He gets all the facts he can about A. B. and about his property, his habits, his character, and then he rates him and decides whether or not the house can afford to honor the order. In every well-regulated mind there should be a like rating department. There every proposition should be carefully analyzed, for every important transaction in life has in it the elements of bargain and sale. Daily men and women go forth in the marts of the world to barter for happiness and success. We give and we receive, we put in and we take out. There is an exchange of values. And whether the day's work spells profit or loss depends upon our ability to appraise at their true value the offerings of the street. The Bible is essentially a book of values, and the Great Teacher states the philosophy of life in terms of a balance sheet when he inquires, "What shall it profit a man if he gain the whole world and lose his own soul ?" PUBLIC ADDRESSES 261 We speak of crises in lives of men and nations, and by a crisis we mean a crossing, a place where the ways divide and a man must choose his course. A crisis always presents a question of values. It tests a man's capacity to rate at their true worth the things between which he must choose. There stood one day in a Grecian village two gods, Neptune and Athene, and bid for the allegiance of the people. Neptune offered them wealth and power, while Athene tendered wisdom and virtue. There was much debate, but at last the people decided to follow Athene. They named their village Athens, and her arts and learning became the marvel and the glory of the world. It may be said that this is a myth, found in the literature of a poetic people, but there is an immortal truth in the tale. For today, in every town and city and in the highways and byways of the world, the same gods stand and bid for the allegiance of men. On one hand stands Neptune, with his trident of power, offering "this world and all the glory of it." On the other hand stands Athene, with eyes that fathom the years, saying, "Son, give me thine heart." And the two gods represent the two standards of weighing and measuring human life which press for adoption. The one is the subjective theory. The mudsill of this theory is that selfishness both is and of right ought to be the mainspring of all human action. It is the standard that always writes the big "I" and the little "you." Its prayer, when it prays at all, is, "God bless me and my wife, and my son John and his wife — us four, and no more." This theory of life finds its perfect incarnation in the man who says, "I don't care a hang what happens in this world so long as it doesn't happen to me." Essentially and grossly materialistic, this system refuses to count anything as an asset that cannot be measured by the yard or weighed by the pound. The dollar-mark is its sign manual and its password is hard cash. If it ever dreams, its dreams are of gold, gigantic fortunes made in a day and palaces more gorgeous than Aladdin's rising in a single night. Its only poetry is of the power of wealth, its only music the jingling of the guinea that helps the hurt that honor feels. It reverses the celestial mandate and cries, "Seek ye first all these things and the kingdom of heaven will be added unto you." Hence, the inordinate passion of the age for things, the bondage of men to matter, the passing of the prophets and the reign of the profiteer. The horseman serves the horse, The neat-herd serves the neat, The merchant serves his purse, The eater serves his meat. 'Tis the day of the chattel, Web to weave and corn to grind, Things are in the saddle And ride mankind. Do not understand me to decry wealth. It is a cheap and senseless thing to do. I have neither sympathy nor patience with that brand of pessimism that considers every man who has a dollar ahead a suspicious character. It is a man's duty to earn what he can with clean hands and without oppressing his neighbor. "Seest thou a man diligent in business, he shall stand before kings." It is eminently right and desirable for a man to own a dollar, but it is an entirely different matter when the dollar owns the man. It is a question of owner- ship — of mastery. You have a certain piece of property. Did you buy the 262 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT property or did the property buy you? The difference is vital and plain. It was not the presence of gold in the Israelitish camp that gave offense to Moses; it was against the worship of the calf that he filed his immortal protest. The corollary of measuring life by a bank account is rating a man by the office he happens to hold, or by the particular kind of work in which he is engaged. These things are the incidents, sometimes the accidents, of life. They are mere brackets and trimmings, and do not necessarily enter into the real framework of a man's character. Our State motto is a fine protest against judging a life by appearances. But is "To be rather than to seem" the ruling passion of our people at the present time ? Why does any man knowingly and persistently live beyond his income ? His whole life is on an impossible, false basis, and he knows it. But he values more highly what his neighbor thinks than what he himself knows. He would rather appear prosperous in the eyes of the world than to he rich in his own heart. Hence, man- hood and womanhood are sacrificed to an insane desire to keep up appearances. Economy is a despised art and frugality a forgotten virtue. Men mortgage their homes for automobiles and women buy diamonds on the installment plan. All sorts of get-rich-quick schemes abound and appeal to the excited fancies of men. To my mind the most pernicious evil of the times is the unwillingness of men to do a day's work for a day's pay. The young man wants to get rich over night. He is not content to abide the sure, slow processes of the years; and so we "grow a gourd vine where we wanted an oak." Two young people get married. They want to start in life just one round higher than where the old people left off after fifty years of toil and self-denial. They are unwilling to grow the wings upon which to rise, but want to sail on bought or borrowed plumage. Therefore, in certain circles, marriage is rapidly becoming the exception rather than the rule. I read some time ago in a magazine that in a first-class club in New York a man can live comfortably on $10,000 a year, while it would cost the same man $50,000 a year to marry and associate with the same people. The home is, there- fore, fighting a losing battle with the club. There is a slump in matrimonial values, and all over this land we find thousands of men taking exercise by swinging Indian clubs in a gymnasium who ought to be getting their physical training doing midnight skirt dance stunts to the warlike lamentations of their latest born. This over-capitalization of appearances is responsible for the habit of rating people by the profession they follow or the kind of work in which they are engaged. It should be burned in the minds of the young that there are no degrees in honest toil except degrees of excellence. Said Thomas Carlyle : "Two men I honor and no third. First, the toil-worn craftsman, that with earth-made implements laboriously conquers the earth and makes her man's. Venerable to me is the hard hand, crooked, coarse, wherein notwithstanding lies a cunning virtue, indefeasibly royal, as of the scepter of this planet." To me there is no more appealing picture than that which the world presents every morning when in obedience to the divine command men go forth to earn their bread. I don't know how it originated, but there is abroad in the land a notion that a business which calls on a man to wear a long-tailed coat and put on a clean shirt every day is more respectable than one in which he is expected to wear no coat at all. "Well, I have never heard of a soldier being looked down upon because PUBLIC ADDRESSES 263 he emerged from the fight covered with the smoke and dust of battle, and to my mind the smoke of a furnace is just as honorable as that of a cannon. The prevalence of this notion is responsible for the fact that the professions, so-called, are crowded, while in the industrial callings there are not enough workers to supply the demand. I am not much of a philologist, and I don't know why it is that doctors and lawyers and preachers and teachers are called professional men, while the farmer and carpenter and machinist are called laboring men, unless it be that the doctors and lawyers and preachers and teachers are always professing to do something, while the other folks just go ahead and do it without making any professions about it. A profession is just as honorable as the men in it make it, and the man who does not honor his profession is dishonored by it. The world tips its cap to the blacksmith who knows his business, while it regards with pity and contempt the man who is a doctor in name only. David was just as much the servant of God when he was tending his father's sheep upon the hills of Judea as when he went up to do battle with Goliath of Gath ; for, then and now, it was just as essential to the salvation of Israel to raise sheep as to kill Philistines. The man who makes a chair is worthy of as much honor and consideration as the man who makes a sermon, the only difference between the two jobs being that while the chair will always make you feel rested, the sermon will not always make you feel tired. The women, too, are not entirely blameless in this respect. Too often is it the case that a young woman will be all smiles to the counter-jumper from the city, who parts his hair in the middle and wears the latest cut of spring trousers while she turns a cold shoulder to the sturdy young farmer or mechanic who has in him the physical, moral and intellectual stuff that turns the wheels of the world. And this has its effect, for deny it as they may and lie about it as they will, the truth remains that every man, down in the bottom of his heart, wants to be just the sort of fellow that some woman will be proud of. "Men will travel far to plant a star Where fame's wide sky is thrown, But a longer way for some woman to say, 'I love you for my own.' " I have a notion that the devil would not pay much to insure the delivery to him of the average man if it were not for the saving grace of some good woman. Now mind you, I did not say good, I said good woman, with the circumflex upon the woman. Young lady, do not make the mistake of exhausting all your energies in being good; remember you are to be a woman. We want you to be an angel, but what Carlyle calls "a blooming, warm, earth angel." Be as irreproachable as the North Pole, but not so unapproachable. Be as pure as the snowflake that falls from the sky, but do not be a snowflake. For however much we may admire the stainless beauty of the falling snow, we do not want to marry a snow-bank. Do not understand me to say that a young man should not have his dreams. Let him put on wings and browse among the uttermost stars. I would simply save him from the rude awakening which comes to every man who finds himself trying to do something for which he has no special fitness. Seek the work you can do better than anything else; to that work you are divinely called. Give yourself to that work, go to it with the enthusiasm with which the bridegroom goes to marriage. Put hand and head and heart into the work and let it be a perfect work, even as the work of His hands is perfect. For it is 264 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BIOKETT "Thus at the roaring loom of Time I ply And weave for God the garment thou seest him by." So much for those standards that measure life in yards and pounds. The other theory holds that goodness is greatness, that virtue is value, that service to God and his fellows is the measure of a man. This theory answers the question of Cain and boldly asserts that every man is his brother's keeper. It acknowledges allegiance to the law of kindness. It believes that to live in hearts we leave behind is not to die. It accepts at par the declaration of the ISTazarene that "he who loses his life shall save it." Abraham Lincoln voiced this theory when he said : "Die when I may, I want it said of me by those who knew me best that I always plucked a thistle and planted a flower where I thought a flower would grow." This theory resents the suggestion that man is one with the fowl and the brute, that the clay is the peer of the potter. It realizes that man cannot live by bread alone, but requires for his proper development every "word that proceeds out of the mouth of God." The Boman poet said that all men should pray for a sound mind in a sound body; but what is a sound body? It is a body in perfect harmony with its en- vironment, a body in which all the organs are in perfect harmony with each other and with every other fact in physical life. An imperfect correspondence between the body and its environment means disease. A total failure of this cor- respondence means death. And this principle of natural law holds in the spiritual world. Do you really believe that man is something more than an animal? Do you believe in love as distinguished from passion? Is faith a very real force in your life? And do you believe in dreams, which are the finest form of faith, and in poetry, which is the living voice of love and faith and dreams? Then if you would live this higher life, you must maintain a correspondence with these great currents in the spiritual world. If, by nonuse and misuse, you lose your grip on these things, then for you there can be no spiritual health. And so this theory says that love is the last, best test of life. "He prayeth best who loveth best All things, both great and small." Love is not sickly sentimentality, it is no weakling ; it is the only thing that lifts man above himself and makes heroes of common dust. "The bravest are the tenderest, The loving are the daring." And then there are faith and dreams, which are the finest forms of faith. But some one will inquire, do you believe in dreams? Most assuredly. All the great achievements of this world are simply dreams come true. The men who carry the world on their shoulders are the men who have great dreams and under their inspiration go forth and make the dream of today the fact of tomorrow. Joseph was a dreamer. He dreamed that the sun and moon and eleven stars bowed down to him, and his brethren exclaimed with scorn : "Behold, this dreamer cometh!" And yet the dreamer became a king's counselor and the savior of all his people. The temple in all its grandeur must rise in the fancy of the architect before it becomes a fact in wood and marble. The great picture hangs long in the gallery of the artist's mind before it is transferred to canvas. PUBLIC ADDRESSES 265 When Jenny Lind sang in Castle Garden and dissolute men and depraved women listened in silence and in tears, she simply threw open the windows of her soul and let the music out. I like to remember that it was Paul, the greatest scholar of his age, a logician than whom the world has seen no greater, who stood up before a pagan king and said, "Whereupon, King Agrippa, I was not disobedient unto that heavenly vision." God pity the young man who has no heavenly vision, who builds no castles in Spain, high and stately mansions, through whose spacious halls walk the good and the great. Yes, dream on, young man. Believe in goodness and in greatness. Have faith that every mau is a hero and every woman a virgin. Paint the future in glorious colors. Garland it with roses, gild it with rainbows, and jewel it with stars. And though the north winds blow and blight all the roses, though the rainbow fade away and all the stars go out, you will in the darkness of desolation be a stronger and better man by reason of a beautiful dream. He came to us with dreams to sell. Ah, long ago it seems! From regions where enchantments dwell He came to us with dreams to sell, And we had need of dreams. Our thought had planned with artful care, Our patient toil had wrought The roomy treasure houses where Were heaped the costly and the rare; But dreams we had not bought. Nay; we had felt no need of these Until, with dulcet strain, Alluring as the melodies That mock the lonely on the seas, He made all else seem vain. Bringing an aching sense of dearth, A troubled, vague unrest, A fear that we whose care on earth Had been to garner things of worth Had somehow missed the best. Then, as had been our wont before, Unused in vain to sigh, We turned our treasures o'er and o'er, But found in all our vaunted store No coin that dreams would buy. We stood with empty hands; but gay As though upborne on wings, He left us, and at set of day We heard him singing far away The song of simple things. He left us, and with apathy We gazed upon our gold, But to the world's ascendancy Submissive soon we came to be, Much as we were of old. PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Yet sometimes when the fragrant dawn In early splendor beams, And sometimes when, the twilight gone, The moon o'ersilvers wood and lawn, An echo of his dreams Brings to the heart a swift regret Which is not wholly pain, And grieving we would not forget The vision hallowed to us yet, The hope that seemed so vain. And then we envy not the throng That careless passes by, With no remembrance of the song; Though we must listen still and long To hear it, till we die. And this standard places a high value on poetry, the living voice of love and faith and dreams. The poets are the prophets, endowed with eyes to see and tongues to tell. Pitiful would be the poverty of the world if the poets should all be taken away. Who can measure the value to the Jews and to all Christendom of the songs of the shepherd lad ? The scepter has departed from Judah and not one stone of the great temple is left. The Jews have scattered to the ends of the earth, and as a nation they are not : but while time endures the world will continue to read, "The heavens declare the glory of God and the firmament showeth His handiwork." The long spear of the Macedonian phalanx and the short sword of the Roman soldier centuries ago lost their terror and their might, but in Homer and Horace the world still sees and feels something of the "glory that was Greece and the grandeur that was Rome." Scotland has a great history. In peace and war, in religion and in science she has written her name so high that today, from the great ships built in her docks to her Scotch plaids, Scotch snuff and Scotch whiskey, the world pays a premium for everything that bears the Scottish name. But when Scotland shall become as Nineveh and Tyre, when her "Wallace and Bruce, her Douglas and Macgregor shall have been forgotten, and their very names perish from the memory of man, the carefree will still revel in the rollicking fun of Tarn O'Shanter, the worshiper of delicate beauty will read with rapture, To a Mountain Daisy, and the Banks and Braes o' Bonnie Doon. The broken-hearted lover will find solace and sympathy in the wild, passionate strains of Highland Mary, and all the homes of the world will be baptized in the fadeless beauty of A Cotter's Saturday Night. We all stand uncovered in the presence of England. Dear old England, Mother of Civilization ! In what titanic proportions her mighty figure looms up against the sky-line ! Yet when England shall pass away, when the sun shall set on all her domains, and when, in the fine language of her own Macaulay, "Some traveler from N~ew Zealand, in the midst of a vast solitude, shall take his stand on a broken arch of London Bridge to sketch the ruins of St. Paul's," still, in the very ends and girdles of the earth, and mayhap in worlds now undiscovered, down to the very last syllable of recorded time, men and women will stand in the gray eventide of life and in their souls whisper — "Sunset, and evening star, And one clear call for me. And may there be no moaning of the bar When I put out to sea." (V) STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS 1917 1. The General Assembly of 1917 — An Impression. 2. Loyalty of North Carolina. 3. State Food Conservation Commission. 4. Meeting of Sheriffs. 5. North Carolina Orphan Association. 1918 6. The Democratic Platform. 7. The Hunger for a Home — How It May Be Satisfied. 1919 8. An Inspiring Record. 9. Governor Bickett's Administration Represents Neiv High Record of Legislative Achievement. 10. Not Running for Office. 11. Statement About Committee on Negro Economics. 12. Statement in Regard to South Atlantic Maritime Corporation. 13. Loyal Order of Klansmen — A Very Foolish and a Very 'Wicked Order. 14. Negro Emigration. 15. Address to State Federation of Labor in Raleigh. 16. The Miners' Strike. 17. Preliminary Statement of the State Reconstruction Commis- sion. 1920 18. Industrial Dispute Settled. 19. Tuskegee Institute. 20. Herbert Hoover. 21. The Truth About the Revaluation Act. 22. Lincoln. 23. Taxes and the Revaluation Act. 24. The Overall Club. 25. Injustice of Old System of Taxation. 26. Clark vs. Paul — Chaos vs. Revenues. 27. Final Reply to Judge Clark. 28. Alamance County Mob. 29. No Outside Meddling. 30. A Resume of the Work of the Special Session of the General Assembly of 1920. 31. Pardons and Paroles. (1) THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF 1917— AN IMPRESSION (March 15, 1917) The finest commentary on the General Assembly of 1917 will be found in the simplest statement of its record. The outstanding feature of that record is that it deals entirely with industrial, social and educational problems. Only in a negative way did the Assembly touch the domain of politics. The big, con- structive measures were considered in patriotic fashion, and it is due the members of the minority party to say that on these questions they refrained from playing politics and gave vote and voice to the support of what they conceived to be the highest good. The record discloses that the Assembly recognized two fundamental principles : 1. That every citizen is entitled to a fair chance to make his bread. 2. That a high grade citizenship cannot live by bread alone. The constitutional amendment exempting homestead notes from taxation, the crop-lien law regulating the penalty imposed on poverty for its inability to pay cash for supplies, the act providing for the teaching of the fundamentals of good farming in every country school, the law providing for medical inspection of school children so as to discover physical defects in their incipiency, the act to protect the citizens from being defrauded by the sale of nostrums for incurable diseases, the establishment of the home and school for cripples, the State-wide quarantine law, the law providing rural sanitation, were all designed and are calculated to aid the citizen in the world-old battle for bread. They deal largely with the physical necessities of men, but in addition to their commercial value they are shot through with the spirit of humanitarianism. On the other hand the constitutional amendment calling for a six- instead of a four-months school, the act authorizing the incorporation of rural communities, the liberal appropriation for moonlight schools, the expansion of the work of rural libraries, the act providing for a system of State highways, the act to encourage the installation of running water and electric lights and telephones in country homes, the appropriation to relieve the loneliness of country life by giving whole- some, instructive and entertaining exhibitions in country schoolhouses, the estab- lishment of the home for delinquent women, the creation of the State Board of Charities and Public Welfare, the special act for the building of a new home for the blind, the three-million-dollar bond issue to encourage the building - of better schoolhouses in the country, and to provide adequate quarters and equip- ment for our educational and charitable institutions, all recognize the truth that man cannot live by bread alone, but requires for his proper development the enrichment of his social and intellectual life. In addition to these measures that so vitally touch the life of the people, the administration of the State's affairs was placed upon a more intelligent and humane basis by the prison reform bill, the consolidation of the three hospitals for the insane under a single management, the act to establish a new and modern system of accounting in the State departments and institutions, the law creating ' an educational commission to consider the entire school system of the State, the act providing for a State board to examine teachers and conduct educational 270 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT institutes, the creation of a subcommission to devise an equitable system of taxation, and the law eliminating unnecessary and cumbersome reports of State departments. I do not have before me any lists of the acts of the General Assembly, and I may have omitted some important measures in this outline. But in the record above given there will be found twenty-one separate and distinct acts dealing with new subjects or old subjects in a new way. And the fine thing about the record is that not one of the acts named was written in a spirit of hostility to persons or property, but every one of them represents a proper conception of public service. The General Assembly made scant use of the hatchet, but was very busy with the trowel, the hammer and the saw. In the early days of the session there was con- siderable lost motion and there were a few grave errors of omission, but the record in its entirety reveals the Legislature of 1917 as a "Workman that needeth not to be ashamed." (2) LOYALTY OF NORTH CAROLINA (April 7, 1917) In the natural excitement of the times there is grave danger that injustice may be done good men. And in view of some things that have come to my attention I feel it to be my duty to proclaim my supreme faith in the perfect loyalty of every class of our people, regardless of race or blood. Our citizens who are of German extraction have done much in the upbuilding of the State. It was the most natural thing in the world for them to sympathize with their kinsmen who were engaged in a war with other nations; but now when this country, which is their own country, has entered the conflict, I am profoundly certain they will be found nobly loyal to the Flag. I want to say, furthermore, that the men in our midst who are still citizens of Germany need have no appre- hension of danger to their persons or to their property. They are safer in North Carolina than they would be in Berlin, and no one will molest or make them afraid so long as they observe the rules of decency and propriety under the con- ditions which surround them. But I want to especially proclaim my abiding faith in the loyalty of our colored population. To question this loyalty is a horrible injustice to these faithful people. There is no page in history that shines more gloriously than that which records the loyalty of black men to white women and children from 1861 to '65, when the white men were at the front. Treason and disloyalty are foreign to the soul of the negro. He is naturally faithful and true, and in this crucial hour he can be counted on to do his full part in defense of the honor of the Nation and the safety of those around him. I want the Nation and the world to know that the loyalty of North Carolina is 99 99/100 per cent pure. Cranks and lunatics will doubtless appear, but these should cause no suspicion to attach to any class of our people. In due time North Carolina will be called upon to do her part and will do it. In the meantime I urge our people to diligently pursue their usual vocations. STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOB THE PRESS 271 Especially do I urge them to leave nothing undone to increase and conserve our food supplies. When I issued my Planting Day proclamation this was the prudent thing to do; today it is an imperative, patriotic duty. (3) STATE FOOD CONSERVATION COMMISSION (April 11, 1917) Our country has at last been drawn into the maelstrom of war. When the call comes for soldiers and seamen, as it must surely come in one form or another, North Carolina will freely answer with the same full measure of manhood with which she has answered every such call in the past. The flower of our manhood, as well as its fruitage, will be gladly offered to our country in this greatest crisis in its history. But with war has come a stern duty, a necessity startling in suddenness and importance, that calls now, even before the mobilization of our armies, for the patriotic service of every man, woman and child in the State. We must feed ourselves from our own soil. It is probably too late to greatly decrease the acreage of cotton and tobacco, the only "money crops" that cannot be used as feed and food. But that will not be necessary if only we will conscript and properly mobilize our idle acres. On almost every farm there are idle patches enough, if planted to sweet potatoes, peas, beans, late Irish potatoes, etc., to feed a family. The productivity of these patches could be greatly increased by the use of the manure from henhouses, un- sightly chip yards, hogpens, and other places where it is now probably going to waste. And in nearly every family there are women and children who do not work regularly upon the farm, but who would gladly volunteer to do the hoeing in these patches in order that our people may be fed. Every tenant should be given, rent free, enough land to grow his own vegetables. In some of our most populous counties large farms are lying idle for lack of tenants. County chain-gangs could rent these and easily produce their own food and feed. Every acre of stubble land should be planted to peas or late corn. Every vacant lot in cities and towns should be drafted into the service of the State by making it produce food for man and beast. To organize and direct this work and make the results worthy of our people and commensurate with the pressing need, I have called to my assistance the following gentlemen to compose the State Eood Conservation Commission : W. A. Graham, Commissioner of Agriculture ; B. W. Kilgore, Director of the Experiment Station; W. C. Biddick, President of the Agricultural and Engineering College; C. B. Hudson, State Demonstration Agent; J. Paul Lucas, President State Farmers' Convention, and H. Q. Alexander, President State Farmers' Union. The commission will hold its first meeting at 3 o'clock p. m., Tuesday, the 17th of April. A subcommission will be appointed in each county, so that a farm-to-farm canvass may be made. 272 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BIOEETT We have here a plain and pressing duty which gives to all alike the oppor- tunity for a great and patriotic service. The haunting specter of loosened belts, of hungry women and children, should impel us to act speedily and with deter- mination. T. W. Bickett, Governor. (4) MEETING OF SHERIFFS [The following account of the meeting of the sheriffs called by the Governor October 15, 1917, appeared in the Raleigh News and Observer, October 16, 1917.] Governor Calls Sheriffs to Meet Here to Discuss Matters of Grave Im- portance to State and Nation; and Eighty-nine of Hundred in State Respond, Forming an Organization While Here. "Four-fifths of the civilized world is today engaged in a concerted effort to arrest one William Hohenzollern, generally known as the Kaiser of the Imperial German Government," Governor Bickett yesterday told eighty-nine of the one hundred sheriffs of the State meeting at his call in the Senate Chamber at the State Capitol. Accepting the challenge thrown down, the sheriffs enthusiastically complied with Governor Bickett's urgent request that they go into the highways and the hedges and bring in subscribers to the second Liberty Loan Bond issue by which the hands of the Highwayman of the World may be tied, and his depredations ended. By mobilizing the sheriffs of the State for Liberty Loan Bonds, Governor Bickett believes that the State has taken a long step toward the achievement of its purpose to do its full share in the war. More than any other officials the sheriffs, he feels, come in contact with the men and women in the counties of the State who are able to take $50 bonds or $100 bonds, but whose fortune will not stand greater investment. Many were ready yesterday to sign pledges and make promises, but they were urged to return to their homes, spread the word of the intense need, and then get results. Incidentally, the sheriffs, coming from all parts of Worth Carolina, organized a North Carolina Sheriffs' Association, with dues of $2 annually, and with Sheriff R. H. Edwards, Wayne, president ; Sheriff N. W. Wallace, Mecklenburg, first vice-president; Sheriff D. B. Stafford, Guilford, second vice-president; Sheriff Leon Lane, Chatham, third vice-president, and Sheriff J. H. Sears, Wake County, secretary-treasurer. It was the first time in the history of the State that virtually all the high sheriffs have been assembled in one place. They came together upon the tele- graphic request of Governor Bickett, who simply notified them that matters of grave importance to the State and Nation called for their presence in Raleigh. From the coast to the mountains they came, all eager to have a share in whatever the Governor might propose for the best interest of the State and Nation. The eleven who were not here sent telegrams explaining their absence. Until he made them a statement in the Senate Chamber, shortly after one o'clock, not one of them knew the real significance of their visit to Raleigh. When they did know, STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS 273 they entered into the spirit of the campaign with a vim, and went back to their homes after resolving to turn over, in fifty- and hundred-dollar bonds, at least half of the State's allotment. CALLS FOR COOPERATION Governor Bickett told them the story of the war, emphasized the necessity of action at home as well as in France, and called for cooperation. Then Captain Stuart Allen, of the Canadian forces, now engaged in training the students at the University of North Carolina, related some of the horrors of the war; Mr. E. C. Duncan appealed for a nonpartisan participation in the struggle by the political forces at home; Mr. E. B. Crow explained the details of the bond issue; and the sheriffs assailed their new task in earnest. "Eour-fifths of the world," Governor Bickett said in his opening remarks, "is today engaged in a concerted effort to arrest one William Hohenzollern, generally known as the Kaiser of the Imperial German Government. The Council of National Defense for the State of North Carolina, the committee that has in hand the sale of the Liberty Loan Bonds in this State and your Governor, were all of the opinion that one of the best ways to effect the arrest of this character that has disturbed the peace of the world was to get the high sheriffs of the State of North Carolina deeply interested in this matter. NOT A STREAK OF YELLOW "I am gratified, beyond my power of words to express, at the patriotic re- sponse that has been given to this appeal. I have said repeatedly in public speeches made throughout the State that after having gone through all the one hundred counties, there is not a streak of yellow in North Carolina from Cape Lookout to Slick Bock Creek." The statement brought generous applause as the sheriffs warmed under the appealing eloquence of the Governor, who added : "If there be any man in North Carolina who doubts the accuracy of that statement, I am sure if he could be present and could look upon this gathering of representative men, the chosen representatives of the people at home, that doubt would be removed. "It is true that in some quarters there is ignorance and, in some, misinformation about the causes that brought about the war and the necessary consequences that it involves, so far as this Nation is concerned. But I am profoundly convinced that wherever people see the situation as it is and understand it as the responsible heads of our Government understand it, and understood it when we entered this war, there is not a man in North Carolina that would not realize that a stern necessity faced this Government, and that, finally, when our bleeding and well- nigh broken-hearted Woodrow Wilson declared in favor of going in, it was because it was truly impossible to longer stay out. PRESERVE SELF-RESPECT "We were compelled to enter," Governor Bickett insisted, "in order to preserve any measure of self-respect. It is good and desirable for a man to have the good opinion of others, and to entertain a decent respect for the opinion of mankind, but it is a supreme necessity for a man or a nation to keep on speaking terms 18 274 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT with his own conscience. And, in view of the history of this war, if our Govern- ment at Washington had declined to accept Germany's defiant and contemptuous challenge, no American citizen could have looked at his own face in the glass. We would have forfeited our own respect and the respect of the whole world. I weigh my words when I say if, after Germany had made a solemn compact with the United States to observe the laws of nations and the common laws of humanity in its further conduct of the war, and then, when the hour was ripe, had served notice upon this Government that it proposed to treat that compact as it treated the compact with Belgium, as a scrap of paper — if, in the face of those facts, this Government had said it didn't mean what it said when at the point of the sword it had wrested this promise from the Imperial German Government, the United States would have been without a single friend among all the nations of the earth. Nations are like individuals, and when an individual gets in that con- dition where no man loves him, no man fears him and no man respects him, there is absolutely no reason why he should not go out and get a cheap rope and hang himself. And yet, if we had failed to accept this defiant and contemptuous chal- lenge no other nation on the face of the earth would have loved the United States, no nation would have feared the United States, and no nation would have respected the United States. "So that," Governor Bickett added, "for the preservation of that self-respect without which life, of a nation or of an individual, is not worth living, we had to go into this war. We went in as a matter of self-defense. It is as plain as day that if we had not gone in England and France would have lost in the fight and, eventually, the United States would have had to reckon with the Imperial German Government single-handed, unaided by any government on earth." RECOUNTS FEATURES OF WAR Governor Bickett then briefly recounted the events of the war, featuring those details of the conduct of the Imperial German Government which have gone out as evidences of bad faith and a long adopted policy of deception and fraud where this Nation has been concerned. "The South is the last place that ought to complain that a war is not fought on its own soil," Governor Bickett continued, emphasizing the opportunity before this Nation to keep the fight away from American shores, to stop the conflict before it shall become localized and before America has to spend its fortune of young manhood in the struggle. "It is my judgment that the more money we put into this war the less life it is going to cost," he added, expressing the belief that Germany is going to take this war just as seriously as the people of America take it, and that psychology will play a big part in winning it. IN DESPERATE EARNESTNESS "When once the German people understand," Governor Bickett went on, "that we are in desperate and deadly earnestness and have put our hands to the plow and do not intend to turn back, that we propose to put into this fight every man and every dollar in order to win it — the minute that fact sinks into the Teutonic mind will be the beginning of the end of the war. STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS 275 "The way to get the people interested in this war is to get them to put a little money into it. For it is written, where a man's treasure is there will his heart he also. Every man who buys a Liberty Loan Bond, whether it be a $100 or a $50 bond, will at once develop a keener interest in the war than ever before. "We want every man who can possibly raise as much as $50 to take one of these Liberty Bonds, and we feel that the best way to do it is to get the sheriffs of the State interested. You come most closely in contact with the people. They look to you. Most of them love you and all of them fear you. If we can get the sheriffs interested, preaching this doctrine and holding before them the necessity of investing in these bonds, the end will not be in doubt. "We ought to get 100,000 men to buy each a $100 bond. If we can get one hundred thousand men to invest in these bonds there will not be a question about the end any longer." CAPTAIN ALLEN SPEAKS Captain Stuart Allen, member of the famous Princess Pat Regiment of Canadian troops, which lost in one engagement of the Battle of the Somme in killed and wounded thirty of the thirty-four officers who entered it and seven hundred and sixty-five of the nine hundred and fifty men, was presented by Governor Bickett. Captain Allen, who came home from the war shot to pieces, is now recuperating. By the courtesy of his government he is engaged now in training the students of the University of North Carolina in military funda- mentals. Captain Allen, in a simple, straightforward manner, told his story, which was not the less graphic and not the less gruesome from its simple telling. He told of the various methods of trench warfare, and demonstrated the use of the gas mask. NONPARTISAN FIGHT When he had concluded, Governor Bickett called attention to the nonpartisan attitude of all political parties toward the conduct of the war, and Mr. Carl Duncan, one of the prominent Republican leaders in North Carolina, was presented. Mr. Duncan said in the beginning that he could not make a speech, but he brought the sheriffs to a solid round of applause when he told them how, when he gave up his son to join the colors, he felt that he was ready to retire, but that, when he said good-bye, he resolved to work harder than ever. "Good-bye, boy," he had said; "while you are gone I'll be trying. I'll be here in the game and I'll be trying to keep the State as good as it can be." Mr. E. B. Crow, cashier of the Commercial National Bank, then outlined the details of the Liberty Loan and the manner of subscribing. This done, the meeting was turned over to the sheriffs, who voted a rousing approval of the Governor's proposal, pledged themselves to get to work, and then elected officers for a permanent organization. SHERIFFS WHO WERE HERE The sheriffs here were: C. D. Story, Alamance; R. A. Adams, Alexander; A. P. Reeves, Alleghany; T. S. Clark, Anson; W. B. Windley, Beaufort; John W. Cooper, Bertie; J. M. Clark, Bladen; J. E. Robinson, Brunswick; E. M. Mitchell, Buncombe; D. A. Johnston^ Burke; H. W. Caldwell, Cabarrus; J. A. Triplett, Caldwell; J. B. 276 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Mitchell, Camden; T. M. Thomas, Jr., Carteret; T. N". Finch, Caswell; John A. Isenhour, Catawba; Leon T. Lane, Chatham; P. C. Gentry, Cherokee; G. W. Goodwin, Chowan; Ed Kitchens, Clay; W. D. Lackey, Cleveland; J. 0. Ammons, Columbus; R. B. Lane, Craven; N. H. McGeachy, Cumberland; R. E. Flora, Currituck; L. D. Farrow, Dare; A. T. Delap, Davidson; G. F. Winecoff, Davie; G. G. Best, Duplin ; John F. Harward, Durham ; R. P. Hyatt, Edgecombe ; G. W. Flynt, Forsyth; H. A. Kearney, Franklin; W. N. Davis, Gaston; J. W. Brown, Gates ; J. A. Ammons, Graham ; S. C. Hobgood, Granville ; J. E. Herring, Greene; D. B. Stafford, Guilford; J. A. House, Halifax; W. H. Turlington, Harnett; Allard Case, Henderson; A. E. Garrett, Hertford; Edgar Hall, Hoke; T. D. Davis, Hyde; M. P. Alexander, Iredell; W. F. Grimes, Johnston; John S. Hargett, Jones ; D. E. Lasater, Lee ; A. W. Taylor, Lenoir ; Caney Ramsey, Madison ; J. H. Page, Martin ; J. A. Laughridge, McDowell ; ST. W. Wallace, Mecklenburg; L. F. Burleson, Mitchell; G. W. Stuart, Montgomery; D. Al. Blue, Moore ; 1ST. C. Warren, Nash ; George C. Jackson, New Hanover ; H. L. Joyner, Northampton; Elisha H. Walton, Onslow; Charles G. Rosemond, Orange; E. S. Lupton, Pamlico; Charles Reid, Pasquotank; Robert T. Murray, Pender; B. F. Bray, Perquimans; Joseph McGlawhorn, Pitt; A. L. Hill, Polk; H. D. Baldwin, Richmond; R. E. Lewis, Robeson; T. L. Gardner, Rockingham; J. H. Krider, Rowan ; C. E. Tanner, Rutherford ; I. T. McLamb, Sampson ; W. D. McLaurin, Scotland; G. D. Blalock, Stanly; S. P. Christian, Stokes; N. G. Belton, Surry; Cos Paxton, Transylvania ; J. V. Griffith, Union ; J. H. Sears, Wake ; R. E. Davis, Warren; J. E. Reid, Washington; W. P. Moody, Watauga; R. H. Edwards, Wayne; W. D. Woodruff, Wilkes; H. M. Rowe, Wilson; J. E. Zachary, Yadkin; J. W. Bennett, Yancey. (5) NORTH CAROLINA ORPHAN ASSOCIATION (November 26, 1917) I want to endorse and officially recognize the splendid work the publicity com- mittee of the North Carolina Orphan Association is doing in the interest of the fatherless and motherless children of the State. The suggestion that every citizen of the Commonwealth contribute the amount of one day's earnings during the year to the orphanage of his (or her) choice is reasonable and appropriate. It is a beautiful custom practically everybody may participate in with little in- convenience or sacrifice. The Thanksgiving season is a most propitious period during which the people of the State may show their appreciation of the merito- rious service the orphan homes are rendering in the care, protection, training and education of helpless children who might otherwise become a burden or even a menace to society. That the present inmates of the various orphan homes will continue to receive proper care and attention I have no reason to express the slightest doubt. But there are thousands of bright little boys and girls out on the highways and by- ways of the State who cannot be admitted into any of these homes because there is no room for them. It is for these we should interest ourselves to the STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS 277 extent of contributing the income of a day at Thanksgiving, so that the manage- ment of the homes may be provided with funds to warrant reasonable expansion. Let it not be said of North Carolinians that they neglected at any time the care and protection of helpless children at their own doors. We must assist in pro- viding adequate facilities for the accommodation of orphans, and every one is urged to do his bit. (6) THE DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM (April 12, 1918) [Governor Bickett today gave out the following statement in regard to the platform adopted by the Democratic State Convention.] The Democratic platform is essentially one of patriotism. It endorses without reservation the fact that I have emphasized in all of my speeches, that the one supreme issue before the people is the winning of the war. In the finest sort of spirit it assures the Republican Party of our confidence in the loyalty of its membership, and urges all the people to subordinate every other question to the one colossal task of the hour. The platform is a bugle-call to the Colors, and appeals to all classes and conditions of our people to rally to the support of those who in the providence of God are charged with the fearful responsibilities of the war. There is not a line in the platform calculated to offend any loyal American citizen, white or black, of any political faith. The only time it mentions the Republican Party is when it congratulates that party upon the loyalty of its membership. It is refreshing to note that the platform neither "condemns" nor "denounces" nor "deplores." The speeches made on the floor of the Convention breathe the same spirit and call for the same undivided front in the face of the foe. In his keynote speech Mr. Bryant accurately interprets the thought and the feeling of all loyal citizens when he says : Assembled as representatives of the dominant political party in the State and Nation, we must assume the responsibilities and face the duties of the hour. They are the gravest in history, and there is no precedent to guide us. The present and the near future call for the strength of every man, the wisdom of all parties. What we have been taught to revere and hold most sacred is threatened. The virtue of women, the lives of children, sacredness of treaty, the continuance of popular government, and the reign of the Prince of Peace are in jeopardy. Matters of internal policy in the State and Nation shall for the present be subordinated, in order that the United States and her allies may win the war. All the other speeches and the platform are in complete harmony with the "one clear note" of patriotism sounded by Mr. Bryant. The speeches of these leaders of the party and the platform adopted encourage me in the determination I have so often voiced on the platform to refuse to 278 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT quarrel with any man about petty political differences so long as our boys are going over the top together and dying for a common cause. I am heartened in my resolve to talk in the coming campaign about nothing else except the war and how to win it. After the war has been won, when our boys come home, when our wives are safe from debauchery and our children from mutilation and our whole people secure from slavery at the hands of the Hun, then and not until then, if our Republican friends so desire it, I will take up with them our ancient quarrel and proceed in due and solemn form to "point with pride" and "view with alarm." The three constructive measures endorsed by the Convention have in them no suggestion or trace of politics. The platform recognizes the right of the child to a longer school term, the right of the teacher to a living wage, and the right of the homeless man to a better opportunity to acquire a vine and fig tree that he may call his own. These are measures for which all good men can work and for which all good men should pray. (7) THE HUNGER FOR A HOME— HOW IT MAY BE SATISFIED (From the Progressive Farmer, October 23, 1918) It is a truth everywhere confessed that the best bulwark of a republic is the citizen standing in the doorway of his own home. Therefore, it is the part of wisdom and of safety to afford every man an opportunity to live under his own roof and on his own soil. When the world war shall end, the homes of the land will constitute our first line of defense against the myriads of isms and schisms that will menace our prosperity and threaten our peace. But unless something shall be done to help him, the poor man who wants to anchor to the soil will seek in vain for the money to enable him to do so. Billions of Government bonds will be on the market, and with these the poor man will have to compete when he seeks to borrow money on long time. All that he can now offer is a 6 per cent paper subject to a tax rate that averages 2% per cent, making his paper worth net only 3% per cent. What money lender will take such a paper when he can get a Government bond that will net him 4% per cent ? The constitutional amendment providing for the exemption from taxation of a note and mortgage given for the purchase price of a home that does not cost more than $3,000 comes to the relief of the situation. It gives to the poor man's note a dignity equal to that of a Government bond, and makes it a better invest- ment, for it pays 5V2 per cent, and is free from taxation, and the money is loaned for not less than five years. With this amendment every honest and industrious man can find the mone;y with which to buy a home. Without this amendment he will seek for that money in vain. This amendment is a companion amendment to the six-months school amend- ment. I urge every man to vote for both amendments, and he will encourage and uplift the two great sources of joy and power — the home and the child. T. W. Bickett, Governor. STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS 279 (8) AN INSPIRING RECORD (March 13, 1919) The closing sentence of my Biennial Message to the General Assembly of 1919 is: "My prayer to God and my faith is that when the General Assembly of 1919 shall pass into history its record will declare its glory." I am deeply grateful that the work of the General Assembly justifies the above confession of faith. It is not a perfect record. A careful reading of the Journal will disclose errors of omission and of commission. But viewed in its entirety, it is an inspiring record. In the very beginning the General Assembly evidenced its sympathy with "the new tides running in the hearts of men." The General Assembly of Worth Carolina enjoys the noble distinction of being the very first in the Union to petition the American Peace Commissioners in Paris to incorporate in the Treaty of Peace a League of Nations that will deliver the world forever from the burdens and horrors of war. The General Assembly promptly ratified the Federal Prohibition Amendment, and thus aided in cutting out of our social and political life the most fruitful source of poverty, disease and crime. In three great fields of legislation, to wit, taxation, education and health, the General Assembly established new and noble standards. TAXATION 1. The budget bill is abreast with the best thought of the times and will enable succeeding General Assemblies to consider demands for the expenditure of public funds with a full knowledge of all essential facts. 2. The Income Tax Amendment to the Constitution will enable the State to derive a reasonable revenue from sources well able to pay it, and will wipe, out the discrimination now practiced against the man who earns a small income in favor of the man who collects a large one, and will make it possible for a succeeding General Assembly to write a model tax law under which it will be unnecessary for the State to levy any ad valorem tax on real or personal property, but can leave all of this to the counties and towns. 3. The Eevaluation Machinery Act marks the high tide in sane and progressive tax legislation in North Carolina. It is a complete abandonment of a standard hoary with age and iniquity, and the establishment of a new standard of truth and justice. I am well within the bounds of conservative statement in saying that the fixed purpose of the General Assembly to make all men come clean to the tax books will add more to the moral and material welfare of our people than all the tax laws that have been written in North Carolina since Virginia Dare first saw the light on Roanoke Island. EDUCATION 1. It was a monumental achievement to get the people of North Carolina to insert in the organic law of the State a mandate that every child shall have a chance to go to school six months in the year. But it was a more difficult task 280 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT to frame a wise and just law to carry out this constitutional mandate. This task has been accomplished so well that when the measure was fully explained, many who "came to scoff remained to pray." In the beginning there seemed to be a hopeless division of opinion, but, when the true light was turned on, these differences disappeared and practically all men of all parties now confess that the law as written is the very best that can be devised under the conditions that obtain. Last year the average teacher received a salary of $45 per month, and was employed four months in the year. Under a minimum wage law enacted by this General Assembly, the average teacher will receive approximately $65 per month for a minimum term of six months. The law requiring every child under fourteen years of age to go to school during the entire term of the public school in the district in which the child resides, and providing for the rigid enforcement of this law through a system of juvenile courts, gives to North Carolina a compulsory school law that ranks with that of any state in the Union. The act appropriating $50,000 to provide teacher-training through a series of county summer schools conducted in every county in the State is a most vital and valuable departure. HEALTH The General Assembly made tremendous strides in health legislation. The steps taken for the protection of the health of this and future generations in themselves abundantly justify the existence of the present session of the General Assembly. In my opinion the most important and the most advanced step taken in the domain of health laws is the statute that gives authority to the medical staffs in our penal and charitable institutions to perform operations on inmates of those institutions that will make it impossible for incurable lunatics and imbeciles to "multiply and replenish the earth." The law carefully safeguards the patients, and these operations can be performed only when in the judgment of the medical staff they will redound to the benefit of the patients. This law is the very essence of humanity in so far as it affects the individual patient, and is the only way to bring about a gradual decrease in the number of these unfortunate people. The act calls for the regular examination of every child who attends a public school in order to ascertain the existence of either physical or mental defects, and the appropriation of $50,000 per annum to correct these defects in indigent children breaks a new ground in this field of legislation. This law is bottomed on the sound principle that a Christian civilization cannot allow a child to stagger through life under the handicap of a curable physical or mental defect simply because the parents of that child may be stricken with poverty. The law making it mandatory to maintain in all towns and thickly settled communities sanitary closets in accordance with plans and specifications prepared by the State Board of Health means the saving of nearly a thousand lives a year, the prevention of ten thousand cases of sickness, together with all the suffering and expense incident to sickness and death. North Carolina has for several years been the leading state in the Union in the development of rural health work. The appropriation for this work was practically doubled, and this means increased activity and efficiency in this great field. STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS 281 A series of acts was passed for the purpose of cooperating with the Federal Government in the suppression of vice and the prevention of diseases incident to vice. These measures are as follows : The education of the public by suitable means regarding the cause and pre- vention of unhygienic sex life and venereal diseases. The furnishing of free salvarsan, the specific for syphilis, for the treatment of all syphilitics of the State, and making provision through the State for free treatment of persons diseased with gonorrhea and syphilis, in order that these diseases may not be transmitted to others. Making prostitution a dangerous practice in North Carolina by enacting laws that will reach the prostitute, and providing the necessary law-enforcing agents to see that the laws are properly applied. SOCIAL WELFARE For the first time in the history of the State we have the machinery for a unified State and county system of social welfare work. The State Board of Charities and Public Welfare, which has oversight of the State's charitable and penal institutions, has been given the right to appoint three persons in each county to act as a local welfare board and to advise with the local authorities on all matters pertaining to local conditions. In addition to this, the Legislature made it the duty of the board of education and the county commissioners in each county to elect, not later than July 15th next, a county superintendent of public welfare, who shall be an officer trained in all matters pertaining to constructive social work. This officer will be the chief school attendance officer and the chief probation officer of the county, charged especially with the duty of looking after delinquent and neglected children. His position is made to fit with the compulsory attendance law and the new juvenile court law. The juvenile court law marks the most wholesome advance in child welfare legislation ever accomplished in this State at one stroke. It provides that children under sixteen years of age who may be infractors of the laws shall not be treated as criminals, but as wayward children needing parental control, educa- tion and discipline, which must be supplied by the State, since it has not been provided by natural guardians. The law provides that every clerk of the Superior Court in the State shall be a juvenile court judge and shall have exclusive juris- diction over children of less than sixteen years. Every city of more than ten thousand population must establish a juvenile court or make provision for com- bining with the county court. Any towns of five thousand population which are not county-seat towns, and therefore not of easy access to the county clerk, may provide courts if they choose. The design is to guarantee that every child shall be within the jurisdiction of a juvenile court, no matter whether he lives in town or country. The law provides the manner of procedure for carrying out the juvenile court principle as it is known in the modern legislation of the country, and is not behind any state in the Union. This law was perfected and carried through at the earnest solicitation of the Commissioner of Public Welfare and the State Board, and the plans are to afford every help in working out the practical operation of the law in the several towns and counties. 282 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER B1CEETT GOOD KOADS The General Assembly did good work in public road legislation : 1. A bill of vital importance was passed so quietly that it was scarcely men- tioned in the press, and yet it is essential to tbe very existence of good roads. The sin in North Carolina has not been our failure to build good roads, but our criminal negligence in failing to keep them up. The General Assembly has enacted a law making it mandatory for county commissioners to levy an annual upkeep tax where bonds have been issued for the construction of roads. This applies to every county in the State, and hereafter there will be no excuse for any road in North Carolina that it has built on bonds to be allowed to go to the bad. 2. The Road Act passed by the General Assembly for the purpose of meeting the requirements for obtaining aid from the Federal Government is not a perfect piece of legislation. It does not represent the views of any one member of the General Assembly, but in the hands of a wise and fair commission it can be made the instrument of great good in the State. The work of the Appropriations Committee reflects great credit upon the intelligence and patriotism of that committee. It is a well balanced appropriation bill, and meets the requirements of our educational and charitable institutions in so far as they can be met in the present financial condition of the State. THE WAREHOUSE ACT This act is designed to benefit the cotton growers of the State. It was passed upon the earnest insistence of those most deeply interested in the welfare of cotton growers. I hope that much good will result from the act, but I frankly confess that in my opinion the only way the cotton grower can win in his perpetual war with Wall Street is to fight his battles behind breastworks of bread and bacon. A warehouse may enable him to win a single fight, but it can never make him win a war. A reading of the Journal would doubtless disclose many other bills of value and of importance, but I am writing from memory, and the bills above mentioned are those that come into my mind in reviewing the work of the General Assembly. These bills make a robust body of sane, progressive legislation ; and in addition to all these, one cannot forget Ray's "literary gem" — the Dog Law. The General Assembly was singularly free from personal and political animos- ities. The members had a mind to work, and during the sixty days gave the very best that was in them to the building up of the State. STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS 283 (9) GOVERNOR BICKETTS ADMINISTRATION REPRESENTS NEW HIGH RECORD OF LEGISLATIVE ACHIEVEMENT (From the News and Observer, April 20, 1919) From the standpoint of legislation, the Bickett administration in K"orth Caro- lina is almost a matter of history, written in words, pages and whole chapters of legislative achievement and establishing a new high record for gubernatorial influence. With two General Assemblies to his credit, the normal legislative span for the four-year governor, he yet has a special session in 1920 to anticipate with the consolation that out of the forty-three measures he has proposed and advocated during his administration, thirty-five of them have been enacted into law. The Governor's platform of rural life legislation, with nine specific planks, comes out of the legislative machine a finished piece of carpentry. They were proposed in the inaugural, repeated in messages to the General Assembly of 1917 and 1919, and while most of them got through at the first session, the remainder went on the statute books this year. XIFE ON THE FAEM Concluding his inaugural recommendations he said: "I have suggested nine measures, all designed to serve one end, that is, to make life on the farm just as profitable and just as attractive as life in town. What I am trying to do is to focus the thought of the State on the subject, for I know that if I get two million people to thinking of these things with the intensity and constancy their super- lative importance demands, some mind among the millions will find the best remedy for every evil and the best path to every good." Every one of these rural measures urged by the Governor on the day he entered office is now a law ; in fact, nearly all his recommendations dealing with the social, educational and industrial life of the State have been written into the statutes during these two General Assemblies. Those which failed of passage were mainly of a political nature. The special session to be called in 1920 is, in itself, a part of the Governor's program advocated in a message to the lawmakers. That body, it is proposed, will take steps to make effective the new system of taxation which contemplates complete honesty in tax listing and in tax paying with every dollar's worth of property in the State on the books at its actual value. STILL TO BE HEARD FROM It may be that along with the tax legislation some of the eight laws proposed but which still are without statutory effect may pass. Here are the eight, and some of them bring recollections of hard fights, with a promise of more to come : The following measures recommended by the Governor failed to pass : 1. A bill requiring all venders of proprietary medicines to file with the State Board of Health a statement showing the exact composition of such medicines, better known as the Open Formula Bill. 2. A constitutional amendment limiting State officers to two successive terms and county officers to three successive terms: amendment not to apply to officers 284 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT in the judicial, educational and health departments, better known as Rotation in Office Recommendation. 3. A measure providing for the short ballot. 4. A measure providing for the removal of the Agricultural Department to the State College of Agriculture and Engineering, and for putting both under the same management. 5. A bill to protect illegitimate children. 6. A bill to require applicants for marriage license to produce health cer- tificates. 7. A bill providing for better enforcement of the prohibition laws. 8. A bill to strengthen and purify the State primary law. EECOMMENDATIONS APPROVED Following are the thirty-five measures, recommended by the Governor in his inaugural address and in his biennial message, which were enacted into law by the Legislatures of 1917 and 1919 : 1. An act to amend the Constitution of ISTorth Carolina in regard to the taxation of homestead notes and mortgages, which provides that "notes, mortgages and all other evidences of indebtedness given in good faith for the purchase price of a home when said purchase price does not exceed $3,000, and said notes, mort- gages and other evidences of indebtedness shall be made to run for not less than five nor more than twenty years, shall be exempt from taxation of every kind : Provided, that the interest carried by such notes and mortgages shall not exceed 514 per cent." Chap. 119, Public Laws 1917. 2. An act to provide for the teaching of agriculture, manual training and home economics in the public schools of North Carolina. Chap. 190, Public Laws 1917. 3. An act to relieve the crop-lien evil, which provides that landlords and other persons advancing supplies to tenants shall not charge for such supplies a price or prices of more than ten per cent over the retail cash price or prices of the article or articles advanced. Chap. 134, Public Laws 1917. 4. An act to provide for assisting rural communities in the utilization of small water powers, which authorizes the State Highway Commission to advise and assist in providing a water supply and electric power and electric lights for such communities, and provides $5,000 annually for the purpose of carrying out the provisions of the act. Chap. 267, Public Laws 1917. 5. An act providing for installation of rural telephone lines and the formation of rural mutual telephone systems. Chap. 267, Public Laws 1917. 6. An act to improve the social and educational conditions in rural com- munities, which makes it the duty of the State Superintendent of Public Instruc- tion to provide for a series of rural entertainments consisting of moving pictures given in rural schoolhouses, the cost of same to be borne one-third by the State and two-thirds by the county board of education or the rural school community desiring the entertainment; and appropriates $25,000 per year to carry out the provisions of the act. Chap. 186, Public Laws 1919. 7. An act making it mandatory upon the county commissioners to levy an annual tax for upkeep of roads, the amount of said tax to be in proportion to the amount spent on the construction of roads. Public Laws 1919. STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS 285 8. An act to amend the Constitution of North Carolina so as to insure a six-months school term. Chap. 192, Public Laws 1917. 9. An act to provide for the incorporation of rural communities. Chap. 128, Public Laws 1917. 10. A resolution directing a commission to make an extensive investigation of the subject of taxation, said commission to be appointed by the Governor. Reso- lution No. 46, Public Laws 1917. 11. An act to provide for the physical examination of the school children of the State at regular intervals, and appropriating for the purpose of aiding in the treatment of children found to be defective a sum not to exceed $10,000 per annum. Chap. 244, Public Laws 1917. 12. An act to prevent the sale, offering for sale, or advertising certain proprie- tary or patent medicines. Chap. 27, Public Laws 1917. 13. An act to allow absent electors to vote, or better known as the Absentee Voters Law. Chap. 23, Public Laws 1917. 14. An act to amend chapter 97 of the Revisal of 1905, relating to hospitals for the insane, to provide for the appointment of a consolidated board of directors for such hospitals, and to create a cooperative purchasing committee for said institutions, and for the School for the Deaf, the School for the Blind, and the Caswell Training School. Chap. 150, Public Laws 1917. 15. An act to issue bonds of the State for the permanent enlargement and improvement of the State's educational and charitable institutions to an amount not to exceed three million dollars. Chap. 154, Public Laws 1917. 16. An act to provide for the preparation and review of estimates for expend- itures and revenue, and to establish a budget system for all State expenditures. Public Laws 1919. 17. A memorial endorsing the proposed League of Nations. Public Laws 1919. 18. An act to prevent incurable mental defectives from perpetuating their species. Public Laws 1919. 19. An act to provide for the removal of physical defects of indigent children at the expense of the State, and appropriating $50,000 to carry out the provisions of said act. Public Laws 1919. 20. An act to provide machinery and raise revenue for a minimum school term of six months in every school district in North Carolina. Public Laws 1919. 21. An act raising the minimum salary of school teachers from $45 to $65 per month. Public Laws 1919. 22. An act requiring children under the age of fourteen to attend school during the entire school term. Public Laws 1919. 23. An act to prevent children under the age of fourteen from working in mills or other industries. Public Laws 1919. 24. An act to enable the State to secure the benefit of the Federal appropriation for good roads without issuing State bonds, and providing that the county may put up one-fourth, the State one-fourth, and the Federal Government one-half for the construction of a State system of highways. Public Laws 1919. 25. An act providing for the erection of a new building for the Agricultural Department, the cost of same not to exceed $250,000. Public Laws 1919. 26. An act to provide for the transfer of the State Prison from Raleigh to the State Farm, and to convert the present prison into a hospital for the insane. Public Laws 1919. 286 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BIOKETT 27. An act to protect sheep, better known as the Dog Law, which meets the Governor's urgent recommendation that dogs be kept up at night. Public Laws 1919. 28. An act ratifying the Federal prohibition amendment. Public Laws 1919. 29. An act submitting a constitutional amendment to the voters of the State at the next general election to reduce the poll tax to $2. Public Laws 1919. 30. An act submitting a constitutional amendment abolishing the requirement of the payment of poll tax as a prerequisite to voting. Public Laws 1919. 31. An act submitting a constitutional amendment to reduce the time of residence in the State for voting from two years to one year. Public Laws 1919. 32. An act increasing the exemption from taxation of household and kitchen furniture, tools of farmers and mechanics, and books and scientific instruments from $25 to $300. Public Laws 1919. 33. An act submitting a constitutional amendment to provide for taxation of income although derived from property that is taxed. Public Laws 1919. 34. An act to provide for the listing and valuing of all property, real, personal, and mixed, at its real value in money, better known as the Revaluation Act. Public Laws 1919. 35. An act to provide for sanitary closets. Public Laws 1919. (10) NOT RUNNING FOR OFFICE (May 2, 1919) The ink was hardly dry on my signature to my oath of office as Governor of North Carolina before letters and rumors began to reach me suggesting that I ought to or was planning to run for the United States Senate against Senator Simmons. To all such letters and to all persons speaking to me on the subject I invariably and emphatically replied that under no circumstances would I be a candidate. When Senator Simmons was renominated without opposition, as he ought to have been, there was quiet for a time; but recently reports have come to me from numerous sources that I am thinking of running against Senator Overman. I have never thought nor dreamed of doing any such thing, and under no circum- stances would I permit my name to be used as a candidate. I am trying to put all my mind, all my heart, and all my strength into the office which I now hold. The real power of the Governor is not legal but moral, and it cripples his ability to serve the State when his words and acts are judged in the light of a desire or a design to secure some other office. For this reason I deem it proper to make this statement. I am deeply grateful to the people for electing me Governor at a time so full of opportunity to serve, but I am neither asking nor seeking any other office at their hands. T. W. Bickett. STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS 287 (11) STATEMENT ABOUT COMMITTEE ON NEGRO ECONOMICS (June 16, 1919) On Saturday, June 14th, there was held in the Hall of the House of Kepre- sentatives the first annual meeting of the Committee on Negro Economics for ISTorth Carolina. Just one year ago this Committee was appointed by Hon. "W. B. "Wilson, Secretary of Labor, upon the recommendation of the Governor of North Carolina. The members of the committee are representative men and women of the negro race in North Carolina, and are as follows : Dr. S. G. Atkins, President Slater Normal School, Winston-Salem, Chairman. Dr. A. M. Moore, Special Agent and Supervisor of Negro Economics, Durham. R. J. Beverly, Wadesboro. Dr. J. W. Walker, Asheville. Capt. L. E. Hall, Chadbourn. Raphael O'Hara, New Bern. Dr. R. B. McRary, Lexington. Prof. W. G. Pearson, Durham. Mrs. Esther Fountain, Rocky Mount. Prof. T. S. Inborden, Bricks. W. S. Scales, Winston-Salem. H. P. Cheatham, Superintendent Colored Orphan Asylum, Oxford. Y. D. Garrett, Tarboro. Mrs. M. C. Faulkner, Jean Supervisor, Greensboro. Dr. James S. Dudley, President A. and T. College, Greensboro. Prof. John D. Wray, Farm Makers' Club Agent, A. and T. College, Greensboro. Dr. C. S. Brown, Principal Waters Normal Institute, Winton. Bishop G. W. Clinton, Charlotte. Mrs. C. J. McCrory, Biddle University, Charlotte. John E. Taylor, Wilmington. Rev. J. D. Harrell, Lumberton. Dr. W. H. Goler, Livingstone College, Salisbury. Bishop H. B. Delaney, St. Augustine School, Raleigh. Mrs. Annie W. Holland, Raleigh. Berry O'Kelly, Method. Col. James H. Young, Raleigh. Mrs. F. C. Williams, Director Sanatorium for Tuberculosis, Raleigh. S. H. Vick, Wilson. Dr. J. A. Cotton, Principal Henderson Normal School, Henderson. There was also appointed an advisory committee of white people, among them being : Mr. Walter L. Reynolds, of the Reynolds Tobacco Company, Winston-Salem. Mr. W. A. Erwin, of the Erwin Cotton Mills. Mr. W. F. Carr, of the Durham Hosiery Mills. Mr. J. E. S. Thorpe, Superintendent of the big aluminum plant at Badin. Mr. James S. Sprunt, Wilmington. And a number of other leading business men in the State. 288 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER B1CKETT The report of the committee, through their supervisor, Dr. Moore, is the most wholesome and altogether inspiring document dealing with the betterment of the negro laborer and his family that has come to my attention. The whole report is shot through with the spirit of progress and of patriotism, and as soon as it can be copied it will be sent to all the newspapers in the State. Among other things, the report says : "There is the greatest cordiality and willingness on the part of the white employers and liberal white citizens to co- operate with the negroes. In many instances they rival the colored citizens in spirit and enthusiasm. They spoke freely and are asking on every hand to be called upon for cooperation." The report sets out that in many industries and on the farms intelligent and sympathetic efforts are being made to improve living conditions of the negro, and to afford him every incentive to put forth his very best efforts. In one plant at Badin the plan was devised to publish an honor roll containing the names of all negroes who work steadily six days in the week. Under this system the loafing list decreased 57 per cent, and there was a corre- sponding increase in the list of steady workers of 57 per cent. In a number of industries rewards are offered ranging from $2.50 to $40.00 a month for steady, efficient work. The committee sent out questionnaires to employers designed to ascertain the weak and the strong points in the negro labor problem. The answers to these questionnaires are immensely interesting and deserve the careful and sympathetic study of both races. At the meeting Saturday the Chief Justice of the State, the Federal Director of the United States Employment Service, and Mr. Reynolds of Winston-Salem all expressed themselves as profoundly impressed with the scope and character of the work done by the committee. The work of these patriotic men of both races deserves the hearty support of all our citizens, and I bespeak for them wherever they appear the help and sympathy of all people who desire to see North Carolina go forward, and all classes of our people, black and white, live together in the spirit of mutual help- fulness and friendliness. I was especially impressed with the speech made by Dr. George E. Haynes, the negro who represents the Department of Labor at Washington. His speech showed a sane and sympathetic comprehension of the problems of his own people, and among other things he said that today the negroes of the United States have before them the greatest opportunity that has ever come to laboring people in any land or at any time in the history of labor. STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS 289 (12) STATEMENT IN REGARD TO SOUTH ATLANTIC MARITIME CORPORATION (June 21, 1919) I find that there is a growing interest in the development of our South Atlantic ports ; that the people feel that the State is about to come to its own commercially through this movement. The activities of the South Atlantic Maritime Corpora- tion, powerfully assisted by Senator Simmons, have succeeded in getting the United States Shipping Board to allocate to the South Atlantic ports all the ships that the traffic will justify. The ships being assured, it now becomes of the first importance to get cargoes for these ships. To this end an export company is being formed under the leader- ship of Mr. Matthew Nale, and the people of North Carolina are going to be asked to back up this export company, whose business will be to develop the trade between South Atlantic states and the South American countries, and have the traffic handled through South Atlantic ports. I have talked with a great many of our strongest business men about this proposition, and they all agree that the formation of such a company is not only important but absolutely necessary for the proper development of our commercial life. I hope that our people will give careful and sympathetic attention to this movement. (13) LOYAL ORDER OF KLANSMEN— A VERY FOOLISH AND A VERY WICKED ORDER (June 30, 1919) A number of leading papers in the State have been carrying full-page or half- page advertisements of the Loyal Order of Klansmen. These advertisements also contain a large death-head with cross-bones, and on the death-head is stamped the words, "Ku Klux Klan." The advertisements have caused considerable alarm amongst the thoughtful people of both races, and I took steps to get some of the literature of this order. The blue-sky artist blossoms to perfection in the literature and advertisements of this order. Starting with absolutely nothing, and with only $10,000 in stock subscribed for, ninety-five per cent of this being subscribed by people utterly unknown in North Carolina and not known to have any tangible property, the order promises to all who will join it to have ready for their use and enjoyment by 1921, on a tract of land in Richmond County — 19 290 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Four school buildings, with grades from the primary to the high school; auditorium; ten boarding school buildings; one hundred residences for our governors and teachers; hospital; sanitarium; emblem factory, this being the only one west of the Atlantic coast; machine shop, carpenter and woodworking factory; garment factory, printing and binding plant; canning factory and cement works. Also a large nursery, and a two-story building to be known as the K. K. K. Building for the teaching of art, voice, instrumental, and general business course. Every building that is built upon our Grand Range will be fireproof throughout and strictly sanitary and modern in every detail. In order to make the surroundings one of home for our children, besides all the above, we will have on our Grand Range a moving picture producing company taking and developing the latest art in the production of pictures, having our own studios there on our Grand Range. The balance of about two thousand acres will be put into cultivation, parks, lagoons, drives, lakes, dairy farm, barns, etc. We furnish you with all the above absolutely free to you. It is yours to protect as long as you are of our Klan, and after you depart from this earth your wife and little ones will be sent there to receive a thorough education and a trade or craft. At the age of eighteen they will leave there to start in this world for themselves, bearing their father's name, as we do not believe in the adoption of our little ones to be kicked about this world as you can see from reading of this letter. In addition to the foregoing material things the order proposes to take over and underwrite the government of this State and the United States. In its literature and advertisements it says that it is going to Protect our Parmer, his Crops and Cotton; Protect our Country from Lawless Invasion; Protect the Women of our Southland; Protect our Government; Protect our State Laws; Protect your Family and Educate them; Protect our Country from Foreign Interference in State; Protect our Properties from Unlawful Seizures; Protect our People from Riots and Disorder. And all it costs to enter into the possession of these vast estates and into the power and the glory of this omnipotent order is to pay into the now empty treasury the sum of $50 to join and $18 a year thereafter. The scheme is so transparently impossible, so plainly a gold brick proposition that ordinary inmates of a school for the feeble-minded could not be induced to part with their coin for a certificate of membership in such a soap bubble. A WICKED APPEAL TO RACE PREJUDICE But running through the whole scheme is a wicked appeal to race prejudice. There is a hark back to the lawless time that followed the Civil "War, and there STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS 291 is paraded before the mind of the reader the terrors of those dark days. The very name that is written on the death-head is a subtle appeal to the fears and to the prejudices of our people. Such an appeal is desperately wicked. There is no need for any secret order to enforce the law of this land, and the appeal to race prejudice is as silly as it is sinful. Just now all of us need to be considerate and kind and trustful in our dealings with the negro. The best and wisest men in both races are working to strengthen the ties of friendship and of peace and lay broad and deep foundations of an enduring peace and prosperity for both races. I call on all men who do not desire to throw their money away to have nothing to do with this wildest of wild- cat schemes, and I call on all true patriots to frown down on any and every attempt to capitalize race prejudice into cash. The man or order that encourages hatred or suspicion between races in North Carolina is the mortal enemy of both races. Let us wipe out all feelings of envy, of suspicion, of ill-will of every kind between the black man and the white man, and if there be any virtue, if there be any praise, let us think on these things. T. W. Bickett, Governor. (14) NEGRO EMIGRATION (From the News and Observer, August 4, 1919) Answering a query received at the executive offices Friday, Governor Bickett yesterday sent a telegram to the Chicago Herald and Examiner, informing that paper that North Carolina could absorb 25,000 negroes "who may desire to come to this State for the purpose of securing honorable employment at remunerative wages," unless these negroes, who went North to get war work, "have become tainted or intoxicated with dreams of social equality or of political dominion." The Chicago paper wired the Governor, at the request of the spokesman for "many negroes who came here for war work," asking how many North Carolina could absorb. The negroes appealed to the paper in the midst of the Chicago race rioting last week. When the telegram reached the executive offices, Governor Bickett was out of the city, as was his private secretary, Col. Santford Martin, but upon his return here yesterday he sent a lengthy telegram to the paper in answer to this query: "Many negroes who came here for war work are anxious to return South if the South needs them. Their spokesman asks us to inquire how many your State can absorb. They are of the more industrious class, distinct from the bad element responsible for the difficulties here. Please rush answer at our expense." In his answer the Governor adverts to the rioting in Washington and Chicago, and says that it has confirmed his conviction that the South is the best place in the world for a decent negro to make a decent living. "The farms, the lumber plants and the companies engaged in building public highways in North Carolina can easily absorb negroes who may desire to come to this State for the purpose of securing honorable employment at remunerative wages. But if, during their residence in Chicago, any of these negroes have 292 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT become tainted or intoxicated with dreams of social equality or of political dominion, it would be well for them to remain where they are, for in the South such things are forever impossible." The full text of the Governor's reply to the Chicago paper follows : "Absence from my office prevented an immediate answer to your telegram," the Governor wired. "By inheritance, by association and by a sympathetic under- standing of his virtues and his limitations, the Southern white people are the natural and consistent friends of the negro. "The recent troubles in Washington and Chicago confirm my conviction that the South is the best place in the world for a decent negro to make a decent living," continues the Governor's telegram. "In the South, the negro is not only afforded every opportunity, but is given every encouragement to do honest, clean work. In North Carolina we are doing all we can to foster and promote the kindliest relations between the races, and to this end the wisest and best men and women of both races are steadily working. "In every field of industry, in education, in religion and before the law, we are earnestly and honestly seeking to secure the same privileges and protection for the black people that are accorded the whites. The negroes of North Carolina know and appreciate that this policy is one of the passions of the present State admin- istration. Socially, the two races are kept separate and apart, and the white man or the negro who attempts to ignore the social barrier is held in utter contempt by the best people of both races. "Candor and my deep friendship for and my abiding interest in the permanent happiness of the negro race compel me to add that it is the settled conviction of the best people in all political parties in the South that it is necessary for the protection, the progress and the happiness of both races for the government to be run by white people, and it is the unalterable determination of the whites to keep in their own hands the reins of government. "The farms, the lumber plants, and the companies engaged in building public highways in North Carolina can easily absorb twenty-five thousand negroes who may desire to come to this State for the purpose of securing honorable employment at remunerative wages. But if, during their residence in Chicago, any of these negroes have become tainted or intoxicated with dreams of social equality or of political dominion, it would be well for them to remain where they are, for in the South such things are forever impossible." (15) ADDRESS TO STATE FEDERATION OF LABOR IN RALEIGH (From the News and Observer, August 12, 1919) The barbecue at the State Fair grounds and the Governor's address followed a ride about town arranged for the delegates, though a shortage of gasoline in Ealeigh very nearly disrupted the program. It was at the conclusion of the dinner that the Governor was lifted to the table for his speech, which from the very first was received with fine feeling by the delegates. STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS 293 The average man Governor Bickett held up for chief consideration, while he declared the tremendous leveling influence of the great war one of the most valuable by-products of the struggle. 'That war taught us," he said, "that no particular section of the United States and no particular class of people have a monopoly of brains, of courage, or of character. "I have confidence in the brain of the workingman of North Carolina," con- tinued he. "I have confidence in your virtue and your patriotism, and I want to suggest something that I think is worthy of the best brains and the best patriotism in this or any other land. It is this : "For centuries the capitalist was in a position to say to the laboring man, 'If you don't like my terms, you can go to hell.' Unfortunately, capital frequently fell into the temptation of taking that attitude. That was the attitude of the man who said, 'Let the public be damned.' "Now labor is in a position to say to capital, 'If you don't like my terms, you can go to hell.' I am human enough to understand the force of the temptation that comes to the laboring man who finds himself with power in his hand to occupy that attitude. But just as it was a wicked blunder for capital to say to labor, 'If you don't like my terms, you can go to hell,' so it must now be a wicked blunder for labor to say to capital, 'If you don't like my terms, you can go to hell.' "There is nothing of wisdom or justice or patriotism in either attitude. At all times labor and capital should be fairly considerate of the rights of each other and of the larger public. For we have this case : capital seems to forget and labor sometimes seems to forget that whether or not capital is giving labor hell or labor is giving capital hell, all the time they are both giving hell to business, upon the ultimate and permanent prosperity of which both must depend." Governor Bickett referred to the tremendous task before the world today, and concluded : "The greatest service any man can render is to bring all people together in a spirit of mutual benefit, consideration and friendliness. There ought to be, and there must be found in this country enough of brain and enough of patriotism to devise some plan, fair and equitable, for the adjustment of industrial disputes without resort to industrial war." Governor Bickett was followed by Mr. L. L. Jenkins, who declared: "There could come to me no greater opportunity at this time than to be used as the humble instrument to be a pioneer to carry out the spirit and the purpose of this suggestion." (16) THE MINERS' STRIKE The following is a telegram received by the Governor from the New York American, and the Governor's reply thereto : Governor Thomas W. Bickett, New York, October 26, 1919. Raleigh, N. C. The threatened strike of the coal miners in the bituminous fields, called for November first, apparently is about to precipitate a great national calamity. President Wilson says that means will be found to deal with the 294 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT situation. The strike has been ordered. What ought to be done? What can be done? What workable program do you suggest to meet this impending calamity? Will you please telegraph the New York American your answer? New York American, Raleigh, N. C, October 28, 1919. New York City. In reply to your telegram beg to say that the President has given assurance that means will be found for operating the mines. I assume the President knows exactly what he is talking about, and it is the patriotic duty of every true American citizen to line up behind the President and urge him to put forth all the legal, moral, civil and military power of the Nation to stamp out this unholy conspiracy to freeze the people to death. T. W. Bickett, Governor. (17) PRELIMINARY STATEMENT OF THE STATE RECONSTRUCTION COMMISSION Raleigh, 1ST. C, October 29, 1919. To the People of North Carolina: The State Reconstruction Commission created by the General Assembly of 1919 is impressed that the work before the commission falls naturally into two divisions : 1. The pressing necessities of the present hour. 2. The needs of the near future. The comprehensive work the commission proposes to do will be taken up by committees and reports will be made to the full commission. The commission will then make specific findings in regard to the several subjects under considera- tion and these will be given to the public. The commission is deeply impressed that there can be no real improvement in the present situation until our people shall hark back to the homely virtues of industry, economy and faith in our fellowmen. We call attention to one of the most recent utterances of President Wilson : Only by keeping the cost of production on its present level, by increasing production, and by rigid economy and saving on the part of the people can we hope for large decreases in the burdensome cost of living which now weighs us down. 1. Work. This is essential to increased production of the necessities of life, and increased production is the only way to curtail the present excessive high cost of living. We call your attention to the most recent utterance of Mr. Herbert Hoover, who has studied the subject more profoundly than any other living man, and he says : It must be founded, too, upon the fundamental fact that every section of this Nation, the farmer, the industrial worker, the professional man, the employer, are all absolutely interdependent upon each other in this task STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR TEE PRESS 295 of maximum production and the better distribution of its results. It must be founded upon the maximum exertion of every individual within his physical ability, and upon the reduction of waste, nationally and individually. 2. Economy. In the excitement incident to the war, and the intoxication induced hy much new money, economy has become a lost art and frugality a forgotten virtue. In the face of the crisis that now confronts us, waste is a crime and improvidence savors of insanity. The commission urges the people to practice the most rigid economy in personal expenditures and the greatest caution in making investments. If one is not absolutely sure that an investment is sound let him buy a Liberty Bond; and our judgment is that the dollar thus invested will, in the not distant future, greatly increase in purchasing power. We urge the farmers to invest in pure-bred livestock, in farming implements that will multiply man power and horse power, in water and light systems that will decrease the burdens and increase the joys of home life. We submit that it is not an ideal time in which to buy an automobile. It will be entirely safe to "bide a wee." Our conviction is that in a few years you can buy the same machine for about half the money it now costs, and in the meantime one will not be burdened with the cost of upkeep. In some sections land values are inflated. If one can pay cash for land it is nearly always a good investment, as he will have the land and be delivered from the temptation of squandering surplus money. If one can pay one-half cash it will be fairly safe to invest in land; but if one is able to pay only a small sum down and agrees to pay a fancy price for land at present values, he may be hanging a millstone around his neck. Again we say, if in doubt buy a Liberty Bond. In this there can be no mistake. Liberty Bonds to the amount of two hundred and fifty dollars per horse ought to be a part of the permanent equipment of every farm. 3. Faith in our fellows. The times call for faith in our fellows as never before. We must get rid of suspicion and envy and distrust, and all classes and conditions of people must work together in a spirit of mutual helpfulness. We need the elbow touch that our boys had in the trenches and that made them invincible when they faced the foe. Class feeling is the mortal enemy of civiliza- tion. Government by groups would surely and early destroy this Republic. A living, working faith in the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man will carry us far in the happy solution of the industrial problems that now disturb and distress the JSTation. 4. During the era of readjustment and reconstruction we ought not to be harassed by hordes of ignorant foreigners wno have no knowledge of and little sympathy with American ideals and institutions. We need to be free from these troublesome strangers while we are putting our house in order. Therefore we urge our representatives in Congress to secure the passage of a law prohibiting immigration for at least a period of five years. 5. The farmer will need next year fertilizers to increase production. The proper kind and amount cannot be obtained without aid from the Government in transportation facilities, and we urge our officials, State and Federal, to take action to secure such governmental aid. 6. We are facing a coal famine, and we cannot too strongly urge upon individ- uals and communities the supreme necessity for laying in wood supplies. To fail 296 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT to do so will be criminal negligence. Begin at once and don't stop until the wood house is full. A last word : While the general situation calls for serious thought, for prudent foresight, for the exercise of the cardinal virtues upon which we have builded this Nation, we find no room for despair. The whole world has been hard hit. For four years all the thought and the energies of the world have been devoted to processes of destruction. We may not hope to react from such a calamity in a day, but the forces of growth that yesterday were prostrate under the heels of war are today on their feet. They grope, they stumble, but the general course is forward and upward. Let us all thank God for a truly great deliverance, and face the future unafraid. T. W. Bickett, Chairman. (18) INDUSTRIAL DISPUTE SETTLED For several days I have been in conference with representatives of the local branch of the United Textile Workers of America and with representatives of the management of the Consolidated Textile Corporation, Pilot Division. As a result of these conferences, the management today submitted to me the letter which is below set forth in full. Upon the assurances contained in this letter I advised the employees to go back to work, and they freely and graciously agreed to do so. It is my sincere hope that both employers and employees will now work together in a spirit of friendliness and cooperation, all remembering that in the last analysis the things desired by all must depend upon the efficient and economic operation of the mill. All parties requested me to give a statement to the press, and assured me that my statement would be the only one given out. The letter from the management of the Pilot Mill to the Governor is as follows : Raleigh, N. C, January 2, 1920. Hon. T. W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, N. C. Deae Sie: — Because of a recent exchange of notes between the manage- ment of Pilot Cotton Mills and the representative of the local branch of the United Textile Workers of America, I beg to submit for your consideration the following as constituting the policy of the management of this mill with its employees: The management will at all times listen to and deal with its employees, as a whole or from any separate department, individually, collectively, or through representatives of employees who are themselves employees of Pilot Cotton Mills. Some of the employees of this company are members of a textile union and some are not, and the mill management has not and will not discriminate in any manner against any employee because such employee belongs or does not belong to a union. This policy of the management of this mill has been stated to its em- ployees and it was thought that they understood it. STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR TEE PRESS 297 There are no differences between this company and its employees, and should any arise the management will be glad to consider these matters with its employees; and it does not believe it will have trouble settling any differences. This letter is written so that you may know definitely and at first hand what is, has been, and will be the policy of the management of the Pilot Mills. Very respectfully, Consolidated Textile Cobpobation, By A. Y. Kelly, Pilot Division. Manager. T. W. Bickett, Governor. (19) TUSKEGEE INSTITUTE (January 25, 1920) [Governor Bickett, who has just returned from a visit to Tuskegee Institute in Alabama, today gave out the following interview.] Tuskegee is a truly wonderful institution. It is a dream come true. There are today in actual attendance upon the institution 1,755 students. It is by far the largest negro school in the United States. The institution has two aims : first, to teach the boys and girls who go there how to make a decent living; and, second, how to lead a decent life. The report of my speech sent out by the Associated Press is absolutely accurate, but as I spoke for something over an hour, the report could not and did not pretend to cover the entire speech. I think it is important for the public to know all that I said on the subject of race relations, and therefore I am asking the papers to print the following extract from my speech, which is the only part of the speech that was reduced to writing : "I have been asked to speak on race relations. Two things qualify me to speak on the subject. First, a passionate longing to help both races to a level of mutual sympathy and understanding. Second, my own relations with the negro from my boyhood to this hour have been those of mutual sympathy, consideration and affection. This enables me to speak to you with the utmost kindness and at the same time with the utmost candor. "The first thought I desire to leave with you is that, in the South, race relations will adjust themselves on a basis of wisdom and justice if the fools and firebrands in both races will let us alone. It requires sense and sympathy and patience to work out a reformation, but any fool can start a conflagration. A cow is not noted for mentality, but one kicked over a lamp and burned up the city of Chicago. "The next thought I desire to impress upon you is that real greatness and progress of men, of races and of nations are measured not by power or possessions, but by their contribution to the forces that make life brighter and sweeter for the average man. The nation or race that greatly serves links up with the Father's will, and neither man nor devil can mar its glory or cheat it of its destiny. Hence I urge you to hearken to the wisdom of Booker Washington when he said, 'We (the negroes) ought not to allow on r grievances to overshadow our opportunities.' 298 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT "This applies with equal force to the white race. It would just now be a price- less boon to a shell-shocked world, a moral triumph that would make the angels sing and devils gnash their teeth, if all men would for a season forget their grievances and remember only their opportunities; if they would talk less of their rights and more of their duties; think less of what they can get out of the world and more of what they can put into it. "I frankly concede that in the search for right relations, and in the climb of both races to higher levels, the burden rests upon the white man to point the way. We are the dominant race, but our very supremacy is a challenge to do justice. We cannot do the negro a great wrong without doing ourselves a greater injury. The white man owes it to his own traditions, to his own self-respect, and to his own self-preservation to guarantee to the negro the fullest protection of the law. The South in denying to the negro any participation in the making and in the administration of the law, makes him in a very sacred sense the ward of the law. The settled policy of the South to maintain a white government creates between that government and the negro the relation of guardian and ward, and every principle of American jurisprudence, every whisper of conscience and every instinct of decency require the guardian to foster and protect the welfare of his ward. "This is an hour of isms and schisms. The sane reconstructionist, the Utopian dreamer, the red-handed revolutionist, are all clamoring for attention; but the one safe path for the negro to follow is the path that leads straight to the door of the white man's conscience. As your ardent friend I urge you to put every question that touches your well-being squarely up to the conscience of the white man and keep it there. Let it be known that you propose to appeal to no other tribunal; that through days and nights, in sun and rain, you are going to stand patiently at the door and knock; and not today, and perchance not tomorrow, but as surely as the Lord God liveth, some day that door will open wide and every plea born of wisdom and justice will be allowed. "Any other policy will certainly result in failure, and may result in tragedy. Radical measures of any kind will lock the wheels of your progress for fifty years. Appeal to fear and you will reap a riot. Resort to force and you will start up a Ku Klux Klan. Make a drive for political dominion, and the Red Shirt will again take the saddle. Again I say, lay your cause at the door of the white man's conscience and leave it there, for the white man's sense of justice is your dearest hope and your surest reliance." (20) HERBERT HOOVER (February 3, 1923) [A representative of the New York World called on Governor Bickett today and asked him for an expression of opinion on Herbert Hoover. The Governor thereupon gave out the following statement.] For some time prior to the World's now famous pronouncement I was of opinion that it would be wise statesmanship for the Democratic Party to nominate STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS 299 Hoover for President. The fact that he has no entangling political past is certainly not a millstone around his neck in the present state of the public mind. There is a widespread feeling among the ninety and nine that a little new blood would make for wholesome growth. One thing is reasonably certain. Neither the reactionaries in the Republican Party nor the runaways in the Democratic Party are going to name the next President of the United States. Barring the President himself, Mr. Hoover makes a more powerful dual appeal to the sanity and to the imagination of the people than any other man. He would seem to be an answer to the prayer of the pious citizen who said, "Lord, send us a man who can be a progressive without losing his head, and a conservative without hardening his heart." In its finest sense Hoover is essentially a Democrat. His record during the World War and his recent writings convince one that he adequately comprehends the situation that today confronts America and the whole civilized world. As President, Hoover would wisely safeguard the foundations upon which our fathers builded this Republic, and at the same time would fearlessly meet the new and world-wide obligations we recognized and assumed when we entered the World War. In Hoover the Nation would find a worthy successor to our present immortal chieftain. He is the one man endowed with the genius and the grace to carry to glorious completion "the unfinished window in Aladdin's Tower." (21) THE TRUTH ABOUT THE REVALUATION ACT THE REVALUATION ACT MAKES A GOOD START BY SAVING EVERY PROPERTY OWNER 45 PER CENT ON TAXES HE OTHERWISE WOULD HAVE PAID (February 9, 1920) Every one who studies the Revaluation Act should at the outset give the act credit for a saving of 45 per cent. In the years 1919 and 1920 every property owner pays forty-five per cent less taxes than he would have paid if the General Assembly of 1919 had not touched the subject of valuation. This is not an argu- ment ; it is a statement of a fact. Under the old law there was a reassessment every four years, and if the General Assembly of 1919 had done nothing with respect to valuation the re- assessment would have been made in 1919, and the taxes for 1919 and 1920 would have been paid on this reassessment. This law has been in force for about twenty years, and every four years there has been a substantial increase in values. The average increase has been 26 1 / 4 per cent. There is not a man in the State outside of an institution for the insane or the feeble-minded who does not know that the actual increase in property values during the last four years has been greater than in any four-year period since the reassessment law has been on the books. No mortal man will deny that if the old law had been allowed to stand without the dotting of an i or the crossing of a t, the values in 1919 would have been increased as much as they have in any four-year period. Just knock off the iy± per cent 300 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT and say that property values would have been increased 25 per cent. Then in 1919 the property owners would have paid 25 per cent more taxes on the same property than they paid in 1918. Under the Revaluation Act they did not pay a cent more. A similar amount would have to be paid in 1920, but under my recommendation to the General Assembly this 25 per cent increase in 1920 will be reduced to 5 per cent, this for public schools. This makes a net saving to property owners in 1920 of 20 per cent ; and this, added to the 25 per cent saved in 1919, makes a total saving to the property owners on account of the Revaluation Act of 45 per cent. Pure mathematics requires the worst enemy of the Revaluation Act to enter this credit of 45 per cent as the first item in every calculation made in regard to the act. Of course the taxes in 1919 are higher than in 1918, but this is not because of, but in spite of, the Revaluation Act. The increased taxes for the year 1919 are due to two things : 1. The public school term was by a practically unanimous vote of the people of North Carolina increased from four to six months. Of course when the people voted for this increase of 50 per cent in the length of the school term they under- stood that it would cost 50 per cent more money, and no fair-minded man can complain on account of this increase in his taxes. He voted it on himself. 2. The General Assembly of 1919 increased the salaries of teachers in the public schools 50 per cent. This was done because the General Assembly reached the conclusion that it was not only unwise, but positively indecent to starve the young women of the State who were devoting their lives to teaching our children. Before this increase the average teacher in the public schools got $45 a month for teaching four months, her year's work netting her $180. Under the Constitution the term was lengthened to six months and the Legislature increased her salary to $67.50, which makes her earnings for the year $405, an increase of more than 100 per cent. If a man is opposed to this increased tax to give to the children a longer school term and pay the teachers wages that will keep them off the outside pauper list, let him come out boldly and say so. Please do not charge up these increases to the Revaluation Act, which, as heretofore stated, reduced the taxes paid in 1919 and 1920 45 per cent. "ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free" For many years the State of North Carolina struggled along under the yoke of an unwise and unjust system of taxation. The yoke was not easy nor was the burden light. It produced a sense of irritation that has been constant and universal. The whole State was sore on the subject. Governor Glenn, in his inaugural address, and two years later in his biennial message to the General Assembly, vigorously denounced the folly of maintaining in this State property values ridiculously low and tax rates terrifyingly high instead of maintaining true values and low rates. Governor Kitchin, in his messages to the General Assembly in 1911 and 1913, points out the evils of undervaluing the property of the State. During the first month of the Craig administration a banquet was given in the auditorium in Raleigh in honor of Governor Craig and Senator Simmons. At this banquet Governor Craig made a speech in which he insisted that the General Assembly of 1913 should not levy any taxes, but should provide for a general re- assessment of the property of the State at its true value, and after this was done STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS 301 that the General Assembly should be called into special session and levy a tax based upon the true value of the property of the State disclosed by a general reassessment. The Legislature did not adopt this course, but appointed a Constitutional Commission to consider, among other things, the subject of taxation. This com- mission made its report, and at a special session of 1914 a taxation amendment was submitted to the people and was voted down at the polls that year. When the people voted down the taxation amendment they reaffirmed the present consti- tutional provision, which emphatically requires that all property shall be listed by a uniform rule according to its true value in money. When the General Assembly of 1919 came to deal with this vexed subject it at once realized that it was impossible to proceed with intelligence or with justice until the actual facts were ascertained. It was known of all men that the old system had failed miserably to ascertain values that even remotely approached the facts. Hence the machinery of the Revaluation Act was devised for the sole purpose of finding out the truth, and the Revaluation Act is bottomed on the declaration of Jesus Christ, "Ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free." No matter how fundamentally honest nor how scientifically accurate any plan may be, there will, of course, be some errors of administration so long as it is human to err; but the true remedy in such a case is to reduce the errors of administration to a minimum and not to hark back to a system that does not even pretend to look for the truth. The Revaluation Act is finding the facts with remarkable success for a new measure. It is finding and placing on the tax books millions of property never there before. It is assessing the property of the State with wonderful accuracy. The returns that have come in to the State Tax Commission indicate that about 80 per cent of the people are assessing their own property at what it is worth; that about 5 per cent are assessing it too high, and the authorities are having to reduce these assessments; that about 15 per cent are assessing their property too low, and the authorities are having to increase it. And just in proportion as the truth appears on the tax books, inequalities and injustices will disappear. This is the ultimate objective of the Revaluation Act. The General Assembly passionately desired to equalize the burden of taxation. It was realized that this could be done only by first finding the facts. True values are always honest values, but the wisdom of Solomon and the genius of Edison combined cannot equalize a kettle of lies. Just how the act is wiping out inequalities will be shown by a few illustrations taken from the books. 1. In one of our county-seats there lives upon the same street a lawyer and a widow. The lawyer owns a valuable piece of property in a desirable portion of the town, and this, under the old system, was assessed at $3,850. The widow had $10,000 that she received from life insurance policies on her husband. This money was loaned on real estate mortgages which were listed for taxation at their par value of $10,000. Under the Revaluation Act the property of the lawyer was valued at $15,000, and he can get this amount of money for it any morning before breakfast. Under the old law the widow, in proportion to her real worth, was paying four times as much taxes as the lawyer. Under the new law this wicked- ness is wiped out, and both the lawyer and the widow are paying according to what 302 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT they are really worth. The result is that the lawyer is cursing the Eevaluation Act and swearing that he is going to repeal it, while the widow is praising God and the General Assembly of 1919 for its enactment. 2. In one of our Piedmont counties the experts of the Tax Commission recently examined two cotton mills. They found that one mill was on the tax books at 17 per cent of its real value, while the other mill was on the books at 65 per cent of its real value. Under the Eevaluation Act this vicious inequality disappears. Both mills will be placed on the books at their true value, and this year the 17 per cent mill will pay a great deal more taxes than it has heretofore paid, while the 65 per cent mill will pay a great deal less. 3. In a certain mountain county, and in the same neighborhood, there lived two farmers, one on a twelve-acre and the other on a fifty-acre farm. Under the old law the twelve-acre farm was assessed at $600, and the fifty-acre farm likewise at $600. Now when these farmers received their questionnaires the twelve-acre farmer swore that his land was worth $650. The fifty-acre farmer swore that his land was worth $4,000. Under the Revaluation Act the two honest citizens, when they had an opportunity to do so, corrected a rank injustice. 4. Down in Wilson County a man had a son and a daughter. In his will he stated that he desired to give them an equal amount of property. He had a farm which, in his will, he said was worth $10,000, and it is worth it. It will bring that amount on the market any morning. He gave this farm to his son, and then he gave to his daughter $10,000 in money. When the sheriff came around he collected from the daughter five times as much taxes as he did from the son. The daughter naturally complained about it, and asked the sheriff why she should pay five times as much taxes as her brother, when their father had given them, as stated in his will, exactly the same amount of property. The sheriff explained to her that the land was assessed at only $2,000, though he admitted that it was worth $10,000, while the money was assessed at $10,000, and that he (the sheriff) had no power to change it. The Revaluation Act does change it. It carries out the will of the dead father and makes the son and the daughter equal before the law. The correction of inequalities like those cited above — and there are hundreds of thousands of them in North Carolina — justify the statement that the Reval- uation Act is bottomed on the celestial declaration, "Ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free !" THE REVALUATION ACT IN HARMONY WITH THE RULES SUGGESTED BY THE STATE FARMERS' UNION At a recent meeting in Greensboro the State Farmers' Union passed the follow- ing resolution : "We ask the Legislature to amend the Revaluation Act and that all property be assessed according to its ability to produce an income and its position to give it a value." With interpretations that will make instant appeal to every thoughtful man, this is precisely what the Revaluation Act does. It taxes all property according to its fair market value. Two things determine market value — profit and pleasure. When a man parts with his hard-earned cash for a piece of property he does it because of the profit or the pleasure he expects to get in return. The market STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS 303 value of any piece of property, real or personal, is fixed by the profit it is already yielding, or in the opinion of the public can be made to yield, or by the pleasure the ownership of the property will afford. Below I give some illustrations of how these rules of value work, for illustra- tions are always better than arguments : 1. A invests $10,000 in Ford passenger cars and trucks and goes into the business of carrying goods and passengers for hire. He makes $2,000 a year on his investment. B pays $10,000 for a silver-mounted, velvet upholstered Pierce- Arrow touring car. He pays out his $10,000 for the pleasure he expects to get out of the car. He never dreams of making any money out of it, but, on the other hand, it costs him $2,000 a year to run the car and keep it in good repair. Should the Fords be taxed at their fair market value because they pay 20 per cent on the investment, and the Pierce-Arrow be exempt from taxation because it involves a loss of 20 per cent on the investment ? 2. A builds ten houses for rent at a total cost of $50,000. He rents the houses for $500 each and they yield him 10 per cent on his investment. B builds a $50,000 residence. It pays no income and never could be rented to pay any reasonable income on the investment, for people who are able to pay $5,000 a year for a house to live in, live in their own homes. Should the ten rented houses be taxed for what they are fairly worth on the market and the $50,000 mansion be tax free because it never can pay an income? 3. There is a hunting club in North Carolina that owns 17,000 acres of land. It yields no income. On the other hand, it costs the members of that club several thousand dollars a year to keep it up. This land has a fair market value based on two things: (1) what some other group of men is willing to pay for it as a hunting club; (2) what men believe could be made out of it as a farming proposition. The lands surrounding the club lands are farming lands, and have a market value determined by what men believe they can be made to produce. Should the farm lands be taxed at their market value, and the hunting club lands be exempt because they yield no income? 4. A man in the city of Raleigh bought a house and lot. In the rear of the lot purchased was a vacant lot. The man bought this lot because he did not want anybody to live behind him. He paid $2,000 for it. It never will yield an income, but should the vacant lot be tax free on this account? I think these illustrations will serve to show that it would never do to base tax values solely on what income property either does or can be made to produce. The amount of pleasure and satisfaction that the ownership of the property will afford is a real element of value. Again, when there is no consideration of pleasure and satisfaction, and we consider incomes only, the market value is and of right ought to be determined, not by what the property is actually producing, but by the judgment of the public as to what it can be made to produce, and this is what actually does determine market value. Illustrations : 1. In a certain city in this State a man owned a large block of property that under the old law was on the tax books at $25,000. It did not yield him a fair income on that value and in its present condition never could be made to yield an income on $25,000, but the man was offered a certified check for $375,000 for this property, and refused to take it. Enterprising citizens offered this money 304 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT because they believed they could take the property, build apartment houses and office buildings on it at a cost of more than one million dollars and make it pay a fair dividend on the investment. Should this property stay on the tax books at $25,000 or at $375,000? 2. In a certain county in the State there is a man who owns 10,000 acres of land. It is on the tax books under the old law at from eight to ten dollars an acre, and it does not pay a reasonable income upon this tax value. But all over that county there are men who are willing to pay for this land from seventy-five to one hundred dollars per acre because they believe that they can take the land and make it pay an income on the investment. The man will not sell. Should this land stay on the tax books at eight or ten dollars an acre, or should it go on the tax books at from seventy-five to one hundred dollars an acre, which the farmers in that county are able, and willing, and anxious to pay? 3. A few years ago in a certain county there were two cotton mills. They had practically the same equipment in buildings and in machinery, worth approx- imately $200,000. One paid from the beginning a handsome dividend, the other lost money, and finally went into the hands of a receiver. Should the buildings and machinery of the successful mill be taxed at $200,000 and the buildings and machinery of the unsuccessful mill be tax free because it paid no income? Is it a wise policy to penalize success and reward failure? 4. Jones inherited 200 acres of land. On it he eked out an existence. Finally Smith came along and bought from Jones one-half of this land and paid him one hundred dollars an acre for it. He paid $1,000 in cash and gave his notes payable $1,000 a year for nine years. Smith went to work. He rotated his crops, he used improved farm machinery, and in four years on that hundred acres he made enough clear money to take up the $9,000 outstanding against it. Jenkins comes along and, seeing what Smith has done, offers Jones one hundred dollars an acre for the other half of the land. Jones refuses to take it. Should the farm of Smith be taxed at a hundred dollars per acre because it pays a handsome income on that investment, and the farm of Jones be taxed at ten dollars per acre because it pays no income at all? Let me repeat, that the market value of land is fixed by what it is now producing or by what the public believes it can be made to produce. This increase in the productive power of the lands of North Carolina explains the steady rise in the market value of these lands. In 1909 the crops produced on the lands in North Carolina were worth one hundred and forty-two millions of dollars. These values have steadily increased. In 1915 they amounted to two hundred and two millions; in 1916 to four hundred and seventeen millions; in 1918, five hundred and thirty-seven millions; in 1919, six hundred and eighty- three millions. In 1910 North Carolina was the twenty-second state in the Union in the value of its farm products; in 1919 it was the fourth state in the Union. In nine years we passed eighteen states in the value of the products of our farms. It would be a miracle if this increase in the value of the products was not reflected in the market value of the lands. STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS 305 SPECIAL LETTER FROM THE GOVERNOR TO MR. SOLVENT-CREDIT OWNER My deab Sik: — Heretofore you have had a just grievance against the State of North Carolina. Your solvent credits were grossly discriminated against and were taxed to a point approaching confiscation. While real property and tangible personal property were being taxed at from one-third to one-tenth of their real value, you were required to list your credits at full face value. On account of these discriminatory and confiscatory taxes against your property, you resorted to many devices to keep your solvent credits off the tax books. Sometimes you sent them out of the State and deposited them in a bank or trust company, and flattered yourself that this made them exempt from taxation. This was a delusion, for solvent credits owned by a resident of North Carolina are taxable here no matter where they may be. Sometimes you resorted to fancy bookkeeping and made fictitious offsets against your solvent credits. Sometimes you swapped securities temporarily for the purpose of evading the taxes, and in a great many eases you simply did nothing and said nothing, but conveniently forgot that you owned any such property. All this was done and justified in your own mind because of the discrimination against and practical confiscation of solvent credits under the old tax system. Because you were being sinned against, you did a little sinning yourself, and public opinion condoned your evasions on the ground that "you were more sinned . against than sinning." Under the Revaluation Act all your grievances have been removed and every discrimination against you has been wiped out. All tangible property, real and personal, is now being placed upon the books at its true value. By doing this the tax rate will be reduced to a point where you can pay the taxes on your credits and still have a reasonable income left. Heretofore the taxes on such credits have averaged in the towns and cities about three dollars on the hundred. Under the Revaluation Act they will average about one dollar on the hundred. Heretofore it would have taken one-half of your income from solvent credits to pay taxes on the same, but now it will take only one-sixth. You are no longer sinned against, and there is left to you no shadow of excuse for failing to accurately list your solvent credits. The State is dealing fairly with you, and it expects and demands that you shall now deal fairly with it. This year North Carolina expects you to list every note, stock, bond, open account, and all money on hand. If you fail to do it, you will be burned in the hot fires of public contempt. Your neighbor will no longer respect you and you will not respect yourself. Moreover, you will wake up some morning and find your debtor refusing to pay you because you failed to list for taxation your debt against him. The law gives him the right so to do. The law will not assist you in the collection of your debt when you disobey and defy the law in respect to that debt. The history of every state and nation shows that when solvent credits have been taxed at a low rate they have straightway come out of hiding and appeared on the tax books. One illustration : A few years ago in the city of Baltimore there was a high rate on solvent credits. Under the high rate only six millions of credits were listed for taxation. The rate was divided by four, and there then appeared on the tax books four hundred and fifty millions of these credits. This case is typical of the experience in every place where such a course has been pursued. 20 306 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT The people of North Carolina are fundamentally honest. They want to do the right thing, and will do it when they feel that they are treated right. So, Mr. Solvent-Credit Owner, the State having come clean with you, confidently expects you to come clean with it. I have a supreme faith that you will fully meet this expectation. What I have said with respect to solvent credits applies to all classes of personal property; to goods, wares and merchandise; to raw material and manu- factured products held by our mills and factories, to automobiles, and to personal property of every description. There is an exemption of $300, instead of $25 as heretofore, allowed to every taxpayer ; but after deducting this exemption, personal property must be listed at its fair market value. Very truly yours, T. W. Bickett, Governor. RECOMMENDATIONS TO THE SPECIAL SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY After hearing the report made by the district supervisors in charge of the Revaluation Act, and after a full conference with the State Budget Commission, the State Tax Commission, and the State Treasurer, I find that I will be justified in giving to the people of the State the following information : I propose to submit to the special session of the General Assembly, which is expected to meet in July, the following recommendations : 1. That the State take no advantage of that part of the Revaluation Act which authorized a 10 per cent increase of revenues for the year 1920, but that the General Assembly fix a rate for 1920 that will yield for all State purposes exactly the same amount of revenue from real and personal property which was collected in the year 1919. There may be one exception to this recommendation, and that is that it may be necessary to increase the funds provided by the State for the public schools to the extent of 5 per cent, certainly not more than this. This in- crease will be only half the amount contemplated by the General Assembly of 1919 for this specific purpose. It will thus be seen, in the light of this recommendation, that the Revaluation Act becomes one of equalization, pure and simple, and with the vast quantities of property now going on the tax books that was not taxed at all heretofore, both of lands and of intangible personal property, it is certain that many thousands of taxpayers will actually pay less taxes in 1920 than they paid in 1919. 2. I will also recommend that there be inserted in the Revaluation Act a clause providing that in any year, at any time before the taxes are actually levied by the county authorities, any property owner may ask for a reassessment of his property upon filing an affidavit supported by two disinterested freeholders that his property is on the tax books at a sum greater than its then market value. 3. I will also recommend to the special session of the General Assembly that there be embodied in the constitutional amendments now pending and to be voted on in November a provision greatly reducing the present constitutional limitation of 66% cents on the one hundred dollars worth of property. It was the purpose of the Finance Committee of the House and Senate at the regular session to revise this limitation downwards. It is now apparent that the revised valuations will be large enough to permit a substantial reduction of this limitation, and still leave STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS 307 a reasonable margin for the necessities of our future development. Just what figure will be a proper limitation cannot be determined until the total values under the new assessment are ascertained. Three facts in regard to the Revaluation Act are now outstanding, and no longer the subject of controversy: 1. The one purpose of the act is to wipe out the inequalities of the existing system. 2. Under the act the tax rate will be so low that no class of property will be outlawed and driven from the State. 3. The extraordinarily low rate under the Revaluation Act will uncover millions of dollars in the State that has never been on the tax books at all, and will draw into the State millions of capital from the ends of the earth. SAVING AT THE SPILE AND LOSING AT THE BUNG In former articles I have endeavored to show the reasons for and the right- eousness of the Revaluation Act. In this last article I propose to demonstrate that the act is justified by a farsight ed selfishness. If the people of Worth Carolina were dead to all considerations of truth and justice — which considerations are the mudsills of the Revaluation Act — still an enlightened selfishness would lead them to adopt the fundamental principles of the Revaluation Act. When I was a boy living in Union County I often heard the expression, "Saving at the spile and losing at the bung." This is precisely what the old tax system has been doing in Worth Carolina. We have maintained tax rates so high and tight that nothing could leak out at the spile, but the bung has been wide open and through it the wealth that ought to have stayed in Worth Carolina has been constantly running out. Some three years ago a man of wealth, a native of North Carolina, who had recently moved to a distant state, came into the Governor's office, and I teased him about abandoning his old State when he got rich. At once he became serious and said, "Governor, I never hated to do anything in my life as bad as I did to leave Worth Carolina. My people have lived here for generations. I love the State, its climate, its soil, its people, its traditions ; but the simple truth is that I cannot afford to live in Worth Carolina." I said, "Why?" He replied, "In the city in which I live the combined city, county, and State tax rate is $3.25 on the one hundred dollars worth of property. Wow my property consists largely of high- class, low interest-bearing securities. They will not average more than 5 per cent. The result is that every time I get $5 income from my property I have to pay $3.25 of it for the support of the State, county, and city government, and this leaves me only $1.75 for the support of myself and family." Then he added, "It costs me $200,000 a year more in taxes to live in the State of Worth Carolina than it does in the state to which I have removed." A short time ago this man died in the distant state to which he had removed. The Worth Carolina policy literally drove him out of the State. By maintaining rates that practically confiscated his income, the State got nothing. If he had remained here under a low rate the State, the county, and the city would have received a fair sum in taxes on his property, another fair sum in taxes on his income, and when he died the State would have received a handsome sum in 308 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT inheritance taxes on his estate. As it is, we get nothing. This is saving at the spile and losing at the bung with a vengeance! Everybody knows that when Mrs. Bingham, a North Carolina woman, died in Kentucky, the inheritance taxes on her estate paid off the entire bonded indebted- ness of the State of Kentucky and left a considerable surplus to go into the Treasury of the State. There is today one man, a native of North Carolina, but a resident of another state, who, I have reason to believe, would like to live in North Carolina, but he cannot afford, he says, to pay three-fourths of his income to the State while he is living. Now, if we maintain a low rate, and that man should come back to North Carolina, we would get a handsome revenue in taxes at a low rate on his estate while he is living. We would get a reasonable income tax while he lives, and when he dies the inheritance tax on his estate would pay off the entire bonded indebted- ness of the State of North Carolina and leave enough surplus to build many miles of hard-surface roads. To maintain rates so frightfully high that this man and hundreds of others like him are driven out of the State is saving at the spile and losing at the bung. North Carolina is a wonderfully attractive state in which to live. We have here a climate more intoxicating than anything that you can buy in the open market, a soil that will produce everything for the comfort of man and beast, glorious scenery on land and sea. If to all these attractions we add the lowest property tax rate of any state in the Union — and this we shall do under the Revaluation Act — then from all over the United States men who have scored in the big business world and who want to spend the evening of their lives in whole- some and attractive surroundings will flock to North Carolina. Their coming will greatly add to the wealth of the State and wonderfully lighten the burden of taxation on those who are already here. It is a penny wise and pound foolish policy to maintain a tax system that literally drives our own men of wealth out of our borders and frightens others from coming in. A low tax rate will not only keep our own capital here and lure retired capitalists from other states, but it will attract big capital right now that is seeking investment where the tax rates are not confiscatory. In one of our progressive towns in eastern North Carolina the present tax rate, State, city and county combined, is over $4 on the one hundred dollars worth of property. A million-dollar enterprise in that city would have to pay in taxes over $40,000 a year. Such a tax rate quarantines that town against money from the outside. Divide that rate by four and new enterprises would spring up, new wealth would flow into the town, and the burden of taxation on the average man would be proportionately relieved. Finally, brethren, I desire to leave four questions on the doorsteps of every man's conscience and intelligence : 1. Do we really desire to make the tax books of North Carolina speak the truth ? 2. Do we really desire to wipe out discriminations and in the realm of taxation treat all people and all property exactly alike? 3. Do we desire to have true values and low rates or values ridiculously low and rates terrifyingly high? STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS 309 4. Do we desire to maintain a system of taxation that will drive men and property out of North Carolina, or a system that will draw both men and property into the State? The object of the Eevaluation Act is the plain truth. The machinery was designed to reach this objective. If in any case the machinery has failed to accomplish the end for which it was designed, the remedy is to correct the machinery and not to abandon the act. The Eevaluation Act is headed straight towards truth and justice — a godly government in a goodly land. Egypt lies behind. (22) LINCOLN Raleigh, K C, February 7, 1920. Managing Editor New Yoek American, New York. Replying to your request for a statement about Mr. Lincoln, I beg to say: Lincoln once said, "Die when I may, I want it said of me by those who knew me best that I always plucked a thistle and planted a flower where I thought a flower would grow." It seems to me that this sentiment ought to be emphasized in all Lincoln celebrations at this time. If the minds and hearts of our people could be inoculated with this Lincoln spirit much of the bitterness and many troubles that now distress and distract the Nation would disappear. And while we are planting flowers in our own favored land, we would joyfully enter into a League of Nations designed to pluck the thistle of war that has caused such infinite pain to our own Nation and to less fortunate peoples beyond the seas. T. W. Bickett, Governor. (23) TAXES AND THE REVALUATION ACT (February 11, 1920) The Governor today received a letter from the widow of a minister in High Point in which she says she has $5,000 in money which she lends out at 6 per cent, and takes notes secured by mortgages. She complains that the taxes on these notes and mortgages are so high that it leaves her very little on which to live. The Governor took very great pleasure in writing her that under the Revaluation Act her taxes would be greatly reduced, depending on the total values of property in Guilford and High Point. The Governor assured her that she would not have to pay more than one-third as much as she had been paying heretofore, and it might be that she would not have to pay more than one-fifth as much as she had been paying heretofore. 310 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT (24) THE OVERALL CLUB (April 17, 1920) Governor Bickett was asked by a reporter of the News and Observer today if he intended to join the Overall Club. He said: "Most emphatically I do not. I regard the Overall movement as a passing fad with no permanent economic value. If the movement should be generally successful the immediate result would be to boost the price of overalls to a point where the man who must of necessity wear them could not afford to buy them. I would not hesitate to join a club that would map out a well balanced program of economy. Such a program ought not to be put into effect until next fall, for any general movement not to buy any class of goods now on the merchants' shelves at prevailing prices would work a great hardship upon the merchants and would involve many of them in financial ruin. I do not want to hurt anybody, but I do want to help everybody. I think it would be wise to form economic clubs wherein the members would agree not to pay above a certain price for any of the ordinary necessities of life, and to cut out a great many of the luxuries. For instance, I would agree not to pay more than $5 for a hat. You can get a decent hat for that amount. I would agree not to pay more than $7.50 for a pair of shoes, nor more than $3 for a shirt, nor more than $40 for a suit of clothes, nor more than 50 cents for a pair of socks, nor more than 20 cents for a collar. I think the members of the club ought also to agree not to buy any more automobiles until present prices are reduced at least 25 per cent, and all owners of automobiles ought to agree that where automobiles are operated for pleasure that they will reduce the amount of gasoline they use 50 per cent. This saving in the automobile cost could be made without any real sacrifice. "So long as people are willing to pay any price for the things they want, and are not willing to practice self-denial, all talk about cutting down the high cost of living is gabble." (25) INJUSTICE OF OLD SYSTEM OF TAXATION (May 13, 1920) I have just received a letter from one of the best citizens in North Carolina who lives in one of our most progressive counties. In the letter he says : I have a niece whose husband left her, as he thought, in comfortable circumstances. He left her a home and several thousand dollars in cash which she has loaned out at 6 per cent. She pays four and a quarter per cent regular town, county and State taxes. Please tell me how she is to live, and greatly oblige. "Will some one who is in favor of perpetuating such iniquity tell me what to write this man about his widowed niece? Her case is not exceptional, but is typical of thousands in the State. STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS 311 The State of North Carolina says to this widow whose husband by hard work and self-denial saved up several thousand dollars for her protection after he had passed away: The State forbids you to make more than six dollars on the hundred on what your husband left you and his orphan children. You may not make that much — you may make a bad loan; but if you keep ail your money loaned out all the time and collect all the interest promptly, then out of every six dollars that you collect you must turn over J4.25 to the State, town and county, and you can keep $1.75 for the support of yourself and children. The cruel tyranny, the brutal injustice, the deep and black damnation of such a tax system so outrages every instinct of decency, every pulsebeat of humanity, and every rule of reason and common sense that even a governor finds it hard to discuss the subject in terms permitted by the rules and regulations of the church. Such a law gives the lie to every pretense that we maintain a Christian civilization and brands with infamy our vaunted Southern chivalry, for we are crucifying the widows and orphans of the land with a law that no set of men would submit to for thirty seconds. If the General Assembly should dare to enact a law taking from every man in the State $4.25 out of every $6 that the law permits him to make, hell would break loose in North Carolina. I want it distinctly understood that in office and out of office, in sunny or in stormy weather, I propose to fight this tyranny and injustice until it is wiped off the statute books of North Carolina forever and forever. Under the Eevaluation Act, in the very county from which this letter comes, the tax rate will be reduced from four and a quarter to one per cent, if not less. Then out of every six dollars that the widow collects she will pay one dollar to the State, town and county, and have five dollars left for the support of herself and children. And surely this is enough. An income tax of sixteen and two- thirds per cent without allowing any exemptions is certainly enough to require any class of citizens to pay. T. W. Bickett, Governor. (26) CLARK VERSUS PAUL— CHAOS VERSUS REVENUES (June 26, 1920) For as the body is one and hath many members, and all the members of that body being many are one body. . . . For the body is not one mem- ber, but many. — I Corinthians 12:14. From the above opinion of the learned Paul, Chief Justice Clark dissents, and in a six-column article attempts to show that this famous pronouncement of the most famous of the apostles is contrary to all logic, all law, and all justice. He boldly maintains that the whole does not include the parts, and that the parts do not constitute the whole. He asseverates that when you tax a corporation you do not tax its members, and that when you tax the members you do not tax the corporation. 312 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Boiled down, his proposition is just this : A, B and C invest $30,000 in a farm, a store or a factory. Each contributes $10,000 to the enterprise and they conduct the business as a partnership. Under the law — the Kevaluation Act — these men list for taxation all the assets of the partnership at their true value, to wit, $30,000. One day A suggests that as a matter of business convenience, and owing to the uncertainty of life, it would be well to convert the partnership into a corporation. The other members of the firm favor the suggestion and they all go to the Secre- tary of State and pay the State of North Carolina for a charter authorizing them to hereafter conduct this business as a corporation instead of a partnership. Thereupon a certificate is issued to each of the former partners showing that he has $10,000 worth of stock in the corporation. Not a dollar in money, not an item of property is added to the business ; but the Chief Justice gravely maintains that because of the naked fact that the method of doing business has been changed, these men ought to be made to pay taxes on $60,000 instead of on $30,000, as heretofore. Such a proposition is so glaringly illogical, so atrociously unjust, as to nauseate the reason and shock the conscience of every fair thinking man. And yet the Chief Justice uses this vicious absurdity as a sole basis for his colossal mis- statement that the laws of North Carolina exempt corporate stocks from taxation to the amount of five hundred million dollars. Not a dollar is exempted. The corporation pays taxes on everything it owns, and pays these taxes for the members of the corporation who own it. Not only does the corporation pay tax on every item of property that it owns, but it pays the State for its charter, and thereafter pays an annual privilege tax for being allowed to do business as a corporation. One of the most sensible women in North Carolina, discussing the contention of the Chief Justice, said this to me: "A family of four people invest in a pie. They pay for it out of the family funds. There are four members of the family and the four own the pie. Under the law the family lists this pie for taxation at its full value as the property of the family. Then a meal ticket is issued to each member of the family showing that he is entitled to one-fourth of the pie." Says this woman, "I understand our Chief Justice to argue that each member of the family should then be required to list his meal ticket for taxation, although the family has already paid the tax on the whole pie." Our Chief Justice is famous for his contention that women are quite as com- petent to run the affairs of government as men. This knock-out blow that the clear common sense of the woman gives to the morbid sophistry and twisted ratioci- nation of a learned judge supports his general contention that women have quite as much sense as men. The Chief Justice hates a monopoly, and is the last man in the world who would claim that he himself enjoys any monopoly of brains, character or patriotism. In the absence of such a monopoly on his part, it is strikingly significant that although the Chief Justice has for ten years diligently labored to get his Associates on the Supreme Court to endorse his strange theories of taxation, not one of them has any sympathy or patience with the contentions of their chief. It is still more striking, in the absence of the monopoly above referred to, that nowhere in this broad land, not even in the wild and woolly west, where the Non- partisan League holds sway, not even in Kansas where sockless Jerry Simpson once STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS 313 tickled itching ears, not even in the councils of the "Committee of Forty-eight," have any such wild and vicious theories of taxation been enacted into law. To adopt such theories of taxation would produce chaos instead of revenues, would paralyze the business life of the State, would permanently halt its progress, and would be as pernicious to its industrial health as the frogs, the lice and the flies that came up on the land of Egypt. If any member of the General Assembly should dream of framing a measure incorporating the tax theories of the Chief Justice he should entitle that measure "A Bill to be entitled an Act to drive every corporation out of the State of North Carolina." Every one that could possibly do so would, in the presence of such a law, take the wings of the morning and fly to the uttermost parts of the earth — not one would remain that could possibly get away. The Chief Justice appeals to the laboring men and to the farmers. No greater calamity could befall these people than for the theories of the judge to be incorporated into law. If the corporations should be driven from the State, as they surely would be if the opinions of the Chief Justice should prevail, where would the laboring men find employment in North Carolina, and where would the farmer find a market for the products of the soil? But Mr. Average Citizen will naturally inquire, Why should the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of North Carolina make any such contentions? To the knowing ones the answer is easy and plain. Whenever the Chief Justice hears the word "corporation" he "sees red." At a banquet given him in the city of Durham, Ex-President Taft said in the presence of Judge Clark that he would not be willing to trust the Chief Justice with the Constitution over night. The bias of the judge against corporations is so well known that neither his nearest relative nor his dearest friend would be willing to trust him with any corporation for thirty seconds. This bias is partly due to the strongly socialistic tendency of the judge's mind, and partly due to his well-known personal hostility to the Duke family of North Carolina, which family he always thinks of in terms of corpora- tions, and also thinks of corporations in terms of Dukes. This hostility to the Duke family dates back to a number of years before the series of events that led up to the notorious case of Gattis vs. Kilgo. It is greatly to be deplored that our Chief Justice has allowed his hostility to the Duke family to become such an obsession with him that in order to punish a Duke he is willing to paralyze the industrial life and permanently halt the magnificent progress of the State. It has been seen above that the statement of Judge Clark that we exempt five hundred million dollars of corporate property from taxation is absolutely without foundation in fact, but there is abundant reason for believing that the hostility of our Chief Justice to business and to all men who are attempting to do big things in North Carolina, a hostility that he himself has widely advertised, has kept out of North Carolina many millions of dollars. This obsession upon the part of the judge drives him into a forgetfulness of the proprieties of his position, in that the Chief Justice is attempting to dictate the course of the legislative and executive branches of government, and this in spite of the plain constitutional declaration that the legislative, executive and judicial departments of our State government must be kept separate and apart. He goes out of his way to attack the State Tax Commission on account of the manner in which it is handling the inheritance taxes due from the estate of the late R. J. Reynolds. It is highly probable that some questions with respect to 314 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT these taxes will come before tlie Supreme Court for adjudication. If so, Low terribly embarrassing it will be to tbe Chief Justice to know that he has already gone out of his way to express a biased opinion in regard to this tax. With respect to the change in the laws in regard to foreign corporations, the general purpose of the change is to place a foreign corporation on the same footing as a North Carolina corporation. The justice of the act must appeal to every fair thinking man, and its wisdom from a revenue standpoint is incontrovertibly established by the indisputable fact that under the change we are getting more taxes out of the foreign corporations than we did before. The General Assembly of 1920 made a conscientious effort to frame a tax system absolutely fair to all classes of people and all property. It did not go gunning for anybody or anything. It sought to avoid anything that would appear like class legislation. Any man or any measure that seeks to stir up class feeling and to divide the citizens of North Carolina into hostile groups deserves the deep damnation of all good men. The General Assembly steered far from such a policy, and with patience and perseverance worthy of all praise worked out a sane, well balanced tax program adequate to meet the ever-increasing necessities of a pro- gressive civilization, and yet distributing the burdens of taxation so as to impose no undue hardships on any class of our citizens. Prof. C. J. Bullock of Harvard University is the greatest authority on taxation in the United States. His counsel is sought far and near by men who are earnestly seeking for truth, for equity and for adequacy in taxation. In a public letter Professor Bullock has given to the tax program mapped out by the General Assembly of 1920 the highest commendation. Reactionaries have criticised the program for going entirely too far, and radicals have railed against it for not going half far enough. These utterly in- consistent and contradictory criticisms have produced in the mind of the average man a growing conviction that the General Assembly actually hit on that golden mean that lies between two dangerous extremes. T. W. Bickett, Governor. (27) FINAL REPLY TO JUDGE CLARK (July 12, 1920) [Upon being asked today by several newspaper men whether or not he was going to write a reply to the eight-column article of Chief Justice Clark that appeared in today's News and Observer, Governor Bickett replied :] I certainly am not. Time and white paper are entirely too valuable to con- tinue this discussion ad infinitum. Judge Clark correctly says that our personal relations have been cordial. I wrote what I wrote not because I wanted to do it, not because it was any pleasure to do it, but because of an unescapable conviction that it was my duty to the State of North Carolina to do it. I naturally expected the judge to dissent. He always does. On this very proposition he dissents not only from the opinion of the Governor about what is STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS 315 wise and just in taxation, but also from the opinion of all the other Supreme Court judges, from the opinion of the Attorney-General of the State, from the opinion of the State Treasurer, the Secretary of State, the State Auditor, the members of the State Tax Commission. In fact, if there is a single State officer who has any patience or sympathy with the rabid views of Judge Clark on taxation I have not been able to locate him. He also dissents from the opinion of the General Assembly, from several General Assemblies, for the judge has diligently sought, in season and out of season, to get the General Assemblies to enact into law his grotesque program. With practical unanimity and with great enthusiasm the General Assemblies have declined to do so. Is Judge Clark alone wise, alone virtuous? The judge also dissents from the opinion of the legislatures of every state in the Union, for no state in the Union levies on corporations the taxes Judge Clark, contends should be levied in North Carolina. Is Judge Clark endowed with more wisdom and more virtue than all the members of all the legislatures of all the states in the American Union? The judge is a voluminous writer, but he may write until doomsday and he will never convince the people of North Carolina that it is either just or wise to make a corporation pay twice as much taxes as a copartnership pays that is engaged in exactly the same business with exactly the same capital. Stripped of all learning and legal prestidigitation, that is precisely all the judge is contending for, and the proposition meets with instant rejection in the minds of all men who really stand for justice to one hundred per cent of the people of North Carolina. So far as I am concerned, the discussion is closed. (28) ALAMANCE COUNTY MOB (July 22, 1920) In view of the action of the civil authorities of Alamance County, I deem it due the soldiers on duty and the citizenship of the entire State to have a careful investigation made of the alleged assault on the jail in Graham and on the conduct of the troops on the night of July 19th. The members of the committee to make the investigation will be announced as soon as it is ascertained that they will serve. 316 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT (29) NO OUTSIDE MEDDLING (July 24, 1920) "I do not propose to let anybody from outside North Carolina investigate any of our institutions," Governor Bickett declared today when his attention was directed to special dispatches published in morning papers that the Prisoners' Relief Society of Washington was contemplating an investigation "of an epidemic of complaints" in regard to prison conditions in this State. "We at least have State rights left as to the conduct of our prisons," said the Governor, "and I intend that this right shall be maintained and exercised. "We have a State superintendent of health, Dr. W. S. Rankin, who looks after all sanitary conditions in the State; we have a State superintendent of public welfare, R. F. Beasley, who looks after the moral and humanitarian conditions in our prisons and other institutions, and I have more confidence in the judgment and sincerity of these officials than I have in any ex-convict agitator. "I have been 'cussed' all over North Carolina from Cape Lookout to Slick Rock Creek on account of my sentimental love for convicts. One leading newspaper accused me of making reformatories out of our prisons. "I have been perfectly willing to take this 'cussing' from North Carolina folks. I am their servant and it is the constitutional right of all Tar Heels to 'cuss' their officials, a right which they exercise freely and about which I make no complaint. But I refuse to take 'cussing' or criticism of my official conduct from any outlander." (30) A RESUME OF THE WORK OF THE SPECIAL SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF 1920 (August 29, 1920) The General Assembly of 1920, in special session, meets the apostolic standard of efficiency — "A workman that needeth not to be ashamed." IT KEPT THE FAITH The General Assembly more than redeemed its solemn pledge made to the people that the taxes derived from property in 1920 should not be more than ten per cent above those derived in 1919. This pledge was made in the utmost good faith by the General Assembly of 1919, and has been kept in letter and in spirit. Despite the bludgeonings of ignorance and prejudice, the howls of wounded vanity and conceit, and the ambitious schemes of a few wholly selfish politicians, the General Assembly did not for one second waver from its allegiance to the plain honesty and simple justice that requires all property to be listed for tax- ation at its true value. On the other hand, it reiterated and emphasized the high resolve made at the regular session of 1919, that henceforward the tax books of North Carolina must speak the truth. STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS 317 The constitutional amendments perpetuate the equalizing principle of the Revaluation Act and lay deep and broad foundations for the permanent separation of the sources of State and local revenues. The reduction of the constitutional limitation from 66% cents to 15 cents on the one hundred dollars worth of property is in harmony with the declared purposes of the Revaluation Act. The fifteen-cent rate is as low as the most implacable foe of taxation would suggest, and yet when applied to true values will yield ample revenues. THE INCOME TAX AMENDMENT The resubmission of the Income Tax Amendment opens the way to obtain in a manner wholly righteous and approved by every state in the Union and every enlightened government on earth, additional revenues to meet the demands of a progressive civilization. It also insures the permanent separation of the sources of State and local revenues. A LONG SOUGHT END This is the goal towards which I have been steadily driving ever since I entered public life. In 1913 I submitted a paper to the Constitutional Commis- sion appointed by Governor Craig to revise our tax system, in which I said : However much we may disagree with the theories of government advo- cated by Alexander Hamilton, it must be conceded that he was the greatest public financier America has produced. It has been well said, "Hamilton smote the rock of national resources and abundant streams of revenue gushed forth." Hamilton's master stroke was the separation of the sources of State and National revenues. The adoption of this policy at once removed a fruitful source of irritation between the Federal Government and the states, and at the same time placed the central government for all time on a basis of financial independence. I am profoundly convinced that a like separation of State and local revenues will bring about an era of good feeling between the several counties, and between the counties and the State, and will further enable the State to go forward with its proper work without the handicap of a permanent deficit in the Treasury. Much has been said in recent years about equal- ization, but there can be no equalization without segregation. In my Inaugural Address, after recommending the appointment of a Special Tax Commission, I said : In the meantime, I desire to say, in order that our people may be giving the matter thought, that in my opinion any plan of taxation that will raise sufficient revenues and be at all acceptable to our people must involve the separation of the sources of State and local revenues. If this fundamental principle can once be agreed upon, its application will become a matter of detail. THE MAECH TOWARDS SEGREGATION STARTS In 1917 the State levied a general property tax for the support of the State Government of 27% cents on the one hundred dollars worth of property. In 1919 it was found that the State could derive by the enforcement of reasonable privilege and inheritance taxes a larger amount of money than heretofore, and thereupon the property tax for State purposes was divided by two, being reduced from 23% 318 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT cents to 11% cents for State purposes, and four cents for pensions, making a total of 15% cents as against 27% cents in 1917. This year, on account of the increased efficiency in the collection of privilege taxes and inheritance taxes, and by increasing certain franchise and privilege taxes to the point where they are in harmony with similar taxes in other pro- gressive states, it was found that it would not be necessary to levy any property tax at all for the support of the State Government or pensions. It will be seen, therefore, that during this administration and strictly in harmony with every recommendation I have ever made on the subject, we have reduced the State property tax from 27% cents to nothing. AN IMMORTAL, INCONTROVERTIBLE FACT If, during this administration, not a line nor a letter in our tax laws had been changed, if the word "revaluation" had never been written and had never been spoken in North Carolina, this year under the old rates and under the old valuations, the people would have paid in taxes on their property for the support of the State Government $3,040,000. This year they are not required to pay one cent. If the Income Tax Amendment should be adopted it will never again be necessary to levy a property tax for the support of the State Government, but all property, real and personal, individual and corporate, can be left to the counties and towns to meet their local necessities. THE TEACHERS WERE NOT FORGOTTEN The Educational bill makes another step forward. It provides money sufficient to put into effect the salary schedule adopted by the teachers and superintendents at the Greensboro conference this year. This is a classified schedule that places the proper premium on efficiency and length of service. It makes provision for the establishment of standard high schools in twenty-six counties that now have no such schools, and it gives to the counties much needed supervision in the erection of their school buildings and in the expenditure of the public school funds. HUMAN BREAKAGE The General Assembly accepted the principle that in our industrial plants human breakage should be as much a part of the fixed charges as mechanical breakage. It put the man on an equality with the machine. It authorized the Governor to appoint a commission to prepare a modern workmen's compensation act embodying this principle. This will be promptly done. The skeleton bill pretending to deal with the situation at the special session was utterly inadequate, and was clearly introduced for political and not for practical purposes. WHITE TREATMENT FOR THE NEGRO The General Assembly recognized that if we are to maintain a white civiliza- tion in North Carolina it must be white in soul as well as in skin. Therefore it authorized the Governor to appoint a commission to prepare plans looking to the establishment of a reformatory for negro delinquent boys, a sanatorium for the treatment of negroes afflicted with tuberculosis, a first-class teacher-training school, and for safer and more sanitary accommodations for negroes on the trains. All these things are demanded by a Christian civilization. STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS FOR THE PRESS 319 WOMAN SUFFRAGE The General Assembly of North Carolina did not run away from the subject. There were radical differences of opinion, but every man stood by his honest conviction. There was no suggestion that improper influences of any kind were used on either side, and no man or woman in North Carolina has a right to criticise any other man or woman on account of his conviction on this matter. The question is now settled and it behooves us all, men and women, to put our shoulders together and build up in our midst a civilization richer and finer than we have ever known. (31) PARDONS AND PAROLES (December 22, 1920) I am this week issuing my final series of pardons and paroles. In connection with these last acts of executive clemency I desire to make a statement to the public. I have been much criticised on account of my exercise of the pardoning power. I have regretted this criticism, but have not resented it. It is entirely possible that if some other governor had made the same pardon record I would have been among his critics. It is simply impossible for an outsider to see the case with the Governor's eyes. Of course mistakes have been made by myself, and by all governors who have gone before me, and will be made by all who follow after me, and this for the simple reason that a man who is so cold-blooded that he will not occasionally make a mistake on the side of mercy will never get close enough to the people of North Carolina to be chosen as their Governor. I do not have in my heart anything that resembles an apology for throwing out the life-line to men who have fallen overboard. I am deeply grateful to God and to the people of North Carolina for giving me the power to do so. But I do think it proper, just before the curtain falls on my administration, to make known to the people the principles that have guided me in the exercise of the highest and most sacred function of my office. First. I believe in the indeterminate sentence. That all punishment should be for a minimum and maximum time. The people of North Carolina believe in this principle. The General Assembly in the year 1917 conferred on our judges the right to impose these indeterminate sentences. In the vast majority of cases before me I have simply applied this principle to prisoners convicted before the passage of this law. Wherever the judge has imposed a maximum and minimum term, I have not, so far as I can recall, interfered in any case before the minimum term imposed by the judge had expired. The underlying principle is intended to rebuild men, and not destroy them. Second} I am profoundly convinced that the average man sent to prison is not essentially a criminal. As Attorney-General of the State I prosecuted every criminal case that came before the Supreme Court in eight years. During these years I was immersed in the study of crimes and criminals. It was my duty to sustain every conviction when legally possible to do so, and my work tended to -? 320 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT develop a bias against the prisoner. But these eight years experience and study have produced in my mind a deep and definite conviction that the average violator of the law is not a moral pervert, is not essentially a criminal, but is a perfectly normal man who, by reason of an environment for which he was not responsible, or by reason of some sudden passion or overwhelming temptation, commits an act for which he is very properly sent to prison. But after this normal man has been in prison for a reasonable time, if the State gives him another chance he will not be a menace to society, but will be a better citizen than he was before he fell into temptation. He has learned something about the wages of sin. There are, of course, gross and vicious exceptions to this general rule, but the conviction that the average prisoner is not fundamentally wicked has been intensified by my study of crimes and my experiences with criminals during my four years service as Governor. In the exercise of the almost Godlike power granted me by the Constitution I have not been guided by impulse, by caprice or sentimentalism, but in every case I have put to my soul the question, "Is the man worth saving, and is it possible to save him without hurt to society at large?" J ' This is no defense of my pardon record. It is my confession of faith — a faith whose roots reach back to the days of my childhood when I used to hear the people sing in the old church that appealing gospel hymn : "Deal gently with the erring one, Oh! do not thou forget, However darkly stained with sin, He is thy brother yet. Heir of the selfsame heritage, Child of the selfsame God ; He has but stumbled in the path Thou hast in weakness trod." (VI) PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS [ Telegram] New Yoek, 1ST. Y., January 31, 1917. Governor Thomas W. Bickett, Raleigh, N. C. Germany has presented a note tonight withdrawing her submarine pledges and indicating her intention of sinking without warning by mine or torpedo any vessel, including American, carrying goods or passengers into a zone extending about twenty miles around the coasts of France and the British Isles after February fifth. Please telegraph us a brief expression of your view on this situation. New York Times. [ Telegram] Kaleigh, 1ST. C, February 1, 1917. The New York Times, New York City. The grave issue presented by the German note is one to be calmly determined by the President and Congress. The people of North Carolina have the utmost confidence in the wisdom and patriotism of those who represent us in Washington, and this State will uphold their hands in whatever course it is deemed necessary to pursue. T. W. Bickett, Governor. Kaleigh, N. C, February 3, 1917. The World, New York City. North Carolina is a conservative State. Our people love peace and hate war. It is the curse of the nations. We had hoped that the warring governments of the Old World would respond to the plea of our President and enter into a compact that would insure permanent and universal peace. The reply of Germany to this plea for peace is a deliberate invitation to further strife. When the German Government delivered its note of January 31 it knew then as well as it knows now that diplomatic relations would be severed. The President could not have done less without obliterating every trace of our national honor. We deeply hope that Germany may yet stay her hand; but if American ships or American lives shall be wantonly destroyed, then our people, as one man, without respect to race or politics, will uphold the President in whatever action he may take to preserve the honor and safety of the Nation. Respectfully, Thomas W. Bickett, Governor. 324 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Raleigh, N". C, March 9, 1917. To All Judges of Superior Courts: My dear Judge: — I have examined with care the manuscript of Rules and Regulations and score cards for convict camps prepared by the Board of Health and Board of Charities and Public Welfare, and thoroughly approve the same. It is the purpose of the Secretary of the State Board of Health and the Commis- sioner of Public Welfare to send copies of these manuscripts to you and the several other judges of Superior Courts for your consideration and approval, with request for your cooperation in seeing them made effective. It might be wise to let it be known in the counties which maintain chain-gangs that in sentencing prisoners to the roads, preference will be given to those counties which most readily respond to plans for proper treatment and care of the men. I would suggest that when you can possibly do so you make a visit to the camps in person, and let it be known that you may go at any time, and that you expect to see conditions as they should be. It seems to me that in this way the judges have the matter of immediate improvement, where needed, in their hands. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. [ Telegram] Raleigh, N". C, April 3, 1917. Mr. Paul Miliukoff, Minister Foreign Affairs, Petrograd, Russia. The State of North Carolina sends warmest greetings to the greatest Republic of the Old World. The high tides of human thought and feeling all set in your direction, and all the stars of destiny smile on you. The Russian people have asserted their divine rights in joining the Brotherhood of Man, and may the Lord of Liberty keep them steadfast. T. W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, K C, April 18, 1917. Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. Sir: — If it will be of service to you in this crisis, North Carolina will get up a complete abstract of all of its resources that may be needed for army supplies, and furnish your office with a tabulated list of where, and in what quantities, and in what space of time, the supplies may be obtained. If this service will help you kindly have some of your officers send me a list of what sort of supplies you will first need. We want to cooperate with you in the most direct and most prac- tical way. An answer by wire will be appreciated. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 325 Raleigh, K C, April 18, 1917. Hon. Woodeow Wilson, President of the United States, Washington, D. C. My deae Mr. President : — I am taking the liberty of enclosing herewith copy of a telegram I have just sent the New York American in reply to an inquiry from it in regard to my views upon the bill to raise an army by selective draft. In my opinion for Congress to refuse to enact this bill will be a colossal blunder. I incline to the opinion, however, that the minimum age for selection should be twenty-one years and the maximum thirty. A great many young men are taking courses in college and the age of nineteen years finds them in their sophomore year; and to take them away from college at that time means that their education will never be completed. With assurances of great esteem, I beg to remain, Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. [ Telegram] Raleigh, 1ST. C, April 18, 1917. New York American, New York City. Equal rights entail equal duties. But men there be who boldly assert their rights and shrewdly forget their duties. A decent respect for the principle of equality of right and of responsibility demands that in providing an army for the common defense selections should be made upon the basis of a common liability. No sane person would propose to finance the war with volunteer subscriptions. Even in times of war money must be accorded the equal protection of the law. But the volunteer system of raising an army works a tragic discrimination against manhood. The flower of our youth present their bodies as a living sacrifice to their country while baser breeds remain at home and propagate the race. The burning injustice of such a system is surpassed only by its nauseating stupidity. Men should be selected for service upon the basis of natural fitness. To be so called to the colors ought, and when properly understood will be, considered a nation's stamp of distinction. T. W. Bickett, Governor. Washington, D. C, April 19, 1917. Hon. T. W. Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, Raleigh, N. C. My dear Governor : — Let me thank you for your letter of April 18th, with its enclosure. I have read what you say with interest and appreciation. Cordially and sincerely yours, Woodrow Wilson. 326 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Kaleigh, N". 0., April 21, 1917. Chairman of Board of County Commissioners: My deae Me. Chairman : — Your attention has been called to the report of the Government showing that we are facing a serious food famine in the United States. You have seen the proclamation issued from this office on the 16th day of March, calling attention to the imperative necessity for increasing our food supplies, and within the last week the President of the United States has made an appeal to the people urging them to increase our food supplies as a patriotic duty. In every county in the State will be found vacant farms. The owners are not able to cultivate them and for some reason have not been able to get tenants to do so. Every one of these farms ought to be located and planted to grains, grasses, peas and potatoes this year. I therefore urge you : 1. To ascertain all such vacant farms in your county. 2. To make arrangements to secure these farms for a nominal rent, which I am sure can easily be done, and cultivate them by using the county chain-gang when the convicts can be spared from the public roads and by additional labor employed by the county, if necessary. I have consulted the Attorney-General of the State, and he advises me that there is absolutely nothing in our statutes that makes it unlawful for the county commissioners to do this. In this way the commissioners can wonderfully increase our food supplies, and without the assumption of any real risk make a considerable sum of money for the county. With much respect, I beg to remain, Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Kaleigh, K C, May 9, 1917. Col. Wilson G. Lamb, Society of the Cincinnati, Battery Pari: Hotel, Asheville, N. C. All North Carolinians are of the seed of Cincinnatus — born rulers of empires, but eighty per cent of them have, with superb self-restraint, stuck to the plow. The crisis that now confronts the Nation vindicates the wisdom of their choice, for in the very presence of "war's wrinkled front" the plow ranks the sword. I am the official head of the battalions in North Carolina who man the bread line. From the dawn's early light to the twilight's last gleaming these forces toil and tire not that those who fight may be fed. The supreme obligations of the hour keep my hand to the plow, and make it impossible for me to attend the meeting of your illustrious society. I send the State's most gracious greetings, and throw wide the door to the hearts of a people of whom more than ninety-nine per cent are home born, and whose patriotism is exactly one hundred per cent pure. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 327 [ Telegram] General Leonard Wood, Raleigh, N. C, May 14, 1917. Commander Southeastern Department, Charleston, S. C. North Carolina sends greeting to you and best wishes for the success of your administration of the Southeastern Department of the Army. T. W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, N. C, May 19, 1917. To All Sheriffs, Clerks of Superior Court, and County Physicians : Deae Sir: — The President has issued his proclamation calling for the regis- tration of all male citizens between the ages of twenty-one and thirty on the fifth of June, 1917, between the hours of seven a. m. and nine p. m. By virtue of the power vested in me by act of Congress, I hereby nominate and commission you as a member of the County Board of Registration for County, which board is charged with the administration of the said act of Congress in said county. The County Board of Registration is hereby directed to convene at once and 1. Appoint one registrar in each voting precinct in the county. Where it is estimated that more than eighty persons will be required to register in the precinct an additional registrar for each eighty persons to be registered should be appointed. The law contemplates that the registrar who served at the State and county general election last year shall be appointed. His experience is supposed to fit him for the peculiar duties of the office of registrar under the act of Congress. But the registrar must be a competent clerk, whose handwriting is neat and legible. 2. The Government encourages the appointment of volunteer registrars who will make no charge for their services, but will take pleasure in performing the work as a patriotic duty in this crisis of the Nation's life. But the appointments of registrars must not be delayed if volunteer registrars do not come forward. 3. All appointments of registrars must be made by the 24th day of May, but it is important not to delay the matter, but to make the appointments at the earliest hour possible consistent with the exercise of judgment. 4. Please notify at once all registrars of their appointment and furnish them with the printed instructions as to their duties, which printed instructions have been sent direct to the sheriff of each county from the War Department. 5. As soon as your county is completely organized notify me of the fact and send names of all registrars, to the end that I may telegraph the Provost Marshal- General at Washington that North Carolina is organized. 6. County attorneys will advise County Board and registrars on any questions pertaining to the administration of the law, but if there is any doubt in your minds write or wire me. 7. Head all telegrams to me "War Department, Official Business, Charge to Federal Government." Do not use telegrams save where time is important. 8. I am satisfied our citizens can be relied upon to cooperate with the County Board and with the registrars in every possible way. Let me urge that there be no 328 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER B1CKETT raising of technical objections, no spirit of evasion or controversy; but let every citizen, young and old, feel that his country expects him to do his part in bringing about a speedy and efficient organization under the law. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Mb. F. E. Seely, Raleigh, 1ST. C, May 24, 1917. Asheville, N. C. My deae Me. Seely : — In compliance with the plan of organization devised by the National Council of Defense, I am organizing a subcouncil for the State of North Carolina to be known as the State Council of Defense of North Carolina. The Governor and the Adjutant-General are ex officio members of this Council, together with nine others appointed by the Governor. I have appointed you as a member of this Council, and am sending your commission herewith. I sincerely trust that you will be able to serve the country in this capacity. The first meeting of the Council will be held in the Senate Chamber in Raleigh on Thursday, the 31st day of May, at 12 o'clock, when the entire plan will be outlined. Respectfully, Same letter to : T. W. Bickett, Governor. Me. Jas. Speunt, Wilmington, N. C. Me. Geo. W. Watts, Durham, N. C. Me. C. C. Tayloe, Greensboro, N. C. Me. R. N. Page, Biscoe, N. C. Me. W. S. Lee, Charlotte, N. C. [ Telegram] Raleigh, N. C, June 6, 1917. Peovost Maeshal-Geneeal, Washington, D. C. Am gratified to report full registration in North Carolina. Not one trace of opposition or disturbance at any precinct in the State. T. W. Bickett, Governor. [Telegram to all Sheriffs] Raleigh, N. C, June 11, 1917. Sheeiff County, N. C. The War Department orders the arrest of every man whose duty it was to register and failed to do it. Please make a searching investigation in every precinct in your county, and if a single man failed to register according to law, report the same to the nearest United States Attorney or Marshal, and the delinquent will be arrested at once. North Carolina registered more men than the Government estimated it would, according to our population. This fine fact makes it all the more important to require all delinquents to be registered. When ninety-nine men voluntarily do their duty it is the essence of justice to the ninety- nine to compel the hundredth man to do his. The quota from North Carolina will be based on the original estimate of the Government, and not on our actual registration. Therefore every additional man registered reduces the proportion of the whole that will be first selected for service. T. W. Bickett, Governor. PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 329 [ Telegram] Raleigh, N. C, June 12, 1917. Paul C. "Whitlock, Charlotte, N. C. I deeply regret that war duties specific and imperative preclude the possibility of my appearing in person before the people of Charlotte tonight in the interest of the Liberty Loan Bonds. I desire to register my abiding faith that the birthplace of American liberty will do its full duty in the battle for the liberties of all mankind. On the fifth of June we dedicated our man power to the cause of humanity in heroic fashion. The man has gone forward. Shall the dollar skulk in the background ? The instincts of humanity and business sagacity alike urge that the dollar back the man. In the last analysis the man backs the dollar. If our armies should fail, and they must fail unless they are given adequate support, then our industries would be sold into bondage, and our chief occupation for a hundred years would be to render tribute unto the Kaiser. T. W. Bickett, Governor. "Washington, D. C, June 30, 1917. Goveenob T. "W. Bickett, Raleigh, N. C. Dear Governor Bickett : — At the close of the wonderfully successful cam- paign for the Red Cross War Fund I intended, in behalf of the "War Council, to send you and your associates a telegram of thanks and congratulations for your splendidly effective work. On reflection, however, I decided in view of the Nation-wide extent of our organization that it would be more economical, and equally satisfactory, to write to you instead of telegraphing. We of the War Council are deeply grateful to you, to your colleagues, to the devoted men and women of local Red Cross Chapters and Auxiliaries, and to every element and individual in your community who aided by service and con- tribution. There is no method by which we can reach the legion of individuals, organiza- tions, churches, newspapers, societies, banks, companies and firms whose united effort has provided this great fund for humanity, and if through your press and by other means you can make public expression of our gratitude we shall deeply appreciate the courtesy. Their joint accomplishment has stirred the pride of every American. I wish to add my personal thanks to you, and through you to all who con- tributed to the splendid result. Very sincerely yours, H. P. Davison, Chairman, Red Cross War Council. 390 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT [Telegram] Goveknoe T. W. Bickett, Dubham, N. C, July 4, 1917. Executive Mansion, Raleigh, N. C. The increasing lynchings of a helpless people both North and South, in many instances for trivial things, are having depressing effects on a people who love their country and who are loyal and true to the flag. The courts of the land are in control of the whites, so there is never an excuse for a lynching. All crimes should be justly and severely punished, and there need be no fear that any negro criminal or supposed criminal will ever escape. The negro is asking for a right to live and to hope. I appeal to you as a great Governor to issue a public state- ment in behalf of the negro, asking the people that wherever a supposed crime is committed to refrain from lynching and to give the courts a chance. I appeal to you to see that the strong do not unnecessarily oppress the weak, and the negro be given fair and just treatment, so that inter-racial differences be avoided and that all together in America may present to the outside world the picture of absolute justice to all races and classes working side by side to help make the world a better place in which people can live. With great respect and esteem, Yours very truly, Jas. E. Shepakd, President National Training School. [ Telegram] Hon. Newton D. Bakek, Kaleigh, N. C, July 6, 1917. Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. A great many members of the North Carolina National Guard are out of employment and without means of support. It would be a blessing to these men to be employed in the construction of military camps and cantonments. They would not only be glad to do this work at the prices the Government pays civilians, but their employment would prevent the paralysis of other industries by laborers being taken away from them to build these camps. I earnestly urge you to give the members of the North Carolina National Guard the opportunity to work in this capacity. Of course I do not ask that an order be issued making it mandatory for members of the Guard to do this work, but I do ask and urge that they be given the privilege of doing it, if they feel so disposed. T. W. Bickett, Governor. [Telegram] "Washington, D. C, July 6, 1917. Hon. T. W. Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, Raleigh, N. C. Your telegram July six relative employment members National Guard in military camps received. Matter will receive consideration. McCain. PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 331 Hon. H. P. Davison, Raleigh, N. C, July 6, 1917. Chairman Red Cross War Council, Washington, D. C. My dear Sib: — I thank you sincerely for your letter of June 30th in regard to the campaign waged for the Red Cross in North Carolina. I can assure you that it was a labor of love on the part of those who took part in this campaign. It is my hope that in the future this State will be found at the very forefront in cooperation with the Red Cross in the great work it has to do during this war. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Dr. Jas. E. Shepasd, Raleigh, 1ST. C, July 7, 1917. President National Training School, Durham, N. C. Dear Sir: — I concur without reservation in the sentiments expressed in your telegram of July 4th. For a mob to kill a man is the essence of brutality and cowardice. The white people are under a peculiar obligation to refrain from violence of any sort against the colored people of the land. Up to this time there has been no mob violence in the State of North Carolina during the present admin- istration, and I am earnestly endeavoring to promote good feeling between the races, and sincerely trust that our people under all circumstances will refrain from taking the law into their own hands. It is my opinion that the people of North Carolina, white and black, are law abiding and humane. We have been exceptionally free from the riots and disorder that have prevailed in some sections of the country, and I earnestly hope that the people of this State will not only sustain but improve the reputation for decency, peace and respect for law that they now enjoy. The riots in St. Louis are simply cumulative evidence that after all the South is the best place for the black man. In the South the negro is recognized as a legitimate factor, and there has never been any disposition to interfere with his lawful activities. The South understands the negro and is ever ready to give him intelligent aid and sympathy. I see in today's papers that Mr. Samuel Gompers, President of the American Federation of Labor, charges that negroes have been induced in large numbers to leave the South and go to sundry cities in the North and West in order to "break the back of labor." It seems to me that it is an opportune time for the leaders of the negro race to impress upon their people the truth that the best friends of the negro are right here in the South and that in many cases those who make system- atic efforts to induce the negro to leave the South know that trouble and danger await him. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, N. C, July 10, 1917. To All Members of the Local Exemption Boards in the Various Counties and Cities of the State: Dear Sir : — Several letters have come to this office from different parts of the State, indicating a fear on the part of a few people that local boards may not in 392 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT all cases act with absolute impartiality in passing upon claims for exemption and in prescribing tbe order in which persons not exempt shall be called to service. It is not necessary for me to say that I do not personally share this fear. Your recommendation by me to the President of the United States for this patriotic service carried with it my abiding faith that you would do your duty without fear and without favor. I deem it proper, however, to call your attention to the apprehension reflected in these letters and to beg you to hold your sacred office so high above personal or partisan considerations that when the work is done your enemies will be forced to concede that in every case you acted with the fear of God and the love of your country before your eyes. Above all things, let me beseech you not to allow political influences to touch the hem of your garment. It would be a tragic and nauseating prostitution of a wise and just law if politics should be considered when the lives of men and the very destiny of the race are in the balance. It is proper to say that the letters mentioned have come from less than five per cent of the counties in the State, but the fact that the fear has been expressed at all makes it my duty to advise all members of local boards to the end that their work may be done on a plane of patriotism so high that no breath of suspicion can reach it. With great esteem, I beg to remain Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. His Excellency, Hon. T. W. Bickett, Silek City > X - C -> Au g ust 2 > 1917 - Governor of North Carolina, Raleigh, North Carolina. Deae Sir : — Certain parties in this county are reported to be soliciting funds from men drafted, using the argument that the draft law is unconstitutional, and proposing to employ counsel to test it, etc., and are using language that is calcu- lated to arouse the ignorant against the Government. Each day we hear of this going on in different sections, and greatly fear that we are going to have a serious situation in certain sections unless something can be done to stop it. In one township we learn that an effort is being made to prevent any man whose name has been drawn among the first to be examined from appearing, and various other things are being done that may give us trouble. On yesterday we wrote the District Attorney in regard to this matter, but have deemed it wise to call it to your attention and to ask that you cooperate with us in an effort to have the Department of Justice send some representative to Chatham to take the matter in hand. If we can now secure the arrest of a few men, we believe it will strike terror to the disloyal element and that further trouble may be avoided. Anything you will do or suggest in this connection will be most heartily appreciated. Yours very truly, Leon L. Lane, Sheriff of Chatham County. Walter D. Siler, Solicitor of the Fourth District. PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 333 Solicitor "Waiter D. Silek, Raleigh, IT. C, August 4, 1917. Sheriff Leon L. Lane, Siler City, N. C. Gentlemen : — Your joint letter of August 2d received and carefully con- sidered. In it you say: Certain parties in this county are reported to be soliciting funds from men drafted, using the argument that the draft law is unconstitutional and proposing to employ counsel to test it, etc., and are using language that is calculated to arouse the ignorant against the Government. Each day we hear of this going on in different sections, and greatly fear that we are going to have a serious situation in certain sections unless something can be done to stop it. In one township we learn that an effort is being made to prevent any man whose name has been drawn among the first to be examined from appearing, and various other things are being done that may give us trouble. In reply I beg to advise that the first article and the eighth section of the Constitution of the United States clothes the Congress with power "to declare war, to raise and support armies and to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers." In strict conformity to the constitutional powers so conferred, Congress has, with practical unanimity, declared that a state of war exists between the United States and the Imperial German Government, and has enacted the Selective Draft Law for the purpose of raising an army to carry on the war so declared. The Nation is, therefore, lawfully at war. Through its accredited repre- sentatives it has declared its will and fixed its course. There was a time for difference and debate. That time has now expired. We are in a death-grapple with the enemy, and the man who in this perilous hour lifts voice or hand to weaken the Nation's will or shorten its arm is a traitor to his country and a friend to its foes. He is more than a traitor. He is a murderer. Any word spoken, any deed done to hinder the vigorous prosecution of the war means a prolongation of the war, and this means added loss of life. The men who for love of money are promising to show registrants a way of escape from their duty have sounded depths of infamy heretofore unknown. Send me their names and I promise that they shall be forever pilloried in a people's contempt. The Constitution defines treason against the United States to be "giving aid and comfort to their enemies." Every discordant note is comfort to the Kaiser. Every attempt to prevent the Nation from presenting a solid front is strength to his arm. I do not propose to tolerate treason in North Carolina by word or deed, if there be power in State or Federal law to prevent it. You and all sheriffs and solicitors in the State are directed to report by wire to the United States District Attorney and to this office any man who may, by word or deed, give aid and comfort to the enemy by seeking to palsy the Nation's arm as it is raised to strike. Immediate and drastic action will be taken upon every report, and men who thus desert their country in its hour of peril will be made to feel the strong arm of the law. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. 334 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Hon. E. L. Doughton, Raleigh, N. C, September 4, 1917. Member of Congress, Washington, D. C. My deab Mb. Doughton : — I enclose herewith some correspondence in regard to sweet potatoes. All I have to say is that if the President, or anybody else, fails to put sweet potatoes on the soldiers' bill of fare while in the South, he does the soldiers a great injustice. Evidently these people do not know anything about North Carolina yams. I hope that you can do something to get the sweet potato introduced in the military circles. Once the soldiers eat them they will fight for them. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, 1ST. C, September 25, 1917. Adjutant Geneeal, Raleigh, N. C. Sie : — Pursuant to the proclamation issued by me on the 23d day of September, 1917, you are directed to proceed to organize State Militia companies in the several counties of the State, beginning in the counties having the largest popu- lation. You will designate an advisory committee of three men for each county and direct such committees to carefully select the members for the militia companies. It is my desire that the men selected shall represent the intelligence, the character and the courage of the communities in which they live. These men are to be the special guardians of our women and children and the keepers of the peace and order of the State. The service they are to perform requires that the militia roll shall be a roll of honor. I insist that the men selected shall be: 1. Men who fear God and make a decent effort to keep His commandments. 2. Men of fortitude who are able and willing, for the public weal, to face danger and endure hardships without complaint. 3. Men of quiet minds who will be very careful of human life, but will, when stern necessity demands it, shoot straight to protect the helpless and preserve the peace and order of the State. These men are to be selected, but not drafted. The organizations are to be composed neither of volunteers nor of drafted men, but of men chosen by the committees because it is believed that they possess peculiar qualifications for the service to which they are called. If any man who is selected shall decline the honor, it will not be thrust upon him. Any unwillingness to serve would indicate that the committee had made a mistake in the selection of that particular man. In designating the advisory committees you will take pains to name men who are themselves patriotic, intelligent, unselfish and unafraid. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 335 Raleigh, 1ST. C., September 25, 1917. Provost Makshal-General, Washington, D. C. My deab Sib : — I am profoundly convinced that the administration of the Selective Draft Law is being attended with much unnecessary hardship and suffering. It seems to me that not enough attention has been paid to the selective principle in the law. The determination of the order in which registrants shall be called to the service by chance has undoubtedly the merit of equality in the sense that there is no discrimination between registrants. But my deep conviction is that justice and the highest kind of equality require discrimination. In order that there may be a wise and just discrimination in the selection of the men who are to be sent to the front, I submit the following plan: Let the local boards divide all registrants into three classes : 1. All single men and all married men who do not habitually support their families. 2. All married men who have no children. 3. All married men who have children. Let the registrants be called for examination in the order of their serial number, but let all men in Class No. 1 who are entitled to exemption be certified by the District Board to the Local Board for service before any registrants are certified from Class No. 2. In many instances it will be found that the entire quota of a county can be supplied from Class jSTo. 1. If, however, the quota cannot be made up from Class No. 1, then let the District Board begin to certify in the order of their serial number the men from Class No. 2, and continue this process through the several classes until the quota is complete. In my opinion this method will carry out the spirit of the law, and certainly it is the very essence of humanitarianism. It is cruel to the last degree to send a husband and father away from his wife and children, although they may possibly be able to subsist without his financial support, while further down the line are young men entirely free from family ties and obligations. I earnestly bespeak for this method your serious consideration, and hope that the rule can be made retroactive, especially with reference to men who have wives and children. This method would involve, of course, the immediate examination of all regis- trants, but I understand that this has already been definitely agreed upon. With sentiments of great esteem, I beg to remain, Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, N. C, September 27, 1917. To County Superintendents of Public Instruction: My deae Sib: — I am sending you under separate cover copies of an appeal to the farmers of the State to observe the month of November as Thrift Month. I earnestly request you to get these copies at once into the hands of every teacher in rural or small village schools. Ask the teacher to read these appeals to the 336 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT children to call the matter to the attention of their parents. Ask the teachers also to post one of these appeals upon the door of every schoolroom, or in some con- spicuous place where it can be read. Later on a plan will be devised for taking a census in each school district showing how many farmers in the district have heeded the appeal. I will greatly appreciate your kindly cooperation in making Thrift Month a notable success. With much respect, I beg to remain, Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, N. C, October 8, 1917. To Members of All Local Exemption Boards: Deae Sie: — I have just returned from Washington, w T here I had a personal interview with Provost Marshal-General Crowder and with the Secretary of War. As a result of these interviews, I am prepared to advise you that hereafter when married men claim exemptions on the ground of dependent wife or children, or both, the board will determine: 1. Whether or not as a matter of fact the registrant has theretofore supported his wife by his own manual or mental labor. 2. Whether or not the husband or wife, or both, have property, the income from which would be sufficient to support the wife and children, if any, in case the husband is ordered into military service. If the first inquiry shall be found in the affirmative and the second in the negative, then the registrant is entitled to his discharge as a matter of law, unless the board shall further find as a fact : 1. That the parents of the husband or wife have sufficient property to support the wife and children, if any, during the absence of the husband, and 2. That such parents have signified that they are ready to voluntarily under- take the support of such wife and children, if any. In other words, the burden of the support of the wife and children, if any, cannot be thrust upon the parents against their will, under the law. And the burden is upon the Government to show that the parents are both able and willing to undertake this support. The above principle will be followed by you in all future cases coming before you. With respect to married men whose claims have already been passed upon by you, I suggest that in cases where the above principles of law have not been applied, and where in your opinion real hardships will be imposed by sending or keeping these men in the service, that you submit the facts in each particular case to the Adjutant General of the State, who will then determine whether or not such particular cases involving great hardships should be reopened and determined in the light of the principles above announced. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 337 Kaleigh, N". C, October 15, 1917. To All Members of the State Board of Agriculture: My deae Sib: — The people of North Carolina have been called upon by the Federal Government to invest twenty-seven million dollars in Liberty Bonds, this being the State's proportion of the second three-billion-dollar issue. If our people fail to purchase these bonds promptly it will mean that North Carolina is not doing her part to help win this war — that she is either willfully or carelessly failing to carry her share of the burden the war imposes upon the various states. My faith in their patriotism and loyalty refuses to permit me to entertain for one moment any doubt of the willingness of our citizens to rise to this emergency if the matter is properly presented to them. However, it is no small task to sell $27,000,000 worth of Government bonds, and if the State's proportion is to be taken care of, every citizen must do his part. It is neither right to expect, nor safe to permit, the few to buy all of these bonds. I therefore earnestly request you, as a member of the State Board of Agri- culture, to bring this matter to the attention of the farmers of North Carolina, and use all your influence to the end that every one of them shall buy at least one Liberty Bond. The percentage of increase in the price of the farmer's products as a result of this war is greater perhaps than that of any other class of our citizens. The average farmer is in a better position today than ever before to make a safe and profitable investment such as this. Moreover, it is the farmer's patriotic duty to buy a bond. I know of no better way by which he can serve his country in this crisis. If we are to fight this war to a successful finish these bonds must be sold. In the prosecution of this war money is just as necessary as men and munitions. The offer of these bonds gives the farmer a magnificent opportunity to take stock in his Government. If he is wise he will be eager to grasp this opportunity, for by so doing he will help to insure for himself and his children a continuation of government of the people, by the people, and for the people. Please do all in your power to bring these facts home to the farmers of North Carolina. Let them know that the bond buyer receives as well as gives. He not only comes to the aid of the Government, but he also makes a good interest-bearing investment. The bond he receives is the safest security in the world, because the promise to pay is backed by the faith and honor of the United States, the richest nation in the world. The Government of the United States has never failed to pay its bonds when due, and never will fail. The great corporations and rich individuals, seeing the advantages of so good an investment and responding to the patriotic impulse, are investing billions in war bonds. Will the farmers of North Carolina be less patriotic? Will they let this opportunity to serve and to save pass by unheeded? I have called upon the farmers to observe Thrift Month, and I know of no better way for them to do so than by purchasing Liberty Bonds. I want, therefore, again to urge you to cooperate heartily and effectively with the State Liberty Loan Committee to the end that every farmer that is able to do so buys at least one $50 Liberty Bond. Bespectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. 22 398 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT [In view of the many inquiries received at this office, and of a misunderstanding of the facts that seems to exist in some quarters, the following letter which the Governor wrote on October 16th to Dr. H. Q. Alexander, President of the Farmers' Union, is given to the public, October 24, 1917. — Note by Governor's Secretary.] Dr. H. Q. Alexander, Kaleigh, 1ST. C, October 16, 1917. Matthews, N. C. My dear Dr. Alexander: — Your recent letter received, and I intended to reply at once, but unremitting pressure of other duties made it impossible for me to do so. After you wrote me the letter, to which I replied from Hendersonville, and in which you said you did not propose to make any more war speeches, I deemed the incident closed, and did not consider that the situation would demand any further attention at my hands. But your recent letter seems to treat my appointment of you as a delegate to the National Farmers' Congress as some sort of an endorsement of your attitude. This view of your appointment seems to be entertained by some of your friends and some of your enemies. Your letter, and the contention of the friends and enemies above mentioned, make it proper for me to state the exact facts. The rule in this office is, that when delegates are to be appointed to conventions of this kind, the head of the department of the State Government that is chiefly interested in the subjects that will come before the convention suggests a list of delegates to be sent, and this list is rubber-stamped in the office of the Secretary to the Governor without being brought to his personal attention. This is precisely what occurred with respect to the list of delegates recently appointed to the National Farmers' Congress. I was out of the city and did not see the list until the names appeared in the papers. In view of your own construction of this appointment, which, as above stated, seems to be shared by both your friends and your enemies, candor compels me to say to you that I have never dreamed of endorsing your attitude toward the Government under which you live in this supreme crisis. On the other hand, I think, and have not hesitated to say, that you are fundamentally and, it appears, hopelessly wrong. Your views on economic questions are as unsound and, in my opinion, almost as hurtful as your own views upon the war. Instead of devoting your splendid energies to constructive policies, tending to improve living conditions among our population, the net result of your speeches is to create bitterness and strife instead of a spirit of mutual sympathy and helpfulness between the farmers and other citizens of the State. Indeed, you seem to have fallen completely under the influence of those two arch fanatics, Tom Watson and LaFollette, and in this way have destroyed your power to effectively help the people whose interest you have at heart. I do not for one moment question the sincerity of your convictions, and I am sure that you will not question mine, but the fact remains, as sad as it is certain, that you have simply thrown away a great opportunity to be a con- structive leader in the public thought and life of the State. This letter is not confidential, and you are at liberty to make such use of it as you may deem proper. Deeply regretting the necessity for writing you in this wise, I beg to remain, Eespectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 339 [ Telegram] Raleigh, N. C, October 18, 1917. Mr. W. B. Gibson, Chairman Executive Committee State Farmers' Union, Statesville, N. C. I am not a member of the Farmers' Union, and have no disposition to even suggest its policies. But it is known of all men that the passion of this admin- istration is to multiply in all just ways the profits and pleasures of farm life. I am deeply interested in every agency that is working to this end. I therefore greatly rejoice that your executive committee has unanimously gone on record in favor of a ringing resolution of loyalty to the Government in the great crisis that now confronts the country. It seems to me that this was the acme of wisdom as well as patriotism, and the action of your committee will wonderfully strengthen the union in the esteem and affection of all good men. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, K C., October 19, 1917. My dear Sheriff: — The amount of Liberty Bonds apportioned for your county is $ The plan of campaign contemplates the sale of one-third of this amount in fifty- and one-hundred-dollar bonds. This is the particular part of the work you are asked to perform. I want to again thank you for your unselfish and patriotic interest in this matter. The response made by the sheriffs has stirred the whole State. Everybody is talking about how magnificently you all arose to the emergency of the hour. I want to again express to you my personal gratitude and the gratitude of the State of Worth Carolina. Do not weary in well doing, and you will write the name of North Carolina high in the esteem of the whole Nation. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, 1ST. C, October 31, 1917. To All Local Exemption Boards: You are directed not to sign any paper prepared by any attorney-at-law, nor to consider any paper prepared by any attorney-at-law, or any other person in con- nection with any registrant or selected man, unless such paper shall contain a statement that the attorney or other person is receiving no compensation whatever for services in behalf of said registrant or selected man. The American Bar Association has passed a resolution unanimously that it is the sense of the association that no attorney should make any charge for services rendered a registrant or selected man, and has taken steps to have such service rendered in all worthy cases by reputable attorneys without money and without price. The North Carolina State Council of National Defense has taken a similar action and is prepared to have all needful services rendered a registrant or selected man without cost to the man himself or to any members of his family. 340 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT An attorney is a sworn officer of the law, and his first duty is to the Government, and that duty requires him to advise a registrant or selected man that he is not entitled to exemption, if such be the law; and it is also his patriotic duty to prepare any paper setting forth the exact facts in any particular case for a registrant or selected man and submit those facts, not in the capacity of a paid attorney, but as a patriotic citizen, to exemption boards. In every county in the State attorneys will be called upon by the American Bar Association, and by the State Council of National Defense, to render legal services, and they will be glad to do it. The attorneys of North Carolina are intensely patriotic and the ninety and nine of them will cheerfully perform these services and regard it as a patriotic privilege to do so. I have notified the Adjutant General of the State not to consider affidavits prepared by attorneys or any other person unless these affidavits shall contain a statement that the attorney or other person preparing the same has done so with- out receiving or expecting to receive any compensation of any kind. You will please give this communication the widest publicity possible in your county. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, N. C, November 22, 1917. To the County Chairman of the Council of National Defense: Deae Sie: — One of the most intelligent officers at Camp Sevier has recently written a letter about the soldiers, in which he says : The people back home need to be encouraged, particularly the families of these men who are in the service. You have no idea of the large numbers of letters coming in from wives, mothers and fathers, telling their husbands and sons that the crops which they left in the fields are going to waste for the lack of labor to harvest it; that the children are hungry because there is no money with which to buy provisions; that the wife is sick and no one to look after her. That is the place for a great work. The men here do not need Christmas presents or feasts. They are all well cared for, have their friends and acquaintances; but they cannot fully devote themselves to their work because they are thinking continuously of the dependents back home. Many telegrams come each day telling of sickness. The greatest work that the people at home can do is to visit the families of men who are away. If they need the necessities of life or a doctor, see that those things are fur- nished. They need comforting because in so many instances it is the first time husband and wife have been separated, and also father and mother and son. They can hardly endure this separation. They feel as if they have lost all there is in the world for them to look to in time of trouble. The field is unlimited, and you cannot imagine what joy it would bring to the hearts of the men here if they knew there was a little Christmas in their homes. I think it is of the first importance for your County Council to read this letter carefully and take steps at once to look after the families of soldiers, and especially to see to it that where there is poverty and sickness that these people are extended not only whatever financial aid is necessary, but also given human sympathy. I also call your attention to the allowance made by the Government to families of dependents. Many of these dependents do not know how to make their claims against the Government for these allowances, and I suggest that you get the PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 341 lawyers of the county to prepare whatever papers are necessary to secure these allowances wherever they are merited. Please give to the extract of the letter above quoted the widest publicity possible in your county. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, ST. C, January 5, 1918. To All Local Exemption Boards: Gentlemen : — Complaints are constantly coming to me that indicate that dependents of soldiers do not fully understand what is necessary to be done in order to secure the allowance made by the Government to such dependents. In the case of a wife or child the law compels an allotment of a portion of the soldier's wages, and this is supplemented by a schedule of allowances with which you are familiar. With respect to dependents other than wife or child it is necessary for the soldier himself to make a voluntary allotment of his pay and then request the additional allowance made by the Government ; in other words, the dependents must seek their relief through the soldier. I have no doubt that in many instances soldiers are collecting their entire wages and sending a portion of these to their dependents. This is a fatal mistake, for it cuts the dependents out of receiving anything from the Government. If the soldier will go to the officer in camp and make an allotment of his wages and ask that the additional allowance provided by the Government be sent to his dependents, this will be done. Please give this the widest publicity possible and call this information to the attention of all de- pendents of soldiers in your county. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. [ Telegram] Raleigh, N. C, January 17, 1918. New York Tribune, New York City. New York Times, New York City. New York American, New York City. In order to form an opinion worth anything upon the wisdom or unwisdom of the order of the Fuel Administrator closing down certain enterprises for period of five days, one must know as much as the Fuel Administrator knows, as much as the Secretary of War knows, and as much as the President knows about the facts that, in their opinion, made this order necessary. I am not in possession of these facts and, therefore, patriotism requires me to walk by faith and not by sight in the wisdom of the men selected to safeguard the highest interests of the Nation in this emergency. T. W. Bickett, Governor. 342 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Hon. F. M. Simmons, Ealeigh, TS. C, February 2, 1918. Washington, D. C. Hon. Claude Kitchin, Washington, D. C. My dear Sie : — Mr. J. E. Latham of Greensboro says that the cotton manu- facturers in this State are much disturbed over the movement to have the Govern- ment fix the price of cotton. You will permit me to say that in my opinion such a step on the part of the Government would be the acme of injustice to the cotton farmers and to the manufacturers in this State. In 1914 the cotton crop was planted upon the basis of fifteen cents. Every farmer who planted and every merchant who advanced supplies did so upon the reasonable expectation that as much as fifteen cents per pound would be realized upon the cotton. Suddenly the world war broke out and cotton dropped to five cents per pound. There was a movement started to get the Government to come to the rescue of the cotton states and fix a price of twelve cents. I was opposed to that particular movement, and although I went with the delegation to Washington, I declined to speak in favor of this measure, which was backed by the National Farmers' Union before the Congressional Committee. I do not think that the Government ought to go into the business of fixing prices. I did go to the office of the Secretary of the Treasury in company with Mr. Clarence Poe, Dr. Alexander, Hon. R. N". Page, and Senator Overman, and I insisted that the Government ought to place fifty millions of dollars in the banks in the cotton states and authorize the banks to lend this money on cotton in such sums as the banks were willing to risk. This the Government refused to do. It refused to do anything, and the South lost a half billion dollars on the crop for that year. Many farmers and many merchants went into bankruptcy on this account ; and now when the cotton farmer is for the first time getting any advantage out of the excessively high prices brought about by the war, I do not think that the Government ought to step in and say that he shall not receive these prices. Furthermore, the present price for cotton is not as high above the normal price as the present price for meat and flour is above the normal price. Therefore, until the time comes when cotton is bringing a price out of proportion to the prices that have to be paid by the cotton farmer for the things he buys, there is no necessity for any action on the part of the Government. I deem it not improper to add that in my opinion if anything on earth could break the solid South wide open politically it would be some action of this kind on the part of the Government. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Washington, D. C, February 5, 1918. Hon. T. W. Bickett, Raleigh, N. C. My dear Governor : — I am in receipt of your letter of the 2d instant, which I have read with very great interest. I agree with you entirely that nothing could be more inopportune, unwise and unjust than the Government's interfering in the way of fixing prices for cotton. PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 343 While there has been some agitation on this subject, and some member of the House has introduced a bill, I do not expect any legislation along this line, and I do not think there is likely to be any. Certainly such an attempt would meet with very serious and stubborn opposition in both Houses of Congress. With assurances of high esteem and best wishes, I am, Very sincerely yours, F. M. Simmons. Raleigh, N". C, February 6, 1918. Capt. Jesse D. Burks, Ordnance Reserve Corps, Washington, D. C. Deab Captain Burks : — With respect to the matter upon which you conferred with me this morning, I do not hesitate to say that you will find an instant and full response from the citizens of North Carolina to anything that will give force and effectiveness to the military activities of the country. Throughout this State there is already, I believe, a clear recognition of the fact that everything that can be done must be done to win this war, and that private interests must be sub- ordinated to this one dominant purpose. North Carolina has responded enthusiastically and fully to every appeal that has thus far been made. To the Liberty Loans, the Red Cross drive, the Food Conservation movement, and the Selective Draft, our people have given their un- hesitating and undivided support. I understand that the Ordnance Department now asks this State to furnish its proportion of high-grade men skilled in engineering and machine work, with a view to speeding up the production of artillery, small arms and ammunition. As Governor of this State I shall aid in every possible way in calling this need to the attention of the industrial centers of North Carolina. You may rest assured that neither the rank nor file nor the industrial leaders of our State will fail to cooperate in a call so urgent. It is evident that the production of munitions in the necessary quantity and at the necessary time is absolutely indispensable in the present national crisis. In your behalf and through you in behalf of the common cause to which we are all committed, I therefore bespeak the cordial cooperation of our people. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, N. C, February 7, 1918. New York World, New York City. You are in the habit of drafting my opinion on public questions. For once I am going to volunteer one. In my opinion the Senatorial inquisition of the War Department is directly responsible for the sinking of the Tuscania. They put Baker on the rack and tortured out of him a confession of the gigantic movement of our troops across the seas. Then the enemy knew what was happening and the submarines lurked for their prey. 344 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT This whole inquisition is bottomed on the inordinate vanity of a few senators who seek to pose as the saviors of the Nation. Their bill has no more chance to keep out of the Congressional trash-pile than a food grafter has to keep out of hell. And they know it. And yet the inquisition continues. Why? Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, 1ST. C, February 7, 1918. To Government Appeal Agents in North Carolina: My dear Sir : — You are hereby directed to enter an appeal in behalf of the Government in the following cases : 1. In every case where a single man is not placed in Class 1. 2. In every case where a married man is placed in Class 1. Please acknowledge the receipt of this letter, and let me understand that you propose to carry out strictly these instructions. In giving the above instructions I do not intend to say that there are no cases in which an unmarried man ought not to be placed in some deferred class, but I do mean to say that it is the settled policy of the Government to get the entire quota in the next call from single men if possible, and if a single man is not put in Class 1 the reasons for failing to place him in this class should be approved both by the local and the district board. I do not mean to say that there are not some married men who should be placed in Class 1, but it is the policy of the Government not to place married men in Class 1 unless it shall affirmatively appear to the satisfaction of both the local and district board that such married man does not support his family. Of course, if a married man is not in the habit in good faith of doing honest work, and is not in good faith discharging his marital obligations, then he ought to be placed in the very forefront of Class 1. With respect to men who have married since May 18th of last year, the Secretary of War has recently ruled that this circumstance requires a careful investigation of the marriage, and if it appears that the marriage was entered into on account of the war, then the married man ought to be treated as a single man in the classification ; but if it appears that the marriage was contracted in good faith and was neither contracted nor hastened on account of the war, then such married man should be treated like any other married man. I am trying to secure absolute uniformity in the attitude of the local boards. My opinion is that about 90 per cent of the boards are following strictly the rules above outlined, but about 10 per cent of them do not seem to understand. I think it would be well for you to take this letter and go over it with the local board, to the end that they may reclassify all cases where the above principles have not been applied. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, K C, February 8, 1918. To All Local Boards: Gentlemen : — I enclose you herewith copy of letter I am today sending to all Government Appeal Agents. I cannot emphasize too strongly that it is the fixed determination of the Government to make up the next quota out of single men and PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 345 married men who do not support their families. No others should be placed in Class 1. If you gentlemen will follow the rules laid down in the letter to the Government Appeal Agents you will save a vast amount of time and a vast amount of irritation. I think 90 per cent of the boards in the State are doing this already, but out of an abundance of caution I am writing to all boards. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, 1ST. C, February 18, 1918. Mbs. Clarence Johnson, President North Carolina Federation Woman's Clubs, Raleigh, N. C. My deak Mes. Johnson : — Permit me to record my grateful appreciation of your kindly courtesy in asking me for a short message to the women of the State. My message is this : 1. The Allies are fighting for the sanctity of the person of woman, which sanctity is unknown to the Hun. 2. The Allies are fighting that motherhood may enter into its just rewards and may not be forever impaled on Militarism's iron cross. 3. The Allies are fighting that the ideals of woman may live and brighten and bless the earth. Prussianism is the incarnation of brute force. A gun is its god, and its boast is that it rules with blood and iron. The might of woman is her_ gentleness. Love is her imperial scepter, and she would be without power and without place in a civilization molded by force and colored by fear. I have Abrahamic faith in the courage, the devotion and the sympathetic spirit of the women of ISTorth Carolina. With them to see their duty is to do it. Just two things I would emphasize at this time : 1. Push in every way possible the sale of war stamps. This means more for the winning of the war and the rebuilding of the State after the war than any proposition the Government has yet submitted. Of course, the Liberty Loans must not be forgotten, but of necessity they are purchased by the few, while the war stamps open the door of service to the ninety and nine. 2. Do not complain about anything that the Government may do, nor permit any one else to complain in your presence. Carry out cheerfully every order of the Food and Fuel Administrators and cooperate with every movement inaugu- rated by the Government for the winning of the war. Of necessity there is much that we do not understand, but let's cultivate the spirit of the patriarch when he exclaimed, "Though He slay me, yet will I trust Him." Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. [ Telegram] Raleigh, 1ST. C, April 16, 1918. Majoe John Wesley Long, M.D., Pinehurst, N. C. Please express to the doctors my deep regret that vocal chords that positively refuse to work make it impossible for me to speak to them tonight. Our North Carolina doctors have, with the spirit of self-effacement that is the birthmark of 346 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT their calling, answered the call of the Nation. Dangers and difficulties have only served to stimulate them to supreme effort. Their record compares most favorably with that of any state in the Union, both with respect to the number of men who have enlisted and the character of work they are doing. This record will live in history as an enduring monument of our doctors' passion for high service. Permit me to add that the doctors who stay at home are doing work no less useful and no less heroic than those who are going to the front. Daily they do battle with the unseen forces of death in quiet homes and in remote places, knowing that victory and defeat will alike go unheralded. They encounter dangers as real and as numerous as their brothers who give first aid to the wounded who stagger back from No Man's Land. These men at home have rendered indispensable service on local exemption boards and medical advisory boards. This is hard, unpopular work, and the only reward in sight is to be misrepresented and misunderstood. To the doctors who are going to the firing line and to those who are keeping the home fires burning, I wish to register the gratitude of this dear old Common- wealth. One thing more I desire to say : The doctor is a vital force in molding public opinion. The people love and trust their doctor more than they do any other man except their pastor. It follows that the doctors have a wonderful opportunity to make plain to the families they visit the supreme necessity for and the everlasting righteousness of this war. Please carry into every home the solemn truth that while the war is going to cost much and entail infinite pain, yet, like the surgeon's knife, it is an instrument of mercy and salvation, and that the only cure for the cancer of autocracy that is eating its way into the heart of the world is to cut it out. T. W. Bickett, Governor. Surgeon-General Wm. C. Gorgas, Raleigh, N. C, May 7, 1918. War Department, Washington, D. C. My dear General Gorgas : — Upon returning to the office this morning after an absence of two weeks on a Liberty Loan campaign, I learn that Dr. W. S. Rankin, who is at the head of the North Carolina State Department of Health, has volun- teered his services in the Medical Reserve Corps. I desire to enter an emphatic protest against his application being honored. I am satisfied that Dr. Rankin is making this application because he has been so active in getting physicians to enlist in the Medical Reserve Corps that he is afraid that some criticism would be made of him because he failed to enlist himself. To take Dr. Rankin away from the Health Department of this State would be an irreparable public calamity. I simply could not find in the State a man to do the work which he has so well in hand. I am also of opinion that he can really render the Government better service by keeping on his present job and giving the Government the benefit of his influence than he could by being detailed for regular army work. My convictions upon this subject are very strong, and I earnestly beg you to write Dr. Rankin a letter advising him that he can be of more service in his present position than he could by entering the army. "With much respect, I beg to remain, Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 347 Raleigh, K C, May 14, 1918. Pursuant to the resolutions adopted by the North Carolina State Medical Society at its recent meeting at Pinehurst, I hereby appoint the following Medical Optional Selective Draft Commission ; the said commission being authorized and instructed to proceed at once to carry out the provisions of said resolutions, a copy* of which is hereto attached : Dr. Cyrus Thompson, Jacksonville, N. C. Dr. A. W. Knox, Raleigh, N. C. Dr. M. L. Stevens, Asheville, N. C. Dr. F. R. Harris, Henderson, N. C. Dr. R. F. Yarborough, Louisburg, N. C. The members of the commission are requested to meet in Raleigh on Wednes- day, the 22d day of May, 1918, in the Senate Chamber. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. * [Resolution not found among Governor's papers. — Editor.] Hon. T. W. Bickett, Jefferson, N". C, June 4, 1918. Governor of North Carolina, Raleigh, N. C. Dear Sir : — I am in receipt of your telegram of the 3d instant in re the de- serters of Ashe County. I beg to advise that to date sixteen deserters have reported, and expressed their desire to be sent to the camps and reinstated in the army. We have the assurance that at least four more will report on or before Saturday in order to entrain Saturday with Captain Mitchell, who is here from Camp Sevier. Some of the men are out of the State, we are advised, and a diligent effort is being made by their friends to communicate with them. We do not believe there will be a deserter left in Ashe County, but there may be a very few who will be out of the State who cannot be communicated with. In reference to the work of citizens to induce these men to voluntarily report for service, John P. Hampton, U. S. Deputy Collector ; J. H. Gentry of Lansing, W. R. Bauguess of Jefferson, have been very active. Mr. Hampton has worked in his community in Horse Creek and has been of great benefit in the work. Mr. Bauguess made a trip to the Horse Creek and Long Branch communities and with him J. H. Gentry, who went to see the friends and relatives of the boys, and their influence and that of Mr. Hampton induced all the boys in that section to report. I myself made a trip to that community and talked with the people before Mr. Bauguess and Mr. Gentry went, and all of us, the members of the local board, did all we could to get the best results. Last night Mr. Bauguess, accompanied by Captain Mitchell, went to the Idlewild section, and two of the three deserters in that section reported before they left. The third is said to be in Wilkes, but the boys who reported, and friends and relatives, are doing their utmost to get the third boy in that section to report. The boys seem to be enthusiastic in returning, and state that they were under misapprehensions, stayed over their time with their people, and were afraid to return. They say they did not know how to get back and avoid serious conse- 348 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT quences, and decided to stay out. Your visit and the visit of General Young had a splendid effect upon the county. Appreciation is expressed everywhere, and the effect will be lasting. Very truly yours, W. E. McNeill, Chairman Local Board, Ashe, County. The Adjutant General, June 14, 1918. Washington, D. C. My deae Geneeal McCain : — During the War Between the States there were quite a number of desertions, especially during the last two years of the war, from the Confederate Army. When the war ended the Confederacy was gone, and of course the men who deserted could not be punished, and in some eases they were actually rewarded by the Government through pensions or otherwise. I am profoundly convinced that one of the causes for desertion from the army by North Carolina soldiers at this time is the belief upon the part of the men who desert that if they can succeed in hiding until the present war is over that the end of the war will ipso facto put an end to all efforts to arrest and punish them for desertion. Therefore quite a number are taking the chances. If these men were given to understand that the Government will never let up until every man who deserts from the army is arrested and punished, there would be fewer desertions. Therefore I suggest the propriety of your issuing an order instructing the regi- mental and company officers to call this to the attention of all the men as they come in, and give them to understand that if any man deserts from the United States Army it means that he will most certainly be punished, or that he will be a fugitive from justice the balance of his whole life, and that the end of the war will have no effect whatever upon the activities of the Government in running down these deserters. If you see fit to make such an order as this and will send me a copy of the same I will see to it that it is given wide publicity in those counties in North Carolina where desertions have occurred. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Hon. F. M. Simmons, Raleigh, N. C, June 26, 1918. United States Senate, Washington, D. C. Hon. Lee S. Ovebman, United States Senate, Washington, D. C. My deae Senator : — I deem it my duty to say to you that the people of North Carolina are not in favor of extending the operations of the Selective Service Law to young men between eighteen and twenty-one years of age, nor are they in favor of extending its operations, except in a qualified way, to men between the ages of thirty-one and forty-five. Our people are willing to do whatever is necessary to the winning of this war, hut the necessity for this enlargement of the operations of the Selective Service Law at the present time is not apparent to the people of this State. Upon any sort PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 349 of calculation four million men are available under the present law, and it would seem to be an utterly useless expense and irritation to bring under the law prac- tically all able-bodied citizens until we have at least three million men in France. I think that all of our people would favor an amendment requiring all un- married men between the ages of thirty-one and forty-five to register and to be given the same status as single men under the present law. This would make a considerable increase in the number of men available. I think also that our people would favor a law requiring all men between thirty-one and forty-five to register, with a proviso that whenever it appears to the local boards that any married man between the said ages of thirty-one and forty- five is steadily engaged in some useful employment, such married man would not be subject to military service under the law. This law would gather in the idlers and loafers throughout the whole country, and would put into force the sentiment now dominant among our people that a man must work or fight. I am writing you because I know that you are a very busy man with little time to ascertain the sentiment of the people at home, and because I am sure that you always welcome a frank expression of this sentiment. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Washington, D. C, June 28, 1918. His Excellency, Honoeable T. W. Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, Raleigh, N. C. My deae Govebnob: — I am in receipt of your highly esteemed favor of the 26th instant expressing to me your sentiment and what in your opinion is the sentiment of the people of North Carolina in regard to extending the operations of the Selective Service Law to young men between the ages of eighteen and twenty-one and also between the ages of thirty-one and forty-five. I thank you for this information and fully agree with you as to the sentiment of the people of the State in this respect. I have made up my mind as to the matter of extending the draft age limit at this time and shall not vote for any amendment to draft young men between the ages of eighteen and twenty-one unless it is absolutely necessary. I am rather inclined to agree with you that we should pass an amendment requiring all unmarried men between the ages of thirty-one and forty-five to register and be given the same status as single men under the present law, and that all married men between the said ages of thirty-one and forty-five, who are steadily engaged in some useful occupation, should not be subject to military service under the law. I thank you, Governor, for your kindness in informing me as to the sentiment of the people of our State in regard to these matters. I always desire as far as I can to respond to the sentiment of the people of my State, and there is no better way to get that sentiment than through the great Governor of a great State. I always welcome such communications with appreciation. Sincerely yours, Lee S. Oveeman. P. S. — Amendment extending draft age from eighteen to forty-five and twenty to forty voted down today by a very large majority. 350 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT "Washington, D. C, June 29, 1918. Hon. T. W. Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, Raleigh, North Carolina. My deae Governoe : — I acknowledge receipt of your letter of June 26th. re- specting the proposition to extend the age limits under the Selective Service Law. I have given this matter very serious consideration. My opinion is that Con- gress will not extend the age limits at this session. Please accept my thanks for your views in the matter, and for the information contained in your letter, both having impressed me. With assurances of high esteem and best wishes, I am, Sincerely yours, F. M. Simmons. Hon. Newton D. Baker, Raleigh, N. C, July 10, 1918. Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. My deab Me. Bakek : — The Adjutant General of Worth Carolina reports to me that there are quite a large number of delinquents and deserters in this State. I think that a number of causes contribute to bring about this situation. 1. Our people are not a military people. They are not accustomed to military discipline. To take orders from any one is foreign to their experience and shocks their sense of independence. When the whole Nation is suddenly placed upon a military basis it would be almost miraculous if there were not a goodly number of cases where individuals rebelled against this new authority. 2. All along the mountain ranges from Virginia to Alabama there was con- siderable opposition to the War of Secession. Quite a number of people in these mountain regions joined the Union Army when the Southern States seceded. Quite a number of others entered the Confederate Army under protest. During the last years of the war numbers of men in this mountain region deserted the Confederate Army. When the war ended the Confederacy had been wiped off the map, and there was no government left with power to punish these deserters. In fact, during the period of reconstruction numbers of them were rewarded with petty local offices, and numbers drew pensions from the Federal Government. A great many of the desertions in North Carolina are in this mountain section, and the deserters are men closely related to or affiliated with the families of men who deserted the Confederate Army; in fact, in one county, I am informed that every deserter is either the son or the grandson of a man who deserted the Con- federate Army. These young boys have been led to believe that if they can stay in hiding until after the war is over they can then come out without fear of punishment of any kind. 3. Cheap two-by-four politicians in every section of the State cautiously put out the suggestion that this is a Democratic war, and that two years from now a Republican will be elected President and the war will be ended and a general pardon granted to all delinquents and deserters. All these things contribute to and explain the desertions that have taken place in North Carolina. I am doing my level best to deal with this situation in a way that will induce North Carolina delinquents and deserters to voluntarily return PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 351 to their commands. I am profoundly convinced that in nine cases out of ten their desertions are due neither to cowardice nor to lack of patriotism, but to ignorance and misinformation. There was a recent outbreak in Ashe County in which one deserter and one civilian were killed. I went to Ashe County in person, talked with the people for two hours and a half about the war, and the result of the visit is that practically all deserters and delinquents in that county have voluntarily come in and gone back to their commands. In each case I gave to the soldier thus voluntarily returning a letter to the commanding general of the camp begging for the largest measure of mercy possible, and recording my belief that these men, having truly seen the error of their way, would now make fine soldiers if given an opportunity to do so. I earnestly hope that you will see fit to direct the military authorities to adopt a policy of the greatest leniency to all soldiers thus voluntarily returning to camp. These men have morally and spiritually about faced. They sorely need and, in my opinion, deserve another chance. I furthermore suggest that you direct the camp officers to hereafter give to the men, as they are drafted in, lectures upon the moral duties of a soldier, upon the pains and penalties of desertion, upon the moral turpitude involved in departing from the camp without leave, and have them especially explain to the soldiers from the South the difference between the situation that will confront them at the end of this war and the situation that confronted a deserter from the Confederate Army at the end of the Civil War. In my speech in Ashe County I tried to make it plain that at the end of this war Uncle Sam would be doing business at the same old stand; that he would have a considerable army with very little for it to do, and that these returning soldiers would take peculiar pleasure in running down and bringing to justice the men who deserted them in time of war. I am of opinion that if these truths should be impressed upon the soldiers when they come into camp the number of desertions would be greatly reduced. Trusting that you may give this letter serious consideration I beg to remain, Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Hon. Lee S. Overman, Raleigh, N". C, August 6, 1918. United States Senate, Washington, D. C. My deae Senator Overman : — Section 27 of the Selective Service regulations provides : "The governors shall be charged with general supervision over all matters arising in the execution of the Selective Draft within their states." It is assumed that this provision was made because the governors live daily in intimate contact with the people, and are in position to apply rules of "common sense and sympathy" in the administration of the law so necessary to its friction- less enforcement. I have faithfully endeavored to discharge the duties imposed on me, and long before the Selective Service bill became a law I went from the mountains to the sea preaching that the bill embodied the very essence of justice and of wisdom. I am still of that opinion. It is the very fairest and wisest law under which an army was ever raised. My intimate knowledge of the actual operations of the law and of the attitude of the people towards its enforcement causes me to view with grave apprehension 352 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT the proposal to bring within its purview all men between the ages of eighteen and forty-five. The one supreme necessity for the successful prosecution of the war is to keep the people solidly behind the Government. In the beginning there was a vast deal of hostility to the Selective Service Law, but this has happily disappeared, and the few people who do not now endorse the law submit to it in solemn silence. I am fearful that a blanket extension of the law so as to include all men between the ages of eighteen and forty-five will kindle anew the fires of opposition and result in more embarrassment than benefit. "With the utmost deference to the War Department, and with the unalterable purpose of doing everything in my power to enforce whatever law the Congress may in its wisdom finally enact, I submit that the amendment as reported in the newspapers is unwise. 1. About seventy-five per cent of the people of North Carolina live in rural communities. "We are essentially an agricultural people. Our records disclose that out of this rural population only 2,000 have been granted deferred classifi- cation on agricultural grounds. The boards have combed the farms clean, and the shortage of farm labor at the present time is acute. The crops are being made this year largely by young men between the ages of eighteen and twenty-one. If these shall be taken away from the farms I am at a loss to understand how our people can make crops next year. 2. Seventy-five per cent of the students in ou"r colleges are between the ages of eighteen and twenty-one. The enactment of the proposed law would close down every college for men in North Carolina. It would not do at all to defer college students within the draft age and fail to grant a like deferment to farmers and mechanics. The one thing that has reconciled the people to the Draft Law is that it treats everybody alike. The law is the incarnation of the principle of equal and exact justice to all and special privileges to none. To allow a man to escape from going to war whose father is able to keep him in a first-class college, and send to the war the neighbor boy who follows the plow would, in my opinion, result in a revolution in North Carolina. The cry would go up from the moun- tains to the sea that all that was necessary to keep out of war was to have money enough to go to college. I notice that the War Department has announced such a policy under the existing law. It is probable that no tumult would arise because of the comparatively small number of men who remain in college after they are twenty-one, but it simply will not do to enact a law that a man can go to college and keep out of the war. 3. There is a widespread feeling in the hearts of the people, the very univer- sality of which entitles it to grave consideration, that a man ought not to be conscripted before he is old enough to vote, in the absence of a very pressing and overwhelming military necessity. 4. I seriously doubt the fighting value of the average man over forty years of age. He is lacking in elasticity and in the power to endure hardships. I think the maximum age for conscription should be forty. 5. I fail to see the pressing and overwhelming military necessity that would alone justify the proposed extension in the minds of the people. Under existing laws practically four million men are available, and to these will be yearly added a half million men as they arrive at the age of twenty-one, so that, without any amendment to the law, four and a half million men would be available in twelve months. This would enable us to put three and a half million men "over there" and still have a million in reserve. PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 353 6. But the ranks can be swelled in a way that will not impose serious hard- ships and that will tend to bring the law into favor rather than into disrepute among the people. The folks down home would look kindly on the following amendments : (1) Place in Class One, under existing rules and regulations, all unmarried men between the ages of eighteen and forty, and all men between eighteen and forty who are not engaged in some useful employment. It is believed that such an amendment would send a very large number of men to camp. Every idler in the whole land would be put to work, and no families would be broken up by taking away the husband and father. 7. I invite your very special and earnest attention to the following suggestion : If Congress should deem it wise to require all men between the ages of eighteen and forty-five to register, and should not deem it wise to limit the application of the law in the manner set out in the sixth paragraph of this letter, then I most earnestly urge upon your special attention the following plan : All persons brought within the purview of the Selective Service Law by the enactment proposed by the War Department should be called to service in the following order, and this should be written in the law itself : (1) All unmarried men between the ages of thirty-one and the highest age limit fixed by the law. (2) All men between twenty-one and twenty. (3) All men between twenty and nineteen. (4) All men between nineteen and eighteen. The law should very clearly stipulate that no registrants under twenty-one years of age shall be called until the registrants in Class One above thirty-one years of age are exhausted, and that no registrants less than twenty years old shall be called until all the registrants twenty years old and over in Class One are exhausted, and this order should be observed until the eighteen-year-old regis- trants are reached. I deem it of the utmost importance that the law should stipulate that no registrants under the proposed amendment shall be called until the President of the United States shall issue his proclamation to the people that the calling of these new registrants is a pressing military necessity, and this proclamation should be required with respect to each of the four classes above mentioned; that is, there should be a separate proclamation calling into service the men over thirty-one, then the men over twenty, then the men over nineteen, and then the men eighteen years of age and over. The President is in touch with the civil population. He understands the necessities of civil life, and the people would have the utmost confidence that he would not call into service any of the classes above named until they were actually needed for the successful prosecution of the war. I am sending copy of this letter to both of our Senators, and to each of our Representatives in Congress. I think I properly interpret the thought of our people in regard to this situation. The President himself has vast respect for what the people are thinking, and Congress should likewise give to their views the most serious consideration. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. 23 354 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Salisbury, T$. C, August 8, 1918. Hon. T. W. Bickett, Raleigh, N. C. Mt deak Governor : — I am very much pleased to receive your highly esteemed favor of the 6th instant, and thank you for giving me what you consider is the sentiment of our people in regard to the Draft Bill. Indeed, I am always glad to hear from you, and will thank you to write any time and give me what you think is the sentiment of our people in regard to important legislation pending before Congress. When we can consistently do so we should carry out the will of the people as far as possible. Before coming home I was of the opinion that we should not draft boys under twenty-one years of age. I have no objection to having our boys between the ages of eighteen and twenty-one register, but do not think they should be available for foreign service until they arrive at the age of twenty-one. I agree with you that we ought to have as little friction as possible. I find our people have never been so united as they are on the question of war. What a pity it would be to unsettle this question and make them dissatisfied ! While General Crowder is a very clever gentleman, he is a military martinet. I am a little disappointed that Secretary Baker has been influenced by him. He has been wanting the minimum age limit eighteen for a long time, but Secretary Baker would not yield, but it seems now that he has finally done so. I agree with you that it will not do to exempt the college boy and take the boys who are not able to attend college. It will be very unwise to make any distinction at all. What we do must fall on all alike. I am not inclined to leave too much to the discretion of the Bresident in these matters, as he might be over-influenced by the Secretary of War and his Army chiefs. I think we should fix the law as it should be. When we come to consider this bill I beg to assure you that I shall be very glad to consider the suggestions you make, which are very wise, and with many of which I agree. Again thanking you, my dear Governor, for your suggestions, and with best wishes, I am, Sincerely yours, Lee S. Overman. Washington, D. C, August 10, 1918. Governor Thomas W. Bickett, Raleigh, N. C. My dear Governor : — I have your favor of August 6th, and am very much pleased to have your views upon a proposed amendment to the Selective Service Act. I have heretofore been opposed to this amendment, especially in so far as it proposes to reduce the draft age. I am anxious to see the bill itself, and to study all of its provisions, and your views, so well expressed in your letter, will be very valuable to me. Of course, I will be in this position : that it will be claimed that it is necessary to win the war, and if so, I would unhesitatingly vote for an amendment of the kind proposed by the Secretary of War, and would feel that it was my duty; if not necessary to win the war I do not wish to further deplete the farms, and especially do I dislike the idea of taking the young boys from eighteen to twenty- one. I hope that the wisdom of Congress may work this out so as to secure ample man power without doing this. With my sincere regards, I am, Zebulon Weaver. PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 355 Laurel Springs, N. C, August 13, 1918. Governor T. W. Bickett, Raleigh, N. C. My dear Governor : — Yours of August 6th concerning the proposed new Draft Law has been received and given careful attention. I wish to say that you voice my sentiments in this matter much more elegantly than I could express them. I am deeply convinced that it would be a grievous blunder if not a fatal mistake to draft children into military service, and unless I see the matter in an entirely different light from the way it has yet been presented, I shall be compelled to oppose this legislation, much as I deplore opposing anything the administration requests. Yours very sincerely, R. A. DoiTGHTON. Hon. Lee S. Overman, Raleigh, N". C, August 15, 1918. U. S. Senate, Washington, D. C. My dear Senator : — Your very courteous reception of the suggestions made in my letter of August 6th leads me to trespass on your attention once more. I am sure that you will receive this letter in the kindly spirit in which you have always considered any suggestions that I have seen fit to make. It seems to be evident that the Man Power Bill, so far as the age limits are concerned, will pass, and I do not believe anything could be accomplished by opposing the main features of the bill; but I do not think that a vast deal can be accomplished by your preparing an amendment, in line with the suggestions con- tained in the seventh paragraph of my letter of August 6th, which paragraph I here repeat- for the sake of your convenience : If Congress should deem it wise to require all men between the ages of eighteen and forty-five to register, and should not deem it wise to limit the application of the law in the manner set out in the 6th paragraph of this letter, then I most earnestly urge upon your special attention the following plan: All persons brought within the purview of the Selective Service Law by the amendment proposed by the War Department should be called to service in the following order, and this should be written in the law itself: (1) All unmarried men between the ages of thirty-one and the highest age limit fixed by the law. (2) All men between twenty-one and twenty. (3) All men between twenty and nineteen. (4) All men between nineteen and eighteen. The law should very clearly stipulate that no registrants under twenty- one years of age shall be called until the registrants in Class One above thirty-one years of age are exhausted, and that no registrants less than twenty years old shall be called until all the registrants twenty years old and over in Class One are exhausted, and this order should be observed until the eighteen-year-old registrants are reached. I deem it of the utmost importance that the law should stipulate that no registrants under the proposed amendment shall be called until the President of the United States shall issue his proclamation to the people that the calling of these new registrants is a pressing military necessity, and this proclamation should be required with respect to each of the four classes 356 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT above mentioned; that is, there should be a separate proclamation calling into service the men over thirty-one, then the men over twenty, then the men over nineteen, and the men eighteen years of age and over. The President is in touch with the civil population. He understands the neces- sities of civil life, and the people would have the utmost confidence that he would not call into service any of the classes above named until they were actually needed for the successful prosecution of the war. I suggest that you prepare an amendment along these lines and take it direct to the President, and secure his approval of the amendment, so that when you present it on the floor of the Senate you will be in a position to state that the amendment meets with the approval of the President. Of course, you may deem it wise to consult with Mr. Chamberlain and the Secretary of War also. This amendment would subtract nothing of the ultimate efficiency of the bill, as it would place all these men at the disposal of the Government whenever the Govern- ment really needs them. On the other hand, the amendment would add tremen- dously to the popularity of the bill amongst the people. The people are perfectly willing to send all the men to France that it is necessary to send, but they do not want these men called until they are necessary. It is no lack of confidence in either the wisdom or the integrity of the "War Department to say that the people would prefer for the President to say just when this necessity arises. The men at the head of the War Department are soldiers, war is their business, and there is a feeling that in order to provide an overwhelming military equipment men will be called who could well be left at home. This fear does not extend to the President. He is in touch with the needs of civil life, and the people understand that he is not going to disorganize the business of the country any more than is absolutely necessary for the successful prosecution of the war. I believe that if you will get right behind this amendment you can put it over, and I know that it will be greeted with tremendous satisfaction by the people. I sincerely trust that you will see fit to support the amendment offered by Senator Reed, making eligible for commissions in the army all volunteers or drafted men. I have heard a great many people say that the Government ought not to force a man into the army who is under twenty-one years of age and then, although he may be eminently qualified, refuse to grant him a commission because of the naked fact that he is under twenty-one years old. The feeling is that the boy ought to be allowed to get what he can. I expect to be in Washington one day next week, and if so, I would very much like to hear the debate on this bill. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Washington, D. C., August 19, 1918. Honorable T. W. Bickett, Raleigh, N. C. My dear Governor Bickett : — Replying to yours of the 6th instant, I will say that I am utterly opposed to lowering the draft age to eighteen years. Several weeks ago I gave out a statement to this effect. I might be willing to compromise on twenty years of age, but would prefer not to go below twenty-one. There is widespread opposition in Congress, particularly in the House, to the proposal of the War Department drafting boys of eighteen. But just what the PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 357 result will be it is impossible to predict at this moment. If no one else does so, I will myself introduce an amendment providing that the draft shall not be below twenty years of age. Of course, I would be willing for boys of eighteen and nineteen to receive military training, but it should be written in the law that these boys could not be sent to do overseas military duty until they have attained the age of twenty years. My views are fixed on this question. With much respect, I beg to remain, Yours sincerely, Edwabd W. Pou. Hon. Newton D. Baxbe, Kaxeigh, N. C, August 22, 1918. Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. My dear Me. Baker: — Section 27 of the Selective Service regulations imposes upon the governors of the several states the duty of enforcing the provisions of the Selective Service Law. The discharge of these duties has kept me in intimate contact with the people, and I think I am in a position to fairly interpret their thought with respect to the law. In the beginning there was a vast deal of opposition, vastly more than the authorities at Washington realized. In this State I have given my very soul to laying before the people the everlasting justice and wisdom of the law. I did this when the bill was first proposed in Congress, and a long, long time before it became a law. The people are now, in the main, reconciled to the law, and the only thing that has enabled us to rally them to the support of the law is that it is absolutely no respecter of persons, but treats every one exactly alike. I have read with grave misgivings the proposition to take young men who are in college from under the jurisdiction of the local and district boards, and keep them in college for special training, subject to the call of the Government. I deem it my duty to you to say that such a policy would in North Carolina well-nigh breed a revolution. I have talked with members of the local boards and with the people of all classes, and the opinion is universal that such a policy would array the rank and file of the folks against the law. For example: A is a small, one- horse farmer ; he has a son and is utterly unable to send him to the high school or to a college. Indeed, instead of being able to spend the money to give the boy a college education, he feels that he is absolutely bound to have that boy in order to run the farm. The draft law stretches out its hand and takes that boy and sends him to the trenches in France. On the opposite side of the road lives a man who is a ten-horse farmer, prosperous, and well able to send his boy to the university. The draft law reaches out its hand and takes that boy and sends him to college or keeps him there. You can at once see what a fierce class feeling will be engendered by a policy of this kind. In North Carolina a howl would go up from the mountains to the sea that all that is necessary to keep a man out of the war is for him to have money enough to go to college. I do not underestimate the value or the necessity of having trained men, but the one thing that is a supreme necessity for the winning of this war is to keep the ninety-nine back of the principles of the Selective Service Law. I sincerely trust that no policy will be adopted that will in any way take any man out of the 358 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT jurisdiction of the local and district boards. When a call comes for a quota let every man who is registered, whether he be in college or out, be subject to the call and be sent to camp in his due order. I am, by virtue of my office, chairman of the board of trustees of the Univer- sity of this State. I am an alumnus of another college in the State, and am deeply interested in these colleges; but no matter what may be the consequences temporarily to these colleges, the Government cannot afford to make any distinc- tion in favor of the man who is able to go to college and the man who is not. In all of my instructions to the local and district boards I have emphasized the fact that they may afford to make a mistake in keeping the son of a poor man at home, but that they cannot afford to make a mistake in keeping the son of a rich man at home. This principle applies with equal force to the policies of the Govern- ment. Up to this time we have been able to keep down the cry of the demagogue, that this is the rich man's war and the poor man's fight. There has been nothing in the administration of the law upon which to base any such claim ; but if the college men are placed in a class by themselves, I fail to see how we can meet this charge that will surely be made. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. P. S. — As I am in frequent and direct communication with General Crowder, I have stated, in person, to him the substance of what I have written above to you. T. W. B. Hon. Edward W. Pou, Raleigh, 1ST. C, August 22, 1918. Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Pou : — -After looking more carefully into the situation, and having some talk with those who know most about the military status, I am forced to the conclusion that it would be unwise to oppose the administration bill in so far as the age limits are concerned, and I will ask you not to consider or to quote my letter of the 6th of August upon that phase of the situation. I do think, however, that it is of the utmost importance to adopt the amend- ment made by the House committee, which is in exact line with the seventh para- graph of my letter, which I will ask you to carefully re-read. My belief is that if all those who doubt the wisdom of the bill will concentrate their efforts upon this amendment, they can put it through. The War Depart- ment says that it is the purpose of the Department to do the very thing that the amendment calls for. The wisdom in this order of calling these young men is plain, and I know that it will tremendously help the bill in the minds of the people if this amendment shall be written in the law. I suggest that you take steps to marshal all the forces in favor of this amendment, and I believe that you can put it through. I suggest that you see the President, himself, and explain to him how much this amendment will do towards reconciling the people to the main principle of the law, and secure a statement from him that the amendment is not objectionable to him. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 359 [ Telegram] Raleigh, N. C, August 28, 1918. General E. H. Crowder, Washington, D. C. Considerable excitement developing in this State on proposition to exempt college students from the operation of draft. My understanding is that no such purpose is contemplated. I think it is of the utmost importance for you to see to it that students in college are just as liable to calls from local and district boards as any other class of people. Letter with enclosures follows. T. W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, N. C, August 31, 1918. General E. H. Crowder, Washington, D. C. My dear General Crowder : — I wired you the other day that considerable excitement was developing in this State on account of the proposed plan of the War Department to take from under the jurisdiction of the local boards young men in college. The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of our State has written for the press two vigorous articles against this plan, contending that it is the antipodes of Democracy. The President of our State University has written an able article in defense of the plan, maintaining that it is the essence of Democracy. There seems to be considerable confusion in the public mind about just what is proposed. My own opinion is that the absolutely fair and wise way to handle this situation is to make every registrant subject to the call of the local board, and require him to be sent to the training camps whenever his number is reached after he is properly classified. When the registrants reach the camps let the military authorities, through a process of selection, send such men to the colleges for special training as they may see fit. I do not think that the mere fact that a man is in college ought to take him from under the jurisdiction of the local boards, and I greatly fear that to do so would produce an immense amount of irritation in the administration of the Selective Draft Law. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. [ Telegram] New York, September 10, 1918. Governor T. W. Bickett, Raleigh, N. C. Will you speak highly important meeting Denver, September twentieth ? State convention, fifteen thousand people. Mass-meeting, night, Albuquerque, New Mexico, twenty-third ; Tucson, Arizona, twenty-fifth. Exceedingly anxious for you. Wire acceptance immediately if possible. League to Enforce Peace, number seventy Fifth Avenue, New York. All expenses paid. Henry A. Atkinson. 360 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT [ Telegram] Kaleigh, 1ST. C., September 13, 1918. Heney A. Atkinson, League to Enforce Peace, New York City. I greatly appreciate invitation to speak in Colorado, Arizona, and New Mexico, but just now my plain duty is to the people of North Carolina. I am convinced that the highest service I can render the League to Enforce Peace is to keep North Carolina one hundred per cent efficient in the work of winning the war. When Prussianism shall have been utterly destroyed I will be glad to speak for the wise and just principles of our League from the rivers to the ends of the earth. T. W. Bickett, Governor. [ Telegram] Kaleigh, N. C, September 29, 1918. The President, Washington, D. C. Trust that you will revert to your original intention to fix price cotton only if full, free and fair inquiry shows it to be desirable and feasible. "War Industries Board undoubtedly honest in their position; however, their training and environ- ment naturally prejudices the farmer's case. Apparently farmers have had no adequate representation. Mills were permitted to make unlimited profits for several years, and the margin allowed them now is very large. Considering these facts, it appears undemocratic to stop the producer from securing a profit that cannot equal what has been allowed the manufacturer. The labor income of the farmer and his family is entitled to the same per cent of increase as other laborers have received. They have not received this in the past, and are not now in the South. If full and impartial investigation shows desirability of fixing price and necessity is fully explained and put at fair figure no one can justly complain, but producers are deeply resentful of present attitude and state of market. Advance information secured by individuals indicates very unfortunate situation. T. W. Bickett, Governor. [ Telegram] Washington, D. C, September 26, 1918. Governor T. W. Bickett, Raleigh, N. C. Telegram received. The President directs me to assure you that the con- siderations which you urge will have their just weight in determining any con- clusion that may be arrived at. J. P. Tumulty, Secretary. PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 361 Washington, D. C, October 5, 1918. Honorable Thomas W. Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, Raleigh, North Carolina. My dear Governor Bickett : — I desire to take this opportunity of expressing my appreciation of the prompt and thorough manner in which the registration of September 12, 1918, was accomplished in your State. The local board within your State which shows the highest percentage in- crease in registration over the class of June 5, 1917, is Caldwell County. This local board registered on June 5, 1917, 399 men. On September 12, 1918, its registration totaled 1,913 men, or an increase of 464 per cent over the registration of June 5, 1917. Very truly yours, E. H. Crowder, Provost Marshal-General. Raleigh, N". O, October 7, 1918. General E. H. Crowder, The Provost Marshal-General, Washington, D. C. My dear General Crowder : — I deeply appreciate your very kind letter of October 5th, with reference to the manner in which the registration of September 12th was accomplished in North Carolina. It will no doubt be of interest to you to learn that the registration was effected at practically no cost to the Government. Captain McCargo informs me that approximately four thousand men served as registrars, and that only seven of them are asking for compensation as provided by law, thus making the total cost less than $50. I feel very grateful to the people of this State, and am proud of them for the manner in which they responded to the call of the Government on this occasion. And I am sending a personal letter of thanks to every registrar. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. [ Telegram] Raleigh, 1ST. C, October 7, 1918. Hon. Josephtjs Daniels, Secretary of the Navy, Washington, D. C. Respectfully suggest that the President's reply to Germany should be that no peace terms can be considered until Germany shall actually evacuate all territory she has seized anywhere during this war. Germany has no more right in Belgium, France, Russia, and Roumania than a burglar has in your house, and no con- ference should be held until she gets out of all conquered lands. If she proposes to get out at once, then the allied armies could afford not to attack while she is voluntarily withdrawing to her own territory. This proposition, it seems to me, will test Germany's sincerity. After the German armies are back on German soil we can then take up and consider other peace terms. T. W. Bickett, Governor. 362 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT [ Telegram] New York, N. Y., October 13, 1918. Thomas W. Bickett, Raleigh, N. C. Please wire collect one hundred words your opinion of German reply. Should Allies accept it? New York American. [ Telegram] Raleigh, N. C, October 13, 1918. N. Y. American, New York City. I interpret Germany's reply as an unconditional surrender to the terms of peace repeatedly and consistently prescribed by President Wilson and repeatedly and emphatically endorsed by our allies. The reply is a humiliating confession on the part of Germany that militarism is a gigantic and bloody failure and has been beaten to the dust. This unconditional surrender to our terms of peace secures to the world all that the Allies are fighting for and is glorious fruitage of the blood of our slain. The President of the United States has a truer insight into and a more comprehensive grasp of the real situation than any living man, and I have the faith of Abraham that he will deal with the vast and vital issues involved in a way that will satisfy the conscience and gladden the heart of the world. T. W. Bickett, Governor. [ Telegram] Raleigh, N. C, October 25, 1918. Hon. William H. Taft, President, League to Enforce Peace, Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut. The repeated assaults of Mr. Roosevelt on the basic principles of the League to Enforce Peace call for a vigorous reply from you as president of the League if our organization is expected to live. Every utterance of Mr. Roosevelt on the subject would have fitted well the mouth of the Kaiser five years ago. In a recent speech Mr. Roosevelt said that we should so develop our military power that no nation would dare to look cross-eyed at the United States. This is the very militarism against which the conscience of the world is today in arms. It would be Potsdamism enthroned at Washington. In a recent editorial in the Kansas City Star, Mr. Roosevelt endeavors to relegate the League to Enforce Peace to the innocuous position of a molly-coddle motto, and insists that when the real affairs of nations are to be settled a gun still is and of right ought to be God. Today in a telegram to Washington he makes war on the fourteen articles of peace enumerated by the President before Congress in January and thereafter elaborated at Mount Vernon on July 4th, and in New York on September 27th. When the President of the United States proclaimed these principles and conditions of peace they were treated with ill-concealed contempt by the Imperial Government of Germany, but were hailed with joy by all the peoples of our allies. Time and PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 363 again these wise and just principles have heen endorsed hy our allies until they have come to be regarded as a new Magna Charta for the whole world. But as victory comes to our arms in the field and when it is perfectly plain that the German people will take their Government into their own hands, or that our armed forces will grind to powder the military masters of Germany, Mr. Roosevelt comes forward and asseverates that the American people have never spoken, and that the now world-famous fourteen articles should be treated as scraps of paper, and that only hammering of guns should be heard when we come to settle the peace of the world for all time. This is Prussianism to the bone. I would under- take to reply to Mr. Roosevelt ; but I endeavor to retain my sense of proportion, and this advises me that you, and not myself, are the proper person to defend the life of the League. You are its president, and as chairman of the North Carolina Division I urge you to telegraph to Washington your withering condemnation of the utterances of Mr. Roosevelt, and call upon Congress to stand solidly behind the President in his high and holy purpose to make the League of Nations the most vital part of the great treaty that will be written when the German people, having swept clean their own house, shall accept the terms and conditions of peace that have already been dictated, or when military masters of Germany shall have been forced into complete and unconditional surrender. T. W. Bickett, Chairman of the N. C. Division of the League to Enforce Peace. Washington, D. C, October 30, 1918. Me. T. W. Bickett, Governor and Chairman, N. C. Division of the League to Enforce Peace, Raleigh, N. C. My deae Goveenoe: — I have your telegram and I think I ought to answer it, though not for publication unless you think it necessary. The truth is that the President does not favor our League to Enforce Peace. He told President Lowell, of Harvard, and me that fact last March. The truth is that Mr. Roosevelt has come around to favoring the League to Enforce Peace, provided it does not mean universal disarmament. I find myself in general agreement with Mr. Roosevelt on this subject. Indeed, more than I would with President Wilson, who, having announced his complete acquiescence in the principle of the League, advised us in the conversation to which I referred that he had changed his mind. So far as Mr. Roosevelt's opinion is concerned on the fourteen points of January 8th, I am largely in sympathy with him. I think those fourteen points cannot be made the safe basis of a treaty of peace. They are too vague and indefinite. They would give rise to as many disputes as the present war. They do not embrace all that our allies have the right to demand and they embrace some things that our allies would not concede. Mr. Wilson has not consulted our Allies, as he should. He refuses to call them allies. For that reason I am sincerely hopeful that a Repub- lican Congress will be returned and an answer given to his unrepublican and undemocratic appeal for uncontrolled and despotic power during the life of the next Congress. His reflection on the Republican minority is most unjust. Now, my dear Governor, these are my personal opinions. Therefore I did not answer your telegram, and I am not quite sure whether you expected an answer. However, it was not in the sending of the telegram that the importance lay. You are at liberty to publish this if you choose, but I don't insist on it. Sincerely yours, Wm. H. Taft. 364 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT [Cablegram] London, October 31, 1918. Governor of North Carolina, Raleigh, N. C. Proud of their common heritage in Raleigh's name and fame, British and Americans jointly commemorating Raleigh tercentenary at Mansion House, send fraternal greetings to citizens of North Carolina. Gollancz, Kings College, London. Raleigh, NT. C, November 2, 1918. Hon. Wm. H. Taft, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Taft : — I thank you for your very kind and courteous letter of the 30th of October in reply to my telegram of recent date. I confess that the letter comes to me as a distinct surprise, for prior to its reception I would have gone upon the witness stand and testified that the greatest enemy of the League to Enforce Peace is Mr. Roosevelt, based upon his editorial of October 16th of this year in the Kansas City Star, and I would have further testified on oath that the greatest friend of the League to Enforce Peace is Mr. Wilson, based upon his New York speech of September 27th. In the recent dis- cussion of the Fourteen Articles I have not seen any intimation that Mr. Wilson intended to recede from the position that he took in his New York speech, in which he said he proposed to form a League of Nations as part and parcel of the treaty of peace. To my mind this is the vital question, for unless the League of Nations is made a part of the treaty then, in my opinion, it will be relegated for the next ten years to academic discussion on chautauqua platforms and in high school debating societies. Of course, I can understand how differences may exist as to just how far we should go, but if we want to get anywhere it seems to me that the thing to do is to line up behind the President. The processes of disarmament will necessarily be slow, but that is the ultimate end sought. As I understand it, the purpose of our League is to put war out of business, and you cannot do that with nations armed to their teeth. The one reason for the existing war is the fact that Germany was armed. If she had not been armed she would not have dreamed of fighting. You cannot train a nation of men to fight without their fighting, and it is my opinion that we ought to go just as far towards disarmament as practical considerations will admit. Of course, it cannot be done in a day nor in a generation, but we can set that up as the ultimate goal. In my opinion the one great work before this century is to make the public conscience as sensitive as that of the individual, and to compel nations to observe in their dealings with each other the principles of the Ten Commandments and the Sermon on the Mount. I may do him an injustice, but judging from his public utterances, Mr. Roosevelt is today closer kin to the Kaiser than any other living man. You will pardon me for adding that, with the profoundest respect for your opinion, I find myself in utter disagreement with Mr. Roosevelt, and I think his attack upon Mr. Wilson is born of the same jealous selfishness as his attack upon you when you were nominated for President the second time in Chicago. With much respect, I beg to remain, Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 365 [ Telegram] Raleigh, N. C, November 6, 1918. Governor Hugh L. Dorset, Atlanta, Ga. I regret other engagements make it impossible for me to attend meeting. I respectfully suggest that governors of all the Southern States issue joint procla- mation advising farmers not to sell cotton for less than thirty cents per pound. Will be glad to cooperate in whatever measures are agreed on at meeting. T. W. Bickett, Governor. [ Telegram] New York, K Y., November 12, 1918. Governor Thos. W. Bickett, Raleigh, N. C. Earnestly request that you hold in confidence and suppress publication of your correspondence with Mr. Taft until we can have conference, and urge you to provide opportunity for conference by attending executive committee meeting Saturday. Believe matter can be so handled as to bring about cordial and unified cooperation with administration. "William H. Short. [ Telegram] Ealeigh, N. C, November 15, 1918. Executive Committee League to Enforce Peace, 10 Fifth Avenue, New York City. Regret duties here make it impossible to attend meeting. Am profoundly con- vinced that whatever is done to graft the principles of our League on the govern- ments of the world must be done at the Peace Conference soon to convene. This is our opportunity and the last one that will come in this generation to get every first-class power in the world to sign a document that will send militarism to the scrap-heap for all time. It is plain as day that the only way to secure this glorious consummation is to throw all the power and the influence of our League to the support of the President of the United States in his avowed determination to make the League of Nations the most virile factor in the great world treaty of peace. Junkers, dominated by avarice or ambition, will scheme to make the League of Nations a toothless baby. It is our duty to see to it that when the treaty is written the League of Nations will stand forth as the giant of the earth. Therefore I urge the executive committee to pass ringing resolutions pledging to the President of the United States every atom of influence we can command in support of the principles laid down by the President in his New York speech of September twenty-seventh. T. W. Bickett, Governor. 366 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT New York, November 18, 1918. The Hon. Thomas W. Bickett, Governor's Office, Raleigh, N. C. My dear Governor Bickett : — Your telegram addressed to the executive committee Saturday created a profound impression; and if you have seen the press reports of the meeting you already know that the committee acted as you suggested and adopted a ringing resolution pledging support to the President in the establishment of a League of Nations. Some of the New York papers printed your telegram in full. I enclose a copy of the executive committee resolution. Sincerely yours, Allan P. Ames, Secretary Committee on Information. [Copy] Whereas, the President of the United States has proposed as one of the terms of peace that a League of Nations be organized, and this proposal has been adopted as the basis of the armistice : Resolved, That the League to Enforce Peace pledge its hearty support to the President in the establishment of such a League of Nations. Ealeigh, N. C, November 16, 1918. Hon. Franklin K. Lane, Secretary of the Interior, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Secretary : — All of us deeply regretted your inability to attend the meeting of the Southern Land Congress at Savannah, but of course we fully appreciated the tremendous questions that held you in Washington. I made a talk to the Congress, and as it was prepared primarily for your consideration, I am handing you herewith a memorandum of my remarks, and will be glad for you to do me the honor of reading it. It seems to me that the immediate end sought will be most surely reached by the immediate establishment by the Government, without financial support from the states, of not more than five model colonies containing two hundred and fifty thousand acres of land each, or a smaller number if, in your judgment, this would be best. This would be merely the first phase of the far-reaching plans you have in mind. The advantage of establishing these modern colonies are many. 1. Whatever is done for the soldier must be done quickly, and to await the action of the states would largely defeat your purpose to take care of these soldiers immediately upon their arrival home. It will take sixty or ninety days to get your bill through Congress. By that time the legislatures in most of the states will have adjourned, or will be in the midst of their closing days, and it will be impossible to get action by these legislatures inside of two years. 2. The lawmaking bodies of most of the states are extremely conservative. This is especially true in the South, and it would be very difficult to secure state legislation involving the expenditure of money on an utterly untried plan. But nothing succeeds like success, and if the five model colonies established by the PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 367 General Government should prove a success, the states would then cheerfully fall in line. I am profoundly convinced that during the experimental phase of the proposition the Government will have to shoulder the entire responsibility. 3. Your Department would be utterly unable to give thorough and constant supervision over forty-eight colonies scattered in every state of the Union. I was deeply impressed with the vision and the practical common sense of the men who represented your Department at Savannah. I am satisfied these men can make a small number of model colonies a big success, but if their energies should be spread over forty-eight states, then no one colony would get the full benefit of their oversight. 4. By limiting the number of colonies you can select lands where conditions are ideal and where success will be a practical certainty, and this can be done during the present administration in such a convincing fashion that no subsequent administration would abandon the policy. Of course, the second phase of the movement would open the door to all the states and to individuals who, under the sanction of the state, might want to go into copartnership with the Government and put up the lands without cost. This would follow as the natural sequence of success in the first phase. 5. By providing for a model colony in the different sections of the country, say, one in the far West, one in the middle West, one in the East, one on the coastal plain of the South, and one on the Gulf coast, political and sectional objections to the scheme would be largely eliminated. As applicable to the whole situation that now confronts you with respect to this movement, I submit the following lines from Owen Meredith : "But he who seeks one thing in life, and but one, May hope to achieve it ere life be done; But he who seeks all things where'er he goes, Only reaps from the hopes which around him he sows A harvest of barren regrets." With great respect, I beg to remain, Bespectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Kaleigh, 1ST. C, November 16, 1918. Hon. Newton D. Baker, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. My dear Mb. Baker : — Doubtless you are deluged with suggestions in regard to the demobilization of the Army. I am beginning to be deluged with applications from friends and relatives of men in the camps in this country asking for indi- vidual discharges. You can readily see how impossible it is for this office to handle these applications, and, indeed, at the present time I would not know how to even start in any given case. Therefore, I earnestly trust, at an early date, you will promulgate rules and regulations governing the discharges of men in camp in this country. It seems to me that a certain amount of judgment and discrimination ought to be used in turning the men loose, just as it was used in calling them in. I suggest that the local boards might be used in this connection, that is to say, if a soldier wants a 368 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT discharge let him apply to his commanding officer and let that officer at once forward his card to the Local Exemption Board of the county or city from which the soldier comes, and let that board find certain facts : 1. Whether or not the soldier worked steadily before he entered the army. 2. Whether or not there is a job awaiting that soldier at home. The indus- trious men who have jobs awaiting them ought to be discharged first, and if any men are to be held in camps for any considerable period then the men ought to be held who do not want to work or whose services are not specially needed. I take it that it would be unfortunate to discharge great numbers of soldiers without knowing what they are going to do, or where they could get anything to do after being discharged. I simply throw the suggestions into the hopper, knowing that if the main prin- ciple appeals to you the details can be worked out wisely and justly in your De- partment. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, 1ST. C, November 19, 1918. Hon. Robert W. Gobrell, Mayor, Winston-Salem, N. C. My deab Me. Goeeell : — I desire to congratulate you and all the officials and law-abiding citizens of Winston-Salem on the intelligent and courageous manner in which the sanctity of the law was upheld in the recent trouble in your city. The case is a tragic illustration of the insanity of a mob, and how the lives of innocent people are always imperiled when the mob spirit prevails. It is to be earnestly hoped that all the people of the State will learn from this tragedy that safety for the innocent can only be assured by the strict observance of the law. The law will always punish any man who violates a woman in North Carolina, It has never failed to do it. The guilty cannot possibly escape, and the mob so often wreaks its vengeance, intentionally or unintentionally, upon the innocent. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, N. C, December 21, 1918. Goveenoe Thos. W. Bickett, Raleigh, N. C. My deae Goveenoe : — As county superintendent of my native county before I was twenty-one years of age, as chairman of the county board of education, as teacher and superintendent of city public schools, as teacher and dean of the State Normal and Industrial College, as State Superintendent of Public Instruc- tion for the past seventeen years, I have been in public service and have felt the weight of public responsibility continuously for thirty-seven years. I have had joy in the service. I am more grateful and appreciative than I can ever express in word or act for the measure of confidence, support, cooperation, and apprecia- tion — far beyond my deserts — that I have received from the people of North Carolina during all these years. I need a rest now. I hope I have earned it. I have had scant time, especially during the past seventeen busy years, to give to my private business. It needs my attention. PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 369 In accordance with my notification to you last summer, I beg, therefore, to tender my resignation as State Superintendent of Public Instruction, to take effect January 1, 1919. Very truly yours, J. Y. Jotneb, State Superintendent of Public Instruction. Db. J. Y. Joyneb, Raleigh, N". C, December 21, 1918. State Superintendent of Public Instruction, Raleigh, N. C. My deae Doctor Joyneb: — I am just in receipt of your letter of this date tendering your resignation, effective January 1st. I deeply regret that the State is to lose the benefit of your services, but concur in the opinion that you have rightly earned a period of rest. I know that any words of fulsome praise would be distasteful to you, but, writing with rigid conservatism, I am constrained to say that during the seventeen years you have been State Superintendent of Public Instruction you have made a noble and imperishable contribution to the intellectual and moral life of the State. I deem it not improper to add that when you notified me last summer of your intention to resign the first of January I at once offered to consult with you about your successor. You stated that you would prefer that I should not do so, as you did not desire to have anything whatever to do with naming your successor. Immediately after this conversation I made up my mind to appoint Dr. E. C. Brooks of the Chair of Education in Trinity College, and at once went to Dr. Brooks to ascertain whether or not he would be willing to accept the appointment. He advised me that he would, and I am today naming him as your successor. With sentiments of affectionate esteem, I beg to remain, Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Db. E. C. Beooks, Raleigh, K C, December 21, 1918. Trinity College, Durham, N. C. My deae Db. Beooks: — In accordance with a conversation that I had with you last summer, I beg to advise you that Dr. J. Y. Joyner has tendered his resignation as State Superintendent of Public Instruction, effective January 1st, and I am sending you today a commission as his successor, to take effect the same date. Wishing you a most happy Christmas, I beg to remain, Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. To the President of the Senate of the United States: This is to certify that on the fifth day of November, nineteen hundred and eighteen, Furnifold M. Simmons was duly chosen by the qualified electors of the State of North Carolina a Senator from said State to represent said State in the 24 370 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT United States Senate for the term of six years, beginning on the fourth day of March, nineteen hundred and nineteen. Witness : His Excellency our Governor, Thomas Walter Bickett, [gbeat and our seal hereto affixed at Raleigh, this the eleventh day of January, seal] in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and nineteen. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor : Governor. J. Beyan Gbimes, Secretary of State. Hon. M. W. Feeebee, Raleigh, N. C, February 8, 1919. Chairman of Senate Committee on Public Roads, Raleigh, N. C. My deae Senator: — I see in the morning paper that the Scales-Stevens bill has been sent back to your committee with sixteen amendments. In view of this status of the bill I deem it not improper for me to submit several suggestions for the consideration of your committee. 1. The bill now pending in Congress, and which I am advised will in all probability be enacted, carries an appropriation of fifty million dollars for 1919, seventy-five millions for 1920 and seventy-five millions for 1921. Under this bill and the Federal law that is already in force, North Carolina will receive for 1919, $1,825,000; for 1920, $2,125,000; and for 1921, $2,275,000, making a total of $6,225,000 under the present and proposed Federal laws. In apportioning this money to the State the Government proceeds upon the principle that the State itself must manifest a substantial interest in the subject by meeting the Federal appropriation dollar for dollar. It seems to me that this principle ought to be applied to some extent, at least, by the State in the admin- istration of this fund and the fund it is proposed to raise by State taxation. I think that a wise and just policy would be to incorporate in the proposed road law a provision requiring the community or county through which the road is to be constructed to pay one-fourth of the cost, the State paying one-fourth, and the Federal Government one-half. This plan has several advantages : 1. It would render it unnecessary to issue any State bonds at all. 2. It would prevent any undue scrambling for the location of the roads. If the county that gets a road under the proposed law is to pay not one cent more than a county that gets nothing, then every county in the State will be convinced that it is a high crime not to run the road through that particular county. I think that a greater distinction should be made between the light cars and heavy cars than would be made under a flat horsepower rule. After you get out of the Ford class of car the weight increases much more rapidly than the horse- power increases, and it seems to me that it would be eminently fair to make a rate of, say, fifty cents per horsepower up to twenty-four and seventy-five cents per horsepower above that figure. This rule also has the advantage that the men who own and operate the high-priced, heavy cars are much more able to pay than the men who own cars in the Ford class. I am emphatically of opinion that the Highway Commission ought not to be limited to hard-surface roads, but should be allowed to consult their own judgment and the wishes of the community through which the road is to be constructed in PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 371 determining just the character of road that ought to be built. I seriously doubt whether Worth Carolina is in a financial position to embark on a policy of con- structing a series of hard-surface roads connecting all the county-seats in the State and costing not less than $20,000 per mile. We can build in North Carolina a perfectly good road that would serve the people ten months in the year for an average not greater than $2,000 per mile. There may be some wealthy and thickly populated communities that would be interested in roads costing $20,000 per mile, but taking the State as a whole, this cost is at present beyond our resources. It would cost not less than two hundred millions of dollars to give to the State a comprehensive system of hard-surface roads. I think that the provision in the Stevens-Scales bill for taking over certain roads that are already completed and paying one-half of the cost of the same ought to be very greatly modified; certainly no money ought to be paid out in taking over roads already completed until we have gone forward in the con- struction of new roads that are a present and pressing necessity. Unless some such policy as this should be adopted we might spend a considerable portion of the Federal and the State money and have no more road mileage than we have at the present time. I am very much in favor of the State doing everything possible to encourage good roads, but in my opinion it would be very unwise for the State to issue bonds for the construction of these roads. Eespectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Washington, D. C, February 17, 1919. Honorable Thomas W. Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, Raleigh, N. C. My dear Governor Bickett : — There has been sent you today, under separate cover, an autographed copy of my Second Report to the Secretary of War on the operations of the Selective Draft. I have sought in this way to make of record not only an official relation which has been of the pleasantest character but, as well, an official recognition of the indebtedness of the National Headquarters to you for your faithful and self- sacrificing devotion to a patriotic national duty in the administration within your State of the Selective Service Law. Very truly yours, E. H. Crowder, Provost Marshal-General. Raleigh, N. C, February 26, 1919. Hon. F. C. Harding, Chairman Senate Committee on Education, Raleigh, N. C. My dear Sir : — There seems to be some confusion about my position upon the Child Labor question, and I desire to clear this up. In my Biennial Message to the General Assembly I said: Coupled with and as a part of the compulsory school law should be a child-labor law. The first sections of the act should provide for compulsory attendance upon school; the latter sections should make it unlawful for any 372 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT mill or factory to employ any child between the ages of eight and fourteen during the public school term. Of course no child under seventeen can be employed under existing laws. The weakness of child-labor legislation has been that it has dealt with the subject only in a negative way. It has de- clared that the child shall not work, but has not concerned itself with what the child shall do. The treatment of the problem has not been unlike that of the mother who told the servant to go out in the yard and see what the children were doing and make them stop it. A law that takes the child out of the factory and dumps it into the street is hurtful both to the child and to society. The law should say the child shall not work and, furthermore, that he shall go to school. In fact, the law should be primarily a part of the educational policy of the State and only in an incidental way a child- labor law. The law should be enforced by the officers of the educational de- partment, and it should be the duty of the truant officer to go out and find the child, whether in a factory or on the street, and place him in school. Provision might be made with proper safeguards for permitting a child be- tween twelve and fourteen to work in a factory after the public school term has expired, provided a certificate can be obtained showing that the child had actually attended the school during the entire term. In making the recommendations above quoted it will be seen at once tbat I was deeply interested in keeping the child in school as well as out of the factory. What is known as the Connor-Saunders bill is a substantial compliance with the spirit of my message. It provides for a commission to be composed of the State Superintendent of Public Instruction, the Secretary of the State Board of Health and the Commissioner of Labor and Printing. My information is that the authors of this bill are willing to amend it so that the inspector shall be appointed by the entire commission and not by any member of the same. I utterly fail to see any objection to the Commissioner of Labor and Printing being a member of this Com- mission, and in view of the turn that matters have taken in the General Assembly, I deem it eminently wise and proper for him to be a member of this Commission and to be the executive officer of the Commission as outlined in the bill. I have said this much to the members of the Legislative Committee of the North Carolina Manufacturers Association and to the members of the General Assembly interested in the Neal substitute. I respectfully submit that in view of the legislative history of these bills, which is known to all men, it would be unwise and unjust to ignore the Department of Labor in this matter. Eespectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. [ Telegram] Raleigh, K C, March 3, 1919. General E. H. Crowder, Washington, D. 0. So far as I am able to ascertain, the press and public in North Carolina and the General Assembly have accepted at par your statement about the newspaper clipping which appeared in your second report to the Secretary of War. It is thought by all to be a most regrettable mistake, but public opinion acquits you entirely of any intention to make any reflection on North Carolina, and appre- ciates your purpose to make any possible correction of the record. The matter is PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 373 now regarded as a closed incident. A full statement of the facts with respect to delinquents and deserters in Western North Carolina will be mailed to you. T. W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, N. C, March 13, 1919. Me. D. E. Henderson, Charlotte, N. C. My deab Me. Henderson : — The General Assembly of 1919 created "The North Carolina Memorial Building Commission," to be composed of the Governor, the President of the Senate, and nine other persons appointed by the Governor. The Commission is to solicit funds and to erect a suitable memorial building to the North Carolina soldiers who participated in the World War. The Com- mission may purchase a site or, with the consent of the Council of State, may erect a building on land already owned by the State. I have selected you as a member of this Commission, and earnestly beg you to accept the appointment and do what you can to carry out the highly commendable purpose for which the Commission was created. There will be a meeting of the Commission in Raleigh in the Senate Chamber on Thursday, the 20th day of March, for the purpose of organizing and forming plans for carrying out the work. I urge you to attend this meeting. The full Commission, in addition to the members named by the General Assembly, is as follows : Mrs. George B. Elliott Wilmington Mrs. Felix C. Harvey Kinston Mrs. R. J. Reynolds Winston-Salem D. E. Henderson Charlotte Judge J. C. Pritchard Asheville E. Carl Duncan Raleigh W. A. Erwin Durham J. C. B. Ehringhaus Elizabeth City Lionel Weil Goldsboro Sincerely yours, T. W. Bickett, Governor. [Telegram] Raleigh, N. C, April 4, 1919. Geneeal Samuel L. Faison, 60th Brigade, Camp Jackson, S. C. I congratulate you and the officers and men under your command upon the magnificent record you have made in France, and beg to assure you of the great joy the people of North Carolina feel in having you home again. T. W. Bickett, Governor. 374 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT [ Telegram] Raleigh, 1ST. C, April 4, 1919. Col. J. Van B. Metts, 119th Infantry, Camp Jackson, S. C. I congratulate you and the officers and men under your command upon the magnificent record you have made in France, and beg to assure you of the great joy the people of North Carolina feel in having you home again. T. W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, N. C, April 7, 1919. To the Chairmen of Bureaus for Returning Soldiers and Sailors: Dear Sie : — Our soldiers and sailors are now returning home in great numbers. We are receiving them with open arms and it is eminently fitting for their return to be celebrated with great outbursts of patriotic enthusiasm. But these men cannot live on cheers and music and flowers and kisses. The fairest and finest thing we can do for them is to see to it that every man of them at once gets a good job. I want every town and county in North Carolina to highly resolve that no soldier or sailor shall be denied a chance to make a decent living. Please lay this matter on the hearts of your people. Make it a matter of community pride and patriotism. Let each community be very sensitive on this point. Let no com- munity be willing for another community to provide jobs for its heroes. These men are neither afraid nor ashamed to work. They seek no charity — they scorn it. They want a job, and they must not be denied. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Rev. Robert B. S. Hammond, Raleigh, N. C, June 6, 1919. Bliss Building, Washington, D. C. My dear Sir: — I deeply regret that I was out of the city when your party was here this week investigating the prohibition situation. I do not hesitate to say that, studied from any angle, prohibition is a big success in North Carolina. It has been in force for ten years, and during these years the industrial prosperity of the State has been remarkable. No other decade in our history can compare with it. Without doubt it has come to stay with our people. When the issue was sub- mitted ten years ago a considerable number of representative people, and the ablest newspaper in the State at that time, opposed the measure. This opposition was conscientious. Today not a single representative man in the State could be induced to say or write anything against prohibition. It has touched in a beneficial way the industrial, the educational, and the social life of the State. Of course liquor is still manufactured and sold contrary to law. You cannot change the habits of centuries in a day ; but I am persuaded that today not more than ten per cent as much liquor is consumed by the people of North Carolina as was consumed before the prohibition law went into effect. The amount consumed PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 375 will steadily decrease, and when a generation comes on that has never seen a legalized saloon or distillery the consumption of liquor will reach the vanishing point. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. [ Telegram] Raleigh, K C, June 19, 1919. Lieutenant Caniff, Casino Y. M. C. A. Hut, Newport News, Va. Please convey to the North Carolina soldiers of the eighty-first the following message : "Soldiers of the Eighty-first Division : On hehalf of the people of North Carolina I welcome you home. I deeply regret that it is impossible for me per- sonally to greet every one of you. We are so gratefully proud of you; proud that you went, and proud that you have returned in safety, but proudest that you bring back with you an official record of personal purity unsurpassed by any army in any country in any time. For us you answered the high clear call. For us you endured the privations of the camp. For us you braved the serpents of the sea. For us you made the long, long march. I voice the soul of North Carolina when I say, "God bless you, every one." T. W. Bickett, Governor. [ Telegram] Boston, Mass., June 26, 1919. Governor T. W. Bickett, Raleigh, N. C. Can you let us have short statement by return mail your opinion regarding consolidation of railroads for purposes of economical operation, thus lowering the price of transportation to the traveling and shipping public and eliminating waste- ful competition? Citizens National Railroads League, Equitable Building. Raleigh, N. C, June 27, 1919. Citizens National Railroads League, Equitable Building, Boston, Mass. Gentlemen : — I have for a number of years believed that the entire railroad system of the country should be operated as one. A railroad is a natural monopoly, and when this is true, and the Government regulates the charges, all thought of competition between railroads on rates should at once be dismissed. There is absolutely no reason why a community that is served by two railroads, or more, should get a rate lower than a community served by one railroad. There should be competition between railroads in point of efficiency only. I regret that I do not have time to elaborate these convictions. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. 376 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT Me. J. E. S. Thorpe, Raleigh, N". C., June 28, 1919. Superintendent TalJassee Power Company, Badin, N. C. My dear Sir: — I am in receipt of a letter of June 25th from Mr. D. L. Goble, International Representative of the Brotherhood of Electrical "Workers. A copy of this letter appeared in the News and Observer this morning, and I assume was sent to the News and Observer by Mr. Goble or some one representing him. I enclose you the clipping from the News and Observer, which also contains a notice signed by you to the effect that the Tallassee Power Company would dismiss any one in its employ who joins a labor union. I deem it my duty to call your attention to my statement of May 30th last, dealing with the labor troubles in Charlotte. This statement appeared in all of the leading papers of the State at that time, and I assume that you are familiar with it. I now desire to reiterate and emphasize the position then taken. Boiled down, my position is that no employer has a moral right to discharge any man because he sees fit to join a labor union, and no laborer has a moral right to quit work because there works by his side a man who does not belong to a labor union. There is no written law to prevent an employer from discharging a man be- cause he joins a union, but such a discharge cannot stand the acid test of justice, and injustice can never score a permanent success. Capital may win a single battle by such methods, but it can never win a war. This is a free country, and every man must be allowed to exercise his own free will without coercion or intimidation in joining or refusing to join any lawful organization. The supreme law in this land is public opinion, and that public opinion condemns and ought to condemn the employer who refuses to give a man a job because he belongs to a union, and the same public opinion condemns and ought to condemn a man who quits or refuses to take a job because of the presence of some man who does not belong to a union. But so long as neither side resorts to violence I am without legal power to interfere. If either an employer or laborer resorts to violence then it becomes my plain duty to call out the entire military and police force of the State to protect the life and property of our citizens and preserve peace and order. This duty I shall most certainly perform without fear and without favor, whether violence be used by capital or by labor. This is as much as I am called on to say or do as the Governor of Xorth Caro- lina, but as a citizen of the State I am deeply concerned in its permanent peace and happiness. Therefore I am moved to say that unless there be enough of wisdom and of justice in our borders to devise and put into execution some plan for the settlement of industrial disputes other than by walkouts and lockouts, then our civilization is a failure and industrial chaos stares us in the face. Labor, capital and executive ability are each a vital necessity to every indus- trial enterprise, and these must work in harmony with and not in hostility to each other if the business is to be conducted on bases of economy and efficiency. Unless the business be so conducted as to reduce waste to a minimum and to secure the largest outcome possible from a given amount of labor and of capital, then the business is doomed to failure and will soon be useless to both labor and capital. PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 377 The Great Teacher pointed out the folly of the present hostile attitude of capital and labor when he said, "A house divided against itself cannot stand." The philosophy of the Great Apostle to the Gentiles applies with striking emphasis to the industrial disputes of the hour. "The body is not one member, but many. The eye cannot say unto the hand, I have no need of thee, nor again the head to the feet, I have no need of you. There should be no schism in the body, but the members should have the same care one for another, and whether one member suffer all the members suffer with it, or one member be honored all the members rejoice with it." Labor and capital are parts of the same body and they must adjust and har- monize any seeming differences, for war in the body will prove fatal to all its members. I therefore urge labor and capital in Worth Carolina to establish in every industrial enterprise an organization composed of all the men who have an interest in the permanent success of that enterprise. Let labor and capital be represented in the adjustment of every question, and if there should develop, after a frank and friendly investigation and discussion, an irreconcilable difference, then let that difference be submitted to an impartial tribunal enjoying the confidence of all the men interested in that particular enterprise. Such a plan will make for friendship, for happiness, for economy, for efficiency, for the betterment of every human being, while the present system of lockouts and walkouts makes for hostility, for unhappiness, for waste, for war, and for the ultimate ruin, first of society, and then of the individual. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, 1ST. C, July 23, 1919. To All Prisoners in the State Prison: A number of petitions have recently come before me for pardon of prisoners in the State Prison where a pardon would have been granted except for the fact that the prisoner is in Grade C, or plain B. I have established a rule, and propose to adhere to it, that I will not grant a pardon to any man unless he is in Grade A or in Grade B plus. We are offering to prisoners every possible inducement to climb into these upper grades. In the first place, the State pays the prisoner more money who works in the upper grades ; in the second place, you wear more attractive clothes ; in the third place, you are allowed more privileges ; and in the fourth place, you stand an infinitely better chance of receiving a pardon when your case comes on for consideration. If, in the face of all these inducements to be good prisoners, to obey the rules and regulations of the prison, to be courteous and considerate of officials and all fellow prisoners, a prisoner persistently refuses to take advantage of these opportunities, then the conclusion is irresistible that if turned out he would not make a good citizen, but would be a menace to the peace and order of any community in which he might live. I am asking the Superintendent of the State Prison to have copies of this notice read to all prisoners, and posted in the Central Prison and in all farms and camps where State prisoners reside. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. 378 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT [ Telegram] Raleigh, N. C, August 11, 1919. Honobable R. B. Glenn, Winston- Sal em, N. C. At a meeting of the State Printing Commission this morning you were discussed at length, both as an individual and as Governor, and the meeting unanimously authorized the Secretary to wire to you our deep and lasting love and admiration, with the hope that you may have many, many more birthdays. M. L. Shipman, Secretary. T. W. BlCKETT. W. P. Wood. R. B. Lacy. E. 0. Beooks. J. S. Manning. [ Telegram] Atlanta, Ga., August 13, 1919. Governor Thomas W. Bickett, Raleigh, N. C. Recognizing the grave importance of the present economic situation throughout the country and particularly in the South, I am asking you to gather with the State executives of Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Tennessee, and Texas, to join with me in issuing the accompanying proclamation. Feeling as I do that a representative gathering of the people of the South for a frank discussion of matters vital to our future existence and prosperity will be of material benefit, may I urge, therefore, that you join with me in this public expression : A PROCLAMATION Whereas, the President of the United States, in his address to the Con- gress of the United States on August S, 1919, has called attention to grave conditions of distress confronting large numbers of our people by reason of constantly rising living costs due to the perversion of the ordinary laws of supply and demand and to the activities of speculators and profiteers in the necessities of life; and Whereas, these conditions are of especial concern to the people of the Southern States in view of their absolute dependence upon the cotton industry as the basis of their well-being, and especially in view of the fact that cotton prices have entirely failed to keep pace with the prices of manu- factured products and other commodities which they must buy: Therefore, we, as governors of the states of Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Tennessee, and Texas, in association with the President of the American Cotton Association, do hereby summon representative farmers, merchants, bankers, business and professional men from our several states hereinbefore mentioned to confer together in the city of Memphis, Tennes- see, on the eighth and ninth of September and to study on behalf of the people of the South ways and means of dealing with such prices as they PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 379 relate to the life and comfort of our people, and in particular to study such conditions as they relate to the cotton industry as a whole, to the determina- tion of a fair and just price for cotton based upon considerations of supply and demand and the price of the manufactured products of cotton. Witness our hands this the fifteenth day of August, nineteen hundred nineteen. Please wire reply, President J. S. "Wannamaker, Am erican Cotton Association, Atlanta. Hugh M. Dorset, Governor of Georgia. Ealeigh, 1ST. O.j August 14, 1919. Hon. O. Max Gardner, Lieutenant-Governor of North Carolina, Shelby, N. C. My dear Governor : — I have the honor to advise you that Governor Bickett left today for Salt Lake City, Utah, to attend the Conference of Governors of the United States. He will be away until about the seventh of September, 1919. As the Governor will be out of the State almost the entire time he is on this trip, he directed me to notify you and request that you give me your itinerary for the next month, in order that I may be able to get in touch with you should a situation arise making it necessary for you to perform the duties of Governor during his absence from the State. With highest regards, I am, Yours very truly, Santford Martin, Private Secretary. [ Telegram] Ealeigh, K C, August 14, 1919. Hon. Hugh M. Dorset, Governor of Georgia, Atlanta, Ga. I heartily endorse your proclamation and gladly join you in it. T. W. Bickett, Governor of North Carolina. Ealeigh, K C, August 14, 1919. General B. S. Eotster, Adjutant General, Raleigh, N. C. Dear Sir: — I am leaving the State today to be absent for several weeks, and you are hereby authorized and directed to call out troops and send to any point in the State of North Carolina where they may be necessary to protect life and property, or the peace and good name of the State. Eespectfully, T. W". Bickett, Governor and Commander-in-Chief. 380 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT August 18, 1919. Colonel Santford Martin, Raleigh, N. C. My dear Colonel : — Your favor of the 14th instant has just been received. In the event an occasion should arise making it necessary for me to perform the duties of Governor during the absence of Governor Bickett from the State, I suggest that you communicate with my secretary, Miss L. B. Miller, of Shelby, who will at all times be in touch with me. It will be impossible to accurately locate where I will be during the next two or three weeks, but Miss Miller will at all times be informed. Trusting that you are well, and with best wishes and sentiments of esteem, believe me, Very truly yours, 0. Max Gardner. [ Telegram] Governor T. W. Bickett, Atlanta, Ga., October 23, 1919. Executive Department, Raleigh, N. C. News reports your address opening North Carolina Fair state you gave details new system State taxation which you say will give North Carolina lowest tax rate in Union, and without hardship any class of property. Wish you would mail me at once, for use Sunday, a brief summary of that law and how it works. Clark Howell, Editor Atlanta Constitution. Mr. Clark Howell, Ealeigh, N. C, October 24, 1919. Editor Atlanta Constitution, Atlanta, Ga. My dear Mr. Howell: — Your telegram of October 23d just received. The statement made in address opening our State Fair this week that tax rates in North Carolina in 1920 will be materially less than in any other American state was based upon three considerations : 1. Bulletin of the TJ. S. Census Department, "Financial Statistics of States," for the year 1919, shows governmental costs less per capita in North Carolina than any other state except South Carolina, and equal with that state. 2. We are now engaged in a genuine revaluation of all property in the State for tax purposes for the year 1920 upon the basis of actual 100 per cent value, with an absolute guarantee that every tax rate levied in the State, including counties, cities, towns, and special tax districts, shall be adjusted to the new basis of property values, so that not more than ten per cent increase in revenue can be raised in 1920 by the State, the counties, cities, towns, and special tax districts. 3. A large part of the State's revenue is collected from special license taxes, franchise taxes, and taxes upon income and inheritance. The combination of low governmental costs, 100 per cent property values, a fixed limit upon rates, and a large revenue from other sources than the general property tax for State revenue will unquestionably give us the result of tax rates on property in this State in 1920 substantially lower than will be found in any other state. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 381 Raleigh, N. C, November S, 1919. To the State Board of Elections: Gentlemen : — Honorable Edwin Yates Webb, a duly elected member of the National House of Representatives, of the Ninth Congressional District from North Carolina, has filed with me his resignation as a Member of Congress, effective November 10, 1919. Now, therefore, in compliance with the duty imposed upon me by law, I authorize and direct you to hold a special election to fill the vacancy in Congress caused by the resignation of Honorable Edwin Yates Webb, the said election to be held on Tuesday, November 16, 1919. All voters in the Ninth Congressional District are hereby notified of said election, and are called upon to turn out on said day, and then and there vote for a representative in Congress. The said election shall be conducted in like manner as regular elections. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the [great Great Seal of the State to be affixed this the eighth day of November, seal] in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and nineteen, and of the one hundred and forty-fourth year of our American Independence. T. W. Bickett, By the Governor : Governor. Santfoed Martin, Private Secretary. [ Telegram] Raleigh, N. C, December 5, 1919. Hon. John Underwood, Mayor, Payetteville, N. C. I deeply regret my inability to reach Fayetteville today. Please say to General Pershing for me that the whole State of North Carolina feels greatly honored to have him in our midst, and extends to him a loyal, loving welcome. T. W. Bickett, Governor. Hon. Herbert C. Hoover, Raleigh, N. C, January 29, 1920. Shoreham Hotel, Washington, D. C. My dear Sir : — Some time before the New York World made its now famous pronouncement, I had intended writing you that I am in favor of the Democratic Party naming you as its choice for President. I am satisfied that you are the one man who fulfills the expectations and the demands of the hour. Neither the Penrose nor the Bryan school of thought adequately comprehends the situation that now confronts America and the whole civilized world. Your record during the war and your recent writings convince me that you rightly interpret the existing order of things, and as President would safeguard the fundamental principles of our American form of government, and at the same time meet the new and world-wide obligations we recognized and assumed when we entered the World War. 382 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT In its finest sense, you are the outstanding Democrat of the hour, and the logical nominee of our party. I am for you. I enclose an editorial from the Winston-Salem Journal which, in my opinion, fairly reflects the trend of the best thought in this State. "Winston-Salem is one of our largest and most progressive cities, and the Journal is edited by Mr. Sant- ford Martin, one of the most fearless and conscientious editors in the State, and its business manager is Mr. Frank C. Page, a son of our late Ambassador to the Court of St. James. "With great respect, I beg to remain, Eespectfully, T. "W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, N. C, February 3, 1920. The Union Signal, Evansion, III. Mr. Editor : — Replying to your inquiry of January 30th, I beg to say that the State of North Carolina went dry by a vote of the people on the first day of January, 1909. For eleven years we have lived under strict prohibition laws. When the question was submitted to the people in 1508, a number of leading newspapers in the State and a very considerable number of representative men stubbornly fought the proposition. I think the best evidence of the success of prohibition is the fact that today not a single newspaper in the State and not a single representative citizen in the State would go before the people and advocate a repeal of the law. I am satisfied that the people do not consume one-tenth as much intoxicating liquors as they did before, and the progress of the State along industrial and educational lines during these eleven years has been relatively twice as great as it was before we had prohibition. Morally, intellectually, and indus- trially, prohibition is a magnificent asset to the State of North Carolina. Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Raleigh, N. C, February 13, 1920. To All Private Trained Nurses in the State: My dear Nurse : — Influenza and its attendant, pneumonia, which last fall and winter killed nearly fifteen thousand North Carolinians, is again abroad in the State. In many communities medical and nursing service is inadequate to meet the needs of the emergency thus produced. In some communities medical and nursing service is wholly lacking. There are sections where entire families in a neighbor- hood are stricken down and lie sick unto death without even those ordinary attentions for their comfort and welfare that kindly neighbors might administer. Along with these perilous community needs there must be hundreds of trained nurses in the State now engaged in attending private cases. Between the con- venience and safety of individual families and the peril of stricken communities the sense of duty of private nurses must be very uncertain and most disturbing to their peace of mind. Many nurses with private cases, under existing circum- stances, perhaps would gladly leave to their State the responsibility of determining their place of duty. PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 383 I am therefore, in the public interest and with the difficult position of the private nurse in mind, writing to make this request of you : that if you are now engaged in private nursing, you will fill out and mail to me the enclosed form, which, as you will observe, leaves the determination of your place of service in the present emergency not to yourself, but to the State, and relieves you of all responsibility. The probabilities are that not more than fifty nurses from among all the nurses engaged in the State will be called — a relatively small percentage of the total nurses at work. In this emergency, when our people cry out for help, no private duty should stand in the way. This is no time for any individual or family to retain a nurse for private duty when her services can be so much more valuable; nor is it the time for any nurse to remain on such private duty when she can possibly be spared. If there is any question in the mind of the nurse as to which is the more important, her duty to her private patient or her duty to the whole people, I urge her to present the case to me and absolve herself of the responsibility of deciding. Eespectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. [ Telegram] Washington, D. C, February 25, 1920. Hon. Thomas W. Bickett, Governor, Raleigh, N. C. Governor Milliken of Maine, with number of other governors, has retained Ex- Justice Hughes to defend right of state to ratify eighteenth amendment Federal Constitution against attacks State Ehode Island and liquor people New Jersey, California, etc. About twenty-two governors have so far assented. Wo financial obligation on these states or their officers. Judge Hughes ready make application file brief, but we are all anxious have as many ratifying states thus represented as possible. Earnestly hope you will authorize North Carolina be included under conditions above named, and, if so, please wire Judge Charles E. Hughes, 96 Broad- way, New York City, and also wire me here, charges collect. Edwin C. Dinwiddie. [ Telegram] Governor T. W. Bickett, Augusta, Maine, February 25, 1920. Raleigh, N. C. Referring further your letter January twenty-sixth, I concur heartily in your opinion that Rhode Island's suit is really frivolous. Yet the matter is to be argued on its merits March eighth, and, in order to make assurance doubly sure, a majority of the states which ratified the eighteenth amendment are joining in the request that the Supreme Court be allowed to intervene and join the Government in the answer to this suit. Former Justice Charles Evans Hughes of New York has been engaged as general counsel to manage the case and make oral arguments. It is understood that Attorneys-General of individual states will file briefs and be entered as attorneys of record if they desire. In these circumstances would you not feel like allowing me to add your State to the list of those that join in this matter? Wo expense to your State would be involved. Carl E. Milliken, Governor of Maine. 384 PAPERS OP THOMAS WALTER BICKETT [ Telegram] Raleigh, 1ST. 0., February 26, 1920. Hon. Charles E. Hughes, 96 Broadway, New York City. North Carolina desires to join other states in defense of right of states to ratify eighteenth amendment Federal Constitution against attacks by State of Rhode Island and others. T. "W. Bickett, Governor of North Carolina. [ Telegram] Raleigh, N. C, February 26, 1920. Hon. Cabl E. Milliken, Governor of Maine, Augusta, Me. North Carolina gladly joins other states in defending right of states to ratify eighteenth amendment against attacks made by Rhode Island. Am wiring Judge Hughes today. T. W. Bickett, Governor. Rockingham, N. C, March 12, 1920. Goveenoe Thomas W. Bickett, Raleigh, N. C. My deae Goveenoe Bickett : — In reviewing in my mind the outstanding features of your administration, it seems to me that you have been thinking more about whether a thing is right than whether it might be popular. Your great taxation question has now been accepted by all our candidates, and the people are accepting it in a fine spirit everywhere. This must be gratifying to you, as it is to all its friends. Now that discriminations in tax burdens are in process of being removed and the tax books are commencing to "Speak the truth," may I not hope that you will join hands with those of us who favor the franchise for women, and help us secure for them a tardy justice? At the last session of the Legislature the Municipal Bill passed the Senate by a large majority, but was lost in the House by only a few votes. In order to defeat the bill, the opposition had paired at least one member of the House, who was sick in a hospital, so that his vote was cast against the bill, when, I was informed, he would have voted for the bill had he been able to be there. Those who were opposed to the bill refused to arrange pairs with some of the friends of the bill who were also sick and absent. The revulsion of feeling brought about by these conditions was so strong that one of the most prominent leaders of the House who was opposed to the bill offered the next day to move for a reconsideration and assured me that we could pass the bill by a large majority. Unfortunately, I was in a position where I could not take advantage of this change in feeling, due to the fact that one of the most prominent leaders against us had told me that he had a pressing business engagement in New York, and would go if we did not intend to open up the question the next day. I told him to go ahead ; so it could not be reconsidered. PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 385 The women of North Carolina, and, I believe, the men who have supported their cause, have played the game like sportsmen. We have no list of those who have stood against us marked for slaughter. We have considered that they were honest in their position ; neither have we a very bitter taste in our mouths that the nearly dead were voted against us when they had told us if they were alive they would vote with us. All of these things come in each day's work, and this great question has entered upon another stage. The ratification of the Federal amendment now challenges our attention. Our party must come out squarely on one side or the other. The question can no longer be put off — like death — to the very last possible moment. Knowing your love for a square deal, I am persuaded to hope that you may become our champion, and that you will be our spokesman before the State Convention. If this plea appeals to you, then our women, who have no other thought than to help their brothers in the building of a State, will have found a mighty champion. With greatest respect, I am, Yours truly, W. N. Everett. Kaleigh, N. C, March 15, 1920. Me. W. N. Everett, Rockingham, N. C. My dear Mr. Everett : — I have read with much interest your letter of March twelfth. It is well known that I have not been impressed with the wisdom of or the necessity for Woman Suffrage in North Carolina. There has never been laid before me evidence tending to show that a majority of the women in this State desire to go to the polls. I greatly fear that the women who desire to go are all unconsciously offering to barter a very precious birthright for a very sorry mess of pottage. It has never occurred to me that woman would hurt politics, but I have been profoundly disturbed about what politics might do to woman. My attitude has been that of the Western cowboy to whom a woman suffragist said, "We want to be made equal to the men." The cowboy lifted his sombrero, bowed low, and said, "And why does my lady wish to come down?" Again, I have been fearful that the entrance of woman into politics might disturb the peaceful relations that now exist between the races in this State, and for continuation of which all good men and women pray. When I think of this phase of the situation I am haunted by the lines of the Scotch bard: "But, Och! I backward cast my e'e On prospects drear; An' forward, though I canna see, I guess an' fear." These fears may not be well founded, but I have honestly entertained them, and the utmost candor requires me to state them. But, my dear Mr. Everett, my fears do not blind my eyes, and I clearly see that today a condition and not a theory confronts the Democratic Party in North Carolina. Woman Suffrage is coming. It is as irresistible as the tides, and I am 25 386 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICKETT convinced that it is the part of wisdom for the Democratic Party in North Carolina to accept it gracefully. During the war Dr. Cyrus Thompson and myself were making some patriotic speeches up in the mountains. In the course of one of his speeches Dr. Thompson said, "I have reached that position in human philosophy where I have learned to accept the inevitable, and to require of it that it shall give me pleasure." This is a sentiment worthy of Emerson, and is applicable to the condition that today confronts the people of Worth Carolina. Woman Suffrage is inevitable. He is a deaf man who does not hear the swish of its skirts. He is a blind man who does not see its legions advancing in flouncing, flowery waves. Gentlemen of Tarheelia! let's be good sports and join lustily in the chorus, "Come along, Ladies !" Some time ago I definitely decided to advise the General Assembly at the special session in July to ratify the Federal amendment. It is the sensible and the graceful thing to do. It follows that I am in favor of the Democratic Con- vention endorsing the amendment when it meets in April. I do not desire to go before the Convention and make a speech on the subject, but I am giving this letter and yours to the press in order that my views may be known to all the people of the State. Sincerely yours, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Ealeigh, N. C, April 15, 1920. Col. Sib Eeginald Hennell, C.V.O., O.B.E., D.S.O., Lt. of the King's Body Guard of the Yeomen of the Guard, Friary Court, St. James Palace, London, S. W. 1. Dear Sib: — In behalf of the State of North Carolina I beg to acknowledge receipt of a copy of "The History of the King's Body Guard of the Yeomen of the Guard." The workmanship of the book is beautiful, and its contents are of peculiar interest to the people of North Carolina on account of the fact that Sir "Walter Baleigh was one of the most distinguished Captains of the Guard. The book will be carefully preserved in the Library of the Historical Commis- sion of this State, and will constitute one more link in the long chain that binds Great Britain and North Carolina together in ties of mutual affection and esteem. We are essentially one people, one in blood, one in language, and one in our conceptions of liberty and justice. The waves may now and then clash, but the great tides of American and British thought advance side by side. May we ever sing in our hearts, "Blest be the tie that binds." I beg to remain, Sir, with assurances of great esteem, Bespectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor of North Carolina. PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 387 Hon. Walter Clakk, Ealeigh, N. C, June 4, 1920. Chief Justice, Raleigh, N. C. My dear Judge : — I regret that you will not be able to accompany me to Norfolk to inspect the battleship North Carolina. I beg to acknowledge receipt of your communication in regard to taxation of all the property owned by a corporation, and also the taxation of the shares that represent that property. With the utmost deference and kindness permit me to say that I find myself in total disagreement with you on the fundamental prin- ciples involved. The system of taxation advocated by you would completely paralyze the business life of North Carolina, and would permanently halt the progress of the State. Take this illustration : Tou and your two sons form a copartnership for the purpose of cultivating lands in Halifax County. You invest $10,000 each in lands and equipment, making a total of $30,000 invested in the partnership. One day you meet and determine that, owing to the uncertainty of life, it would be wise to convert this partnership into a corporation. Tou do so and call it The Walter Clark Corporation. Not an additional dollar is invested in the business. You simply change the methods of carrying on the business that you already own. To say that thereupon you would have to pay taxes on $60,000 instead of $30,000 is a proposition so atrociously unjust as to shock the conscience of every fair- thinking man. Eespectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Ealeigh, N. C, June 18, 1920. The News and Observer, Raleigh, N. C. Mr. Editor: — I notice in your issue of the 16th a short article written by Eev. John E. White, essentially and eternally of North Carolina, but temporarily residing at Anderson, South Carolina, in commendation of Prof. William E. Dodd's recent book on "Woodrow Wilson and His Work." It so happens that I have just finished reading this book, and no one who i9 interested in the truth about Wilson can afford to miss reading this book. The forces that enter into the intellectual and spiritual constitution of Wilson and that bore him on with irresistible power are clearly analyzed in this book, and when one once feels the sweep of these forces he can begin to understand how utterly impossible it is for Wilson to be anything else than the man he is. Professor Dodd is at the head of the Department of American History in the University of Chicago. He is a truly great historian, and, considering the author and his subject, every North Carolinian owes it to his own education to read this book. Eespectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. 388 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT Raleigh, 1ST. C., June 23, 1920. Hon. J. Crawford Biggs, Manager for Hon. 0. Max Gardner, Raleigh, N. C. Hon. Heriot Clarkson, Manager for Hon. Cameron Morrison, Raleigh, N. C. My dear Sirs : — I am greatly distressed to see that it is proposed to have a joint debate between the two candidates for the Democratic nomination for Governor. I have looked at the question from every angle, and fail to see how a single atom of good can come to the Democratic Party from such a meeting. On the other hand, it is as plain as day that a maximum amount of harm must result. Both of these gentlemen have heretofore been recognized as able and honorable workers in the ranks of the Democratic Party, and all good men must deplore any attempt to besmirch either of them because he now aspires to the highest honor in the gift of the party. Either Mr. Morrison or Mr. Gardner will be the Democratic nominee for Governor, and to discredit either of them will simply supply Republican guns with ammunition. There is no blinking the fact that the enemy is vastly encouraged and is gleeful over the prospect of lowering Democratic prestige in this good State. We need to reserve all our bullets for the common foe. As the accredited leader of the party I urge you gentlemen to at once call off this meeting. In the immortal language of the beloved Aycock, I say to you, "The Doones are in the valley — I pray you, gentlemen, train your guns a little lower." Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. [ Telegram] "Washington, D. C, June 24, 1920. Hon. Thomas W. Bickett, Governor of North Carolina, Raleigh, N. C. I am sure I need not point out to you the critical importance of the action of your great State in the matter of the Suffrage Amendment. Woodrow Wilson. Hon. Woodrow Wilson, Raleigh, !N". C, June 28, 1920. President of the United States, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. President : — I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your telegram in regard to the Suffrage Amendment. While the telegram does not seem to call for a reply, I deem it proper to say that on March 15th, of this year, I gave to the press a statement that while I was not personally impressed with either the wisdom of or the necessity for Woman Suffrage in North Carolina, I recognized its coming as inevitable, and would advise the special session of our PUBLIC LETTERS AND TELEGRAMS 389 General Assembly that the sensible and graceful thing to do would be to accept the inevitable and promptly ratify the amendment. This is still my purpose. With great esteem, I beg to remain, Respectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. Me. John S. Wannamakee, Raleigh, N". C, November 8, 1920. President American Cotton Association, St. Matthews, S. C. My deae Mr. Wannamakee: — Your telegram would have received instant reply but for my absence from the city. I trust it is not necessary to say that I deeply deplore the tragic situation that confronts our cotton and tobacco farmers, and am in favor of resorting to every possible measure that promises relief. To work and to pray for the prosperity and the happiness of the farmer is no evidence of special wisdom or virtue. Any man with sense enough to be allowed to run at large must know that not only the welfare, but the very life of the Nation is dependent upon a prosperous rural population. If the farmer is allowed to go to the devil, hell will soon be the portion of us all. I think the Federal Reserve Board made a fundamental mistake in its inter- pretation of the present crisis in the cotton market. I thoroughly agree with the board in its contention that it cannot interfere with the law of supply and demand. Other things have interfered with this law. Today the demand for cotton is greater than the supply. There is today a shivering cry all around the world for more cotton than the world contains. The international financial machinery necessary to transfer the cotton from those who have it over here to those who need it over there is temporarily out of gear. It is the duty of the Federal Board to assist the farmer to hold his cotton, not from the market, but for the market. The mills in this country are abundantly supplied with cotton and are dis- tressed to find a market for their output. The world sorely needs this output, but the international financial machinery necessary to the transfer of the goods from the mills to the consumers has temporarily broken down. The exchange market is in such a condition that France, Italy and Germany are today actually paying more for cotton on a basis of twenty-two cents than they paid last year on a basis of thirty-sis cents. Today, for the equivalent of a dollar in their own currency, France gets about sixty cents worth of cotton, Italy about thirty-three cents worth and Germany ten cents worth. There can be no active demand for cotton until this international tangle is straightened out. It results that somebody must hold the cotton. Every consid- eration of justice and sound economics requires that the cotton be held by the men who produce it. If it is not held by the farmer it will be held by men who con- tribute nothing to the production or the manufacture of cotton, but are simply lucky enough to have ready money on hand. For these reasons I think the Federal Reserve Board and the Congress ought to be urged to render every possible assistance to the farmer to hold the cotton until the world that is in such tragic need of cotton is in a position to take it. It cannot be too often repeated and emphasized that the supply of cotton is not equal to the human demand for cotton, but the trouble is that the law of supply and demand is not operative because of the dislocation of the international financial machinery. 390 PAPERS OF THOMAS WALTER BICEETT It would be the acme of cruelty and unwisdom to force the cotton on a market that is absolutely dead. The only hope for the farmer and for the country is to hold the cotton until the market again becomes a thing of life. Not only the Government, but all private individuals should lend a helping hand to the farmer in this emergency. This is not charity — it is the very best business policy — for if the cotton crop should be dumped on a dead market it would ruin as many merchants and manufacturers as farmers. As Patrick Henry said in the days of the American Eevolution: "The situation is one in which if we do not all hang together we will hang separately." Therefore, let every community mobilize its own assets and extend to the farmer every possible aid. Of course, debts must be paid, but every indulgence consistent with staying out of bankruptcy should be granted. This indulgence should be granted by the manufacturer to the jobber, by the jobber to the merchant, by the merchant to the farmer. I do not believe in anything that savors of force or intimidation. Night riding and gin burning are as silly as they are wicked. The best remedy is the common sense and mutual sympathy of the people in the presence of a common disaster. I regret that I cannot concur in the suggestion to call a special session of the Legislature for the purpose of having a law enacted to compel a reduction of cotton acreage by law. I am profoundly certain the General Assembly of North Carolina would not pass any such law if it should be convened. In my Inaugural Address as Governor I stated that if I were Czar of North Carolina instead of Governor, I would issue an edict that any man who was found importing into this State any beef or bacon, meal or flour, grain or hay, should be forthwith hanged without trial by jury and without benefit of clergy. This would be a constructive rather than a destructive remedy, and the General Assembly would be more apt to enact such a law than one penalizing the farmer for growing too much cotton. It is as plain as day that if the farmers of the cotton belt would produce their own food and feed crops, then they would always be in a position to adequately deal with an emergency like the one that now confronts us; but so long as cotton farmers line up in a fight of this kind with empty cribs and smoke- houses and with a debt on the crop for food and feed supplies, they are as helpless as the man who goes into a battle with an empty gun in his hands. It is wholly unnecessary to call the General Assembly together to pass a law granting delays in the payment of taxes. The State levies no taxes on property this year to run the State Government, and as to local taxes, our sheriffs can be relied upon to grant every indulgence consistent with the actual necessities of the local communities. I have written you at length because I am deeply interested in the subject. I believe that by throwing into the breach all the courage, all the co mm on sense and all the common sympathy of our people we can substantially improve the distressing situation that today confronts us. With much respect, I beg to remain, Eespectfully, T. W. Bickett, Governor. INDEX Addresses, 159-266; list of, 160; inaugural, 3 ff. Agriculture, 5, 6, 7, S, 9, 14, 16-18, 21-22, 25-26, 31, 33, 46-48, 50-52, 64-70, 80, 81, 106, 112, 119, 124, 127, 134, 140, 146, 165, 166, 213, 271, 283, 326, 339, 342, 360, 365- 367, 374, 378, 389; Department of, 14, 33, 46-48; Board of, 64-70. Alamance County, mob in, 315. Alexander, Dr. H. Q., 338. America, and England, 18, 182-183, 195-196; and France, 155, 194; and Germany, 194 ff., 270, 323, 361. Americanism, 192 ff. Anti-trust law, 11. Appeals to Public, 117-157; list of, 118. Appeal Agents, 344. Appointments and Nominations, 21-22, 25- 26, 50-52. Appropriations, 73. Artillery, 113th, 199. Army, 27, 42-45, 82-85, 98, 119-122, 128-129, 132, 135, 145, 153, 156-157, 172, 199-200, 204, 241, 325-375; Service in recom- mended, 153. Armistice Day, 107, 113. Ashe County Case, 172, 347. Atlantic, help for town of, 130. Automobiles, 37. Average Citizen, letter to, 151. B Ballot, short, 13, 32. Banks, Land, 165. Bankers, 123. Beauty, Address on, 221. Bickett, Mrs. T. W., 144. Bickett, Governor T. W., 283, 286. Bolshevism, 1S9. Bonds, 23-25; see Liberty Loan. Boundary, Tennessee, 20-21. Boy, Scouts, 103; Working reserves, 134. Brigade, 60th Infantry, 373. Brooks, E. C, 369. Budget, 38; Commission, 77. Capital, 10, 149. Carolina, Ho, for, 213. Caswell Training School, 42. Chain-gangs, 15. Charity, Institutions of, 268. Charities and Public Welfare, 324. Charlotte, trouble at, 149. Child, labor, 18-20, 30, 147, 371; education and welfare, 142, 147, 168; relief, 114; the illegitimate, 29. Churches, 143, see Liberty Loan. Civic, Righteousness, 229, 254; Standards, 259. Closets, sanitary, 31. Cincinnati, Society, 326. Colleges and War, 115, 359. Community, government, 254 ff; rural, 9. Compensation, workmen's, 70-71. Confederacy, 212, 241. Conference for Social Service, 167. Constitution, 4, 9, 37. Convicts, 33. Corporation tax, 69. Cotton, 106, 112, 140, 146, 342, 360, 365, 378, 389. Council of Defense, 328, 340. Country Life, 164. Credit unions, 6. Crop Lien, 6, 16-18, SO. Crowder, 42-45. D Demobilization, 367, 374. Democratic platform, 277. Department, State, 73. Deserters, 172, 348. Diplomatic relations, 323. Doctors, 346. Dodd, Dr. W. E., on Wilson, 387. Domestic Science, 5. Draft, the, 42-44, 98, 121, 135, 172, 325, 327, 331, 335, 336, 339, 344, 361, 371. Drinks, Soft, 37. E Eighty-first Division, 375. Efficiency, State and National, 167. Education, 5-11, 23, 30, 115, 125, 139, 143, 164, 189, 230, 237, 268, 279, 297, 318, 359. England, 18, 182-183. Extra Session General Assembly, 111. 392 INDEX Factories, 3. Farmers, life of, 283; loans to, 7; as owners, 3-4; telephone for, 8; water power for, 7. Federal taxes, 26. Fire prevention, 86, 104. Food, 6, 80, 119, 124, 127, 271, 326. Founders Day at University, 161. France, 155, 194. Fuel, 91, 341. G General Assembly, messages to, 1-77; list of, 2; 111, 268, 279, 316. George III, 182. Georgia Memorial Association, address to, 202. Germany, 194, 270, 323, 361. Glenn, Governor R. B., 378. Good Roads, address, 247. Governors, Conference, 379. H Health, 3, 12, 24, 31, 280, 283. Highways, 9, 48-50, 71-72. Holy Land, 155. Home Guards, 87. Homes, 16, 167, 170, 204, 268, 278. Honor, A Debt of, address, 202; Our Sacred, 102. Hoover, Herbert, 298, 381. Hospitals, 13. I Income tax, 45-46, 66-67. Industrial disputes, 296. Insane, 13, 34, 29, 172. Institutions, State, 230 ff. Insurance for Soldiers, 128, 129, 145, 156- 157. J Jerusalem, 97. Jews, 26, 97. Joyner, J. Y., 368. Judges, 324. K Ku Klux Klan, 289. Labor, 10, 30-33, 70-71, 93, 133-136, 141, 149, 186, 205, 254, 293, 318, 376. Land, 165, 366. Law, child labor, 30; school, 30; enforce- ment, 35, 108; library, 20; primary, 35. League to enforce peace, 359, 363, 365. League of Nations, 28, 196, 208. Lee, 294 ff. Legislation, 284 ff; for negroes, 72-73; rural, 166. Letters to soldiers, 132. Letters and telegrams, 321-390. Liberty Loan, 26, 88, 92, 99, 123, 141, 169, 272, 329, 337, 339. Libraries, 24. Lincoln, 309. Living, High Cost of, 104. Local Boards, 331, 336, 339, 344. Louisana Purchase, 196. Lynching, 330, 331. M Marines, 122. Maritime Corporation, 289. Mass Conscience, 254. Manufacturing, 10, 213. Medical Draft Commission, 347. Medicine, 37. Memorial Building Commission, 373. Memorial Day Address, 241; Georgia Memorial, 202. Mental Defectives, 29, 172. Messages to General Assembly, 1-77; list of, 2. Miliukoff, 324. Militia, 87, 334. Miners, 293. Model Acre, 5. Monroe Doctrine, 183, 196. Moores Creek Bridge, 181. Morrison Campaign, 388. Moving pictures, 8, 166. Munitions, 343. N National Conference on Rural Education, 164. National Guard, 82, 330; see also Army. Navy, 119. Negroes, 72-73, 75, 216 ff, 270, 287, 291, 297, 318, 330, 331. New York Times, 323. Nominations and Appointments, 21-22; 25- 26, 50-52. North Carolina, loyalty of, 270; progress of, 213; welcome, 199; Battleship, 387; Society of Pennsylvania, 213; in addi- tion to these special points the whole index refers to North Carolina. Nurses, 137, 383. INDEX 393 Officers, State, 32. Orphans, 276. Overall Club, 310. Pardons and Paroles, 319. Patriotism and Politics, 1S6. Pershing, 381. Peoria, Illinois, address, 191. Planting Day, 81. Potatoes, 334. Prayer, 96. Press, Statements for, 267-320; list of, 268. Primary, 35. Prisons and Prisoners, 33, 316, 377. Proclamations, 79-115; list of, 80. Products and By-Products of war, 191. Profiteering, 104. Prohibition, 35, 41, 374, 382, 383. Proprietary medicines, 12. Public addresses, 159-266; list of, 160. Public Instruction, Superintendent, 368-369. Public Letters and Telegrams, 321-390. R Reserves, 125; Boy, 134. Race relations, 216 ff. Railroads, 375. Rankin, Dr. W. S., 346. Reconstruction, 294. Record of General Assembly, 268 ff; 279- 286. Recruiting, 82 ff, 119, 122, 153. Red Cross, 26, 84, 90, 94, 137, 329, 331. Registration, 98, 121, 138. Relief, Atlantic, 130; child, 114; Jewish, 26, 97. Reunion 30th Division, 200. Revaluation, 40, 52-60, 67, 75-76, 210, 299. Righteousness, Salvation of, 209; Civic, 229. Roads, 8-9, 31, 48-50, 71-72, 247, 282, 370. Roosevelt, 105, 363 ff. Rotation in office, 12. Rural, Communities, 9; legislation, 166; life, 3; schools, 8; telephones, S; see also, Agriculture; Farms; Education. Russia, 324. S Salaries, 63-64, 74-75; teachers, 30, 147. Salvation Army, 14S. Sanitation, 31; see Health. Schools, 189; terms, 29; compulsory, 30; system, 9; see also Education. Selective Service, 27, 98, 121, 172, 349-359. Sheep, 34. Sheriffs, 272. Social, centers, 24; purity, 170; service, 167; vice, 168, 170; welfare, 281. Soils, 4-5. Soldiers, allotments, 341; fees; 138; honor, 85; insurance, 128, 129, 145, 156, 157; letters to, 132; morale, 132, 340; work for, 204; see Army; Draft; Re- cruiting; Selective Service. Solvent Credits, 153, 305. Spencer, 186. State College, 14, 46-48. State, Departments, 73. State Institutions, 23, 25, 230 ff. State Officers, 32. State Prison, 14-15. State Salaries, 63-64, 74-75. Statements and Interviews, 267-320; list of, 268. Submarines, 323. Suffrage, 60-63. Sunday Schools, 139. Taxes, 7, 11, 16, 23-25, 34-38, 45-46, 52-69, 75-77, 143, 148, 151-153, 165, 201, 209, 279, 299, 309-316, 380; assessors, 148; Clark on, 311; dog, 34; exemptions, 7, 16, 37; income, 37, 45-46, 66-67; poll, 37; policy, 66; program, 11 ff; report, 64-70; system, 201. Teachers, 30, 139, 147, 209, 318. Telegrams and Letters, 321-390. Telephones, rural, 8. Tenancy, 3-4. Tennessee Boundary, 21. Tenth of May, 241. Textiles, 11. Thanksgiving, 89, 101, 107, 113. Thirtieth Division, 200. Thrift, 95, 109, 126, 128, 131, 335. Tie That Binds, The, 164. Tobacco, 37. Traffic Association, 152. Transportation, 110, 152. Triumph of English People at Yorktown, 181. Trucks, Ship by, 110. Tuscania, telegram on sinking of, 343. Tuskeegee, 297. 394 INDEX United War Work, 26. University of North Carolina, address at, 161. V Vagrancy, 133. Vice, 168, 170; see Social. Victory, dash for, 141. Victory Loan, 102. Volunteers, 82, 119, 122. Voting, 12, 32, 38, 60-63, 186 ff; see Ballot; Suffrage; Women. W War Industries, 141. War Savings, 26, 95, 128, 131, 133. War Supplies, 324. War Work Campaign, 144. Warehouse Act, 282. Water, 7, 10. Weights and Measures, address, 259. Welfare Institutions, 230. Woodrow Wilson, 325. Winston-Salem riot, 369. Women, 345, 384, 388; clubs, 170; suffrage, 60-63, 319; in War, 27. Wood, Gen. Leonard, 327. Work, 135; for soldiers, 204; compensa- tion, 70. World Peace, 190. World, N. Y., 323. World War, America's reasons for enter- ing, 161, 175; Atlanta speech on, 202; Harvest of, 27 ff; Products of, 191; Statistics of North Carolina in, 26; see — Addresses, list of; Alexander; America; Americanism; Appeals to Public, list of; Appeal Agents; Artillery; Army; Armis- tice Day; Ashe County; Bankers; Bickett; Bolshevism; Boy; Brigade; Churches; Cincinnati; Colleges; Council of Defense; Crowder; Demobilization; Deserters; Diplomatic; Doctors; Dodd; Draft; Eighty-first ; Education; Eng- land; Food; Founders; France; George III; Georgia; Germany; Holy Land; Home Guards; Honor; Insurance; Jerusalem; Jews; Labor; League; Let- ters; Liberty Loan; Lincoln; Living; Local Board; Louisiana; Marine; Medi- cal; Memorial; Messages; Miliukoff ; Militia; Monroe Doctrine; Moores Creek; Munitions; National Guard; New York Times; North Carolina; Nurses; Overall Club; Patriotism; Pershing; Planting Day; Potatoes; Prayer; Proclamations, list of; Products, etc.; Profiteering; Reserves; Rankin; Reconstruction; Re- lief; Reunion; Roosevelt ; Russia; Salva- tion Army; Selective Service; Sheriffs; Soldiers; Statements and Intervieios, list of; Submarines; Telegrams; Thanks- giving; Thirtieth Division; Thrift; Triumph; Trucks; Tuscania; United; Vagrancy; Victory; Volunteers; War; Y. M. C. A.; Yorktown; Zion. Yeomen of the Guard, 386. Y. M. C. A., 26, 88, 109. Yorktown, IS, 195. Z Zion movement, 156.