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 SECTIONALISM 
 
 AND 
 
 SOME OF ITS FRUITS. 
 
 BY 
 
 BENJAMIN F. GRADY, 
 
 Professor of Mathematics and the Natural Sciences 
 in Austin College (Huntsville), Texas, 1859-61; 
 
 1st Sergeant Co. K 25th Texas (Dismounted) Cavalry, 
 
 Confed. Army, 1862-5 ; 
 
 Member of Congress, 1891-5 ; 
 
 Author of "The Case of the South against the North" 
 
 and of "The South'" s Burden." 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHOR. 
 Price, Postpaid, 25 Cents. 
 
 goldsboro, n. c. 
 nash bros., printers and binders, 
 
 1909. 
 
SECTIONALISM 
 
 AND 
 
 SOME OF ITS FRUITS. 
 
 BY 
 
 BENJAMIN F. GRADY, 
 
 Professor of Mathematics and the Natural Sciences 
 in Austin College (Huntsville), Texas, 1859-61; 
 
 1st Sergeant Co. K 25th Texas (Dismounted) Cavalry, 
 
 Confed. Army, 1862-5 ; 
 
 Member of Congress, 1891-5; 
 
 Author of "The Case of the South against the North"' 
 and of "The South's Burden/' 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHOR. 
 Price, Postpaid, 25 Cents. 
 
 goldsboro, n. c. 
 nash bros., printers and binders, 
 
 1909. 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2013 
 
 http://archive.org/details/sectionalismsomeOOgrad 
 
'Truth would you teach, or save a sinking land, 
 All fear, none aid you, and few understand." 
 
 SECTIONALISM AND SOME OE ITS FRUITS. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 There is a growing disposition all over the South to forget the 
 past, to treat the long quarrel between the sections as ancient 
 history, and teach our children to think of all the States in the 
 Union with equal respect and patriotic pride; and no one can 
 more heartily sympathize with this tendency than I could if it 
 did not carry with it an acceptance of the North's explanation 
 of sectional unfriendliness in this country. To this I can never 
 consent ; and I propose in this pamphlet to set forth the evi- 
 dence on which all unbiased readers can decide for themselves 
 who was responsible for our sectional antagonism. 
 
 I have entered upon no easy task. Up to 1861 all our text- 
 books were written by Northerners ; since the war the few South- 
 ern authors have gone to these Northern books instead of orig- 
 inal records, for information on historical and political sub- 
 jects ; and during the last forty years Northern text-books, mag- 
 azines, newspapers and teachers have been preparing the 'post- 
 bellum sons and daughters of the South to accept doctrines un- 
 supported by trustworthy foundations. There is, too, a de- 
 plorable gap in the history of this country, as it has been read 
 by all generations of our people; very little has ever been said 
 about "The Articles of Confederation" and the acts of "The 
 United States in Congress Assembled". Indeed, that Congress is 
 passed over in silence in Marshall's Life of Washington, in the 
 several volumes written by John Fiske, in the famous speeches 
 of Daniel Webster, in the "Speakers" Northern publishing 
 houses have been for a century furnishing to our school-boy 
 orators, &c. ; and all the bodies which met from July 4, 1776, 
 to March 4, 1789, have been called "The Continental Congress." 
 And I cannot avoid the suspicion that there was a purpose in 
 this ; the second one of "The Articles of Confederation" de- 
 clared that "each State retained its sovereignty, freedom and 
 independence" ; and the difficulty of explaining how a State 
 could "retain" what it did not possess had to be disposed of ! 
 
 But this is not the only difficulty confronting us ; no exhaust- 
 
ive and truthful story of the Revolutionary War and of the con- 
 duct and sacrifices of the two sections has been preserved; and, 
 as ex-President John Adams wrote to the editor of Giles's 
 Register, January 3, 1817, "nothing hut misrepresentations, or 
 partial accounts of it, will ever be recovered." 
 
 Feeling keenly the importance of clearing away the perver- 
 sions of truth, the misrepresentations of sectional differences 
 and the suppressions of vital facts, so as to discover the real 
 bone of contention between the sections, I began twenty years 
 ago to gather up the records which have been practically buried 
 out of the people's sight in unwerldy volumes or in obscure 
 corners of libraries ; and the farther I have searched, the more 
 I have been, convinced that at no period since July 4, 1776, has 
 the South been guilty of real or attempted injustice to the 
 North. The evidence on this point was clear enough eleven 
 years ago when my "Case of the South against the North" was 
 published ; but continued research has added so much corrobor- 
 ating testimony that I am constrained to lay it before my read- 
 ers, even at the risk of being charged with a desire to reopen 
 old sectional wounds. 
 
 While doing this, I deem it important to condense as much as 
 I can ; and for this reason I will inform the reader that, with 
 exceptions mostly noted in the text, I am chiefly indebted to 
 Marshall's Life of Washington, the Journal of William Maclay 
 (one of Pennsylvania's first Senators), Bancroft's History of 
 the United States, Mathew Carey's Olive Branch, Kettell's 
 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits, Gales and Seaton's An- 
 nals of Congress, Rice's Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln, 
 Richardson's Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Benton's 
 Thirty Years' View, North Carolina Colonial Records, Davis's 
 Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Elliot's Debates, 
 The Federalist, The Statesman's Manual, Moore's Notes on the 
 History of Slavery in Massachusetts, Ewing's Northern Rebel- 
 lion and Southern Secession, Irving's Life of Washington, Ban- 
 croft's Life of William H. Seward, Alden's Manifold Cyclo- 
 paedia, the Congressional Globe, American Military Biography, 
 :and Reports of Executive Departments. 
 
 B. F. Grady. 
 
 Clinton, N C, June, 1909. 
 
CHAPTEK L 
 
 The Peoples of the Two Sections^ 
 new engl anders. 
 
 According to Macaulay, Hume and other English Historians, 
 the Puritans of England, up to the time of the restoration of 
 the Stuarts, "looked upon their enemies as Amalekites, Philis- 
 tines, and idolaters, whom they, as God's chosen people, were 
 commissioned to punish and overthrow" ; and according to the 
 records which have been preserved by the "ancient writers" of 
 ISTew England, as they are called in C. B. Taylor's History of 
 the United States, those who came over to Plymouth, "safely 
 housed in the ark which God in His providence had directed 
 them to prepare", to take possession of the new home which 
 God, by "a desolating plague" sent among the Indians three 
 years before, had made ready for "the consecrated cargo" of the 
 Mayflower, brought their commission with them ; and from that 
 day to this they have never lost sight of that duty which in the 
 early days required them to burn witches, bore holes in the 
 tongues of quakers, and to expel from the land which they had 
 received "as an inheritance" every person who dared to have 
 opinions of his own ; and in later days bound them to regulate 
 the affairs of other people and to dictate manners and morals 
 to Southerners. This duty, although not formally set forth in 
 the writings of their distinguished scholars, lurks as an infer- 
 ence in all their discussions of sectional questions; and, if the 
 reader entertains any doubt about this assertion, let him read 
 what Professor Prescott of Harvard University said in a letter 
 to Governor Aycock in 1901, while complimenting him for the 
 sentiments expressed in his inaugural address. Referring to the 
 supervising obligations of ISTew Englanders, he said that they 
 "have not been able to feel that they could trust the purposes 
 and the candor of the people of the South." 
 
 SOUTHERNERS. 
 
 Instead of being settled by what Bancroft calls the "homogen- 
 eous and compact population of the Northeast", the Southern 
 Colonies became the homes of emigrants from England, Scot- 
 land, Ireland, France, Germany, Switzerland, Moravia and 
 other countries where the regulations of Church or State ren- 
 dered life disagreeable. Some were Catholics, some were Prot- 
 stants, and a few were Jews; and among the Protestants were- 
 
representatives of all the prominent sects into which Christians 
 were then divided. 
 
 The travels of these people and their interminglings with 
 strangers and with each other led to broader conceptions of the 
 rights and duties of man and to that tolerance of dissenting 
 opinions which made the Southerners the pioneers in the move- 
 ment to divorce Church and State and to maintain that "all 
 just government rests on the consent of the governed". It was 
 of the descendants of these people that the late Senator George 
 F. Hoar, of Massachustts, said not long before his death : "They 
 are a noble race." 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Sectional Differences. 
 
 1. Although he admitted the claims of the Puritans that New 
 England was their "inheritance" and that they were the special 
 favorites of the Almighty, when he conies to what Irving calls 
 their "most sanguinary atrocities" in their wars with the In- 
 dians and especially to that appallingly brutal attack on the 
 Narragansetts, in 1675, Taylor, writing in 1830, says: "Even 
 at this distant period, we cannot recall this scene without pain." 
 And Lawson, in his History of North Carolina (written about 
 1707) says that he was convinced from what he had learned of 
 these Indian wars, that "they were occasioned by the unjust 
 dealings of the Christians towards the Indians". 
 
 2. In Knickerbocker's History of New York, Irving tells how 
 the "knowing men of the East" counterfeited the local cur- 
 rency of New Amsterdam, and cheated the Dutch out of their 
 "silver and gold, the Dutch herrings, and Dutch cheeses." 
 
 '3. The commercial regulations of England required the East 
 India Company to carry all their tea to England and pay an 
 import tax of twelve pence (nearly 25 cents) per pound before 
 exporting it to the North American Colonies, so that the tax 
 actually paid in these Colonies was nearly 30 cents per pound. 
 This was a heavy tax and to avoid it New England shippers 
 smuggled from Holland about all the tea consumed in America. 
 
 Much friction resulted; and to favor the East India Com- 
 pany and at the same time break up the smuggling, the law was 
 changed so that that Company was permitted to ship their tea 
 directly from the East to these Colonies, without paying the 
 twelve pence ; so that their tea, taxed only three pence per pound, 
 could be sold at a price far below what the smugglers could af- 
 ford to accept. Naturally enough this brought on a bitter 
 
struggle between the British authorities and the shippers of 
 M"ew England, leading inevitably to that war in which as the 
 late Senator George Frisbie Hoar declared, "the Southern Colo- 
 nies had not the slightest particle of personal interest." — See 
 Montgomery's "American History". 
 
 4. Soon after the adoption of the Declaration of Independ- 
 ence, a movement was made for a formal union of the States ; 
 and when a draft of a Constitution was under discussion, Ed- 
 ward Rutledge, of South Carolina, objected to one of the pro- 
 visions because he "dreaded the low cunning" of the people of 
 the Eastern States. He said privately: "If the plan now 
 proposed should be adopted nothing less than ruin to some 
 colonies will be the consequence. * * * These colonies must 
 be subject to the government of the eastern provinces. * * * 
 I dread their low cunning". 
 
 5. In November, 1775, after General Washington had been 
 some months in command of the New England troops at Bos- 
 ton, he became disgusted with them. He wrote : "Such a mer- 
 cenary spirit pervades the whole that I should not be surprised 
 at any disaster that may happen. * * * Could I have fore- 
 seen what I have experienced and am likely to experience, no 
 consideration upon earth should have induced me to accept this 
 command." 
 
 6. In December 1775, John Adams, a member of the Marine 
 Committee in the Continental Congress, opposed the appoint- 
 ment of John Paul Jones to a captaincy in the navy, whose elec- 
 tion Joseph Hewes was advocating. Afterwards Hewes wrote : 
 "The attitude of Mr. Adams was in keeping with the always im- 
 perious and often arrogant tone of the Massachusetts people at 
 that time." 
 
 7. -"While, in the autumn of 1775, the Continental Congress 
 and all patriots were anxiously laboring to secure the sympathy 
 and co-operation of the people of Canada, and Gen. Washing- 
 ton sent Arnold to Quebec with "addresses" to be distributed 
 among the people "to conciliate their affections", directing him, 
 too, to be careful to "check any attempt to plunder", he fitted 
 out two armed vessels and directed them to cruise in the Saint 
 Lawrence River and capture any British transports which might- 
 be found carrying supplies to the British forces at Quebec. 
 "But failing to intercept the brigantines, they landed at Saint 
 John's, plundered the house of the Governor and several private 
 dwellings, and brought off three of the principal inhabitants as 
 prisoners, one of whom, Mr. Callbeck, was president of the 
 Council, and acted as Governor". 
 
 8. On November 11, 1775, a Boston privateer, the Eagle, be- 
 longing to Elijah Freeman Paine, captured and carried off the 
 brigantine Joseph which belonged to Hewes (Joseph) and Smith 
 
(Robert), merchants of Edenton, North Carolina, as she was 
 returning home with a valuable cargo, including 3,000 bushels of 
 salt ; and if we make no mistake in interpreting the meaning of 
 acts passed by the legislature of North Carolina in 1779, 1792 
 and 1800, New England's shippers frequently stole and carried 
 off from North Carolina's coast slaves, free negroes and mulat- 
 toes. The act of 1779, to which the others were supplementary 
 or amendatory, imposed the penalty of "death without benefit 
 of Clergy" on any "person or persons who shall hereafter steal, 
 or shall by violence, seduction or any other means, take or con- 
 vey away any slave," &c. 
 
 9. In November, 1775, while general Richard Montgomery 
 was beseiging Fort Saint John, he was continually thwarted in 
 his plans by his Connecticut, New York and New Hampshire 
 troops ; and he wrote : "Were I not afraid the example would be 
 generally followed, and that the public service might suffer, I 
 would not stay an hour at the head of troops whose operations 
 I cannot direct. I must say I have no hope of success, unless 
 from the garrison's wanting provisions". 
 
 10. General Philip Schuyler, who was co-operating with Gen- 
 eral Montgomery in the Canadian expedition, was so disgusted 
 with his troops that he determined to retire from the service, in- 
 forming the Continental Congress of his intention ; but tht en- 
 treaties of that body and particularly of General Washington 
 induced him to change his plans. 
 
 11. After Gen. Washington had been in command of the New 
 England troops nearly eight months, and had labored to perfect 
 plans to attack the British troops in Boston, a favorable oppor- 
 tunity offered itself about the middle of February, 1776, "when 
 the Bay became sufficiently frozen for the transportation of 
 troops." He then summoned a council of war and proposed 
 that an attack be made on the enemy; but his officers objected 
 to the movement. In a letter to Joseph Reed, his Military Sec- 
 retary, he said : "But behold, though we had been waiting all the 
 year for this favorable event, the enterprise was thought too 
 dangerous". 
 
 12. In November, 1776, the British brigantine Active, loaded 
 with clothing for Gen. Burgoyne's army, was captured off the 
 coast of Cape Breton by the Alfred, commanded by Capt. John 
 Paul Jones. He appointed "Lieutenant Spooner" to take com- 
 mand of the prize, to proceed with all haste to Edenton, North 
 Carolina, and deliver her to "Robert Smith, Esquire," who was 
 the partner of Joseph Hewes, through whose influence, being a 
 member of the Marine Committee in the Continental Congress. 
 Jones had been appointed Senior First Lieutenant in the navy. 
 But "Lieutenant Spooner" carried the prize to Dartmouth,. 
 
9 
 
 Massachusetts, and delivered it to his brother, who was prize 
 agent. 
 
 13. During Washington's struggles with the British on Long 
 Island and in the city of New York more than four thousand 
 New England militia deserted, and carried their ammunition 
 home with them — "a serious loss," Irving says, "at this critical 
 juncture." 
 
 14. After the defeat of Col. Baum's Germans and Indians at 
 Bennington Aug. 16, 1777, Gen. Stark's eight hundred militia, 
 "flushed with the success of the day, abandoned the pursuit, and 
 gave themselves up to plunder." 
 
 15. Bancroft says that the tendency to a formal Union was 
 weakening in November, 1777, and among the reasons he in- 
 cludes "opposing interests" and "fears on the part of the South 
 of the more homogenous and compact population of the North- 
 east." 
 
 16. In Bancroft's "American Revolution," volume III, it ap- 
 pears that after Washington's experiences with New England 
 troops led him to complain of "the unfitness" of some of his 
 general officers and to regret that he had accepted the office of 
 Coniniander-in-Qhief, the New England members of the Con- 
 tinental Congress began to oppose all his recommendations and 
 to subject him to the humiliation of treating Gates as his su- 
 perior. They forced on him staff officers who were objection- 
 able to him; and their sectional blindness led to a turn in af- 
 fairs which has been carefully left out of most of the books 
 which have dealt with the Revolution — the treason of Arnold. 
 Referring to the appointment of five major-generals in 1777, 
 Bancroft says : "In the appointment of general officers Congress 
 gave little heed to Washington. In his opinion, there was not 
 in the army a 'more active, more spirited, and more sensible 
 officer' than Arnold, the oldest brigadier ; but in the promotions 
 he was passed over, on the pretext that Connecticut had al- 
 ready two major-generals. The slight rankled in Arnold's 
 breast ; to Washington he complained of the wound to his 'nice 
 feelings' ; to Gates he wrote : 
 
 'By heavens ! I am a villian if I seek not 
 A brave revenge for injured honor.' " 
 
 17. On June 28, 1778, while the Continental Congress was en- 
 deavoring to agree upon the provisions of their proposed ar- 
 ticles of Confederation, the Delegates from Massachusetts 
 moved, "on behalf of their State", that the sixth section of the 
 ninth Article "be reconsidered so far as it makes the assent of 
 nine States necessary to exercise the powers with which Con- 
 gress was thereby invested". That is to say, Massachusetts 
 
10 
 
 wished to empower less than nine States to "grant letters of 
 marque and reprisal in time of peace", to "enter into treaties 
 or alliances", to "appropriate money", to "agree upon the num- 
 ber of vessels of war to he built or purchased", and to agree 
 upon the number of "sea forces to be raised". 
 
 But, being afraid of the ship-building and the commercial 
 classes of Massachusetts, the Congress rejected the motion. 
 
 18. In Dr. James Thacher's "Military Journal of the Revo- 
 lution", in "Memoirs of Major General Heath", in Justin "Win- 
 sor's "Narrative and Critical History of America", and in nu- 
 merous other works which can be found in the Congressional Li- 
 brary, we have an account of military movements during the 
 Revolution which are not even referred to in the books our peo- 
 ple have been reading for a century. Here is a brief outline of 
 them : 
 
 In June, 1779, the British established a military post at Cas- 
 tine, a village near the mouth of the Penobscot river, and about 
 nine miles east of Belfast, sending there from Halifax about one 
 thousand men and several armed vessels. The General Court 
 of Massachusetts planned an expedition to drive them away; 
 and such was their confidence in the movement that they con- 
 sulted no experienced military officer, nor desired the assistance 
 of any Continental troops, thus reserving for their State the 
 honors of success ; and to arouse enthusiasm among the people, 
 they promised that whatever military stores or vessels should 
 be captured should belong exclusively to the captors. They 
 drafted fifteen hundred militiamen, whom they placed under 
 the command of General Solomon Lovell. They equipped eigh- 
 teen State and private ships, and hired twenty transports, hav- 
 ing previously passed an act forbidding any vessel to leave a 
 Massachusetts port under forty days ; and they obtained of the 
 Continental Congress a loan of the frigate Warren which was 
 commanded by Captain Saltonstal, a New Englander. This of- 
 ficer was given the command of the fleet. 
 
 The expedition started on its mission about July 20, and 
 reached its destination on the 24th. On the 25th they com- 
 menced cannonading the ships and the batteries of the British, 
 and kept up a cowardly fight till August 12th, when some Brit- 
 ish warships went up from New York, and caused the destruc- 
 tion of all the vessels, a loss to the State valued by one writer 
 at $7,000,000. 
 
 Thereupon, for the purpose of making this a "Continental 
 debt", a Committee was appointed to locate the responsibility 
 for the failure ; and six of the nine gentlemen, the other three 
 declining to sign the report, laid the blame on Saltonstal ; and 
 they succeeded in drawing out of the Continental treasury 
 $2,000,000. 
 
11 
 
 Among the records which, have been preserved is an interest- 
 ing letter written to the New York members of the Continental 
 Congress, March 22, 1780, by Eben Hazard, of Jamaica Plain, 
 a suburb of Boston. He said : 
 
 "I have not received any letter from you since I wrote you 
 last ; but as I find this State have some expectations of making 
 the Penobscot Expedition a Continental charge, I think it but 
 a piece of justice to the State of New York, and indeed all the 
 rest, to give some hints about it. That affair has made great 
 uneasiness here; but very little has been published in the news- 
 papers about it. 
 
 "Whether the printers were under any influence, or what the 
 reason was, I shall not pretend to say * * * . 
 
 "In that Report the principal blame is laid upon the Commo- 
 dore (Saltonstal) ; * * * but from the face of the Report 
 it appears to me that, as he was a Continental officer, it was 
 hoped his balk would keep the smaller fry out of sight, and 
 thereby the credit of the State would be saved, and a plea fur- 
 nished for saddling the Continent with the expense." 
 
 Coinciding with Mr. Hazard, William Willis ("History of 
 Portland, Maine", published in 1833) said: "It was believed 
 that had our soldiers not been checked (by Gen. Lovell) in their 
 first onset, they would have been able from their superior force 
 to have entered and dislodged the enemy from their unfinished 
 works. Such is believed to have been the opinion of General 
 Wadsworth, whose conduct in the whole course of the expedition 
 merited unqualified approbation. He was in the midst of every 
 danger and suffering; and our soldiers said, 'if the chief com- 
 mand had been entrusted to him, success would have crowned 
 our arms'." 
 
 And in "Spirit of '76 in Rhode Island", Thomas Philbrook, 
 of Providence, who served on one of the sloops in this expedi- 
 tion, declares that Gen. Lovell was strongly suspected of being 
 a traitor. 
 
 19. When John Paul Jones, commanding the Ranger, was in 
 St. George's Channel planning a descent on the Irish coast by 
 night in order to surprise and capture the Drake, a twenty-gun 
 British ship, his New England officers would not consent to the 
 movement. Jones says in his "Narrative" : "This project, how- 
 ever, greatly alarmed my lieutenants ; they were poor, they said, 
 and their object was gain, not honor; they accordingly excited 
 disobedience among the ship's company, by persuading them 
 that they had a right to determine whether the measures adopted 
 by me were well concerted or not". 
 
 20. In a Report made by. the Senate Committee on Public 
 Lands (William R. King being Chairman) in the winter of 
 1831-2, this statement occurs: 
 
12 
 
 "The rule of distribution (surplus revenue from sale of 
 lands) among the States (as proposed in a pending bill) makes 
 no distinction between those States which did or did not make 
 cessions of their vacant land to the Federal government. Massa- 
 chusetts and Maine, which are now selling and enjoying their 
 vacant lands in their own right, and Connecticut, which re- 
 ceived a deed for two millions of acres from the Federal govern- 
 ment, and sold them for her own benefit, are put upon an equal 
 footing with Virginia, which ceded the immense domain which 
 lies in the forks of the Ohio and Mississippi, and Georgia, 
 which ceded territory for two States." — See Benton, I, 278. 
 
 21. In 1786 the Congress of the Confederation, dominated 
 by the Northern States, instructed John Jay, Secretary of For- 
 eign Affairs, to surrender to Spain the exclusive right to navi- 
 gate the Mississippi below the mouth of the Yazoo, in exchange 
 for valuable privileges to the commerce of New England. Thus 
 the western parts of North Carolina (Tennessee) and Virginia 
 (Kentucky) were deprived of a free outlet to foreign countries; 
 and the indignation of these people led to much opposition to 
 the adoption of the Federal Constitution in 1788-9. 
 
 22. In 1787 the Congress of the Confederation, eight States 
 represented, sold to a number of Northern gentlemen (including 
 Dr. Manasseh Cutler, Gen. Rufus Putnam, Gen. S. H. Parsons 
 and Col. William Duer) 5,000,000 acres of land in Ohio, and 
 accepted for payment $3,500,000 of "Continental money," which 
 was then worth one-eighth of its face value. In other words, 
 these gentlemen purchased a tract of land as large as the State 
 of New Jersey at less than nine cents per acre, thus laying 
 the foundations for the "expansion" of New England in the 
 lands which Virginia had ceded for the common benefit of all 
 the States. 
 
 23. Patrick Henry's vigorous opposition to the adoption of 
 the Constitution by the Virginia Convention was based mainly 
 •on "the character and disposition" of the people of some of the 
 States with which Virginia would be leagued ; and George 
 Mason's objection was because "too much power was given to 
 Congress — power that would finally destroy the State govern- 
 ments more effectually by insidious, underhanded means, than 
 •such as could be openly practiced." 
 
 24. Speaking of what he had experienced in the first session 
 of the first Congress, Maclay said : "We Pennsylvanians act as 
 if we believed that God made of one blood all families of the 
 earth ; but the Eastern people seem to think that He made none 
 but New England folks" ; in another place he says : "For my 
 knowledge of the Eastern character warrants me in drawing 
 .this ^conclusion, that they will cabal against and endeavor to 
 
13 
 
 subvert any government which they have not the management 
 of"; and in another place (p. 260) he says: "I would now re- 
 mark, if I had not done it before, that there is very little can- 
 dor in New England men." 
 
 25. Referring to the treatment of Southerners by New Eng- 
 land shippers who enjoyed a monopoly of our coastwise trade, 
 Cary said in 1814 that they "uniformly treated them with out- 
 rage, insult and injury". 
 
 26. Speaking of military movements in 1776, Bancroft says 
 that while John Adams, Chairman of the Marine Committee,, 
 "cultivated confidential relations with Charles Lee and Gates,. 
 he never extended the same cordial frankness to Washington." 
 
 27. During the war of 1812 John Lowell published in Boston 
 a paper which he called "The Road to Ruin," in which (as 
 quoted by Carey in his "Olive Branch") he thus spoke of the 
 trading class of the p^>ple : "They engage in lawless specula- 
 tions, sneer at restraints of conscience, laugh at perjury, mock 
 at legal restraints, and acquire an ill-gotten wealth at the ex- 
 pense of public morals", &c, thus manifesting a disposition 
 which, in the estimation of some people, has not entirely disap- 
 peared yet, as we may infer from this remark of Senator Brad- 
 ley, of Kentucky, in a speech he delivered in the Senate on the 
 4th of May, 1909 : "Mr. President," he said, "one more word 
 and I am through. Give to Kentucky fair protection of her in- 
 terests" — the right, he meant, to "prosper" at the expense of 
 other States — "and I guarantee you it will be but a short time' 
 until Kentucky is as certainly a Republican State as the great 
 State of Massachusetts." 
 
 28. The monopolistic privileges of Northern ship-owners en- 
 abled them to gradually diminish the share of foreign vessels in 
 the commerce between the United States and other countries,- 
 so that by 1810 these ship-owners controlled 91 per cent of it; 
 and as their sails whitened every sea and their seamen and mer- 
 chants frequented all the trading ports of the civilized world, 
 thus creating the impression everywhere that they were typical 
 Americans, one result, when the war of 1812 commenced, is thus 
 told in the Statesman's Manual : 
 
 "There existed a general impression among civilized nations 
 that the spirit of liberty and independence which had carried 
 America triumphantly through the war of the Revolution was 
 extinguished by a love of gain and commercial enterprise, with- 
 out courage and resolution sufficient to sustain the national 
 rights". 
 
 29. After the passage of the Boston Port Bill began to bring 
 distress upon the people of that city, cargoes of provisions were 
 sent to them from Virginia, North Carolina and South Caro-- 
 
 3— A 
 
14 
 
 lina, even the back settlements contributing liberally for this 
 purpose. 
 
 30. After the memorable repulse of the British at Charleston 
 in June, 1776, Gen. Charles Lee (an Englishman), in his re- 
 port to President Pendleton, of Virginia, said : "Colonel Thomp- 
 son of the South Carolina Rangers acquitted himself most nobly 
 in repulsing the troops who attempted to land at the other end 
 of the island. I know not which corps I have the greatest rea- 
 son to be pleased with, Muhlenberg's (Virginians), or the North 
 Carolina troops". And of the men in the Fort he said : "The 
 behavior of the garrison, both men and officers, with Col. Moul- 
 trie at their head, I confess, astonished me." 
 
 31. In July, 1775, the people of Charleston, South Carolina, 
 sent an expedition to Saint Augustine and captured 15,000 
 pounds of powder on a British vessel. Some of this powder was 
 sent to Boston, and some was used in the. expedition to Canada 
 in the fall and winter of that year. 
 
 32. Just after the disastrous battle of Long Island, William 
 Hooper fa native of Boston), one of North Carolina's repre- 
 sentatives in the Continental Congress, sent an account of that 
 battle to Samuel Johnston, the President of North Carolina's 
 Colonial Assembly, in which he pictured the conduct of the New 
 England troops as most shameful, ending with this remark 
 about the troops from "southward of the Hudson" river : They 
 "have to a man behaved well and borne the whole brunt on Long 
 Island ; and that for which the Eastern troops must be damned 
 to eternal fame — they have plundered friends and foes without 
 discrimination". — See N. C. Colonial Records. 
 
 33. Based oh the estimated white population of the Colonies 
 in 1775, a calculation shows that the South (including Dela- 
 ware) furnished 100 soldieas in the Revolution for every 552 of 
 her population, while the North furnished 100 for every 672 of 
 her population — a calculation which does injustice to the South 
 since Gen. Knox, the first Secretary of War, admitted that the 
 figures in his possession did not show, by a great deal, the full 
 exertions of the South. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 New England in the Old Union. 
 
 1. While the people of New England were fretting about the 
 non-intercourse acts of Jefferson's Administration, "Algernon 
 Sidney" (probably J. Q. Adams) addressed "An Appeal" to 
 them (see State Papers, 2nd Sess., 10th Cong.), in which this 
 
15 
 
 ■question appears : "Recur to the period between peace and the 
 present Government. Did not the commercial States enrich 
 themselves at the expense of the agricultural?" And 
 
 2. Referring to this same period, and particularly to the dis- 
 appearance of the wealthy men of Colonial times, Hildreth says 
 in his "History of the United States" : "In their place a new 
 moneyed class had sprung up, especially in the Eastern States, 
 men who had grown rich in the course of the war as sutlers, by 
 privateering, by speculations in the fluctuating paper money, 
 and by other operations not always of the most honorable kind." 
 Vol. Ill, p. 465. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 New England in the New Union. 
 
 1. In Charles Pinckney's proposed Constitution, which pre- 
 sented the general form and many of the provisions finally 
 adopted, it was denied to the Congress that it could pass a navi- 
 gation act unless supported by a two-thirds vote in each house, 
 the agricultural States "dreading" the commercial States. The 
 subject was debated for months, and fruitless efforts were made 
 hy the Northeastern delegates to have the provision stricken out 
 so that a bare majority of a quorum in each house could pass 
 a navigation act. At last a "bargain" was planned by which 
 they got it out. 
 
 2. In the first Congress of "the more perfect Union", in spite 
 of vigorous protests from Southerners, as Hugh Williamson 
 and William B. Giles, laws were passed to give New England 
 shippers a monopoly of our coastwise commerce and a partial 
 monopoly of our foreign commerce, the value of which may be 
 partly inferred from the following extract from a speech de- 
 livered by Daniel Webster to the Young Men of Albany, May 
 28, 1851: 
 
 "What does New York enjoy? What do Massachusetts and 
 Maine enjoy? They enjoy an exclusive right to the coasting 
 trade. * * * It is this right which has employed so much 
 tonnage and so many men, and given support to so many thou- 
 sands of our fellow-citizens. Now what would you say, * * * 
 if the South and the Southwest were to join together to repeal 
 this law, * * * and invite the Dane, the Swede, the Ham- 
 burgher, and all the commercial nations of Europe who can 
 carry cheaper, to come in and carry goods" ? 
 
 3. In that same Congress, in spite of vigorous opposition 
 from Southerners, a plan was inaugurated to grant bounties to 
 
16 
 
 New England's cod-fishermen ; and by the help of fraudulent 
 claims, as President Jackson charged in his annual message of 
 December 7, 1830, they drew out of the Federal Treasury, up to 
 1860, $13,000,000. 
 
 1. In that same Congress, in spite of vigorous opposition 
 from the South, by threats on the part of Elbridge Gerry that 
 the Massachusetts members "would proceed no further" — with- 
 draw and break up the Union — and by other methods which 
 Maclay considered disreputable, sixty-four millions of dollars of 
 new Federal bonds were given to Northern speculators in ex- 
 change for nominally the same amount of Continental and State 
 Revolutionary- War bonds for which those speculators had paid 
 eight millions of dollars. This was done behind closed doors, 
 and many of the lucky speculators were members of Congress. 
 
 5. Discussing the proceedings in Congress on March 9, I790 r 
 two weeks after the "bargaining" began which resulted in the 
 adoption of the funding and assumption schemes of the specu- 
 lators, Maclay says : "At length they risked the question, and 
 carried it, thirty-one votes to twenty-six * * * And this 
 only in Committee of the whole, with many doubts that some 
 will fly off on a roll call, and great fears that the North Caro- 
 lina members will be in before a bill can be matured or a report 
 gone through." That is to say, these schemers were anxious to 
 compel North Carolina, then a member of the Union, to obey a 
 law passed by a Congress in which she was not represented, and 
 to "stand and deliver" to these speculators more than four and 
 one-third millions of dollars, as a free gift, a burden equal to 
 nearly eleven dollars per capita of the entire population of the 
 State at that time. 
 
 6. In that same Congress, with the same opposition, a law 
 was passed to give Northern shipbuilders a monopoly of our 
 ship market, and to deny to a Southerner the right to purchase 
 a foreign ship, even if the price was half as much as the New 
 England price. 
 
 7. In that same Congress, with that same opposition, Izard 
 and Butler, of South Carolina, and Monroe, of Virginia, lead- 
 ing in the fight, Robert Morris's "Bank of North America" was 
 converted into "The Bank of the United States," and the spec- 
 ulators in Revolutionary-War securities, who had not shared in 
 the sixty-four-millions-of-dollars deal, were permitted to sub- 
 scribe for three-fifths of the stock and pay for it with some of 
 these securities ; and the result, as charged in President Jack- 
 son's Bank-veto message, was a "gratuity of many millions of 
 dollars to the stockholders". 
 
 8. While these sectional measures were being perfected, 
 Fisher Ames, of Massachusetts, said that "some force was neces- 
 sary" to compel Southerners to yield to the demands of New 
 
17 
 
 England, and he was in favor of applying it, what he called the 
 "common good" being his professed object ; and Mr. Blaine, 
 while admitting in his Twenty Years in Congress the sectional 
 injustice of some of these measures, says that "patriotism" — Dr. 
 Samuel Johnson's "last refuge of a scoundrel" — should have 
 moved "the plantation States" to submit willingly to their en- 
 slavement. 
 
 9. In 1790, while Congress was planning a new tariff bill, 
 Massachusetts sent a petition asking for "a remission of duties 
 on all the dutiable articles used in the fisheries," whether re-ex- 
 ported or not — salt, rum, tea, sugar, molasses, iron, coarse wool- 
 ens, lines and hooks, sailcloth, cordage and tonnage; "and also 
 premiums and bounties". And this petition asked for all these 
 special favors for a people to whom John Jay thus referred in 
 the Federalist about two years before this : "With France and 
 with Britain we are rivals in the fisheries, and can supply their 
 markets cheaper than they can themselves, notwithstanding any 
 efforts to prevent it by bounties on their own, or duties on for- 
 eign fish". 
 
 10. The committee appointed in the first Congress to draft a 
 tariff bill was dominated by Northern merchants, and although 
 they were appointed in April, and soon agreed on the important 
 features of the bill, it was kept in the pockets of some of the 
 ■committee until July, thus giving merchant vessels time to 
 bring in their cargoes before it became a law ; and Maclay says : 
 "The merchants have undoubtedly regulated the prices of their 
 goods agreeable to the proposed duties, so that consumers of 
 dutied articles really pay the whole of the impost." 
 
 11. Up to 1814, according to Carey, the New England States, 
 enjoying their monopolistic privileges, had "derived all the 
 henefits from the Southern States that they would from so many 
 wealthy colonies" ; in his speech delivered in the . House of Rep- 
 resentatives March 31, 1897, Hon. Joseph H. Walker, of Massa- 
 chusetts, criticised the Southern milliners of 1832, and particu- 
 larly George McDuffie, because they were attempting to "de- 
 prive the North of its prosperity", Mr. Walker asserting the 
 claim that the North was entitled to a portion of the profits of 
 slave labor in the South ; and up to 1860, according to Gen. 
 TJonn Piatt (in Rice's "Reminiscences", &c), Southern slavery 
 "had been more valuable to the North than to the South." 
 
 12. Soon after the beginning of the War of 1812, President 
 Madison made a call for the militia of the States. Gov. Caleb 
 Strong, of Massachusetts, refused to honor the call. In the cor- 
 respondence between him and the Secretary of War, he was in- 
 formed that if he called into service the militia of his State, re- 
 fusing to put them "under the command of the Major General 
 -of the United States", "the expense attending their service would 
 
18 
 
 be chargeable to the State, and not to the United States". But 
 after the close of the war, Massachusetts sent to Congress a de- 
 mand for nearly $900,000 for services rendered by her militia 
 during the war, and succeeded after a fourteen years' struggle 
 in having an act passed to allow her $430,000. 
 
 13. Having the power to do so, the New England banks gath- 
 ered up the specie of the country in 1814, and used it to em- 
 barrass the Madison administration, and for another purpose 
 which can be found on page 52 of. the 3rd volume of Henry Wil- 
 liam Elson's sectional History of the United States. He says 
 that in that year "the specie of the country drifted to New Eng- 
 land banks" ; and that "Boston banks would receive the notes of 
 a Baltimore bank only at a discount of thirty per cent., and 
 (Eederal) treasury notes issued from time to time, at a discount 
 of twenty-five per cent." 
 
 14. Up to 1860, according to Kettell's calculation, the North- 
 ern manufacturers, by the help of protective tariffs, had com- 
 pelled the "South and West" to pay for their manufactures 
 1100 millions of dollars more than they would have cost in for- 
 eign countries — a colossal wrong which Henry William Elson's 
 sectional History of the United States (vol. 3, p. Ill) attempts 
 to justify by this statement : "At the close of the recent war 
 with England the South was more favorable than the North to> 
 a protective tariff. One cause of this was, it is asserted, that 
 the South expected to work its own cotton ; but this it could not 
 do. Slave labor had not the intelligence to manufacture", &c. 
 
 But this slap at "slave labor" is not justified by facts. The 
 protective feature of the tariff of 1816 was to last only three- 
 years, and its purpose was simply to insure capitalists against 
 losses which would necessarily result from changes in their in- 
 dustries; and there was no intention to give them a permanent 
 monopoly of the "home market". And as to the sectionalism 
 which manifested itself in the passage of this act, the evidence 
 of public records is against Mr. Elson ; New England's votes 
 were 17 yeas and 10 nays, and the five old "plantation States"' 
 gave 16 yeas and 35 nays. 
 
 15. Up to 1860 the North's share of "pork barrel" appropria- 
 tions was several times as large as the South's. For example, 
 from 1834 to 1845 the Northern members of the "old thirteen"' 
 received for internal improvements $6,328,080 and the Southern 
 members received $653,100. 
 
 16. Up to 1860, according to the report of the "Public Land 
 Commission" of 1883, about seventeen-twentieths of all gifts 
 of public lands — amounting to more than four States as large as 
 Kentucky — went to individuals, corporations, Territories and 
 States west of the Mississippi river which could be relied on to 
 strengthen the North in Federal legislation. These gifts were 
 
19 
 
 for homesteaders, canals, roads and railroads, and do not in- 
 clude appropriations for public buildings, schools, &c. As to 
 the amount of these we may not err greatly if we suppose they 
 did not fall far behind the gifts to Nebraska. According to 
 Land Office Eeports, that State received 2,839,004 acres of land 
 and $3,400,000 in money, ^his was in 1864. 
 
 17. Up to 1838 the Revolutionary-War pensioners of the 
 Northern States had drawn out of the Federal treasury more 
 than two and a half times as much, per capita, as those of the 
 South had; the report for 1838 shows that New England's share 
 of this money was, per capita, about three and one-third times 
 as large as the South's ; and in 1848 — 67 years after the close 
 of the war — New England's Revolutionary- War pensioners re- 
 ceived more money than the pensioners of all classes (for ser- 
 vices in the Revolution, the War of 1812, and the Indian Wars) 
 in Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and 
 Georgia. 
 
 18. Adopting the Jamaica price ($150) for an imported slave, 
 and making a liberal allowance for errors, I find that, up to 
 1860, Northern slave-traders had carried out of the Southern 
 States about $250,000,000. But when the Republican party 
 freed these slaves, the money was not returned. 
 
 19. Among the early provisions of tariff acts was one to grant 
 to an importer of a taxed article a "drawback" of what he had 
 paid if he exported the same article, either in its raw state or 
 after it had gone through a process of manufacture. This law 
 was taken advantage of by importers of raw sugar and molasses, 
 as is explained in chapter 53 of Benton's "Thirty Years' View", 
 and the tax-payers of the country were required to contribute 
 unjust profits of hundreds of thousands of dollars to the ex- 
 porters of refined sugar and New England rum. 
 
 It is a long story; and one illustration of their methods must 
 serve as a key to all : Cheap whiskey, filtered through charcoal 
 and mixed with rum, in about the proportion of four gallons of 
 whiskey to one of rum, and then run through a rum distillery, 
 was exported; and since the import tax on molasses during all 
 these years, was 5 cents per gallon, these distilleries received a 
 drawback of 25 instead of 5 cents per gallon on all the molasses 
 they converted into rum. The tables in the census reports of 
 1850 show that of the 6,500,500 gallons of rum manufactured in 
 1849, all but 3,000 gallons were manufactured north of Mason 
 and Dixon's line, and that the share of Massachusetts was 
 3,786,000 gallons; so that her unearned gain was about $757,000. 
 And let it not be forgotten that during all these years — from 
 1816 to 1846, with variations afterwards — the import tax on a 
 gallon of rum ran from 38 to 90 cents per gallon, according to 
 quality; so that these distillers were unjustly quartered on the 
 
20 
 
 people, whether they exported, their rum or sold it in this 
 country. 
 
 20. As a result of sectional privileges and incidental favors 
 enjoyed by the North from the-beginning of the Union, Kettell 
 calculates that the annual flow of money from the South to the 
 North, at the time he wrote (I860)., amounted to $231,500,000; 
 and the hope that the South could ever free herself from her 
 vassalage had utterly vanished, since at that time the Senate 
 of the United States was composed of thirty Southern and. thir- 
 ty-six Northern members, and some of the Territories were 
 about ready to come in and strengthen the North. 
 
 21. To all this evidence it is hardly necessary to add that no 
 Northerner has ever charged that any Southern statesman ever 
 asked for the passage of a law to enable any Southern man, cor- 
 poration or State to "prosper" at the expense of the Northern 
 States. Nor can there be any doubt of the truth of the state- 
 ment in "The Origin of the Late War", a work written by 
 George Lunt, a Massachusetts lawyer. He says : "Of four sev- 
 eral compromises between the two sections since the Revolution- 
 ary War, each has been kept by the South and violated by the 
 North." 
 
 But with all the truths in easy reach, John W. Burgess, Ph. 
 D., LL. D., in his "The Civil War and the Constitution", makes 
 statements which moved "The Critic" (New Rochelle, N. Y., 
 January, 1902) to say: "The chapter on the months preceding 
 secession are of great interest. The tolerant attitude adopted 
 toward the South, while at the same time the justice of the 
 North's demands is never minimized, is an innovation in Ameri- 
 can history". 
 
 22. It appears, then, that no honest seeker after the truth can 
 deny that sectional antagonism in the United States was due in 
 part to an assumption of superior moral and intellectual quali- 
 ties in New England and of distrust in the South ; that the 
 determining cause of secession was the fixed and irresistible pur- 
 pose of the North to "prosper" at the expense of the South; 
 and that "slavery" was simply a club in the hands of those who 
 stood in the doorway of a Territory to prevent Southern fam- 
 ilies from finding new homes in the lands for which the taxing 
 system of the Federal government had compelled them and their 
 ancestors to contribute most of the purchase money. 
 
21 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The New Englander and Slavery. 
 
 1. In 1638 — eighteen years after that noted Jamestown inci- 
 dent—the Salem slave-ship, the "Desire", brought into Massa- 
 chusetts a number of negroes, and found ready sale for them. 
 This, says Moore ("Notes", &c.) "was not a private individual 
 speculation; it was the enterprise of the authorities of the Col- 
 ony". But in one volume of the "American History Stories", 
 published by the "Educational Publishing Company" of Boston, 
 it is said that the Georgians introduced slavery into their Col- 
 ony because they "were not a God-fearing people as were the 
 Puritans and Quakers". And this book has found its way into. 
 Southern Schools ! 
 
 2. In 1641 Massachusetts adopted her "body of liberties" as a 
 written Constitution of Government, in which this provision 
 occurs : 
 
 "There shall never be any bond slavery, villanage, or captiv- 
 ity amongst us, unless it be lawful captives taken in just wars, 
 and such strangers as willingly sell themselves or are sold to us" 
 — many Indians "willingly" accepting slavery in preference to 
 death when permitted to choose. 
 
 3. In 1643 Massachusetts Bay, Plymouth, Connecticut and 
 New Haven formed a Confederation, mutually agreeing, among 
 other stipulations, to surrender fugitive slaves. 
 
 4. In 1676 the New Englanders exterminated the Indian 
 tribe which under Massasoit had befriended them for half a 
 century, killing six hundred men and one thousand women and 
 children in one battle, and selling the few survivors as slaves, 
 among these being the nine-year-old grandson of Massasoit. He 
 was shipped to Bermuda ; and this was done after Rev. Samuel 
 Arnold, of Marshfield, and Rev. John Cotton, of Plymouth, had 
 advised that he be "butchered". 
 
 5. In 1768, according to a British report (See Kettell), 6,700 
 negroes were shipped by Northern slavers from the west coast 
 of Africa ; and, if we adopt the Jamaica price, these traders 
 carried home more than one million of dollars. 
 
 6. In October, 1905, according to the New York Evening 
 Post, an insurance policy was shown to a gentleman in that 
 city, which was issued to a New England Company, "about 
 1860", on a cargo of slaves. 
 
 7. The slave trade was one of the most gainful employments 
 of New England ships up to 1861. In that year the Nightin- 
 gale, commanded by Erancis Bowen, of Boston, was captured 
 on the African coast, having on board 961 negroes, and was "ex- 
 
22 
 
 pecting more" ; and while she was being captured, nine- other 
 slavers escaped. — See Naval War Records, Vol. I. 
 
 8. In Jefferson's draft of the Declaration of Independence he 
 said of George III : "He has waged cruel war against human 
 nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty 
 in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, cap- 
 tivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere,, 
 or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. This 
 piratical warfare", &c. But when his paper was submitted to 
 the full Committee — the other members being John Adams of 
 Massachusetts, Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania, Roger 
 Sherman of Connecticut, and Robert R. Livingston of New 
 York — this denunciation of the slave-trade was stricken out, be- 
 cause, perhaps, it might be offensive to the people who were rep- 
 resented by Adams and Sherman. 
 
 9. In June, 1854, a notable debate took place in the Senate of 
 the United States between Senator A. P. Butler of South Caro- 
 lina and Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts, in which 
 the latter showed those qualities which led Senator Henry Wil- 
 son, as we are informed in H. G. Howard's '"'Civil War Echoes", 
 to say that "Sumner thought anything that did not originate in 
 his own brain or the Almighty's, was not worthy of considera- 
 tion". In this debate he arrogantly asserted that Massachusetts 
 "exterminated every vestige of slavery within her borders" in 
 1780 : and Moore says that this falsehood "has been persistently 
 asserted and repeated by all sorts of authorities, historical and 
 legal, up to that of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of 
 the Commonwealth". But in Felt's "Salem", quoted by Moore^. 
 there is the following letter written by a prominent Massachu- 
 setts merchant, whose name and residence are omitted : 
 
 " , Nov. 12, 1785. 
 
 "Capt. : 
 
 "Our brig of which you have the command, being cleared at 
 the office, and being in every other respect complete for sea ; our 
 orders are, that you embrace the first fair Avind and make the- 
 best of your way to the coast of Africa, and then invest your 
 cargo in slaves". 
 
 And even as late as 1793 a slave was sold at public auction in 
 Cambridge, Massachusetts. — See Watson vs. Cambridge, 15 
 Mass., 2S6-7. 
 
 10. In framing the first tariff bill the Committee proposed a 
 tax of six cents per gallon on molasses; but by methods which 
 Maclay represents as discreditable, the New Englanders, includ- 
 ing Vice-President Adams, succeeded in having it reduced to 
 two and one-half cents, molasses being the raw material for 
 their rum distilleries, rum being the chief article exchanged in 
 
23 
 
 Africa for slaves, and the slave-trade being one of the most lu- 
 crative employments of the New Englanders. 
 
 11. In 1795 the Duke de Larochefoucauld-Liancourt visited 
 the United States, and in his "Voyage dans les Etats-Unis" he 
 states that "nearly twenty vessels from the harbors of the North- 
 ern States" were then employed in importing negroes to Geor- 
 gia and the West Indies. 
 
 12. "While the first Congress (1789) was framing its tariff 
 bill, and "nearly twenty vessels from the harbors of the North- 
 ern States" were importing slaves to Georgia, Josiah Parker, a 
 Representative from Virginia, moved that the bill be amended 
 by imposing a tax of ten dollars on every slave imported; but 
 a vigorous opposition, led by Roger Sherman of Connecticut 
 prevented its adoption. 
 
 13. Slavery being unprofitable in Massachusetts, it was a 
 common practice to give away negro children "like puppy 
 dogs." 
 
 14. When the Committee in the Convention of 1787 reported 
 that Congress should not undertake to stop the slave-trade till 
 1800, Mr. Gorham, of Massachusetts, seconded a motion to sub- 
 stitute 1808, and the motion was supported unanimously by 
 the New Englanders. But in John Fiske's "Civil Government 
 in the United States", referring to this slave-trade agreement 
 (p. 255), he says: "There was some sectional opposition be- 
 tween North and South, and in Virginia there was a party in 
 favor of a separate Southern Confederacy. But South Carolina 
 and Georgia were won over by the concessions in the Constitu- 
 tion to slavery, and especially a provision that the importation 
 of slaves from Africa should not be prohibited until 1808". And 
 Mr. Fiske's sectional blindness re-appears in the "New Inter- 
 national Encyclopaedia", published by Dodd, Mead & Company, 
 which says:-"The bill abolishing the slave-trade (1807) renewed 
 sectional debate, and showed predominant anti-slavery sentiment 
 in the North". But when the bill passed in the House of Rep- 
 resentatives, only five members voted in the negative — one from 
 Vermont, one from New Hampshire, two from Virginia, and 
 one from South Carolina. 
 
 15. In President Lincoln's message of December 3, 1861, he 
 said : "The execution of the laws for the suppression of the Afri- 
 can slave trade has been confided to the Department of the In- 
 terior. * * * Five vessels being fitted out for the slave 
 trade have been seized and condemned. The mates of vessels 
 engaged in the trade and one person in equipping a vessel as a 
 slaver have been convicted and subjected to the penalty of fine 
 and imprisonment, and one captain, taken with a cargo of Afri- 
 cans on his vessel, has been convicted of the highest grade of ' 
 offense under the law, the punishment of which is death". 
 
24 
 
 16. Adopting the rate of increase of the colored population of 
 this country from 1880 to 1890 as the normal rate, per decade, 
 I find that after the courts of Massachusetts began to decide 
 that the children of slaves were free at their birth, the colored 
 population of that State, between 1800 and 1830, fell 2,386 be- 
 low what it should have been. What became of these unfor- 
 tunate beings, we may never know ; but possibly the legislature 
 of North Carolina had them in mind when, in 1786 it enacted 
 that any person who brought a slave into this State from a State 
 which had made provision for the liberation of its slaves, 
 "should enter into a bond with sufficient surety in the sum of 
 fifty pounds" for the removal of the slave back to the State 
 whence he brought him ; and ,that if he failed to comply with 
 the requirement of the bond, he should be liable to a fine of one 
 hundred pounds in addition to the fifty which he should forfeit. 
 And even as late as 1820, according to Potter, Taylor and Yan- 
 cey's "Laws of North Carolina", published in 1821, a tax of 
 ten dollars was imposed on each slave brought into North Caro- 
 lina from another State for sale. 
 
 17. In 1788 Massachusetts adopted a regulation that negroes 
 from other States, bond or free, could not settle in her borders 
 unless they carried with them certificates of citizenship, and 
 that a violater of the law should be flogged if he refused to 
 leave the State after being warned by a justice of the peace. 
 
 18. One of the first laws adopted by the State of Ohio, which 
 had been settled chiefly by New Englanders, was that no colored 
 person from another State should migrate to Ohio, and that if 
 any white man carried one to that State, he should give a $500 
 bond that the black man should not "come upon the town" to be 
 supported. 
 
 19. William Elsey Comielley, who was a strong friend of 
 John Brown, declares in "An Appeal to the Record" that the 
 famous "Emigrant Aid Company" which made war on South- 
 erners in Kansas, was organized "for speculative purposes" ; and 
 Rev. Dr. Edward Everett Hale, in his "Kansas and Nebraska", 
 which was published in 1854, represents the movement to ex- 
 elude Southerners from those Territories to be partly, if not 
 wholly, intended to convert them into "wealthy colonies" for 
 the benefit of the "factories" of Massachusetts. 
 
 20. While Garrison's little band were sending their abolition 
 petitions over the country and into the halls of Congress, Frank- 
 lin Pierce, a Representative in Congress from New Hampshire, 
 said in a speech delivered during the session which commenced 
 in December, 1835 : "I am unwilling that any imputation shall 
 rest upon the North, in consequence of the misguided and fanat- 
 ical zeal of a few — comparatively very few — who, however hon- 
 est may have been their purposes, have, I believe, done incalcul- 
 
25 
 
 able mischief, and whose movements, I know, receive no more 
 sanction at the North than they do at the South" ; and, as late 
 as January, 1850, Samuel S. Phelps, a Vermont Senator, referr- 
 ing in a speech to what he considered unreasonable complaints 
 on the part of Southerners, said : "As to what has been offens- 
 ively said at the North, this is a land of free speech ; and what 
 is to be done with people who believe themselves charged with 
 a mission, not only to amend the Constitution framed by the 
 wisdom of our fathers, but also to assist the Almighty in the 
 correction of sundry mistakes which they have discovered m 
 His works?" 
 
 21. In the inaugural address of Robert J. Walker, a Pennsyl- 
 vanian and an emancipationist, who had been appointed by 
 President Buchanan Governor of Kansas, he exposed the hypoc- 
 risy of the "free-soilers" by declaring that "in their so-called 
 Constitution, formed at Topeka, they deemed that entire race 
 (negroes) so inferior and degraded as to exclude them all for- 
 ever from Kansas, whether they be bond or free" — the provision 
 having been adopted by more than four-fifths of the votes. 
 
 22. In the Constitution of Indiana which was adopted in 
 1851, after the provision that "no negro or mulatto shall have 
 the right of suffrage", it is declared that "no negro or mulatto 
 shall come into, or settle in the State". And Indiana, be it re- 
 membered, was settled mainly by New Englanders. 
 
 23. Up to the time of the adoption of the 14th amendment no 
 colored person could vote in any Northern State east of the 
 Hudson river, nor in Connecticut ; and in the few other States 
 where he was not absolutely disfranchised, the right to vote was 
 practically nullified by the requirement of qualifications pos- 
 sessed by few colored persons. In Massachusetts, for exampffe, 
 the voter had to be able to read and write, and had to own a 
 free-hold estate "of the annual income of three pounds." 
 
 24. The first fugitive-slave law was a provision in that fa- 
 mous Ordinance for the government of the Northwest Territory, 
 for which Nathan Dane, of Massachusetts, has been lauded by 
 all the Northern historians and orators. 
 
 25. After Mrs. Stowe had looked over the South for a most 
 revolting brute to ornament her "Uncle Tom's Cabin", she se- 
 lected "Legree," a New Englander; and then delivered this lec- 
 ture: "If the mothers of the free States had all felt as they 
 should in times past, the sons of the free States would not have 
 been the holders, and, proverbially, the hardest masters of 
 slaves". 
 
 26. It is an appropriate conclusion of this subject to inform 
 the reader that while the landing of that Dutch slaver at James- 
 town has never failed to make its appearance in the works of 
 the Northern authors who have been for many generations 
 
26 
 
 teaching our people history and political science, that voyage of 
 the "Desire" and the Fugitive-slave law adopted by the New 
 England Confederation have never been mentioned in one of 
 them, not even Bancroft's elaborate "History of the United 
 
 .States". 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 New England Opposed to "Expanding" the Union. 
 
 1. In 1785, the year after Virginia ceded the Northwest Ter- 
 ritory to the United States, a committee of Congressmen, com- 
 posed of eight Northerners and four Southerners, reported an 
 ordinance for the sale of land in that Territory, one provision 
 being that each township should be wholly disposed of before 
 any land in another could be sold, thus virtually laying a plan 
 to prevent the settlement of the public lands, and a creation of 
 more States which might not sympathize with the commercial 
 section. But the vigorous and united opposition of Southern- 
 ers, Grayson and Monroe being among the leaders, assisted by 
 Northerners from non-commercial States, caused this provision 
 to be rejected. 
 
 2. In Maclay's account of the discussion of the first naturali- 
 zation bill, it appears that New Englanders opposed immigra- 
 tion for sectional reasons. He says : "The same illiberality as 
 was apparent on other occasions possessed the New England 
 men. Immigration is a source of population to us and they wish 
 to deprive us of it". 
 
 •3. Referring to the years following the purchase of the Louis- 
 iana Territory, Bancroft says : "An ineradicable dread of the 
 coming power of the Southwest lurked in New England, espec- 
 ially Massachusetts". 
 
 4. In Henry Cabot Lodge's Life of George Cabot, who had 
 been a Senator in Congress and was afterwards President of 
 the famous Hartford Convention, it is stated that after the 
 Louisiana purchase, Mr. Cabot, as well as other distinguished 
 New Englanders, expressed great dissatisfaction because of the 
 danger of the diminution of "the influence" of their States in 
 Federal legislation. 
 
 5. One of the demands of the Hartford Convention was that 
 the Constitution be so amended that "no State be admitted to 
 the Union except by a two-thirds vote of both houses of Con- 
 gress". 
 
 6. After the Louisiana purchase gave promise of more States 
 which would likely strengthen the South and convert "the 
 wealthy colonies" into independent States, New England be- 
 
27 
 
 came alarmed and raised a bitter cry against "the expansion of 
 slavery" — a cry which is now represented in all the books I 
 have examined to have been an opposition to slavery per se_ an 
 evidence of a "moral awakening" in the North, and a proof 
 that that section's "humanity" was far above the South's. In 
 volume VII, for example, of John Clark Ridpath's pretentious 
 "History of the World", referring to this "moral awakening", 
 he says : "The conscience of the nation" — the North being the 
 "nation" — "was roused, and the belief began to prevail that 
 slavery was wrong per se, and ought to be destroyed", the pre- 
 sumption being that some competent power had authorized the 
 "nation" to destroy it. But the books which Mr. Ridpath had 
 .studied were not written for the purpose of dealing fairly with 
 the South, as the reader will perceive if he will examine the 
 pages of Belford's "History of the United States", Benton's 
 "Thirty Years' View" and "Lippincott's "Gazetteer" (1857). 
 In these he will discover that, in a few years after [Ue admis- 
 sion of Missouri, attacks on abolitionists in the North com- 
 menced, which may be summed up briefly as follows : 
 
 (a). In 1834 "the anti-slavery agitation was creating mob 
 violence; leading abolitionists were brutally attacked, and their 
 dwellings, together with a number of churches, school-houses, 
 and negro homes in various parts of the country destroyed ; 
 Philadelphia had a three nights' riot in which the mob assaulted 
 nearly fifty houses inhabited by negroes" ; and Arthur and 
 Lewis Tappan, noted abolitionists in the city of New York, 
 were mobbed, the house of the latter and its contents being de- 
 stroyed. 
 
 (b). "Attacks on negroes and abolitionists in the Northern 
 States were of daily occurrence" in the later months of 1835, 
 such agitators as William Lloyd Garrison and George Thomp- 
 son (Englishmen) being mobbed in Boston. 
 
 (c). In this same year an angry mob broke up the school of 
 Prudence Crandall in Canterbury, Connecticut, because she ad- 
 mitted negro children as pupils ; and destroyed valuable prop- 
 erty. She was imprisoned in the town jail. 
 
 (d). In this same year George Thompson wrote to the 
 Leeds Mercury that "rewards were offered for his abduction 
 and assassination" ; that "New England had universally sympa- 
 thized with the South" ; that "in every direction he met with 
 those who believed they would be doing God and their country 
 service by depriving him of life" ; and Senator Isaac Hill, of 
 New Hampshire, stated that Thompson "had escaped from 
 Concord in the night, and in woman's clothes". 
 
 (e). In 1837 Rev. Elijah P. Lovejoy, publisher of an aboli- 
 tion newspaper in Alton, Illinois, was killed by a mob, and his 
 printing establishment destroyed. 
 
28 
 
 (f). In 1838 the Pennsylvania Hall, belonging to the aboli- 
 tionists of Philadelphia, was attacked by a mob and burned, the 
 Shelter for the Colored Orphans was fired, and the negro quar- 
 ters attacked. 
 
 (g). In 1838 John G. Whittier, now famous for his calumn- 
 ious "Barbara Frietchie" and "Astraea at the Capital", "faced 
 an enraged mob" in Philadelphia, which destroyed his printing 
 office where his abolition newspaper, the Pennsylvania Freeman,, 
 was published. 
 
 (h). In September, 1841, an angry mob in Cincinnati de- 
 stroyed several houses belonging to abolitionists. 
 
 (i). Far into the "fifties", as we are told in Alden's Mani- 
 fold Cyclopaedia, Wendell Phillips delivered his abolition ad- 
 dresses "in the face of threatened attacks of mobs" ; or, as Gen.. 
 Donn Piatt tells it, "he was ostracized in Boston and rotten- 
 egged in Cincinnati". 
 
 7. After the policy of sectional protection which was adopted 
 in 1824 was made more objectionable and offensive to "the old 
 plantation States" by the passage of the tariff act of 1828 — run- 
 ning, for examples, woolen blankets from 25 to 35 per cent., 
 Brussels and Turkey carpets from 50 to 70 cents per square 
 yard, ready-made clothing from 30 to 50 per cent., woolen socks 
 and stockings from 20 to 35 per cent., cotton bagging from 
 3% to 4!/2 cents per square yard, manufactures of wool from 
 30 to 40 per cent., and continuing black quart bottles for the 
 rum trade on the free list — the necessity of preventing any "ex- 
 pansion" of the Southern States led Senator Foot of Connecti- 
 cut the next year (1829) to introduce in the Senate a Resolution 
 of Inquiry which, in the judgment of Southern Senators, was 
 evidently intended to further plans to check the settlement of 
 the lands west of the Mississippi River. Mr. Hayne of South 
 Carolina was one of the leaders in exposing and criticizing the 
 purpose of the Northeastern States. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 How the North Respects Compacts. 
 
 1. On April 1, 1783, while the Congress of the Confederation 
 was planning, at the urgent request of Northerners, to have the 
 Articles of Confederation amended so as to substitute popula- 
 tion for land as a basis of taxation in each State, and Southern- 
 ers were objecting to New England's demand that all slaves 
 should be included in a State's "Federal population", Mr. Gor- 
 ham, of Massachusetts, gave as "a cogent reason for hastening 
 
29 
 
 that business, that the Eastern States, at the invitation of Mass- 
 achusetts, were, with New York, about to form a Convention for 
 regulating matters of common concern" — to violate the second 
 clause of the 6th of "The Articles of Confederation". 
 
 This threat induced the Southerners, who were anxious to 
 perpetuate the Union, to consent to include three-fifths of the 
 slaves in the Federal population. But when the Convention of 
 1787 was endeavoring to agree upon a just basis on which "rep- 
 resentatives and direct taxes" should be apportioned among the 
 States, New England strongly insisted that no slaves be in- 
 cluded in the Federal population. That is to say: It was just 
 to apportion the burdens of the members of the Confederation 
 according to their wealth-producing power; but it was unjust 
 to permit the Southern States to be represented in the law-mak- 
 ing body of the Union in proportion to their wealth-producing 
 power. And this old spirit of sectional injustice appears among 
 the demands of the Hartford Convention. 
 
 2. In 1787 the famous Ordinance for the government of the 
 Northwest Territory was adopted by eight States, and the 
 5,000,000 acres of land in Ohio were sold by the same States, al- 
 though the pledge to the land States in 1780 declared that the 
 lands should be granted or settled "under such regulations as 
 shall hereafter be agreed on by the United States in Congress 
 assembled, or nine or more of them". 
 
 3. When Georgia and North Carolina ceded the lands which 
 became Tennessee, Alabama and Mississippi, it was expressly 
 agreed between them and "the United States", that "no regula- 
 tions made or to be made shall tend to emancipate slaves" in the 
 -ceded territory. 
 
 4. When Virginia, North Carolina and Georgia made cessions 
 ■of their "waste lands," one of the conditions agreed to by all 
 parties was that these lands should be "considered as a common 
 fund for the use and benefit" of all the States, * * * "ac- 
 cording to their usual respective proportions in the general 
 charge and expenditure, and shall be faithfully and bona fide 
 disposed of for that purpose, and for no other use or purpose 
 whatsoever". But the reports of the General Land Office show 
 that this condition has been shamefully disregarded. 
 
 5. When the lands west of the Mississippi were purchased, 
 and the taxing system of the Federal government compelled I he 
 Southern people to contribute most of the purchase money, it 
 cannot be claimed that it was intended, or that it would be just, 
 to deny that these lands should be "considered as a common 
 fund for the use and benefit" of all the States. But, as Senator 
 Plumb, of Kansas, said in the United States Senate on Sep- 
 tember 25, 1888, these lands have been so disposed of as to "mul- 
 tiply, develop and strengthen the North", 
 
30 
 
 6. The Constitution says that Congress shall "provide for 
 calling forth the militia to * * * repel invasion" ; hut 
 when the British invaded the United States in 1812, and the 
 militia of the States was legally called for, Massachusetts and 
 Connecticut refused to obey the call. 
 
 7. In the winter of 1813-11, the Federal authorities having 
 learned that the British squadrons on the coast of New England 
 were being supplied with provisions by "small vessels and boats", 
 Congress passed an act to stop this giving "aid and comfort" 
 to the enemy ; but the threats of Xew Englanders to disrupt the 
 Union frightened the Congress, and this act was repealed four 
 days before it adjourned. 
 
 8. The Constitution of the United States, as it stood un- 
 amended up to 1798 declared that the "judicial power" should 
 extend to controversies "between a State and citizens of another 
 State" ; but when Massachusetts was sued by a citizen of an- 
 other State in 1793, Governor John Hancock refused to obey 
 the order of the Supreme Court, and the suit was thrown out 
 of Court. 
 
 9. The Constitution declares that "no State shall, without the 
 consent of Congress, * * * enter into any agreement or 
 compact with another State" ; but in 1814 the Massachusetts 
 legislature invited the other New England States to unite with 
 her in holding the "Hartford Convention", the object being, as 
 was generally understood, to threaten secession and co-eree the 
 Madison administration to put a stop to the war, although, as 
 the Statesman's Manual declares, "the war may be said to have 
 been a measure of the South and West to take care of the inter- 
 ests of the North". 
 
 10. When the Constitution of the United States was adopted, 
 it contained Nathan Dane's fugitive-slave law; but within a few 
 years after 1850 this law was nullified bv thirteen Northern 
 States whose law-makers were under a solemn oath to support 
 it, and who had been for twenty years denouncing South Caro- 
 lina for nullifying an act of Congress. And here I deem it im- 
 portant and instructive to repeat what was said about this nulli- 
 fication by two distina'uished statesmen : 
 
 (a). In January, 1850. Senator Jere Clemens, of Alabama, 
 commenting in a speech on the conduct of the milliners, said : 
 "To us in Alabama this law has no necuniarv value. But there 
 are other lights in which we view it. If a plain provision of 
 the Constitution can be nullified at will, we have no security 
 that other provisions may not meet a similar fate, bringing a 
 state of things, compared with which revolution, with all its 
 admitted horrors would be trifling indeed. Convince me that 
 this law cannot be executed, and you convince me that this gov- 
 ernment is and ought to be at an end" ; and 
 
31 
 
 (b). In June, 1851, Daniel Webster, whose debates with- 
 Messrs. Hayne and Calhoun are represented by about all jSTorth- 
 ern writers to have demonstrated that the Federal government 
 was created by "the People", and not by the States, and that 
 consequently the States bear about the same relation to it as a 
 County does to its State, delivered an address at Capon Springs, 
 Virginia, in which he said : "How absurd it is to suppose that, 
 when different parties enter into a compact for certain pur- 
 poses, either can disregard any one provision and expect, never- 
 theless, the other to observe the rest. * * * A bargain can- 
 not be broken on one side, and still bind the other side". 
 
 11. The Constitution declares that "if a person charged in 
 any State with treason, felony or other crime" flees to another 
 State, the latter shall, on demand of the Governor of the injured 
 State, surrender him ; but when two of the criminals who served 
 under John Brown when he invaded Virginia, fled, one to Ohio 
 and the other to Iowa, the Governors of those States refused to 
 comply with the demand of the Governor of Virginia for their 
 surrender. 
 
 12. When the "more perfect Union" was formed, each State 
 retained what Mr. Jefferson called "interior government", and 
 it is beyond question that the new Constitution would have 
 been unanimously rejected if it had been expected that the Fed- 
 eral government would ever assume to interfere in matters 
 purely local, but "the Xorth" forced the 14th amendment into 
 the Constitution by destroying some of the States and erecting 
 in them governments which did not represent the hereditary 
 citizens ; and this amendment subjects the States to the offensive 
 supervision of judges who have for forty years been chosen bv 
 "the North". 
 
 13. The Constitution declares that "no new State shall be 
 formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State" : 
 but in 1863 thirty-nine of Virginia's counties were cut off by 
 "the Xorth" and erected into West Virginia. 
 
 14. When Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania, Zachariah 
 -Chandler of Michigan, Benjamin F. Wade of Ohio, and other 
 leaders of the Republican party were balked in their scheme to 
 degrade and insult the Southern people by inserting into the 
 Constitution their 14th Amendment, because no Southern State 
 would consent to its own degradation, and only twenty-one of 
 the other States were willing to assist in the disgraceful move- 
 ment, these statesmen passed their "reconstruction measures", 
 destroyed the Southern States, and erected in the borders of each 
 what "was known as a "carpet-bag" government, in violation of 
 the fundamental principles for which our forefathers contended 
 in the Revolutionary War, in violation of well known provisions 
 of the Compact of Union between the States, and in violation 
 
32 
 
 of their official oaths. Thousands of hereditary voters were 
 disfranchised, the "carpet-bagger" who was not a citizen was 
 given supervision of the election for members of a so-called Con- 
 stitutional Convention in each province, and a ballot was placed 
 in the hand of every colored man (although no such persons 
 could vote in Pennsylvania, Ohio or Michigan). Of the charac- 
 ter of these "carpet-bag" governments the reader may get a 
 glimpse in the following statement made by Charles Nordhoff 
 (a Prussian), who in those days was a trusted correspondent of 
 the New York Herald : 
 
 "When in New Orleans last Wednesday (April, 1875) I for 
 the first time saw negro legislators I was unpleasantly startled — 
 not because they were black, but because they were transpar- 
 ently ignorant and unfit * * * openly plundering the 
 State, bribed by rascally whites, and not merely enjoying, but 
 under the lead of white adventurers" — "carpet-baggers" — 
 "shamefully abusing place and power." 
 
 15. An appropriate postscript to this exposition of sectional 
 infidelity and injustice is the fact that, with very few excep- 
 tions, the most conspicuous and the most bitter advocates of the 
 confiscation of the property of the Southern people and of the 
 enactment of the outrageous "Reconstruction Measures" were 
 natives of New England, as Charles Sumner, Thaddeus Stevens, 
 Zach. Chandler, Jacob M. Howard, Benjamin P. Wade, Henry 
 Wilson, George F. Edmunds, Charles A. Dana, Henry Ward 
 Beecher, George S. Boutwell, James G. Blaine, Salmon P. 
 Chase, and Hannibal Hamlin ; and that two others, namely, 
 John Sherman and Edwin M. Stanton, were of Puritan descent, 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Why Was the Confederacy Invaded. 
 
 1. In 1856 the Republican party adopted its first platiorm, 
 and nominated its first candidate (Fremont) for President; 
 and in its platform, after a bitter cry against the "expansion of 
 slavery", it said : 
 
 "Resolved, That * * * the Federal Constitution, the 
 rights of the States and the Union of the States shall be pre- 
 served". 
 
 2. In 1860 this party adopted its second platform, and nomi- 
 nated its second candidate (Lincoln) for President; and in its 
 platform, besides continuing the cry against the "expansion of 
 slavery", it said : 
 
 "Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of 
 the States, and especially the right of each State to order and 
 
33 
 
 control its own domestic institutions according to its own judg- 
 ment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which 
 the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends; 
 and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force" — John 
 Brown ? — "of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under 
 what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes". 
 
 3. In President Lincoln's first inaugural address, he said : 
 
 "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with 
 slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful 
 right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so". 
 
 4. A few davs after the battle of Manassas (July, 1861), with 
 "a close approach to unanimity", as Bancroft tells us, the Urit- 
 tenden Resolution was adopted in both houses of Congress, de- 
 claring that the war was "not for conquest or for interfering 
 with the domestic institutions of the States". 
 
 5. In Rice's "Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln", Donn 
 Piatt, of Ohio, who was a General in the Northern #rniy, ap- 
 pears as a contributor. Among the interesting statements made 
 by him are the folio wing : "He (Lincoln) knew and saAv clearly 
 that the people of the free States had, not only, no sympathy 
 with the abolition of slavery, but held fanatics, as Abolitionists 
 were called, in utter abhorrence. * * * The unrequited 
 toil of the slave was more valuable to the North than to the 
 South. * * * They (slave-holders) made, without saving, 
 all that we accumulated. * * * I remember when the 
 Hutchinsons were driven from the camps of the Potomac 
 (McClellan's) army for singing their abolition songs, and I re- 
 member well that for two years nearly of our service as soldiers 
 we were engaged in returning slaves to their masters, when the 
 poor creatures sought shelter in our lines". 
 
 6. One of the contributors to Rice's "Reminiscences", &c, was 
 George W. Julian, the "Free Soil" candidate for Vice-Presi- 
 dent in 1852, an Indiana Congressman from 1860 to 1870, and 
 an advocate of confiscating all the property of "rebels'*. Dis- 
 cussing the issuance of Lincoln's "emancipation proclamation", 
 he says : 
 
 "Few subjects have been more debated and less understood 
 than the Proclamation of Emancipation. Mr. Lincoln was him- 
 self opposed to the measure". 
 
 7. The sole object of the invasion and subjugation of the Con- 
 federate States must, therefore, have been to drive them back 
 into the Union and keep them as "wealthy colonies" ; and the 
 time may not be far off when just men will wonder what sort 
 of a moral code it was which held that all generations of South- 
 erners were bound to labor for the "prosperity" of the North 
 because their Revolutionary ancestors carried their States into 
 a partnership with the Northern States. 
 
34 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Historic Injustice — Southern Sentiment About Emanci- 
 pation. 
 
 1. On February 24, 1824, Thomas Jefferson addressed a let- 
 ter to Jared Sparks, a New Englander, who then edited tht* 
 North American Review, urging his plans for emancipating the 
 slaves and deporting them to Sierra Leone ; and on January 25, 
 1832, the Virginia House of Delegates passed a resolution de- 
 claring it "expedient to adopt some legislative enactment for the 
 abolition of slavery". 
 
 2. During the session of Congress which began on the first 
 Monday of December, 1829, Senator Thomas H. Benton, of Mis- 
 souri, while the Foot resolution was being discussed, said : "I 
 can truly say that slavery, in the abstract, has but few advo- 
 cates or defenders in the slave-holding States, and that slavery 
 as it is, »n hereditary institution, descended upon us from our 
 ancestors, would have fewer advocates among us than it has, if 
 those who have nothing to do with the subject would only let us 
 alone. The sentiment in favor of slavery was much weaker 
 before those intermeddlers began their operations than it is at 
 present". 
 
 3. On June 20, 1832, William Gaston, delivering the Literary 
 Address before the students of the University of North Carolina, 
 urged the importance of devising a plan of liberating the slaves. 
 He said : "On you, too, will devolve the duty which has been too 
 long neglected, but which cannot with impunity be neglected 
 much longer, of providing for the mitigation, and (is it too 
 much to hope for North Carolina?) for the ultimate extirpation 
 of the worst evil that afflicts the Southern part of our Confed- 
 eracy. * * * How tins evil is to be encountered, how sub- 
 dued, is indeed a difficult and delicate inquiry, which this is not 
 the time to examine, nor the occasion to discuss. I felt, how- 
 ever, that I could not discharge my duty without referring to 
 this subject", &c. 
 
 4. In Henry Howe's "Historical Collections of Virginia", 
 which was published in 1845, he says that the movement for the 
 abolition of slavery in Virginia was checked by the machina- 
 tions of certain Northern reformers who claimed a sort of Di- 
 vine appointment to supervise the South. Referring to these 
 overseers of the Southern people, he says : "There were obvious 
 causes in operation which paralyzed the friends of abolition, and 
 have had the effect of silencing all agitation on the subject" ; 
 and confirming the opinion of Mr. Howe, President Jackson, 
 in his annual message of December 2, 1835, referring to the 
 mischievous labors of Northern abolitionists, said : "I must also 
 
35 
 
 invite your attention to the painful excitement produced in the 
 South, by attempts to circulate, through the mails, inflamma- 
 tory appeals addressed to the passions of the slaves, in prints, 
 and in various sorts of publications, calculated to stimulate them 
 to insurrection, and to produce all the horrors of a servile war." 
 
 NORTHERN BLINDNESS. 
 
 1. In his "Old Virginia and Her Neighbors", John Fiske 
 (appointed instructor in history in Harvard 1870; appointed 
 lecturer on American history in Washington University, St. 
 Louis, Missouri, 1881 ; appointed Professor of that branch in 
 that institution 1884; was a lecturer on that subject in Univer- 
 sity College, London, 1879, and in the Royal Institution of 
 Great Britain in 1880) says on page 181 that "after the final 
 suppression of the slave trade in 1808 and the consequent in- 
 creased demand for Virginia-bred slaves, the thought of emanci- 
 pation vanished from the memory of man". 
 
 2. On the night of March 3, 1801, John Adams, the retiring 
 President, left the Federal Capital so as to avoid sharing in the 
 ceremonies attending the inauguration of Thomas Jefferson, thus 
 exhibiting a sectional antipathy which has either been kept out 
 of the works of standard Northern authors or has been misrep- 
 resented, as can be seen in Alden's Manifold Cyclopaedia and in 
 the Encyclopaedia Brittanica (with "American Revisions and 
 Additions"). In the sketch of the life of John Adams in each 
 of these works, the contest between the friends of these two can- 
 didates in 1800 is represented to have been a struggle between 
 "freedom" and "slavery". Alden says : "The slave power was 
 also beginning to be a factor in domestic politics, under the 
 leadership, of Jefferson, and so, on the election of his rival 
 to the Presidential chair, Adams vacated the office without even 
 waiting to see his successor take his seat". 
 
 But this same Cyclopaedia says that in 1804 Massachusetts 
 cast her nineteen electoral votes for Mr. Jefferson ! 
 
 3. On February 13, 1860, the New York Tribune spread this 
 falsehood all over the North : 
 
 "We were apprised by the official returns of 1850, that the 
 lands of the South were held by a small number of proprietors, 
 and the residue of white citizens were without property, and 
 therefore were in serfdom. * * * The white population of 
 the South, other than the great land proprietors, have no inter- 
 est in the soil", &c. And as late as 1888 George W. Julian, one 
 of the "reconstruction" statesmen who has been already referred 
 to, said in Rice's "Reminiscences", &c. : "The nation was strug- 
 
36 ' 
 
 gling for its life against a rebellious aristocracy founded on the- 
 monopoly of land and the ownership of slaves" — the "North" 
 being "the nation". 
 
 But the census of 1850 shows that in Virginia, ISTorth Caro- 
 lina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi there 
 were 291,626 landholders, of whom 91,797 owned no slaves. And 
 this census shows that, counting five white persons to a family, 
 50 per cent, of the families in these six Southern States owned 
 no farms, and that the farmless families in Ohio were 63 per 
 cent, of the total. Possibly the Tribune and Mr. Julian, if 
 they had desired to know the truth, may have discovered that 
 thousands of lawyers, doctors, teachers, merchants, preachers,, 
 railroad and steamboat employees, and persons engaged in other 
 business occupations had no use for farms or slaves. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 An Unavoidable Sequence. 
 
 Searching among the most trustworthy records of the social 
 and political institutions of ancient and niadiasval nations for 
 the causes which led to periods of exceptional moral degrada- 
 tion, I have been convinced by Gibbon, Milman, Hallam and 
 others that every such period has followed and resulted from a 
 repudiation of the popular Divinities by the honored leaders of 
 the people and the consequent weakening of the binding power 
 of their hereditary moral code. This repudiation often, if not 
 invariably, resulted from hostile conflicts between nations or 
 tribes which had inherited different religious systems and wor- 
 shipped different gods ; and in many cases there resulted an in- 
 fidelity in both combatants. The struggle to introduce Chris- 
 tianity into the Roman empire, with its provinces and dependen- 
 cies worshipping all sorts of gods, from a stone up to Jupiter, 
 furnishes many illustrations of this truth ; appalling pictures of 
 depravity throughout the Byzantine empire, in France, in Asia 
 Minor, and in some of the famous cities, during three or four 
 centuries following the decree adopting Christianity, render al- 
 most every page of their history revolting to this enlightened 
 
 age- 
 Coming nearer to our own time, we find the evidence fur- 
 nished by the records of the early religious struggles corrob- 
 orated by the results of the contest between the Puritans and 
 their opponents ; and it seems to be beyond cavil that whenever 
 the trusted leaders of the people, whether social, civil, political 
 or religious, cease to respect the moral code of their fathers and 
 mothers and surrender themselves to the control of vindictive, 
 
37 
 
 selfish or mere animal sentiments, a gradual decay of civic vir- 
 tue sets in, and no class of the people can escape the infection 
 •of the prevailing vice. 
 
 Convinced that we have now a key to the solution of the prob- 
 lem presented by the political and social corruption which has 
 been for a generation saddening the hearts of all the wise and 
 noble men and women who have firmly held on to the ideals of 
 their mothers and fathers ; and searching among the records of 
 our recent past for the foundation stone on which present con- 
 ditions rest, I found it in 1861, when the Republican party came 
 into power and rejected the moral code on which stood an en- 
 viable civic righteousness, and substituted for it a new law which 
 may be detected in the acts and the assertions of honored leaders 
 of that party, of which the three following will be enough for 
 our purpose : 
 
 1. On October 4, 1900, Hon. Elihu Root, Secretary of War, 
 delivered a speech at Canton, Ohio, in which he said: 
 
 "Nothing can be more mischievous than a principle misap- 
 plied. The doctrine that government derives its just powers 
 from the consent of the governed was applicable to the condi- 
 tions for which Jefferson wrote it and to the people to whom 
 he applied it. * * * Lincoln did not apply it to the South, 
 and the great struggle of the Civil War was a solemn assertion 
 by the American people" — that is, the people of the Northern 
 States — "that there are other principles of law and liberty which 
 limit the application of the doctrine of consent. Government 
 does not depend upon consent." 
 
 2. On Julv 6, 1861, two days after Congress met in extra ses- 
 sion, Senator Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, introduced a 
 resolution to approve as constitutional certain acts of President 
 Lincoln which the whole body of Senators knew to be unconsti- 
 tutional, and some of which are mentioned and admitted to be 
 "without authority of law" in President Lincoln's message of 
 May 26, 1862, as the drawing of money out. of the Federal treas- 
 ury, the increasing of the military force, the purchasing of ves- 
 sels for naval purposes, the blockading of the ports of the South- 
 ern States, and the suspending of the writ of habeas corpus 
 wherever he pleased — a resolution which was never permitted 
 to come to a vote. And — 
 
 3. In the summer of 1863, President Lincoln and his followers 
 in Congress cut off thirty-nine Virginia counties and admitted 
 them into partnership with the other States as West Virginia. 
 This was in violation of an express provision of that Constitu- 
 tion which all these statesmen had solemnly sworn to support ; 
 and if anything like this had been done in private life, the per- 
 petrators would have been rewarded by a sojourn in some peni- 
 tentiary. 
 
38 
 
 Thus we have it acknowledged by the highest authority that 
 the Republican party entered upon that career which seems to> 
 challenge formidable opposition in the Northern States, under 
 the leadership of a man who rejected the only claim of our Revo- 
 lutionary sires which the civilized world has admitted to have 
 been a valid excuse for overthrowing British rule in the thir- 
 teen States, and thus re-established, so far as he could, the 
 Mediaeval rule for the guidance of strong communities when 
 dealing with weak ones ; who repudiated the binding force of an 
 official oath, and thus destroyed the sanctity of a solemn appeal 
 to the Almigthy, and the safeguards against perjury in courts 
 of justice ; and who taught his followers that in our dealings 
 with our fellow men we have no guide above expediency. 
 
 Such was the man who is held up before our children to-day 
 as "greater than Washington" and the equal of any of the fa- 
 mous statesmen and patriots who laid the foundations of the 
 civilization of our fathers and mothers. ISTow let us look over 
 the ground and see some of the results of this new code of 
 morals — this obliteration of the boundary between right and. 
 wrong, and acceptance of the doctrine that might makes right : 
 
 1. After fighting four years to "save the Union and the Con- 
 stitution," the Republican party set aside the Constitution and 
 destroyed the Southern States by passing the "Reconstruction 
 Measures." In other words, the leaders of that party com- 
 mitted what every one of them knew to be perjury. 
 
 2. Soon after the war John C. Fremont, the Republican 
 party's first candidate for the Presidency, in partnership with, 
 other distinguished leaders of that party, undertook the building 
 of a railroad from the Mississippi to the Pacific ocean. While 
 engaged in raising the necessary funds, Fremont, his brother-in- 
 law and his secretary, went to France, "flooded the small mon- 
 eyed classes in Paris with circulars, pamphlets and maps, out- 
 rageously distorting the physical geography of the United States 
 to serve their purposes and setting forth grossly untruthful 
 statements, and received thousands of dollars for bonds utterly 
 worthless.''" Prosecutions in the French courts led to the con- 
 viction of all three as swindlers, and orders for their imprison- 
 ment ; but Fremont and his secretary sneaked out of France in 
 the darkness of night. In 1878, however, three years after this 
 conviction, this criminal was appointed governor of Arizona by 
 Rutherford B. Hayes, another representative of the new moral 
 code. 
 
 3. After Fremont's swindling operations had been fully ex- 
 plained to Congress by reports from Elihu B. Washburn, United 
 States minister at Paris, James G. Blaine, Speaker of the House 
 of Representatives, called late at night on the chairman of the 
 Senate Committee on Pacific Railroads, and "plead and urged'" 
 
39 
 
 that lie withdraw his objections to the passage of a bill to "aid 
 Gen. Fremont and others in the construction" of the before-men- 
 tioned railroad — and to do so "in the interest of the Republican 
 party." 
 
 4. In 1872, while Congress was considering measures to make 
 donations to the company which was engaged in building the 
 Pacific Railway, it was "publicly charged that the Vice-Presi- 
 dent Schuyler Colfax), the Vice-President-elect (Henry Wil- 
 son), the Secretary of the Treasury (Lott M. Morrill), the 
 Speaker of the House (J. G. Blaine), and several United States 
 Senators and Representatives had accepted presents of stock ten- 
 dered to influence them in favor of the railroad company. A 
 committee of investigation was appointed by the House in De- 
 cember, and in the following February it recommended the ex- 
 pulsion of Oakes Ames, of Massachusetts, and James Brooks, of 
 New York." As to other criminals the committee did not push 
 the investigation, and when asked the reason, one of them re- 
 plied that "the scent was getting too hot." • 
 
 Lack of space will not permit me to give even a partial list of 
 the noted crimes of the Republican party, or to go into particu- 
 lars to prove that the manners and customs of large portions 
 of the country have descended to the level established by that 
 party's new moral code; and hence I close this branch of the 
 subject by quoting what has been said by four gentlemen whose 
 testimony will not be questioned anywhere in this country : 
 
 1. In the summer of 1876, while William W. Belknap, the 
 Secretary of War, was on trial for corrupt practices — and 36 
 out of 61' senators voted to convict him, Representative G. F. 
 Hoar, of Massachusetts, said : "I have seen in that State which 
 is foremost in power and wealth, four judges of her courts im- 
 peached for corruption, and the political administration of her 
 chief city become a disgrace and a by-word throughout the 
 world. I have seen the chairman of the Committee on Military 
 Affairs * * • * rise in his place and demand the expulsion 
 of four of his associates for making sale of their official privi- 
 lege of selecting the youths to be educated at our great military 
 school," etc. 
 
 2. Six years ago the Rev. Morgan Dix delivered the Thanks- 
 giving sermon in Trinity church, ISTew York, saying, among 
 other things: "Class legislation; the insolence of wealth and the 
 angry discontent of the poor; the growth of luxuries, riotous 
 living; the misuse of money, and its reckless squandering on 
 pleasure and pride; education without religion, the steady 
 breaking up of homes by divorce, and adulterous remarriages ; 
 the appearance of vast systems of religious imposture, and their 
 success in making converts ; the spirit of gambling in every place 
 where it can be practiced; the cold-blooded assaults on private 
 property by those who attack corporations and drag them down 
 
-to 
 
 to bankruptcy for their own advantage, in order to enrich them- 
 selves by the losses which their acts bring about ; * ■ * * 
 the steady decline of womanhood," etc. 
 
 3. In March, 1900, the Springfield (Mass.) Republican, re- 
 ferring to the greed of the privileged ship-builders in this coun- 
 try, said: 
 
 "Some of the ship-owners have been making a very handsome 
 thing out of the government's imperial transport service. It 
 appears from a statement submitted to Congress last week by 
 Secretary Root that the government has paid in two years for 
 the mere use of some of the transports sums greater than their 
 assessed valuation. Thus the owners of the transport Senator, 
 valued at $400,000, have received within two years $534,375 
 for the use of the vessel between San Francisco and Manila. 
 This was net profit ; for the government has met the expense of 
 refitting the ship and the expense of operating it. Three other 
 transports owned by Pacific coast companies have also been no- 
 ticeably profitable to the owners — the government having al- 
 ready paid, above their assessed valuation, $128,770. A certain 
 Unhed States Senator is said to be heavily interested in one of 
 the companies." 
 
 4. And three years ago President Scburman, of Cornell Uni- 
 versity, delivered an address in which he said : "It is a genera- 
 tion which has no fear of God before its eyes ; it fears no hell ; 
 it fears nothing but the criminal court, the penitentiary and the 
 scaffold. 
 
 "To 'get there' and not get caught is its only Golden Rule. 
 To 'get rich quick' the financiers of this age will rob the widow 
 and the orphans, grind the faces of the poor, speculate in trust 
 funds, and purchase immunity by using other people's money to 
 bribe legislators, judges and magistrates." 
 
 The revolting picture here presented, let it be remembered, is 
 of conditions in the Northern States, where the nw standard of 
 right was adopted forty-eight years ago, and it. is difficult for 
 Southerners who have fought manfully against the introduction 
 of the new divinities into the "Solid South," to realize the 
 shameful depravity here revealed ; and it must seem to well-in- 
 formed people one of the wonders of the age that any Southern 
 man who feels a glow of pride in the sturdy virtues of his 
 people, is willing to submit quietly to the invasion of his State 
 by the destructive influences here disclosed. 
 
 Note. — What is said of Messrs. Fremont and Blaine was 
 found in "Civil War Echoes : Character Sketches and State Se- 
 crets", a work written by Hamilton Gay Howard, a son' of the 
 author of the thirteenth amendment, and a kinsman of Presi- 
 dent Taft. 
 
Photomount 
 
 Pamphlet 
 
 Binder 
 
 Gaylord Bros., Inc. 
 
 Makers 
 Syracuse, N. Y. 
 
 PAT. JAN 21, 1908 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF N.C. AT CHAPEL HILL 
 
 00032721537 
 
 FOR USE ONLY IN 
 THE NORTH CAROLINA COLLECTION